The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-10 00:00:00

i 4 ;Bi l k a TEE PUBLIO JOURNALS. It may be,too much, perhaps, to expect ; but the Times is convinced that it would be well for Austria if she con cerned herself as little with the internal arrangements of Germany as she does with those of Italy. It is only by altogether abstracting herself from Western politics that Austria can fulfil her true mission. It was not without good reason that for so long a period in modern history the leading State in Germany bore the name of " Oester reich," or the Eastern Empire. The main interest attached to the introductory statement in the " Red-book" just published naturally centres upon the Eastern question, for it is in that quarter that Austria's influence can be most beneficially exerted. The great object pursued by Austria in her Eastern relations has been, we are told, the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire, consistently with all possible improve ments in the condition of the Christian subjects of Turkey. As a Conservative State and as a near neighbour, Austria is directly concerned in the fate of Turkey,while, besides the ties of religion which she shares with all the other European States, she has her sympathies enlisted in behalf of those Christian subjects of the Porte who are connected by consanguinity with her own people on the frontier. With the result of the Cretan insurrection, and with any complication arising between the Porte and the kingdom of Greece„ Austria has no greater interest than her Western allies, and her anxiety has invariably been so to frame her policy as to ensure the co-oVeration both of France and England. But it is far otherwise on the Danube, where Austria's interests are identical with those of Turkey. Left to himself, as Austria is well aware, the Turk is as competent to hold his own against internal enemies as any other independent potentate ; and by the " Eastern question" nothing else is meant than the danger of a disruption of Turkey, not so much by the vio lence as by the intrigues of her ambitious neighbours. Against foreign attacks, no less than against foreign in trigues, the natural protector of Turkey is Austria. Indeed, Panslavism is as formidable an enemy to the Kaiser as to the Sultan. The best hops of safety for Turkey lies in the antagonism between the Teutonic and the Sclavonic elements on the Danube. It is as a vanguard of all Germany that Austria can aspire to guide the des tinies of the East. Freely, yet indissolubly, associated with Hungary, Austria cannot fail to establish an undis puted ascendancy over those half-civilised races on her frontier which constitute a far greater danger to Turkey than any by which she may be threatened in her maritime possessions. Already, as we learn from the " Red-book," it has been in the power of the Vienna Government to put a check on the movements of Servia and Montenegro, and to establish friendly relations with Wallachia and Moldavia. Her influence will soon, as it seems, have the best opportunity to exert itself to the same effect during the troubles which are almost daily expected in those same localities. To keep order among Servians and Rouraans would be no very arduous task for the combined forces of Austria and Turkey, if there were no other foes in the field. It is against the Northern ally of those turbulent races that Austria is in need of auxiliaries, and it is chiefly among her old German con federates that she must look for them. If Austria will really follow a policy of her own, free from exclusive deference to France and from jealousy of Prussia, she will be able to take up such a position in the East as will exorcise the most beneficial influence on the interests of European peace. The Post is by no means sanguine with regard to the Abyssinian expedition. Our contemporary does not desire to re-open the question of policy ; but when it calls to mind that the justification offered by the Government for the precipitation with which they acted, and fur having gone so far without the sanction of Parliament as to rendtx it impossible for the House of Commons, however averse it might be from paying the cost of a war in Abyssinia, to refuse the necessary supplies, the question may be fairly asked how far that justification has been vindicated by facts. We were told that if the Government had not acted with promptitude there would have been no proba bility of concluding the war before the month of April next—a period at which it was agreed upon all hands the climate of Abyssinia would necessitate a suspension of hostilities. In a word, the Ministry saw a chance of over powering the Emperor Theodore by a coup de main ; and, however desirous they might have been of ascertaining the wishes of Parliament, they could not, without exposing themselves to just censure, allow the golden opportunity to slip. And accordingly war was resolved upon, a com rnander-in-chief of the expeditionary force appointed, transports chartered, contracts for the supply of - a large commissariat concluded, baggage animals, from elephants down to mules, bought up in considerable numbers, and even a staff of officers sent to reconnoitre the approaches to the country which we were about to invade. Every thing tq effect the success of the intended coup de main was done ; but somehow or another, everything leads us to be lieve that after all it will be nothing more than a coup de force. , 4 The Herald has a word to say about the defective ' organisation in some departments of the Abyssinian expe dition. This has nowhere been more visible than in the transport service, on which the success of the expedition depended. Special correspondents have told us bow ani mals-have been allowed to die of hunger and thirst, how the transport train itself is composed of officers at discord among themselves, and how they have not provided veteri nary or other surgeons for either men or beasts. It was slot in the expectation of such grave defects of organisation as these that the country consented so willingly to the long delay and the heavy cost entailed by the slow advance of so large a force, instead of urging the rapid advance of a flying column to-do or die in the attempt. But we have not called attention to these lamentable shortcomings in the transport department of the army merely to find fault with what there is to blame in this particular instance. Our object is to show the absolute necessity for prepara tion, if success is,ever to be obtained at a reasonable cost; not the preparation which begins when the troops ought already to be moving, but that which keeps every part of an army always ready to move. Can there be a more melancholy contrast than the months of delay, with their subsequent result, in shipping this small force to Abys sinia, and the hasty shipment the other day of the French force for Rome ? We spend a huge annual income on our army at home and abroad, but, shortsighted in our policy, we stop short of making our army mobile ; and doing this we spoil all. Soldiers with weapons in their hands, but without proper transport organisation, are like a trunk and arms without legs. The Abyssinian campaign will not be an unmixed evil if it enforces this lesson at any cost. We are certainly, the Daily News tells us, in a worse position than we were a year ago. Leaving out the ques• tion of the Abyssinian war and the Fenian troubles, the worst feature to be noted is the discredit that has fallen upon the railway interest, causing in more than one instance the practical insolvency of some of the larger companies. It is no light matter for a parent, guardian, or trustee to face the new year when deprived of his income for an indefinite period. It is plausible enough t say that, whatever inconvenience he may feel, the nation in general has not been the loser, since the money that has been extravagantly spent still remains in the kingdom. Unproductive expenditure, however, on a railway, whether in ordinary stock, preference shares, or deben. tures, is actually as great a waste of labour, time, and material as if the whole money had been cast into the sea. What concerns us most, however, is that the purchasing power of the nation at large is diminished. Business is slack, which means that earnings