The Sun. — London, England, 1851-07-18 00:00:00

at present ed to !Die the state - ,ce he soc l ,tiered h i s Ad Niatlor, rch. Had I bed an', 13 t han t o I ti letter stated that lade which ear, bear' ) irst Allen had w the lease m bad now ho had a° An of t ber did n ot t alteration f a s one 0 , ' eren oe a n tl e the elute: the lease of len to th o iffered tb9 bad 11 °2% P ropose that thel n the Bedlinking tespeota o 'thew tle: ned to Woe his decidia tlemse. 0 iting or 1. , )f m oral 0 l 1 ha • lee that? said b efore re Itighsti°°. blue bo4i'd -----e- - - tacked; and he was in a condition to inform the House, that a in th e fi rst year in which that Right R ev. Preis.le ad ben appoin ed to his see, he had made a sacrifice 9t 10 per cenr. of ilia value of the see. He considered it of great importance, should her Majesty's Govern. meet appoint flee commission, that they should not act 0 4 the suggestion which had been thrown Out, that the biahops were the mere creatures" of the State. He denied that. The bishops were the oldest estate in the r , e altn—their prope r ty was th e o ld es t, and the House, in "alieg with it, should deal wi' h it considerately, and not on the suggestion that they were mere "creatures !If the State' —s suggestion which was as unconsti tutional in its authority as it was unjustifiable. Mr. AGLIONBY considered that it was for the in lereat of all p art i es t h a t w h ere suc h c h arges ad been made against the bishops, those charges should be substantiatid or refuted. It had been said that the bishops had a legal and equitable right to the Property derivable from their sees.—(Hoar, hear.) Now, his colleaene ( Hersman) had not denied that they h al - --('` Hear, hear," f rom M r . Il orsman )—but he (Mr. Aglionby) was quite sure that no one would say they ad a moral right to it.—(llear, hear.) It had been said that his lion. Colleagai? was infl.a-nced in his state ments on this question by an unfri-ndly feeling towards the BWiop or Gloucester. But that was not the case. Ills son. Friend was kfiuenced in his charges, not aetainst the ftehop of Glouc , ,ster as a s indivicla3l, but Os public grounds; and he (Ur. Aglionbj) had no doubt w that this as only the coalm4aceineut of a series of such charges. Mr. WAWN was sorry that men so high in office should be the objects of such chsrges; but thought that a kir inquiry aught to be instituted into the whole tihji. e t. _ . Mr. MANGLES called upon the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon (Sir J. Graham) to answer a question which had been put to him in such plain terms. Sir J. GRAHAM said he was ready to answer any question which might be put by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman as to whether he had declared that the Bishop of Gloucester was under any moral obligation not to renew his lease. He would read the resolution to Which be was a party, and which was ex'racted from „the minutes of the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Commission. lie had, however, thought the time,to dis cuss this question would have been when the Hon. Member fur Cockermouth should move for the papers, or after the papers were presented to the House. The resolution was to the effect that the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol being under no obligation, legally and mo rally, to deal with this manor otherwise than with any other estate within the see, the Commissioners directed their secretary to communicate their wish that the Matter should be brought to a close as soon as possible. The House would permit him to say that having formed an opinion that the Bishop had a legal and equitable right to fill up the lease, did offer liberal terms far be low the market price. Mr. REYNOLDS referred to a concordat between the Pope of Rome and the Sovereign of Spain by which the incomes of the archbishops in that " most Catholic country" were limited to 1,6001. and 1,4001. a year, the income of the suffragan bishops being soul. a year, and he suggested that in the case of the Established Church we should follow out or adopt the same scale! After a few words from Mr. T. B. LENNARD, the muter dropped. SUP L'LY —CONSULAR ESTABLISHMENTS. The House went into Committee of Supply, Mr. BER NAL in the chair. On the first vote being put, that a sum not exceeding 148,490/ be granted to her Majesty to defray the charge of tieusular establishments abroad, Mr. URQUHART roes to pr ,pose the reduction of this vote by a sum of 4.0001. The Hon. Gentleman's speech was scarcely audible at intervals, from the impa tience which was evinced the House He referred to the answer given by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Pal merwon) in reply to a question put to him by the Com mittee which had been appointed to inquire into the sale ties of consuls, &c. The Noble Lord was asked whether those who were appointed consuls were obliged to be in formed in respect to the laws of the countries in which they were, located? The Noble Lord said they wore under neehligation to be cocnisant of the laws of such foreign countries. When asked whether they were under any Obligation to have a good knowledge of the laws of Eng land, the Noble Lord replied they ought to have. Now he (Mr. Urquhart) believed our consular establishments tcehe most defective. He had had some experience, and a more disorganised, more irregular, more disqualifying system for the performance of the office he could not Imagine. There was no progressive education in the service as in the case of the military and naval services. On the contrary, the French colonial system was well organised, and those who were appointed to these offices Mast possess local knowledge, and passed throu g h a course of examination. The on. Gentleman proceeded to analyse the whole list of consuls, and the salaries attached t 3 each, proposing reductions in a number of eases making the amount in the total cost to the coun t r y 4 ,0001. less. On the question being *put, that the amount to be Panted (148,4901) be reduced by a sum of 4,000/, Lord YALMERS roN said that the Hon. Gentleman and himself had different notions in regard to various topics on which he had spoken. The Hon. Gentleman thought that our consular establishments were ill-or ganised and unequal to the consular establishments of other countries. Now he (Lord Palmerston) was, per haps. better qualified to speak to that point than the lion. Gentleman. He knew more of the manner in which our consular agents discharged their duties, and he ventured to say, without hesitation, that no consular establish ments were better regulated than those of Great Bri rn, and, however well corresponding establishments of ranee might be regulated, he was quite sure that any one who had held his office would say that the duties of ° Ur consular agents were discharged in the most efficient manner. Our consulate was the most efficient, he believed, which existed. The chives of consuls were eari o us—they had to perform duties in regard to cotn , tnercial matters, and in collecting valuable information, Which was transmitted from time to time to his office and to the Board of Trade, and he would venture to say that, in point of efficiency and ability, our consular es tablishments, instead of censure , were deservin g of the highest approbation. With regard to the various ap pointments to which the Hon. Gentleman bad referred, the first and foremost was that of a person who had had the misfortune in another country to have a li.tle differ ence with the Hon. Member, and that perhaps had in fluenced him in his wish to reduce the gentleman's ae latY. But with regard to the appointment of the con sul M Warsaw. he was sure that any one who knew the scale of expenditure for living in Warsaw for an indivi must holding the rank of a gentleman, representing a C ountry like this, and compared his salary with that of c orresponding officers of other countries, they would lee that the salary given (1,0001.) was rather below that Which his position required. Tee Hon. Gentleman said tn °- " You have a consul with only 1001. a year io Paris, an d why do you give a high salary to a consul in War saw?" The answer was this. In Paris the consu l was merely a person svho bad to fulfil subordinate duties to the e nsbassador. Be (Lord Palm-rston) bad given him the rank o f counse l i n or d e r that he might perform cer tain duties of routine, but he did not receive his instruc tions from the Secretary of State. With regard to the consuls in Wallechia, Servia, and Muldavis, all had du ties t;, perform which were more of a political than a purely commercial nature, and the parts of the world in Which they were established included countries of great I nt srest and countries in which it was most important to have persons who could give information, both political and commercial. Now it had happened that one of their he e `ucers was absent o a articular occasion ill- tte - but it was not to be expected that because from a man Was a consul he should never have leave of absence. A T hen as to consul-general at Constantinople, the Hon. Zzentleman said that he ought to have his salary reduce'', ueeaus e he (Lord Palmersten) had intended to abolish t he , office. Now he, being at the time in that state of m isinformation in which the Honourable Member ap pl)etred to be, did entertain such an idea; b u t w h en h e fliwhich attached t o t h e o ffi ce he found the importance thought it was perfectly right to continue it. But if they were to have consuls -general, with important du- Ta the required duties ties, commerc i al as we ll as judicial, to di sc h arge, such as it w as k nown the consuls to t more urkey t h sv n er e to discharg e , th e sa l ary and respousibilities were entitled to. With regard to the consul at Smyrna, the Honourable Gen t l e .. man said 6001. a year was sufficient, instead of 8004 and that as the Special Committee on official salaries recommended 5,0001. as the salary