are falling off ; property hitherto considered worth £lOO or £l2O has fallen to £45 or £6O. Foreign commerce, also, is very dull ; and the only consolation the News has to offer is that the question is merely one of time and endurance. The hope the Standard expressed a few days ago that the French Government would persevere with the new Press Bill has been fulfilled. The Emperor has not been diverted from his liberal purpose by the hostile reception given to the measure by the Opposition, nor by the strongly -expressed fears and dislikes of the majority. He had plenty of excuses for withdrawing the bill, and must have been sorely tempted to avail himself of them. The men to whose demands it might be 'Considered a con cession, instead of acknowledging, the advance made by the Emperor, and aiding him to convert the bill into a law, seized the opportunity of its disensgion to make the bitterest attacks upon the Emperor which have yet been heard in the Palais Bourbon. They a d m i tte d gru d g i ng l y that the abandonment of the arbitrary power of life and death over the press was a benefit ; but, because the bill did not go as far as they wished, because it did not esta blish a license which, when they were themselves in power, they energetically resisted, they condemned it with unsparing severity. The Emperor, • however, being most deeply interested, has confidence in the loyalty of his subjects, and he extends their liberties, sure that they w ill not be employed against him. That is sufficient reason to accept the bill as a safe concession, whilst till opposition of the majority proves that it is a large one. The firm nessf tile Emptror has secured to France the new liber ties, o of which tine styled e self -champions of liberty had nearly baulked her. To-day :Lakes England, in the opinion of the Telegrapn, once again in the history of mankind really and truly " Queen of the Seas." how long that proud title may belong to us nobody can possilily tell in these times of in cessant rivalry between guns and plates; but when the Hercules has been floated put from the dock there is little doubt that the strongestad most formidable vessel in the world will fly the standard of England. Our contemporary says this with no feelings of pride or s elf-com p lacency. After describinc , the "floating castle her teak padding and iron plates, D her skin, her beam, her eight guns, and her immensely powerful. 1,200, or rather 7,200 horse power engine, the Telegraph conclud,s : If the Her cules.never fires a gun in anger she will, perhaps, have done us no less a service ; for until some mightier man-of war shall cumber the complaining wave, there can be no broadside fleet extant, and not many fighting: craft of any kind, that could come within hail of the Hercules as an enemy and takes the news home again. 71E ACTION.S AGAINST EA. GOVERNOR EYRE. On Saturday, in the Queen's Bench Chambers, before Mr. Brewster, two applications were made in the civil pro ceedings that are being carried out against Ex-G-overnor Eyre, arising out of the Jamaica disturbances. After the refusal of the Shropshire magistrates to commit Mr. Eyre on the charge then brought against him of the murder of Mr. George William Gordon, Mr. Alexander Phillips and Dr. Robert George Bruce each brought actions against Mr. Eyre to recover damages, in Mr. Phillips's case for false imprisonment and assault, and in Dr. Bruce's for false imprisonment. In the appli cation in " Phillips v. Eyre," Mr. Warburton Pike, in structed by Messrs. Shaen and Roscoe, appeared for the plaintiff; and Mr. Petheram, speeial pleader, instructed by Mr. James Anderson Rose, represented the defendant. Mr. Pike said that the defendant had pleaded not guilty to the action, and also that he was indemnified by the Act of Indemnity passed by the Jamaica Legislature shortly after the disturbance had been suppressed ; and the plaintiff by the present application sought to join issue upon the facts, to demur to the plea of indemnity; to new assign further acts, and to allege that part of the tree passes complained of were committed out of the jurisdic tion of the Jamaica Legislature. Mr.. Petheram objected to everything except the joinder of issue, and urged the Master at once to refer the matter to the judge then sitting (Mr. Baron Pigott), as it was one of such great importance. The Master said he would not be justified in referring a summons to the judge without some valid reason, and in this instance he could discover none. It appeared quite clear to him that the plaintiff had as much right to raise an issue of law to be tried by the court, as he had to raise an issue of facts to be tried by a jury, and he thought his application should be granted, in order to enable him properly to bring the case before the court. Mr. Petheram said it was so clear that the defendant was protected by the Indemnity Act, that the demurrer raising that question could only be for the pur pose of delaying the case, and he would again respectfully urge the Master to refer the question to the judge. The Master said that if when the demurrer was delivered it turned out to be frivolous, the defendant could take out a summons to set it aside ; but he did not see that because the defendant was the Ex• Governor of Jamaica he should do that which he should not do in an ordinary case. He declined to refer the summons to the judge, and granted the plaintiff's application. The application in " Bruce v. Eyre" was for an extension of three months' time to deliver his declaration in this action. After reading the affidavits, the Master said Mr. Shaen must have time to commuiicate with his client in Jamaica, and he would therefore grant the necessary time within which to deliver his declaration. The result of the present applications is that one at least of these actions will be tried at the sit tings after Trinity Term. THE VOLUNTEERS The annual meeting of the South Middlesex Rifle Volun teers took place on Saturday evening at the headquarters, Beaufort House, Walham-green ; Lieutenant-Colonel Viscount Ranelagh in the chair. Viscount RANELAGH said that knowing the deep in terest the regiment took in him and he in them, he was desirous to call their attention to a great public question, in which he was personally concerned, by the criticisms in the public press on him for having asserted that the volun teer force as it at present existed was " a mere sham." He was not only now attacked by the press, but by com manding officers as well as the press, for having said that the volunteer force collectively was a sham : and it was attempted to be put upon him that he had insinuated that the volunteers individually were a sham. Now, those who made that assertion well knew the untruthfulness of the statement. There was no man in the volunteer service who had greater experience of what volunteers individually were made of ; and whether for skill, for zeal, for courage, or for endurance, there were no men in her Majesty's service who were superior to the volunteers of this country. But what he described as a " sham " was, that they were, as at present constituted and organised, as a whole, the mere framework, and wanted all the essentials of an army in the field. That was his point, and not that the volunteers were cowards, and that they were individually a " sham." But the War Office would not learn. He had been anxious to improve, not only the volunteers as a force, but he believed he had done something even to improve the efficiency of the regular army. When in France he saw that the French soldiers had a very superior arm to the English army. He made a collection of those arms, and brought them over. He did not send them to the War Office authorities, where he knew they would be kept tilt they got rusty; but he had them tried at that place, and got the representatives of the public press to attend, and the result was that public opinion was brought to bear, and by that means the English army were supplied with Enfield rifles much sooner than they otherwise would have been. Ills object was to serve his country in securing the proper organisation and Efficiency of the volunteer force, and it was hard he should be attacked by his brother volunteer officers for so doing. First there was Lord Elcho, with his puffing and popularity-seeking telegram to his corps on the night of its annual prize meeting. There was no argument in that. Then he had to contend with some smaller fry in the person of Captain Templar, who, after perverting entirely what he (Lord ranelagh) had said, suggested that he (Lord Ranelagh) should retire from the force. He could ;ell Captain Templar that it would require advice from a nuch higher quarter, and much stronger arguments than lie had used to compel him (Lord Ranelagh) to do that. 3ut what he had desired to shew was, that what the volun teer service wanted to make it efficient was more perfect organisation, so as to enable it if called upon to take the field en masse efficiently. But if, as the War Office had lately shewn, it was unable to grapple with small things, how was it possible that it could do so with large ? Let them look, for instance, at the recent Hounslow case, for which a co mmissary-general had been dismissed. Let them also look at the case of the recent removal of Colonel Erskine. It was a fact that that gallant officer had not heard of his removal until informed of it by a pri mte friend, and when he went to the War Office to see, he 'ound he was no longer Inspector-General of Volunteers. I pon representations being made, however, he was rein stated, and he was now to be found in the Army List as General Commanding Military Train, and Inspector- General of Volunteers into the bargain. Therefore, he said, if the War-office authorities made these messes in these small matters, how would they be able, without some previous and proper organisation, to deal with 200,000 men in the field, or required to be in the field? Why, he (Lord Ranelagh) believed that the sad lessons of Sadowa and Bull's Run would be repeated. If they wanted an example of excellence in organisation, let them go to Germany, where by the beat of the drum and the sound of the bugle an army was turned out which in six days heat and all but annihilated the army of that which had been looked upon as one of the greatest military nations in the world. It had been said that the volunteer force should be attached to that of the army, but the volunteers would not carry packs, nor would the Prussians, who had them car ried in carts. After contending that the staff attached to the regular army was only barely sufficient for that ser vice, that even the militia could only be supplied by the old pensioners and men of that stamp on the staff, and that therefore it was absolutely indispensable to efficiency that the volunteer service should have an independent and properly-organised staff of its own, he (Lord Ranelagh) threw this down as a second gauntlet necessary, in his opinion, to secure the complete and efficient organisation of the volunteer force. The noble chairman, after some further observations explaining his views, concluded his remarks amid several rounds of cheering. FALSE IMPRISONMENT OF A REPORTER. —An action for damages (21,000) was tried last week in the Court of Common Pleas, Dublin, brought by Mr. Matthew Tracy, a reporter of the Cork Herald, against Mr. Daniel J. Cruice, resident magistrate at Killarney, for false imprisonnient. Mr. Tracy, during the Fenian excite ment of last winter, when representing his paper in Kil larney, presented a telegram at the telegraph office, there to be sent to Cork, in the words, " Rumoured disaffection in the troops. An officer heard civilians and men singing seditious songs. Civilians removed by police. Military sent to quarters: Fourteen, soldiers missing. Wires cut last night at Clonmahon." The telegraph clerk wished to leave out the word " disaffection." The plaintiff refused. On being brought before the magistrates and asked his authority for the statements he wished to publish, he also refused to give it. In consequence he•was placed in gaol, where he lay for three days, and was three times searched. Ultimately Mr. Tracy was released on giving bail. The charge on which he was arrested was that of having " written and published a false and malicious lib e l on certain of her Majesty's troops at Kil larney. It was contended that if Mr. Tracy had in the iirst htlavao l it ns fm t r a o nce indicated the source of his information (he " a priest wh om h e me t in the h o t e l," and brother rep or t ers ) , h e never woul d h ave been arrested. The case excited some interest among military men, and General Sir A. Horsford, who was in command of the Killarney troops at the time, on being exa mined, deposed th a t h e h a d then in the county of Kerry re l,s p o o O rt tr m oo a p d s o o t f o a i l l l im an o n f s , m e en id b o o n ing no in c i ) .ssi as n !on g frNovam duty o was dh there a r joining with civilians in seditious son gs ; nor h found it necessary to order men to quart ers . He heardof Mr. the telegram which was about to be sent to C or k b y N Tracy, and on making inquiries immediately ascertained r. that the rumours of disaffection among the troops were totally unfounded. It was suggested in defence that the smallest amount viLich could be awarded by a jury aa damages would fully satisfy the ends of justice, A. verdict for £l5O was returned THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1868. 111 E AMERICAN MINISTER, CHARLES F. ADAMS, ON THE STATE OF IRELAND. A correspondent of the Times calls the attention of Americans to the opinion given by their Minister in London on the State of Ireland, with the view of correcting the erroneous impressions so systema tically circulated by the American Press about Ire land. In August, 1865, Mr. ADAMS made a care ful tour, the particulars of which he embodied in Despatch No. 1,054, dated London, Sept. 22, 1865. Mr. ADAMS commences with a reference to the archives of the Legation, where he found an elabo rate and valuable Report, based on a similar trip in 1851, made by his predecessor, Mr. ABBOTT LAW RENCE. The routes were not altogether the same, as Mr. LAWRENCE went from Dublin to Galway, returning to Athlone, and proceeded South, to Limerick and Cork. Mr. ADAMS started from Cork, reversing the above order in passing over the same ground but not travelling west of Athlone. in addition, he started from Dublin to Belfast, re turning by a circuit through Londonderry, Ennis killen, and Dundalk. The views of so eminent, just, and sound a man as Mr. ADAMS cannot fail to be both interesting 'and instructive to his country men, and we have to thank " A. B." for calling our attention to it. While concurring in the justice of Mr. LAWRENCE'S observations, as applied to the precise region through which he passed, Mr. ADAMS considers they scarcely give a correct idea of the condition of the island as a whole. The Northern portion, embracing the whole of the province of Ulster, as far as he could perceive, was both quiet and prosperous. This prosperity, owing to a dis tribution of industry between agriculture, manufac tures, and commerce, had been greatly increased owing to the larger consumption of linens, occasioned by the check given to the manufacture of cotton, through the troubles in America. " I have not seen," says Mr. ADAMS, " anywhere in England more indicatio.ns of comfort, plenty, and general good condition than are to be found through that portion of the Northern province through which I passed. Neither did I ob serve in the more populous towns more instances of poverty and destitution than are to be met with anywhere in corresponding places in the three king doms, with the exception, perhaps, of North Wales. The same observation may be made, but in a much more qualified degree, of the Central and Eastern region, including Dublin and its vicinity. Although the prosperity is not so much marked, and the poverty is more apparent, the aspect of the dwell ings, the cultivation of the lands, and the substan tial condition of the middle classes, all combine to disprove the presence of suffering much beyond the average in most nations of the Old World. The wretchedness Mr. LAWRENCE describes, instead of being universal, appears to be confined to one por tion of the island. This extends through the South and West, and is most striking in Cork and Kerry, Galway and Tipperary. I met with the clearest evidence of it in passing through the track between Bandon and Kenmare, especially at