for an ambassador, 500/. would be enough for a consul. Therefore, without reference to circumstances, the Hon. Gentleman pro posed 500/. He could not consent to adopt the arbitrary dictum of the Hon. Gentleman. With regard to consul-general i n E gypt, the Hon. Gentleman observed, the " You abolished the ofri •e of consul-general in Syri a." But that was an appointment which was made after the campaign in 1841. At that period he thought it im portant to have a person who was not merely a co mmer: (dal, but a po li t i cal character, of the rank of consul general; but he thought that the same reasons no longer existed for the continuance of that office, and he took advantage of these facts and abolished the one office, thus saving several hundreds a year to the country, by aPpointing the party as consul-general at Constanti nople. Egypt stood in a different position to that of Syria. The former was governed by Paellas, whose rights were hereditary. The Pacha received a fixed tri bute and was subject to the Sultan. He administered to the local arrangements of his province, and to a certain degree was governor in chief of the province over which he was Pacha. The consul general had duties there to perform both political and commercial. lieypt being a great thoroughfare for English travellers Passi ng to and fro b e t ween I ndia and this country, there were imposed upon the consul-general there hospitali ties which trenched greatly upon his income. In re kard to Tripoli he (Lord Palmerston) intended to abolish that offici . .. The proposal before the Treasury tor its abolition was only wahine. for the receipt of information us to the length of services of the consul and other facts connected therewith. He was quite of opinion that, considering th e con di t i on i n which that /slice was, an ( " In e.rY consul was sufficient for the discharge of the duties required. In regard to c !nb u l s general of South America, it was well known that their duties were diplo ue and ai well as commercial. The lion. Mem ber asked why a hi g h er sa l ary s h ou ld b e given to the con -I.llvl- general of M onte V ideo than t h at of Buenos Ayres. hey, latter Place, and the duties were conseqeently consider :ll)ly lighter upon the consul-general. But so far from cotoul-geueral at Venezuela being inefficient, as ho thhupposed he (Lord Palmerston) could as.ure him that atg9sitlernan had r en d ered most valuable and jasper. services in dealing with the Government of that W a co merchants, aco upon a matter of great importance to the There was a law enacted there by which the Government of Veuezu, la endeavoured to cull seate the p roperty of British merchants; nut, by an arrangement of th e consu l- g ener a l, %-t _2unded, of course, upon the instructions of his own overtunent, he was enabled to place the matter upon THE such a footing as he- trusted -would-very shortly bring a',out a et-Virulent of these accounts satistactorily to the Britteh merchants. In North America tho salaries of the coustils depended latterly upon the fees received by them for the 'wit tour years. If. however, their fees fell off, that fact might f inn a good reason for restoring to them some portion of their salaries. The general result of what he tied stated was this:—He nad abolished the consul general at Algiers, substituting a consul and vice consul—he was going to abolish the consul-general at Tripoli—he had abolished the consul-general at Syria without any substitution whatever. The agents at the different ports in that quarter were to report to the con sul-general at Constan inople instead of reporting to the consul-general at Syria. There could be g eenral rule as to any particular amount being applicable to all cases, as such amount must depend upon the nature of the duties performed, and other circum , tanees connected with the office. He had paid every attention to the subject, with the view of rendering these duties as effi cient, and the salaries as economical as possible, and he would continue to direct his attention to the 'erne views, and to the abolition of all offices that were un- necessary.—(ll , ar, hear.) Mr. ALCjeK wished to draw the attqn'ion of the Committee to their consular establishment at Peru. There was a heavy duty placed upon that most impor tant article connected with British agriculture—namely, guano, in Lima, and he could not h'e'lp thinking, that if the consaLgeneral there had exertea himself more much greater facilities would be given to the procurine of this article for the purposes ot British egricalture. The Peruvian Government owed us a very Leavy debt, the interest of which they were partially evabled to pay by the sale of guano here. They, however, limited their supplies to the British market, and he thought that their farmers to mark their displeasure at the conduct pursued by the Peruvian Government, ought to abstain from the use of the article for a year or so. Lord PALMERSTON could assure the Hon. Gen tleman that if guano was not more plentiful in this country it was not the fault of the cousul-general nor of the British Government. The late Sir It. Peel, who took a great interest iu this question, had endeavoured to persuade the Peruvian Government not to continue this monopoly, but rather to permit this guano to he sent over here in great abundance. The present Go vernment had twice attempted to persuade them to the same course, but without success. The Honourable Member said that the sale of guano here had given the Peruvian Government the means of paying the bond holders of this country what they owed. That Government thought that by increasing the supplies the price ot the article would fall, and they, therefore, would not have such means to meet their engagements. He did not mean to say that that was a very sound or just reason, but still such was the fact. The mode by which the Hun. Gentleman proposed to procure a more plentiful supply of the article—namely, the adoption of the principle of prohibition, was, he thought, a very novel one —(Laughter.) He was rather inclined to think if this privation was to have the effect of depriving the Peruvian Government of the means of paying their debt, they would be diapteell to submit to it with greater patience than the agriculturists of Eng land would exhibit in submitting to the privation of guano.—(Laughter.) Mr. W. WILLIAMS complained of their expensive establishments at Constantinople, Paris, Madrid, and other places, where, together with consuls-general, they bad ambassadors and attachis in great number. He also wished to know how the fees received by consuls were accounte I tor, and whether they formed au addi tion to the salary? Lord PALMERSTON said that with regard to the duties of the consulate at Constantinople, it was well known that , British subjects were not tried before the Turkish tribunals, but before the consular court, and that in consequence of the number of our lonian subjects who visited Constantinople a good deal of tusinees was entailed upon the consul. Tne Hun. Member said that he did not see why the British people should be taxed ler the hospitali.y of the consul. but there were others who did nut see why the consul should be taxed for English subjects travelling in the East. With respect to Buenos Ayres, that being a place of trade, it was impos sible for the Minister to perform the consular duties. The fees went to defray the expense of the consular es tablishment., and an account of them was rendered to the Foreign-office. Mr. LENNARD remarked that no notice was taken of the Consul at Rome in the estimates. He wished to know whether the Noble Lord had any objets:ion to lay a statement of the fees received by consuls on the table of the House? Lord PALMERSTON said that the Consul at Rome had no salary. He bad no objection to lay a statement of the fees on the table. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the motion 43 Against it ... 153 Majority against the motion —llO Mr. trEWITHAIi 1' then objected to the vote for the salary of Sir James Brooke, not on account of the amount of the salary, but because Sir James Brooke was not only Consul but Raja of Sarawak and Governor of Labuan, and because he was engaged in commercial pursuits. Lord PALMERSTON said that the salary was di vided between the two offices, and that Sir James Brooke was not at present engaged in trade. Mr. URQUiIART said that he must object to the vote. Sir James Brooke had been engaged in trade, and the Noble Lord's answer was too general. Mr. HAWES could assure the Hon Member that Sir James Brooke had not been engagi d in any commercial speculation whatever since he was appoiuLtd Governor of LAbuan. • The vote was then agreed to. 16,0001. for oxtraordivary diabursementa of diplomatic misstuns abroad. Mr. EWART thought that some means should be adopted for educating persons for the diplomatic service before being appointed to it. He suggested that there should be eximivationa of all persons admitted to hold public offices. Lord PALMERSTON agreed with the Hoc. Mem ber in the opinions expressed. He thought that oil candidates for diplomatic appointments ought to be sub. jecteti to some such test as a previous examination. Mr. WILLIAMS objected to the charge for trawls- Lion of documents, and other minor expenses. Lord PAL ViEkiS CON observed that where statis- tics! documents were required to be made up, and in a short time, it was necessary to incur the expenses to which the lion. Member referred. Mr. URQUHART proposed to reduce the sum of 2,7001. fer interpreters by 7501. Lord PALMERSTON defended the vote. He had applied some years ago to the Universities to have two or three young men sent to Constantinople to learn the Turkish language, so that they might act as dragomans. The vote was agreed to. The next vote was 180,2051. for superannuation al lowances. The vote was agreed to. Toe vote for 2,1001 for the National Vaccine Este- I bli.huient was passed after some discussion. 