Bantry. The impression which 1 gathered, however, is that, as compared with the picture given by Mr. LAWRENCE, I observed a slow but sensible improvement even here. It may come, it is true, not from increase of nambers, but is rather the consequence of the steady diminution which has raised the rate of wages. Mr. LAWRENCE mentions the price of a common agricultural labourer during the harvest of 1851 as ranging from four to five shillings per week. It was stated to me to be this season from six to eight shillings. One reason of this may be indeed that the crops this year are exceptionally good. To us, in America, even this maximum, which can often be earned in some portions of our country by a single day's work, may seem painfully small. We may wonder why such a difference, when well known to the people, should not lead to depopulation—at least so far as the able-bodied men are concerned." This, Mr. ADAMS shows, arises from the destitution itself. The wish is apparent, but even the cheapest rate of transport is beyond the reach of the mass and those who cross either possess small means, or obtain assistance from the more wealthy, or from relations settled in America. " One effect of this form of emigration is to leave in the midst of the community a great and festering sore of discontent. Hearing the most exciting ac counts of the prospects held oat to them in America, and powerless to cross the gulf that separates them from it, the tendency is to repine at their fate, and to lay the blame of it somewhere. Very naturally the Government comes in as the great object. The sense of oppression is aggravated by the distinction of religious faith, which marks the Roman Catho lics as of the servile class almost as distinctly as the negroes are marked by difference of colour with us. Whatever their priests may have done in sowing the seeds of this distemper in former times, I be lieve them free from all desire to disseminate it now. Emigration in such numbers is not to their taste ; the old impressions, however, deriving con stant support from American sympathy, retain their full force. Hence a singular result which is making itself perceptible more and more. This is the esta blishment of a secret organization having its affilia tions in both hemispheres—l refer to the Fenians. Of its precise naturel have not taken much trouble to inform myself ; but I know enough to say that its basis is the popular hatred of the English rule, and its object to prepare the means of seizing the first favourable opportunity to throw it off. Of the spread of this association throughout the Southern and Western part of Ireland there can now be no doubt. It organizes into clubs, the members of which are engaged in drilling themselves at night, just as if they were preparing for some violent out break. The attention of the Government has been roused to these proceedi ngs an d some measu res of repression have been already resorted to. The newspapers will have furnished to you the details. I had occasion to observe that nearly all the larger towns I visited were garrisoned more or less with British troops, not to speak of the establishment of the great camp at the Curragh. It is likewise cer tain that armed vessels have been stationed off the Western coast to watch the possibility of assistance from abroad. An association which has called forth such energetic proceedings from a Government, generally so sluggish in movement, must have gathered numbers sufficient at least to give it a semblance of political strength. For my own part, whilst I have perceived the occasion for their un easiness, I have never anticipated any difficulty that would prove serious. The disaffected class may be large, but it is poor, unarmed, and generally wanting in the elements of moral power. Any resort to violence could end only in the slaughter of thousands, without the possibility of attaining a single object. The effect would be merely to play into the hands of their opponents. A far more dangerous policy would be to keep up and assiduously extend the secret disaffection, which might perhaps be done by the aid of American sympathy until the procrastination of uneasiness should weary the Go vernment into Radical measures to remove a con stant danger by promoting the transportation of the disaffected poor at the public expense. lam well convinced that this measure, however attempted, is the only one likely to remedy the evils that afflict the South-Western portion of this unlucky island. It would effect a permanent diminution in popula tion, now much too numerous for the means of sub sistence at their command, and yet prolific from the very fact of its poverty. In their places might be .substituted stocks of cattle that might be fattened on lands that now meagrely respond to the industry of man, just as has been done in the Highlands of Scotland. The great landholders would thus be enabled to enjoy the benefit of rents almost as large as they do without the necessity of squeezing them out of the vitals of the human race. The steady extension of the liberal policy already inau gurated by the British Government, which might tend gradually to wear away the remaining traces of ancient wrongs,and give a homogeneous character to the people now so much divided, could be relied upon to do the rest. In such a contingency Ireland might not be so powerful an integral part of the empire as it now seems ; but, on the other hand, it would prove to be a source of real weakness. What might be lost in appearance would be gained in fact ; Ireland might become what Scotland already has been made—a thoroughly loyal portion of the British dominions. It may be long before the mode of relief here indicated will be resorted to ; meanwhile the less effec tive and more dangerous process of voluntary emi, gration to America of the able-bodied of the middle classes will probably go on. The political effect of this is not inconsiderable. lam inclined to attri bute it to the almost universal manifestation of ill will to the United States, in the late struggle which took place, among the better classes in this island. It is much more marked here than elsewhere. Little as they value their population, they cannot disguise the dislike they feel to the loss of them under an influence which springs from a kindred nation under different institutions. There can be no doubt that to this cause must be traced the prevalence of the same tendencies among the privileged classes in general throughout Great Britain. But the feeling was less strong in degree in proportion to the view taken of the temper of the lower classes. In Eng land a few persons consider a serious insurrection a possibility ; in Ireland few ever have it out of their minds ; conscious of the existence of the evil and hopeless of any system of remedy, instead of thanking America for the relief which emigration gives them, they are disposed to quarrel with her because she creates in her people a desire to go." It is clear that Mr. ADAMS considers the poverty of the Irish to result from the disadvantages of the soil, and not from English tyranny or misrule. His remedy is a philanthropic application of the idea which once suggested itself to some fiend in human form—that the country should be submerged for an hour ! Aware that the means of obtaining a de cent living do not exist in the island for the present population—while their poverty ties them to the soil—he would bring the Government to the rescue, and bodily transport them to a country able to support them. The suggestion is well worth discussion, provided it could be ac complished in conjunction with the Government of the country into which they were transported. At present, as the emigration is almost confined to the able-bodied, the bone and sinew of the family are removed, and the weak and poor left in hopeless destitution. Naturally those called upon to sup port such persons dislike the system in force ; and the adoption of Mr. ADAMS' plan would to them be a gain. The Government would benefit—the landed proprietors would benefit—and the people, both those removed and those who remained, would also benefit. If the United States received this immi gration it would, we fear, be a loser; for instead of getting the cream of the population, the weak, the halt, and