3 750/. for the expenmas of negro and Corsican sufferers we Lied. rstood.—Agreed to. 3,250/. for the H tuge for the Destitute.—Agreed to. 4 4501. for the Polish refugees and whers —Agreed to. 6,1261.. albiwanee to ministers, Regium Donum. The CHANCELLOR of the EXOLIEQUER slid the vote had been objected to, but it was the lust time the vote would be asked. Mr. WILLIAMS would divide the House against the vote. He would first move that the Chairman report progress. Mr. G. BERKELEY thought the Hon. Member ought to be satisfied with the Right Hon. Gentleman's pro position. Mr. KERSHAW also thought the Hon. Member ought not to pie's the amendmmt after the promise which had been given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Colon 4 SIBTIIORP bad no faith in Ministerial pro miuts. He objected to the threat held out the other night by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that if the esti mates were not got rid of, the House must sit till the middle of August. He had no objection to sit till that time if the public interests require it. The Right Hon. Gentleman wanted to prorogue the House at an early day, that Ministers might go to their amuseturnts and pocket their salaries all the time. He objected to going o n the Merchant at the present ra lroad pace, especially when voting, money matters.—Vote agreed to. 6501. for the Foundling Hospital an d House of Indus try.—Agreed to. 9,7831. for House of Industry, Dublin. Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved t hat the chairman report Peeress. The motion was agreed to without a division , an d the House resumed. The Marriages (India e ßi a ll n t was read a third time and passed. 1 he reportSeamen's Fund Bill, as amended, was receive d. The Collecti on of Fi • nes, &c. (Ireland) Bill passed through Committee. The other business on th . • paper was then disposed of, and the House adjourned ut a quarter to Two o'clock. S it N. 5 LONDON, FRIDA.Y, HOUSE OF LORDS, July 17. The LORD HANCELLOR took hi s seat on th e Wool sack at Five o'clock. MILITIA BALLOT SUSPENSION BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. ASSESS ED TAXES COMPOSITION BILL. This B It passed through C ommittee. , BBiLlllCpas"7s3 RK roSu, eFhlCSolimEmßiltrleeS. This HIGH WAY RATES BILL. , BILL. On the motion of Earl GRANVILLE this Bill was read a third time and passed. PETITIONS. The Earl of ENNISKILLEN presented a petition from Tyrone, praying that the Church Education So ciety ST. ALBANS BRIBERY COMMISS lON BILL. Lord BEAMUONT moved the Committee on hi s Bill. The circumstances of the case of St. Albans were nearly similarto the case of Sudbury. The Noble Lord then entered into a narrative of the circumstances attending the late election for St. Albans, and the ebsence of , the witnesses summoned to give evidence before the Com mittee of the House of Commons. The Bill then passed through Committee. JEWISH EMANCIPA ['ION. Lord REDES D ALE presented several petitions against the admission of Jews into Parliament; amongst others a petition from 261 members of the English bar. The Bishop or OXFORD presented several petitions with a similar prayer. The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose to mote the second reading of the Bill for the amendment of the law regulating the administration cf the oath of abjuration. The Bill proposed to omit from that oath the words "On the true faith of a Christian." Those words bad the ef , feet of e x c l u di ng c onscientious Jews from Parliament. L The subject had been so often be fore their Lordships that nothing very new could be expected to be said on the subject. ANument the most convincing, elo quenc-e the most brilliant, had -been brought to bear upon this subject; buy yet that was no reason why they should abstain from the discussion of this subject. Pre judices the most determined had been found to give way to argument, and therefore he called upon their Lord- ships to discuss this question, which was nothing more nor less than to extend the benefits of civil and religious liberty to the Jews. When it was first proposed to admit foreign Jews tonaturalization in this ceuntry, such was the ferment occasioned that their Lordships thought it ex pedient to withdraw that boon; yet that boon had been subsequently extended to them, and now Jews were en abled to hold the highest municipal offices. Their Lordships had always opposed a barrier to sudden innovation. Their Lordships deliberated, and delibe rated cautiously, but when they saw that the sense of the country was in favour of an alteration iu the law, their Lordships deliberated and considered the subject, and if they saw no insuperable objection, they determined in accordance with the feeling of the nation. Five times had the House of Commons determined in favour of Jewish emancipation. It had been said that the absence of petitions proved the indiff qence of the country, but recent occurrences had shown them that the people were by no means indifferent to the safsty of the Estab lished Church, or of the Christian religion, and there fore the absents of petitions showed that the people entertained no apprehensions as to the effects of the passing of this 11,11. Few, indeed, had been the peti tions presented in opposition to this Bill.—(Hear.) Ile called upon their Lordships to do an act of justice to the Jews, and in so doing he would recall their Lord ships' attention to the situation in which the Jews now stood. Their Lordships bad consented to permit Jews to be magistrates, and to fill all municipal offices. They might sit in judgment on life and death. We now depended on their oaths for the safety of all that wes valuable ,in society. They might determine all questions relating to liberty and property, and no whisper had been heard against their administration of justice. The obstacle which this Bill proposed to re move was the only barrier to the ambition of the Jews to fill the highest offices. The British Jews were to all intents and purposes British subjects, and as such were entitled to the enjoyment of all civil rights. He freely admitted that no rights could exist incom patible with the capacity for the due and proper per formance of those duties ; but be contended that there was nothing in the position or conduct of the Jews which would incapacitate them for the due performance of the duties of the rights to which they aspired. They were perfectly observant of the rights of property.—(A laugh.) He hailed that good-humoured admission of his argument as to the right of property ; and he hoped that all his other arguments would be as unanimously assented to. They were good subjects, they were no disturbers of the public peace or of the public religion. They administered justice uprightly, and they were therefore entitled to all the privileges of good and faith ful subjects. Vattel had laid it down as a principle that in is civil state, although the Prince was bound to up hold the established religion, yet as the State could know nothing of religion, save by the acts of its professors, the Prince was bound not to deprive any loyal subject of his civil rights on account of his religious opinions, ex cept in the case in which the subject should make his religious opinions a cause for disturbing the peace of the State. Now, such could not be said to be the cats as regarded the Jews. The burden of proof in such a case rested with those who sought to exclude, and no such proof could be brought against the Jews. Among the objections which had been brought against the Jsws was that this was not their country. He could not understand this objection. Every Bri tish Jew was as much a British subject as a Christian. He apprehended that all British subjects, without dis tinction of sect or religion, were entitled to the full and free exercise and enjoyment of their civil and social righes, without one single exception. In the language of s Right Rev. Prelate, ho believed that all those rights were trusts, and that there must be a capacity for the full and faithful discharge of those trusts before those rights could be claimed; but he did not think it would be asserted that the Jews were incapacitated from ful filling those trusts on the ground that this was not their country. He did not think that those who made use of that phrase were aware of, or used it in its full extent. They said the Jews were of no country, and, therefore, ought not to be admitted to a free participation of civil rights with the rest of their fellow-subjects. But why were they of no country? Because until recently no country would admit them to enjoy their full share of civil and political rights. When it was said the Jews were of no country, the meaning was that they enter tained hopes or - looked forward to a period when they would be restored to the position of a united people.— (Hear, hear.) But did that prevent them from being of any country, or if permitted to become part of any country, would they lose that for which they prayed and asked? The period when they might expect the accomplishment of the prophecies towards which they looked, was somewhat uncertain, and were they to attach themselves to no country in the meantime? He apprehended that the Jews who were born and bred in this country were for all substantial purposes as much subjects of her Majesty as the members of any other persuasion, and viewed themselves as being equally citizens of this country. Admit them to a perfect en joyment of their rights, and he apprehended they would soon see that every mark of distinction, social as well as political, would be speedily obliterated. The fact of the Jews having no country promoted no argument against their admission to Parliament. They had no divided allegiance. In this country give them the rights of citizenship, and there was no reason to believe that they would not be equally loyal as any other class of subjects. Looking to their conduct limier a system of persecution, he argued that nothing what ever existed to warrant their further exclusion from the rights and privileges which it was now contended they should enjoy. —(Hear, bear.) This, thank God, was a Christian country, and he be lieved it would ever continue so. It certainly would not become less Christian by admitting a few Jews into Par liament. What motive could the Jew have in imp-ach ing the Christian faith, or in endeavouring to diminish the weight and authority of the Established Church? When did the Jew ever attempt to make proselytes? He was interested in preserving the prosperity of the country, because it tended to the prosperity of his own property. What breach of conduct in the Jew, as a citizen, disentitled him to Parliamentary honours? If they wanted specimens of adherence to faith and sub lime truth, they would find it in the ancient Jews. As good citizens, and as men faithful to their creed, they were clearly entitled to that which they asked. Why then withhold from the State the benefit of their wisdom and experience? Their Lordships having had this subject so frequently under their consideration would deal with it with that attention, intelligence, and wisdom which he attributed to them. He asked them to do jus tice and love mercy, confidently calculating on their adoption of the Bill.—(Hear, bear.) Earl NELSON moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. It was no argument to say that because the Jews were admitted to offices of civil responsibility they should be allowed to have seats in Parliament. There was a vast difference between ad ministering and making laws.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord on the woolsack had not attempted to touch the argument that the words—" on the true faith of a Christian," introduced into the oath, were intended to exclude the Jews from Parliament. It was parfectly true the Legislature was not bond fide of a Christian character, but from that fact the religion of the Church and State had been greatly shaken, and was it right to add to instead of diminishing the anomaly ? The as sembly was professedly Christian, and it they allowed the Jew to take his seat in Parliament without using the words "on the true faith of a Christian," how far could they exclude the professors of any creed? On these grounds he opposed the Bill, he concluded by expressing an earnest hope that it would be rejected. Lord WODEHOUSE briefly stated his reasons for supporting the Bill. The object of introducing the words "on the true faith of a Christian" into the oath, was not, as the Noble Earl opposite had said, with the view of excluding Christians, but to give more than an ordinary degree of solemnity to the oath. Ho observed with regre t that the Bill before their Lordships had been framed so as to apply to gentlemen professing the Jewish religion alone. He thought they should admit to Parlia went those who professed any religion whatever. There might be state grounds of policy for excluding some citi zens from political rights, but he did not believe that if they rejected this Bill on religious grounds, they would act in the spirit or essence of their sacred religion. Amongst the most eloquent and able opponents of the Bill had been the Right Rev Prelates beside him. He vete. tured to ask them where they found any authority, orstia dow of sanction, for the idea, that where Christians were the majority in a country, it was their duty to reserve for themselves the exclusive possession of civil privileges. If the argument upon which Jews were to be excluded from Parliament were to prevail, on what ground could they justify the admission of Catholics and Dissenters? But if this oath was any safeguard for the great principle of their Constitution, be wondered how it had happened' that they could have allowed the avenues to that great part of the Constitution--the House of Commons—to be vitiated by the elevation of Jews to the highest munici pal offices.—(Hear, hear.) They allowed men of that persuasion to acquire the confidence of their fellow-citi zsns, and to rise to places where they might naturally look forward to a seat in Parliament, and then they turned round upon them with this pretence of an oath, and refused them to enter. That was not a consistent oath to take, and he hoped the House would put an end to the grievance by the adoption of this Bill.—(Hear.) The Arcnbishop of DUBLIN and Lord Shaftesbury rose together, but the general call was in favour of the Right Reverend Prelate. On this question, and on that debated the other night, he thought at the present time exactly as he had done for many years. He had never advocated the admission of the Jews into Parliament, but he had ell along advocated the expedi ency of leaving the question to the electors. He did not think more of restricting the Jews than ho did of re striction on Mahomedans or Hindoos, but he contended for the removal of all restriction') whatever from the electors--(gear, hear)—unless it could be shown that civil danger was likely to ensue. For him, it was not whether Jews sit in Parliament, but whether Christian electors should have a right to elect whom they thought fit.—(Llear, hear.) On this point, however, he must express his full coincidence in the opinion expressed by the Noble Lord who had just sat down, but this. Bill did Lot take a proper hold of the subject. His view was, eyoughtto enaction all religious o ious r dis tinction es t b a h t whatever, t either im posing civil disebilities, unless it could be shown that those religious distinctions were in some way or other connected with some civil dangers. To the present question that had not even been suggested. l i e wa s far from saying that there was no political danger its admitting Roman Catholics and Dissenters ; but b e thought they ought to brave that danger, rather t h a n depart, as they w o u ld h ave departed , had they con tinued to exclude them, from the spirit of the Christian religion. But there was no doubt that the danger that threathruid their Church was geeethr from Rohm Ca tholics and Dis_senters than it *as from the Jews. He trasted ha ehetilil not be charged with indiffereeide Christianity in cdvocatieg the omission of these words from the oath. Far from their having eny tendency to elevate the heiral iefluence of Christianity, he thought it a diShonour to it, even to suppere, that it could he so honoured or supported.--(blear, hear.) He rernem• bared having heard nt church that we ought to show our gratitude to Providence for the groat victories our troops had achieved in India. Yew,' he trusted that whether under victory or defeat, calamity or prosperity, he should never be disposed, or any of their Lordships, to show a disregard for religion, but how any prospe rity or victory could_ be said to depend on those' Jewish disabilities, or, rather, Christian ties—for eueli e he maintained, - was their real nature—he was at a loss to comprehend ; and as to their victories in India, he wandered wheie they would have been, if those soldiers of our Indian army bed been rejected, who would have, refasel, upon its • benne tendered to them, to. take their oath on the true faith of a Christien.—(Cheery.) Why, nine-tenths of them were Hindooss who, though they fearless:4 marched to their services in she flail, teey were je lously excluded free , Parliament by this ostb.—(Hear.) ls en conclusion, maintained that the eleetora bed a:right to dernend this free exercise of their funceens as 'British subjecte arid as Christians, and as folloWers obi lilies w ho declared that his kingdom was not of this whOrld, and disavowed to his apostles all notion of politieal asceridaticy, or of power to overthrow temporal dienity.—(Cheers.) The Earl of SHAFTES:3IMY much regretted that thiS question should have b eee ag ain revived. Nothing new had occurred to alterhney of their opinions. ' The same proposition was now offered—the same resis tance offered, and it must be met 'again by the same ar guments, for the question went se simple that it could not be regarded in different liglats.—(lleer.) Now, he must first defend himself against the charge of hostility to the Jewish faith. The objections that he had now to urge, and had before urged against the measure, did not arise!fhom any such feeling towards the Jews, but from circumstances which pecu liarly affected them, and against which they could not shut their eyes. Neither did he say that they were an incompetent race to discharge the important functions to which they were aspiring, far from it. Neither did he oppose the Bill, because, in numbers, they were few. The principle upon which they (the objectors) rested was as good,for one individual as fen- a hundred millions. —(hear, hear.) And still less did they seek to exclude them, as had often been alleged, and alleged just now even, by the Noble and Learned Lord the Lord Chan cellor, and in the last speech made on the subject by the late lamented Sir Robert reel—still less did they op pose this Bill in any spirit of vengeance. God forbid that any such thoughts should ever enter their minds ! But they had no warranty for executing any such a de cree as was now proposed to them on behalf of the descendants of the race that was stained with the sin of the crucifixion. The real difficulty ley on our selves, Doe in respect of the Jewish people, but be cause of the vigour and intensity of our own principles. They would admit that the Jews were an 'intellectual race of men, end otherwise qualified for the business of legislation; but it was necessary to recollect that their very existence and professions were a protest against Christianity itself. The Jew denied the true faith of a Christian, and he called on them to strike out these words, as being improper or unnecessary. Now, he maintained that no one had a right to make such a de mand as this. This was going beyond the legitimate grounds upon which they were able to make concessions. This was not a question of detail, but a principle. He maintained that they had no right to make any conces sion of the kind. Here was a declaration which actu ally, or virtually, had excluded a Jew from Parliament for more than 200 years, and they were called upon to repeal it—not because it was improper or unnecessary, but because it tended to exclude Jews from Parliament, who were the great antagonists of the Christian reli gion. If the question before us were the repeal of oaths venerally the debate would stand upon a different footing. He was really astonished at the words that had fallen from the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack in this debate. " What had they to fear," widths, and " did they think the Jews wished to Juduize the state?" —(Hear.) They bad no such fears, but they feared the sacrifice of principle, which was always perilous, and might result in the most melancholy consequences, though it might be impossible now to specify any one of them, Now it was a matter for serious and anxious consideration, whether it would not be better to abolish oaths altogether, than to go on thus temporising year after year.