the intensely poor would be poured ou the soil. Judging, however, from Mr. ADAMS' despatch, America would raise no such selfish objection. Two considerations might suggest themselves to the British Government, independently of the expense. The first is, the increase of " the Irish power in America," which we have discussed in our leading columns ; the other— the opposition of the Roman Catholic priest hood. If the Irish in America would be satis fied by the expenditure of some millions of British money in locating the Irish peasantry of the south west in such a State as Kansas—or lowa— or Illinois, or wherever the United States should dictate, and the people select, the plan might prove the true solution of the Irish difficulty. But would they ? We believe Fenianism to have been founded on the rush of Irish emigration following the famine ; and would it be wise for Great Britain by another great rush to aid in building up the power which expresses such undying enmity towards her? Were such a move contemplated an outcry would arise in Ireland against the perfidious English Go vernment that, after squeezing every means of ex istence out of the people, then proposed to cast them from their homes on a foreign waste. Ever suspicious of British intentions, and profoundly ignorant, it is not impossible they would re fuse to go. The despatch has, however, a value independent of the suggestion. Not only does Mr. ADAMS imply that the poverty is attributable to defects of soil and climate, but he limits it to the South and West of the island ; and he bears testi mony " to the steady extension of the liberal policy already inaugurated by the British Government." His despatch ought to be read by all the members of Parliament who will be called on to deal with these momentous questions during the approaching session.—Anglo-American Times. nature ; if he has courage he has degenerated' from the species. I must once more revert to the Histarisch Politische Bliitter, which lately treated the same theme in the following words : " There are men enough in all grades of society in Austria imbued with perfectly correct religi ous principles, but they fail, unfortunately, in courage to proclaim them aloud and to act up to them in public life. One example will suf fice. One of my friends, a man of honour from head to foot, an excellent husband and father, was in a political conversation, driven by me into a corner by the reproach of having totally sacrificed his Catholic convictions. He de fended himself stoutly from the accusation, and, hastening to a fire-proof safe, he drew forth triumphantly from its depths a sort of memoir, in which wag laid down in the cor rectest expressions his confession of faith. After having thus, as he thought, refuted and disarmed me, his confession of faith was laid up again under lock and key in the fire-proof safe, where it rests undisturbed to this day, while its author does not dare to come forward and stand, by his convictions in public life. Of this kind we may count men of honour by the thousand." So far the Historisch Politische Bliitter ; but even it allows that an improvement is taking place among us. One may now meet in Austria with many a genuine Catholic, Austrians of another species, who have advanced beyond the transition state of Joseph inism,—for this iron-safe Catholicism (of which the above is a notable example), this Catho licism under lock and key—is nothing less ; but Catholics, thank God, are now to be found here, who have advanced in the right direc tion, and who have got firm footing on the ground of genuine Catholic thought and action. The more the anti-Catholic and anti-Christian spirit unfolds and reveals itself under Jewish and Masonic influences, the more will the people who still preserve a faithful heart and incorrupt manners be aroused to their own defence ; already they are gathering around the elite of their clergy, and around their (with out exception) most excellent bishops. The nobility also are coming forward manfully. However our despicable Government may put down the enlistment of troops for the Papal army, only the more will hearts be enlisted for Rome, only the more will wandering sheep be driven back to the shepherd by the howling of thewolves. Paris, Feb. 5, 1868. I was much struck during my late visit to England with the advantage taken by the pre, sent Tory Government of the outrageous con duct of the American Fenians in London. Had the Americans sent over a man who had insulted every feeling of the Catholic religion, like Garibaldi, he would have been received with open arms, carried intriumph through the streets of London, and considered a fit guest to be received at the table of Protestant noblemen. It was the extraordinary reception given to Garibaldi that gave a new impulse to Fenianism and rebellion. The Reform Bill, which is nothing more than a further extension of the rights of the people, gained strength by th'at reception, which, on the part of the Pro testant nobility, was only intended to prevent Garibaldi from falling into the hands of the people, for fear lest he might show them that if there are slaves in Italy there are also many slaves in England. The people showed their sense of liberty when they pulled down the iron railings of Hyde Park. It was the same feeling that sent gunpowder and money to Garibaldi to blow up Rome. The public press was almost unanimous in showing that the best step towards reform was to destroy the Pope. They could not see that by destroying religion they were destroying the only moral power on earth from which springs every liberty that mankind enjoys. But in England the strangest logic is taught. When you - visit friends or dine in company, how often do you not hear the phrase Roman Catholic put instead of the word Catholic ? It looks as if two meanings are in tended—the one meaning a sect, Roman Catho lic, and the other the real and only one true Catholic Church of Christ. But that is not intended, because if you ask the question you are told that they consider themselves a branch of the true Church ; as if there can be two Churches of Christ ? When God became man, and dwelt on this earth, He did not quit it without leaving a representative to be the guide for future ages, and Peter was the first man chosen, with unlimited powers, for to him was given the keys of heaven. God could not leave man without a guide ; if he had left no guide all must have been confusion. Can a hive of bees exist without a queen ? Can a nation exist without an Emperor, a King, or a Presi dent ? Can an assembly or a public company meet without a chairman ? A head is an abso lute necessity; without it, all is confusion. Everybody knows the fable of the dragon with many heads and one tail, and the dragon with m any tails and with one head. In religion there cannot be manyheads without the greatest confusion, and that is why there are so many sects in England—all of them calling them selves religions : The natural inference, there- fore, is that there must be one guide, and that there cannot be two, otherwise there would be confusion; in the same way there cannot be two Churches, and therefore all we have to seek is the guide. If the successor of Peter does not reside at Rome, in what town or city does he live ? If you cannot tell me the name of the town, I conclude that he does reside at Rome; in that case Roman Catholic or Catholic means one and the same thing, as nobody can be a Catholic without being a Roman Catholic, as the word Roman can only imply the domicile of the guide, the place where you can address a letter to him or go and see him with your own eyes. The guide is not an ideal, but a man like ourselves, made of bone and flesh, with eyes and mouth and a head upon his shoulders. It follows that as the guide resides at Rome a person who is not a Roman Catholic cannot be a Catholic, because to be a Catholic you must be able to give the address of the guide, other wise he would be unknown to you. It can miry be by a quibble of logic that people can be brought to believe that the delegate of Christ resides at present in any other town or city than Rome. That, however, must be taught in the uniTersi ties of England, as when you frequent English society it is surprising to see the care they take that the words Roman Catholic be not applied to their so-called National Church. By that name• they mean a patriotic Church ; and they make use of patriotism to entangle reason and to puzzle the mind, and to this end they break through every rule of logic which is the essence of prejudice. When a mind is preju diced it is capable of believing anything, how ever unreasonable; it can be brought to believe that .a National Church is the Church of Christ, although it is clear and evident - that the dele gate of Christ upon earth cannot be a native of every empire, kingdom, or country in the world. Therefore, if he is born an Italian he cannot be born an Englishman ; that is a miracle which has not yet been performed. It follows that a National Church cannot be Catholic, since it must recognize another than a foreign power as its head, and as Christ only delegated one head, and that head is to England a foreign power, it follows that the so-called National Church of England can be neither Catholic or Roman Catholic. The gentlemen of England who . give you such splendid dinners believe, however, the con trary ; it is not easy to say by what process of argumentation. It would be too bad to discuss such knotty questions when you are in presence of fine pheasants and every kind of luxury ; but it is said that the prejudices taught in their universities make them look down upon the delegate of Christ at Rome as the anti-Christ of the Bible. They, there fore, in sincere Protestant faith, believe that all the troubles of this world spring from Rome, and that is why they were such admirers of Garibaldi. His speeches at Geneva, although so anti-Christian, were not sufficient to prove to the bigots of England that he was not still a man having better ideas on religion than the anti-Christ at Rome. In France the Protestant paper, the Journal des Debats, found fault with the Minister because he recalled to the memory of Parliament Garibaldi's words, and argued that it was very bad taste to con sider such words, and endeavoured to make his readers understand that they had been wrongly interpreted. But the barrel of gun powder has decided the controversy ; it has deranged the happy quietude in which all were living. The gentlemen and the nice ladies of England have lost all faith in Gari baldi. They have now more respect for the delegate of Christ on earth, and they must now know that it was a very great mistake to make the people believe that he was the anti-Christ. They are even surprised that the Catholic bishops of England and Ireland speak against Fenianism. Such an order of thought, if it had been carried out logically, would have made everybody Catholic. Every gentleman and lady saw the necessity of Conservatism, and even the people became more Conservative. Both gentlemen and people presented them selves to be sworn in as special constables to preserve peace and order. During a few days it was most consoling to notice the change that had taken place. You no longer heard Garibaldi praised even in the humble walks of. society ; in those nice country seats so beautifully scat-_ tered all over England, which make it the gar den and fairy land of the world, and in the splendid mansions of London, you could hear and enjoy conversations which in a degree harmonized with the Catholic conversations of the chateaux of France. But such harmony could not suit Protestant ears. The teachers of prejudice saw the danger. They had re course to another plan to darken the dawn of reason and of good faith, but, at the same time, to make Fenianism the highway to Con servatism. They puzzled the minds of the ladies with an amalgam of words which left Fenian, Irish, Catholic upwardmost. By such means, in conversation, it was almost difficult to distinguish one from the other. Was every Irishman and every Catholic a Fenian ? It certainly looked very much like it, when you came to consider the logical meaning of what you had heard. It is only by similar entangle ment of words that the Protestant faith can exist. This new order of reasoning once adopted in society, the special constables were put forward to keep up the excitement created by the barrel of gunpowder ; the excitement was necessary to make the people more Con servative. The daily press came forward every morning with three or more columns headed Fenianism, Scotland-yard lent out constables and detectives in plain clothes to many railway stations, hotels, public buildings, churches and chapels, to guard them against being blown up. The French clergy, at the French chapel, more accustomed to similar manoeuvres in their own country, sent for the police to protect them against the specials, told them that they were not worth blowing up, went to bed as usual, and awoke the next morning not blown up, and saved the expense of tea, and pipes, and pots of beer in their house all night. The fright was general, and at its height when I left London. W hat has become of the crisis since, I shall be glad to learn on my next visit to England. - In what way it may affect the ad vance of honest logic, reason—say common good sense--in religious matters, remains to be seen. MISCELLANEOUS FOREIGN NE {VS. (From the Westminster Gazette.) VIENNA, February 1, 1868. In a former letter I gave your readers an account, taken from official documents, and communicated to the public by the Historisch Politische Bliitter, of an act of gross inter ference with the course of justice, perpetrated by our Progressist Minister of Justice in the case of Schindler, a member of the Cham ber. easily t T iii h s ey ex m o aityedinevery circle, high and what a sensa tionlow. Every one shared in the excitement, and was anxious to see whether the minister would be bold enough to venture to call the His torisch Politische BUitter and the writer of the narrative respectively, to account for this un pleasant disclosure. If the cause were brought to trial, no doubt the Judges and the State Procurators would be called as witnesses, though themselves parties in the case, and the end of the scandal would have been more But the Minister more , prudent course o g f l ar j n u s g t o o than jn t d h g e o dt beginning tho nao . Imperial Procurator- Generalthe called a sena Ka justifi cationthrough to the Historisch Politische Bliitter, and eobgahnor, t , h w e ha to the Wiener Kirchen Zeitung also, because it had referred to the letter of the Historisch Politische Bliitter. That periodical has now, with the utmost fairness, given the so-caller} justification of the Procurator-General in full, but at the same time inserted the reply of the sender of the article in question. This so-called justification is in truth essentially nothing but a confused and shuffiing evasion of the- prin cipal facts. I can only confirm the statements given in the reply. The explanation of the Procurator-General does not even refer to the alleged facts. So far, indeed, from this being the case, facts the most important—facts lead ing to most serious consequences are not even questioned or denied—but are in truth treated in a manner which, to sat the least, casts a rather singular light on the legal compiler of this said document." To give your readers some idea of the manner in which the Pro curator-General conducts his defence, I will cite one example. How does he meet the asser tion that more than half-a-dozen practising lawyers of eminence were of opinion that Schindler's case was one of a criminal offence? What does the ProcuratorAeneral say to this fact ? Why, th a t " w h e ther 'this be the case or not, may be put aside." In addition to this, the following remarkable statement made in the Historisch Politische Blatter—namely, that in the course of the sitting the State Procura tor stated that he only differed from the Pro curator-General in Schindler's case in this— that the latter, who now by the direction of the Minister of Justice has to justify his words, considered that Schindler's act was a fraud, while he, the State Procurator, considered it to be an embezzlement. The correspondent of the Historisch Politische _Batter appeals the Judges as witnesses of the truth of thee - a bove, and closes with the pungent remark, that perhaps it was out of modesty that the Procurator-General declines to say whether, ' among those who held that