—(Cheers.) He very much doubted the ex pediency of making such a change. They might, per haps, not have been of any great use. They had not excluded infidels from Parliament, but let them under stand the full value of the oaths at the table. It was said that the oaths containing those words did not ex clude Lord Bolingbroke, Gibbon, and other infidels. But, in regardieg the declations of these men, as operating 'against the value of the oath, they took a very narrow view of the subject. 'These oaths were not to be: taken as Ither private affirmations of the in dividnal,' but as the declaration of the nation itself. The whole nation could not take the oaths, and hence they were taken by its representatives iu Parlia ment. He could not see why, whilst Bolingbroke and Gibbon took that oath, and, by so doing, Jeopar dised their souls, the principles of religion were the less strongly asserted. He could not retreat from those words, therefore, without consenting to a sacrifice of prin ciple, which must inevitably be followed by the most banclul consequences. He could not yield oa this point to an authority less than that which originally imposed this limitation.—(Hear.) The Eerl of CARLISLE said, that with reference to the question before their Lordships, after . what had fallen from the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, and the Archbishop of the sister kingdom, be did not think it necessary to do more than occupy the shortest time in recommending the Bill to their Lordships.—(Hear.) t't ith reference to the absence of pstitious, he had only to say that circumstance alone had prevented the pre sentation of the unanimous petition of the corporation of London, in favour of this measure. He did not think much of the religious argument against the admiseion of Jews to Parliament, and could no: bring himself to be lieve that there was the slightest danger to Christianity from the presence of Jews in the other House of Parlia ment. The existence of this oath, so far as it excluded the Jews, was a mere accident. They wordslwere intro duced with reference to no religious circumstances. The question now wesevras it advisable to retain them? He doubted whether, if they had not been there, either of the Noble Lords opposite would have been' bold enough to propose such a test.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that great risk would follow item the continued opposition of their Lordships to this Bill 'and he feleconvinced that, sooner or later, their Lordships would consent to this Bill, and terminate the struggle with the electors and the other House, by allowing the second reading of this Bill.—(Cheers.) The Earl of WINCHILSEN said they were now called upon to renounce the Christianity of the State, and if they did so they would offead the great body of the people of this country. Was it a matter of perfect indifference to this great country what re ligion a man professed ? For the Jewish people h e entertained a sin cere respect, but in their favour he could not consent to abandon the Christianity of the State.--(Chee ts ') The Earl of WICKLOW confessed that it appeared to him that it was just because they were a Christian country that no danger could arise from the admission of Jews into Parliament. But, notwithstanding the profession of such principles, he had the strongest ob jection to this Bill, because it did not abolish oaths alto gether. This Bill differed from the Bill of 1849. He did not think the Government was justified in moking these alterations.—(Hear, hear.) He firmly believed that there was a moral and religious feel ing in the people of this country that they would de cline to take these oaths, and he was of opinion that if the mess of the people were obliged to take these oaths, a feeling would speedily be raised which would compel the attention of the Legislature. It was on the grounds he had stated, that he refused his assent to the second reading of the Bill; but in the event of their Lordships acceding to the second reading, it would be easy in Com mittee to make those alterations which, in his opiniuu, he considered to be necessary. The Duke of ARGYLL, after referrieg to the speech of the Noble Earl (the Earl of Shaftesbury), said he could not easily forget being present a few years ago at a public meeting in Glasgow, to which the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government had been in vited by the people of Glasgow. He (the Duke of Ar gyll) had attended that meeting, and he had heard with infinite surprise and regret, the Noble Lord say that, for the purpose of keeping up a spirit of persecution, the House of Lords had refused their assent to the measure of that day in favour of the Jews. lie (the Duke of Argyll) deprecated such observations. He believed the Jews were not actuated by a prosely tising spirit. But the Noble Earl said, that so far as they went they were hostile to Christianity, and that it Was no answer to his object, to say that only a few could be introduced into Parliament, and that it was the prin ciple he contended fur. But this argument was o intra dieted by the fact that the Jew was admitted to thtlelec tive franchise. He was an elector, and therefore exer cised legislative power, although he admitted it was in a miner degree. IVith reference to the admission of avowed infidels into Parliament, Bolingbroke and Gib bon had been referred to, and the Noble Earl said that although the House knew the tact, it was with great pleasure they were called upon to declare on the faith of a Christian. Now he (the Duke of Argyll) felt no plea sure in such things, for he thought that nothing was more improper than to ask such a man to take such sn oath, and so to add hypocrisy to his other offence. The Earl of SHAFITSBI.TRY disclaimed using the words imputed to him, and explained that what he had said was, the act of taking the oath by such men as Bolingbroke and Gibbon was jeopardising their con e, sciences. The Duke of ARGYLL said that bore hitn h out in what he had seid.—(llear.) In so fur as the consti tuency was concerned, in electing arepresentative th e y were called on to ;di et a Christian, and notwitheiaidieg they knowingly elected au infidel, and the House of Commons, with that knowledge, called on him to take the o aths.—(Hear.) It was not contended that the Jew would be hostile to their ecclesiastical Establishment. It wor not contended that he would he as hostile! /is Dissenters who had been admitted.—(hear, ear.) After some further remarks the Noble Duke conclud , d by saying that he was prepered to vote for the me enure on brim and general prieciples.--(Rear.) He had a ~great reverence for the priucip e propounded by Dr. Arr. Id, as to the connexion of the Church with the State, but it appeared to him that the spirituel and the civil must ho wholly separated,—(Clear, hear.) That he was prepared to affirm, and according to the constitu tion of P a rliament, it was wrong that men should be wholly excluded from taking their seats, who were potent, on purely spiritual grounds. The of NOR H WIC agreed that this oath otherwise s c h o o m p was not intended to be made a religious test. Flow, he EVENING, JULY 18, 1851. rot od ask, woeld the Christian religion be affasted by this measure? Did any men think, if thov passed it,. there would be - fewer Christians in the coil:soy than. before?—(Bear, hear.) Did any man think that the Christians who &meted Baron Rothschild anu Mr. Salo mons had any greater sympathy with those of the Jewish persuasion than any other body of Casisjaans? Ile therefore maintained that the measure before them was incapable of inflicting injury on tho Ch r i st i an re ligion, but he did think they were inflicting i n j ury on the Christian religion by year after year reiusihg their assent to the measure.—(Hear, hear.) Such being his opinions, he should give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, bear.) Lord AB-INGER and the Bishop of .Oxford rose to gether. The latter having resumed his seat, the Noble Lord proceeded to address the House. He said it ap peared to him that the Jewish nation had not a right to ask to be upon an equality in the eye of the law. He held that every nation had a duty to perform to itself, aed that duty was to deny political power to those who &flared so widely froth the people of this country as the Je .:id, and whose feelings were altogether so dill-rent. lie had no objection psrsonally to sit by .a.jew. int. if they once alhaiLted rn , :haners of t,h,i; b o dy .to eats in the Legislature, the iz.filaice and eharao .-r of their Lord soiha would sustain a severe blow.—(Hear, hear.) The E irl of GALLOWAY sail it. was an adnait'ed soripht-al doctrine boat without faith they could not please God. Now the Jews not only had nut that faith, but being wholly ueeonverted to Chrtitis,tiity, they could not have it. Therefore, is the adinieistration oft he af fairs of the nation, they would rsjeet the truth, end fur that reason he luoke i upon them as utterly doqualide] from acting as legislators. [When the Earl of Galloway commeneed his laisf ob servations, the Bishop of Oxford, who evidently was most anxious to take part in the debate, left the house. The Right Rev. Prelate remained away but a minute or two, but when he returned he found, to his great astonish macat, that not only had the Earl of Galloway concluded, but that the Lord Chancellor was in the act of winding up the debate by a reply. This aircumstanee caused some merriment among their Lordships.] The LORD CIiAIgCELLOR would not detain their Lordships many minutes with his observations in reply. Ile admitted that there was a difference between the making laws and their administration. But the value of their laws mainly depended on the manner in which they were administered, and Jews were now a party to that administration. If they continued to reject this Bill, and to oppose that which must be taken to be the sense of the country, they would not increase the love and respect now felt in their Lordships' House.—(Hear, hear.) They might be persuaded to reject the Bill, but let them not persuade themselves that it would not be presented to them again and again until it was ultimately carried. The Noble. and Learned Lord suddenly re sumed his seat, so suddenly, indeed, that the Bishop of Oxford failed to observe his Lordship, and again lost the opportunity of addressing the House. Contents (for the motion) Proxies Non-contents B2 Proxies Majority against the Bill Their Lordships then adjourned. THE LAW OF MORTMAIN. Yesterday the Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to inquire into the Laws of Mortmain, was excessively crowded during the day, from the fact of its being known that his eminence Cardinal Wiseman had been summoned to give evidence before the Committee. There was a great crowd of Members of Parliament, clergymen of the Church of England, Catholic priests, and no small number of ladies. The Committee consists of eighteen Members, of whom Mr. Headlam is the chairman. The other Members are the Attorney-General, Lord John Manners, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Drummond, Mr. Anstey, Mr. Hutt Mr. Fitzpatrick, Mr. Adair, Mr. Roundell Palmer, Mr. Heald, Lord H. Vane, Mr. Hardcastle, Mr. Monsell, Mr. Napier, Mr. Keogh. The Earl of Arundel and Surrey had also been cast for the Committee. The CHAIRMAN addressing the Cardinal (who, to the disappointment of the public on the occasion, sate with his back to them throughout the examination) said, the Committee have referred to yo¢ as the best authority, probably, on the subject of Catholic matters in this country, wishing to know your opinion on the law of Mortmain as it affects property devised to Catholic com munities. Do you consider that the Catholics of this country look upon these laws and the administration of justice by the tribunals of this country with distrust? Cardinal Wiseman—l do not. The CHAIRMAN—Do you know of anything upon which the Catholics of this country object to our pre sent laws of Mortmain? Cardinal Wiseman—No, ex cept it be property devised for what are called supersti tious uses and masses for the dead, which m'mbers of what is called the Established Church may look upon as superstitious, but which Catholics do not so consider. The CHAIRMAN—Have Catholics any objection to the administration of the same laws in reference to their charitable trusts as are administered in a Protestant community?—The Cardinal knew of no objection; and then went on to say that in the case of money devised for the purpose of saying masses, the money, unless it were a very small sum, did not go to the priest in the way of a small sum, as a personal gift. in which case it was lett with the priests. The larger sums were invested in the name of trusteed in the usual way. had known such a sum as 50/. to bo invested, and the uses to which such moneys were applied were for the entilwinmt or foundation of a new church, or to the establishment of some ministry in connexion with it. In the case of a person entering a convent, a previous contract was en tcred into with reference to their property; sornetim , s part of the property was given to the convent, RLd part to the relations. In the ca: e of persons to whom inoney was bequeathed while they were inmates of the convent, it was not in this country always considered that it be came the property of the convent, but it was, generally spetdting, at the disposal of the party fien,ell to give to relations, and ho had known cases in which 1146 had bean done. Trio CHAIRMAN remarked that a case hall ocurred in Belgium where the superioress of the convet.t had tried the question of the right of the convent to pro perty bequeathed to inmates of the convent; to which the Cardinal replied that that was i❑ Belgium, but in this country the persons had a legal right to dispo,e of any property left them. The CHAIRMAN asked whether considerable dissatis- Liction had not prevailed among the Catholics a few years ago in reference to the law affecting trusts of pro perty for charitable purposes?—The Cardinal replied that some Bills had been introduced, one under the auspices of Sir J. Romilly, but it was a question whether it was not an unfriendly Bill, and he opposed it, or did not coincide with it. He (the Cardinal) had not pledged himself actually to any Bills introduced; but he thought a different feeling now prevailed, and that the Catholics cGntinued as they were. He did no: think that the Catholics wore favourable to any legislative in terference in matters of this description, as they had had some lessons from late events, and lookei on legislation of that kind with distrust. In answer to further questions as to the power o, the propaganda affecting seiritual and temporal ques tions submitted to their jurisdiction from this country, and as to the power of the Catholic archbishops upon marriage matters, the Cardinal said he had already ex plained his views on these matters to previous Cona• mittees of the House of Commons when he had given every information in his power, but at the present moment he was under entirely different circumstances. Au Act, a declaratory Act, was pending before the Legislature of this country, but which was to be re trospective in its operations, which rendered him liable to certain penalties, or to the information of any toms mon informer, in case of his acknowledging any official communication with the see of Rome. On questions, therefore, relating to subjects which would require his admission of communications with the see of Rome, he must respectfully decline to gizo answer. The CHAIRMAN observed, that whatever was said they would have the protection of the I - louse of Com mons. The Cardinal replied, that that did not alter his opinion. He had known cases where the protection of the House of Commons did not avail. Was not aware that any portion of funds bequeathed by the Catholic community for charitable purposes were not administered strictly within the intention of the donor, and it was not within his own knowledge as regarded any property over which he (the Cardinal) had control. Property, in some instances, might be applied not improperly, accord ing to the spirit rather than to the letter of the bequest —a fund might be applied to a purpose analogous to that for which it was intended. If a priest of the Catholic Church received a legacy it was his own property, and if the case was in England he treated it just as he pleased. If he (the Cardinal) had a large sum of money given him he should apply it to his own purposes, and not altogether or specifically to ecclesiastical purposes. In the case of gifts of this kind to priests or prelates of the Catholic Church, the disposal would be dictated by their own conscience, and according to the tics operating on them. If he (the Cardinal) had a legacy left him of 1,000/., without any particular conditions attached, he should not consider it was necessary to apply it to any particular purpose. With respect to secret trusts, and the secret disposition of property, was of opinion measures might be taken to secure their application to ecclesiasti cal purposes, and ho would much rather have it so. Al ways individually, in matters concerning the bequeathal or disposition of property acted under legal advice, and according to his sense of duty. As regarded the main question before the Committee, and their re lation to : the Catholic community, was of opinion that a quest on might arise as to whether the la ws o f ' Mortmain, as opposed to any other laws, were just. Judging from his own conviction of the policy of the Mortmsin laws, and that they were not in accordance w i t h ot h e r laws, did not think it would be iudispensable to insert clauses in any measure rendering publicity in all matters of charitable bequest necessary. Thought that any legisla:ion that affected the charitable trust of a ny other body should give equal security and protection to the Catholic body, and was not prepared to say that there should be any clauses exempting Cattatkcs. The property of Roman Catholics in England generally was in land rather than money. The above is the substance of the Cardinsi',, examint ti,:o. many parts cl which, owing to the crowd, and from his back being turned, it was difficult to c a t c h, A t three o'clock his Eminence, bowing to the Committee, who acknowledged it, left the committee-room with the Rev. Mr. Serie, his secretary, and was foliewed along the lengthy corridor by the crowd, until he reached his carriage in Palace-yard, and drove off rapidly, DEATH OF THE EARL OF CHARLEVILLE.-.