Schindler's pro ceedings constituted a criminal offence for which he might be legally prosecuted and punished, a lawyer of note was to be found. It would be superfluous to say more on this subject. Europe can here witness how zeal ously our Progressist Austrian Ministry are running towards the same goal as the Ministers of " united " Italy ! Here in general, at least in all that concerns our public life, we are going rapidly down hill, or, rather, to express myself more graphically, we are ever sinking deeper and deeper in the swa m p s and quagmires of pseudo-Liberalism. One cannot but feel particularly grieved for the Emperor and the Imperial family, in whom a pure will and good principles are certainly not wanting. Their fault chiefly consists in their being too like most other Austrian Catho lics. An Austrian Catholic is timid, that is his THE WAR IN PARAGUAY. The Royal Mail steamer Oneida, with the South American mails, bas arrived, and the news she brought from the River Plate is the saddest and gloomiest we have had for a very long time. The Buenos Ayres Standard, the most influential paper of that city, states the following in its review for Europe: " The melancholy annals of the past few weeks form a chapter possibly the, darkest in the River Plate history; cholera has swept down the Parana from the pestiferous quarters of the Allied army, and again settled in Buenos Ayres; for months past it was known that there were cholera cases in this city, but since the sailing of the French packet the mortality increased with such rapidity that the people took fright, and half the population fled to the camp ; not even during the terrible visitation last April, when three thousand of our fellow-citizens were carried off, was the panic so great as it has been here for the last ten days. Business may be said to be at a complete standstill." The city authorities of Buenos Ayres, notwithstanding the alarming state of the city, doing nothing, provoked the people to such a pitch of indignation that a large open-air meet ing was held, and the whole body of the municipality was forced to resign. The Governor of Buenos Ayres, Senor Alsiva, then took the matter in hand, and the people elected other city officers. But this step, it was said, was only a political move of the Governor to get his friends in office, as he is a can didate for the next Presidency. Another monster meeting was expected, with the object to force the Government to make peace with Paraguay, and to break the Brazilian alliance, which is hateful to the people. At the seat of war nothing new took place since the sailing of the French packet, except show ing every time more the utter incapacity of the Allies to carry Humaita or Curupaity,or to make any decided advance into the country of their gallant enemy. Another year has gone by, and the Allies not only are not advanced one foot, but are in a much worse position than twelve months ago. The Standard says :—" The war news of the fortnight amounts to nothing. We have had recent advices from head-quarters ; the cholera has declared it self with intense virulence in both camps, at Corrientes and the Gran Chaco. Lopez holds out at Humaita, and has made no offensive move, although one is hourly expected. Recruits arrive from Brazil by each transport, aud supplies are constantly and regularly sent up from this city. What the Allies are doing, intend to ( 10, w ill do, or can do, none in Buenos Ayres know, or even care to know ; affliction has been 'too general, sorrow too wholesale to admit of even a thought being turned towards this distasteful subject. It appears, as far as we can gather, that the Allies have no intention to attack Lopez's positions; they are strength :ening their lines around Humaita by ditches, &c., and when they have got a disposable force at their command, they intend to despatch a division to seize Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay, and destroy its splendid arsenal. As is usual in the history of this war, sufficient time has been allowed the enemy to throw a few thousand men into the place ; the troops from Matto Grosso and Cuyuba have been brought down, and thus a move which, if adopted in time, might have proved an easy and se vere blow to the enemy, can now be only ac complished by a decisive battle. The last ad vices from headquarters are of a most unsatis factory nature. The attempt to shut the Para guayan ruler itt Humaita has resulted in no thing, inasmuch as Lopez holds full dominion in the Gran Chaco, and maintains open communications with Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay. The hopes which we all entertained of a speedy termination of the war have been dispelled, and even the most experienced can put no limit to a contest which, on the one hand, is maintained by debility and pro crastination, and, on the other, resisted by in domitable bravery and fanatical determination. Caxias had done much towards forcing the campaign to a conclusion, and occupies positions of the most strategic importance, but he lacks energy and men to turn these advantages to account, and it is impossible to say when the objects of the triple alliance will be fully accomplished. The last raid of the Allied troops into the interior of Paraguay has afforded the fullest proof that the enemy's country abounds with supplies, and that the continued stories of Paraguayan deserters, of the starvation and misery existing in the Paraguayan camp, have been mere inventions. The interior provinces are not only -in open revolt against the Government, but some have openly declared against the ruling powers that be, and Santa F 6, with its capital Rosario, the most important city after Buenos Ayres, has declared in favour of General Urquiza, the greatest and richest landowner of the Confederation, and the most popular military chieftain. This step was, no doubt, hastened through a letter, published in all the papers, of Gen. Mitie, President of the Argentine Confederation, and Commander-in-Chief of the Allies, recommending as his successor Senor Dactar Elizalde, a very in triguing dipomat, with very decided Brazilian principles, and under Brazilian influence, strongly opposing the election of General Urquiza, well known for his anti-Brazilian principles and friend ship to Paraguay. Besides these political dis turbances, the provinces have to suffer greatly from the depredations of the wild Indians, who have taken formal possession of part of Cordoba, San Luis, Mendoza, and Santa Fe, and the in habitants are speaking very openly of the fact that while Cordoba, San Luis, Santa Fe, and Mendoza, are invaded by the savages, the province of Buenos Ayres is exempt fr om th e i r d e p re d a ti ons ; the con clusions they arrive at are not favourable either to the National Government, or the Provincial. Just before the sailing of the packet, a storm (pampero) swept over the country, and did much good by clearing the Lir, and cholera was abat ing. The news from Montevideo is also very dis couraging, as the Government of Dictator Flores to help some of his pets, had ordered the banks to suspend specie payment and give a forced circula tion to their paper issue, which is unsecured ; the Standard says :—" Without any desire to criticize too harshly the recent. measure of the Montevidean Government legalizing the stoppage of specie pay ments, we feel constrained to say that the urgent public necessities usually put forward by Govern ments as the excuse for such an act are not very ap parent in the case in question ; the very language of the decree is laboured and transparent, and we regret sincerely to be obliged to confess that Montevideo, with all its go-aheadism, has set an example in the River Plate, which public honour, credit, and good faith reprobate." This is the thiid time, we believe, that the Montevidean Government has come to the rescue of its banks, and there are sound reasons for believing it will be the last ; for, although much as we deplore the readiness of the Government to lend itself to such an act, we are happy to think that the magnitude of the paper money evil is becoming so great that henceforward the whole power of a ricketty Republican Administration will be impotent to stem the evils which a rotten financial system engenders." THE PROPOSED SUPREME COURT AND NATURALIZATION - BILLS. The Committee on Reconstruction has adopted the following bill, prepared by Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, to be reported to the House :—" Be it enacted, &c., That the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States, shall not extend to any act done, or which shall be done, or to any proceeding had, or which shall be had, under and by virtue of the act entitled act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States,' passed March 2, 18( or of the several acts supple mentary thereto; and all such cases no w pending in said court, either by appeal or otherwise, from any decision or pro ceeding had in any district or circuit court of the United States, shall be dismissed by said Supremo Court, and no record of any proceeding had or which may be had before either of the district commanders, under either of said acts, shall be removed to or received in any other tribunal, either upon habeas corpus, quo warranto, or in any other matter whatever." The House Committee on Foreign Affairs adopted the following bill to be reported by Gen. Banks:—" Section I.