-It is with great regret we have to announce the death of the Earl of Charleville, which sad event took place suddenly on Monday last in the neighbourhood of London. By his de cease, a vacancy occurs in the representative P e erage of Ire land. His Lordship is succeeded in his title and estates by his eldest son, Viscount Tallamore, now Earl of Charleville. ...Evening Mail. THE CRYSTAL PALACE • FIRST AND SECOND EDITIONS OF THE OFFICIAL CATALOGUE. The remarks which have been indulged in by some of our contemporaries, with respect to the Official Catalogue of the Great Exhibition, together with a re-perusal of the " Second corrected and Improved Edition," induce us to make a few observations upon the work and its predecessors. The world is gene rally pretty critical upon catalogues, and every one feels quite competent to judge of what no one can produce to the satisfaction of any, human being, him self not excepted. The first edition of the catalogue was produced on, the morning of the opening of the Exhibition, and was hailed as one of the wonders of that eventful day. It was soon discovered that it contained a consider able number of errors, and it was as mercilessly criti cised as it had Wore been liberally praised. how many of those who were most forward to complain knew anything of the difliailtive that had been over come, as comp,red with those which had defivd the compilers, and remained, in their effects, stubbjrn witnesses of their own in(?ornitable character? We will not attempt to answer our own questinn, but briefly state a few of the pevulizr circumstances which affected the work. In the fi rs t place, it was at press before the goods .% ere in their placvs—nav, before many of them had arrived. Why such haste, - a reader may urge ; would it not have been preferable to wait a month rather than produce an imperfect work ? To this we reply, in the first place, that if the im perfect work had not been produced, the improved edition would never have seen the light; an d, in the second place, had the Exhibition been op ene d and the catalogue not ready, the outcry would Lave been loud and continuous against all concerned in the m a _ nagement. The first edition was a necessity, an d ' must be regarded as produced under pressure. We live in a railroad age, everything is expected to be great, rapid, and cheap. We grumble every day that London is so large that it wears us out in body ruins us in cab-hire, yet who is there that writes " London" in his address that does not boast and' feel proud of its miles and millions. We complain loudly enough when we are obliged to scamper across the mud to save our lives or our clothes, from a'cab steal ing over M'Adam at the rate of twelve miles an hour ; yet we know that society does and will go at that pace, all the gouty old gentlemen, " unprotected fe males," and helpless children in the " Great Metro polis" notwithstanding. We cry out every day of our lives that things are too cheap to be good ; and yet_ it is perfectly well known that, except the most extraordinary talent or the most admirably managed puffing be employed, nothing will sell that costs more than a shilling. In accordance with these undeniable facts, the catalogue of the largest and most various collection that was ever brought together since the world began was brought out with unheard of cele rity—so large almost to require a page to carry it, and at about the price per pound that we give for our butter. Of course, every one knows how to make a cata logue. The thing is simple enough ; the objects are carefully examined, and their relative position accu rately ascertained ; the descriptions are then put down in precisely the same order in the manuscript, which is sent to press, carefully set up, and carefully revised, and afterwards carefully put together by the binder, and then issued to the world, or rather to the trade, without a single error, as we know catalogues always are, or should be, if they did but follow the simple rule of their nature. There were a few points, however, in the compilation of the Exhibition cata logue that did not exactly coincide with this sim plicity. In the first place, there were about sixteen thousand exhibitors, who dated from all parts of the world, and had determined to send some contribution to the exhibition ; to this small body of contributors the compilers had to look for their materials, the officers of the executive committee supplied the numbers to be attached to these interesting para graphs, and we believe that the greatest pains were taken by all concerned to make the arrangement systematic and convenient : the numbers were to run from left to right, like books upon a shelf, so that the visitor would have nothing to do but to walk in the prescribed course and find number two next to number one, number three next to number two, and so on from Alpha to Omega. We doubt not it looked most complete upon paper, and would have been highly satisfactory but for a few trifling and unfore seen accidents, which we shall point out. Some few hundred of the exhibitors sent in no de scriptions at all, either in groundless apprehension of being charged for their insertion, or in obedience to the laws of procrastination and forgetfulness. Others sent descriptions, but were not equally punctual with regard to the goods themselves. The former were astonished, when the catalogue appeared, that the officials bad not supplied above four-fifths of their omissions, and the public were equally surprised that one steam-engine, a brass saucepan, an aerial machine to carry forty people, a sample of treacle st - Ap, newly-invented patent Inciter match-box, and a g!ass walking-stick, were to be found, like the carpenter's nails in ".Toe Miller" "in the bill," and no where else. Again, when the goods arrived, they most obstinately refused to fit the places assigned to them on the plan. A " specimen of granite" arrived in state, with a train of horses nearly as long as the Crystal Palsze itself. One " specimen of copper ore," took ten men to get it out of its carriage, while another came in the waiitcost pocket (,f a celebrated professor ; some specimens of crystalised salts were mistaken, on their arrival, for models, on a large scale, of the great Derbyshire caves ' • and a sample of hops certainly came in a " pocket," but it weighed 500110., and could be further compressed. Six feet four could not be placed next in the rank to four feet six, so number one was put on the floor and number two at the top of the wall, just as pictures are arranged in every ex hibition in the United Kingdom, and, doubtless, everywhere else ; but human work, which passes well enough under ordinary circumstances, looks ter ribly rough sod clumsy when brought under the microscope ; and this fact never was more strongly illustrated than in the case in question—fifty irregu larities, which involve a walk of half a quarter of a mile each, take off the edge of a man's good temper, eat considerably into the longest day, and call down upon the unfortunate catalogue-maker epithets nei ther laudatory nor complimentary. No wonder then that the first, and even the second issue of the catalogue was imperfect, and that com plaints were not, like angel-visits, few and far be tween. The compilers set to work to remedy the evil, and the second issue was a decided improve ment on the first ; hut down to the time of the issue of this latter edition, some parts of the collection were still unarranged, and the pressure upon those who did the work of the Exhibition was still so en grossing, that it was almost impossible to attain to anything like a satisfactory result. During the last few weeks, however, matters have assumed a settled aspect, and the effect of this is evident in this new and really corrected edition, which has been revised with very great care. It also contains a large amount of new matter, the whole of Turkey and India being additional, besides numerous items in the French, American, and other departments. The table of contents has been entirely remodelled and much extended, and will be found to furnish a complete guide to the various parts of the Exhibition, as well as a key to the catalogue. I say confidently, that if visitors will look through the contents, and will take the trouble to read the introductory re marks with which Mr. Yapp has prefaced the work, they will find the plan of the catalogue simple, and its execution satisfactory ; but if they will look for No. 10 of Class 20 in Class 10, and laboriously persist that the Russian vases are not in the cata logue, because they cannot find them, either in Tunis, America, or Florence, they will themselves be great losers in point of information ; and will commit a great injustice on the contractors and all engaged in the production of the catalogue, if they condemn before they have taken the trouble to make an examination, which will cost them at the utmost ten minutes time, and amply repay them for its dis bursement. THB EXHIBITION IN HYDE-PARK:A meeting of the Manchester local committee was held on Thursday af ternoon to petition the Legislature to continue the Crystal Palace, in Hyde-park. The meeting was not very nume rously attended. Mr. John Potter, the Mayor of Manchester, presided. A petition, drawn up for the purpose, was agreed to, and will be forwarded to both Houses of the Legislature immediately. [ ADVERTISEMENT]—Taa GREAT EXHIBITION.-- A valuable. newly-invented, very small powerful waistcoat pocket glass, only the size of a walnut, to discern minute ob jects at a distance of from four to five miles, which is found to be invaluable at the Exhibition, and to Sportsmen, Gentlemen , and Gamekeepers. To be had at 39, Albemarle-stree t, Piccadilly, opposite the York-hotel. Opera and Race-course glasses with wonderful powers—a small object can be clearli seen from ten to twelve miles distant. Telescopes— "In, most important invention in Telescopes. possessing such e le es, ordinary powers, that some, 3 i, inches, with an extra ey s e n P d the will show distinctly, Jupiter's Moons, Saturn's Bing ' and are of i Double Stars. They supersede every other kind, and sea lall sizes, for the waistcoat pocket shooting, m ilitary, optians have . I purposes. Messrs. S. and B. ,SoLosrpe7_, imme A iately i i invented invaluable preserving Spectacle L I ' and original 1 I they are placed before imperfect vision, ev . ery object appears I I clear and distinct, the most aged defective sight becomes bright 1 I and brilliant, is brought to its youthfPl' natural ibrator, and all kinds of acoustic state. The invisible Organic d fness 39 A , instruments for relief of extreme _!gi _ • •- , ..lb s y nar l,_ I I street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel. 1 --- Holloway's Oi t ' 1 rADvßETlesmossiT. j a Bad It it en . sod I Pills. —Extraordinary ! curorespected Foot.