—Be it enacted, &c., that all natu ralized citizens of the United States while in foreign States shall be entitled to and receive from this Government the same protection of person and property that is ac corded to native-born citizens in like situation and cir cumstances, and the Presilent is empowered to use the influence and authority of this Government in all just endeavours to secure the recognition of other Govern ments of the principles of public law which have been insisted upon and maintained by the Government of the United States in regard to the light of natura lized citizens; provided always that no cit;zen, native born or naturalized, who is guilty of ci:me against the laws of any foreign State, committed within its jurisdic- Lien, or of desertion from actual service in the army or navy of such state, or who shall have acquired naturali zation by misrepresentation or fraud, or who, as to resi dence or otherwise, by treason or other crime against the United States shall have forfeited, or who shall have re nounced his rights as a naturalized citizen, shall be en titled to the protection contemplated by this act. See. 2. And be it further enacted, that whenever it shall be duly made known to the President that any naturalized citizen of the United States has been arrested, and is detained by any foreign government in contravention of the intent and purpose of this act upon the allegation that the naturali zation in the United States does not operate to dissolve his allegiance to his native sovereign ; that any native born citizen shall have been arrested and detained with out charge of crime committed within the jurisdiction of such State, and whose release shall have been unreason- Ably delayed or refused, the President shall be, and hereby is, empowered by way of indemnity and reprisal, to order the arrest and to detain in custody any subject of such foreign Government, who may be found within the jurisdiction of the United States ; and the President shall, without unreasonable delay, give information to Congress of such proceedings of indemnity and reprisal. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, that if any naturalized citizen of the United States shall return to his native coun try with intent to resume his domicile therein, or shall leave the United States with the intention of permanent residence in any foreign state, or shall engage as an army or navy belligerent in any foreign war or service, such naturalized citizen shall not be entitled to the interposition of the Government in his behalf under the provisions of this act. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that the term domicile' in the preceding section shall be'construed to mean a continuous residence of more than "one year in the native country of the naturalized citizen, or establishing himself in any business which denotes an intention to re sume a permanent residence." The Washington correspondent of the Stan dard never loses an opportunity of writing down General Butler. The story he now tells—whatever may be its truth—is too good not to repeat. The letter is dated Jan. 21, and this is the incident :—" B. F. Butler visited Rich mond last week to harangue the negroes. While in Rich mond he received a challenge from D. B. White, a Radical member of the Virginia Reconstruction Convention. It appears that when Butler had a command in Virginia he ordered White to leave his department. Immediately Butler received the challenge he left Richmond. It is un derstood that White intends to follow him to this city. The following is White's note :—•" Constitutional Conven tion, Richmond, Va., Jan. 14. Sir,—Whilst you were in command of the army of the James, and I having no more rights than that of a private citizen, you undertook then to insult, denounce, and send me from your depart ment. For the first time, since that period, we stand upon an equal footing ; we stand upon the same soil, and occupy in every respect the same rights before the law and the powers that be. I deem this, therefore, the proper occa sion for the vindication of my own character before the country, and I demand of you that satisfaction that one gentleman will always accord to another.—Your obedient servant, D. B. WHITE. Major General B. F. Butler.' White is a Methodist preacher. It is difficult to say who cuts the silliest figure in this disgraceful affair. That Butler ran away is a fact that surprises nobody." - - [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills.—Continued Cold. —ln place of the usual six weeks of cutting winds, their duration has extended over double that period, and, of course, has exercised the worst effects over the delicate, infirm, and aged. Holloway's purifying pills should now be taken to avert the ill consequences of the late trying season. Nothing beyond these pills and their accompany ing instructions is necessary for every invalid to root out the latent seeds of disease, and to secure future good health. Depraved and poor blood will thus be purified and en riched, all congestions of the circulation in the lungs, liver, kidneys, brain, or elsewhere, will be dispersed, the system will be relieved from oppression, and the whole animal machine will be renovated. Births. -- ALLEN— On the 7th inst., at Altrincham, the wife of Bill" keley Allen, Esq., of a son. RomscHlLD—On the Bth inst., at 6, Buckingham-ga te, S.W., the wife of N. M. de Rothschild, Esq., M.P., of son. SnErrAßD—On the 6th inst., at 1, Osborne Villas, Chel teuha►n, the wife of Captain H. T. Sheppard, 34th Beg' ment, of a daughter. Marriages. CLARKE—HEMSTED— On the 6th inst., a t Whitchure ll i Hants, Spencer Clarke, Esq., Coroner for the county, tf Charlotte Elizabeth, fourth daughter of T. R. Re nate ut Esq., surgeon. Hicxs—BorND—On the Bth inst., at St. Thomas Chu rch, Southwark, Elgar Hicks, merchant, of Rye and Beekleil Sussex, to Anne Tarver, widow of Mr. W. Bound , an ' only daughter of the lato Edward Hicks, Esq., of Logo' ington, Hants. Deaths. BATTY—On the 7th inst., at Neville Lodge, Gr ove -en road, St. John's-wood, Mr. Wm. Batty , proprietor, all"' formerly manager, of Astley's Amphitheatre , aged 68. FLORIS—On the 7th inst., Mr. James F. Floris, of 89, RI" myn-street, St. James's, and Acton-green, Middlesem aged 65. HANsunr —On the Bth inst., at Poles,Ware i Laura R obort ' s' the infant child of the late Robt. Culling HanburY, M.P., and Mrs. Culling Hanbury, aged thre e months. , SELMES —On the 7th inst., at 158, Westbourne-terra Henry Selmes, Esq., aged 60. TORRINGTON OR the 7th inst., at Shipbourne Lodge, ir.,,;14-• bridge, Frances Harriet, widow of George, sixth count Torrington, aged 82. N London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM r .-etV,W ig S , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan SUN oalce, N ° of Strand, in the Precinct of the Sp coy, in the Cowit' aid o o B ox..-Monday, February 10, 1868. Lonc LIT] &C. BENT p.m. 1~ Th PrizE the 11 Ob hail's Am hold able Fors Sole kite Inn Suet tal l and TM Frej Lei A lath Pa Adn x 7, cc the tile Arial cele cell, or hoc nit: scit all for nu tic)] tra ing T 1 ho for CL co fei 6cl C 1 • 2 a (