—Mr, Henry Ken _ ! newell, son of the late mu ch _surveyor of the South. District of St. Pancras, L on d on, ampton stated in a letter to hi s mother from B a rra Barra, Port Ad e l a id e. that in his jow l Adelaide , ney to thos e mines trom he was comp e ll e d t o wa lk for want of a c onveya nce , and, in doing so , h e graze d, an d afterwards poisoned his foot, which became so bad that he was under a surgeon's care for more than two months without ob taining an relief; he was then induced to try Holloway's Oint ment and Pills, which, in three weeks, completely cured his foot, and he was enabled to commence work without incon venience.—Sold by all druggists , an d at Professo Establishment, 244, Strand ,L ondo n. r Holloway's THE ROYAI. AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY Yexierday tho thow-yurd of society was thronged with visitors brought cloy4ti to Witidsor by CXCUrriOtl trains running every half hour,' at reduccd fares, from the Waterloo and Paddington ateti e u s . The prize ani mals were all examined with immense interest, and the cli3plsy generally appeared to excel in attractiveness that of any former *year. • The society's meeting *has lost nothing in popular estimation .from the absence' of the agricultural implements, and even the increased time during which the stock has remained open for inspection has not been found to exhaust public curiosity. Not wthstanding the excellence of the situation chosen for this annual lite, and the success with which it has been attended, it may now be fairly regarded as a subject of regret that it was not held more in the immediate vicinity of London. Had such an arrangement been mace the inhabitants of the •metropolis, and the W I . toett.,e number of strangers at present sojourning. among us, would have he-t-n eccomu3odated, the funds of the society woultt have been gre a tly •_ beEttiteti, and a more complete oppertunity would have teen ell'Jroled for examirtieg a display of stock unprecedented both in its variety acid its ex eaenee. Thee di-play is eow ever, ar.d a‘i that remains Of it is the impres3i ,- ,n which h leases upon the mind of the hour.' yof n-:,ture in euppl)ing to the agricultural system of ;his counleY ettyn te:ensive and tiduairatil4 ',reeds cf stock. For'eachdefa2 zipil on of land, fur each d,versity of regeteTien and dintte, we shall find au ederation distinctly provided. 'Ehe Cutswold•hills and the chalk downs, teed the t1:11 pastures of the midland counties, and even the coarse grasses of cur Welsh and northern mountains, are aU remembered in that wise end beneficent variety of ahrep stuck which the show y atd at Windsor illustratcs. In cattle the same law is more or less discernible. The Ninth Derens, the Short horns, the Herefords, and all the other kinds exhibited, Oevelop severally a peculiar titnees for the districts whence they chit ay come. Yet in none is the aptitude for certain localities so stringent that it does not admit of ample relaxation to meet the exigencies of markets and the wants of a comprehensive system of agriculture. In this remarkable year, when every branch of human industry takes stock for the past and girds itself for naW r eff . orts during the future, we earnestly trust that the " in ners of this country will direct their attention more fully th an they have hitherto done to the endless diversities of practice, tempered always with a due re gard to the c ircumstances of soil and climate with which Nature provides them. The di sp l ay i n th e H ome P ar k at Windsor establishes with a force to which language cannot do sufficient justice, the fully of obstinately per severing in any one course of agricultural management which has ceased to be profitable when so many others prevent themselves which, judiciously carried out, may lead to satisfactory results. Farming, like every occu pation in life, has,its Imes of diver gence men must choose with discretion their path,along which for there i s no royal road to success now which the uneducated and the enlightened, the duped and the sagacious, the n ee d_ and the well-provided, can all alike travel with o o d. deuce. The repeal of the corn-laws has stopped up the only thoroughfare which bad acquired that reputation, and if, as a consequence of that grant change, wheat has ceased to be remunerative, our agricultural practice m ast be modified and altered until the disturbed balance of the markets is restored in our favour. It is not within the province of the journalist to indicate what course should be adopted, but looking at the varied fea tures of the cattle show just terminated, one cannot help thinking that an occupation which presents so many alternatives and choices in manufacturing the food of the people must alone he dependent for its permanent prosperity upon the independent energy and skill with which each man pursues its acts. Impressed with this conviction, we are anxious to see the Royal Agricultu ral Society extending its influence among the mass of our practical farmers. It has outlived an infancy ren dered doubtful by the patronage of the great, whose hu. mows and jealousies had to be conciliated in return. In its council and management some of the ablest and most enterprising of our agriculturists have gradually gained a secure footing. Traces of toadyism and clique influ ence still remain, however; these will not be finally re moved until further steps are taken to secure the co• operation and sympathy of the tenantry as a body, and to make them regard the society lees as an association of amateurs, and more as identified with their own interests and progress. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Court and Privy Council at ono o'clock yesterday, at Buckingham Palace. At the Court the Earl of Derby had au audience of the Queen, and delivered to her Majesty the ensigns of the Most Noble Order of the Gaiter worn by his lather, the late Earl of Derby. Count Buol-Schaunstein, Envoy Extraordinary, aad Minister Plenipotentiary from his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Austria, delivered his credentials from his Sovereign. His Excellency was introduced by Viscount Palmerston, G.C.8., the Queen's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and conducted by Colonel the Hon. Sir Edward Cuss, her Majesty's Master of the Ceremonies. Mr. Sheriff Robert Walter Carden, and Mr. Sheriff George Edmund llodgkinaon were presented to the Queen by Viscount Palmerston (officiating for Sir G. Grey, the Home Secretary), when her Majesty was graciously pleased to confer the honeur of knighthood on both bherifls. Lord Hurrii was premitrd to the Queen on hie return. from abroafl, by Earl they, tiecrettry of State for the CuloLicg. The Privy Council VVRK attended by his Royal High• nesi Prince illbett, the Lord President, the Lord Chau fr-1:01-, the Lord Privy Seal, the S,cretariea of State hit the Foreigu and Colonial Departaients, the First Lord' of the Admiralty, the Cto neeller of the Dueby ot Lst caster, the Lord Steward, the Lord Cliambertain, tt.e •Master ot the Rorie, and the Grroin of the Stole to the Prince. Herhlajestybaving been pleased to appoint the Welt. Hon. Chu;les'Earl of • Seftot: to be LinVl-LicutenanCui the county of 'Ammeter, his Lordship took the cus tomary oaths. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in Wailing. 'rho Marquis orLansdowno had an audience of her Atsjesty. .. - The Court was attended by the Treasurer of the Household, Vitcount Combertnere. Gold Stick in Wait ing; Lord Elphinstone, Lord in Waiting; and Sir Ed ward Bowater, Groom in Waiting. The Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Princess Helene, and attended by the Hon. Lucy Kerr, Lord Charles Fitzroy, and Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Hugh Seymour, visited the Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations yesterday morning. Her Ma jesty and the Prince remained one hour at the Exhibi. tion, and then returned to Buckingham Palace. liter Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty yesterday. His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yesterday afternoon at a meeting of the Commission for Promoting and Encouraging the Fine Arts in the rebuilding of the Palace of Westminster. His Royal Highness arrived at three o'clock at the Palace of Westminster, attended by Lie utenaut-Colonel F. H. Seymour. The Commissioners present were, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Colborne, the Right Hon. Sir James Graham, and Sir Robert 11. Inglis, Bert. _ _ _ The Secretary, Su. Charles L. Eastlake, and Mr. Au brey Bcsii were in attendance. The meeting broko up at five o'clock. Prince Arthur and the Princess Louisa took an airing in an open carriage and four yesterday. Her Majesty, accompanied by the Princess Alice and the Princess Helena, and attended by the Countess of Mount Edgecumbe, took a drive in an open carriage and four yesterday afternoon. Lord Charles Fitzroy and Lieut.-Colonel F. H. Seymour attended on horse back. The Queen and Prince Albert honoured her Majesty's Theatre with their presence last evening. The ivy's' suite consisted of the Countess of Mount Edgecumbe. the lion. Amelia Murray, the Hon. Lucy Kerr, Lord El phinstone, Lord Charles Fitzroy, and Lieutent-Colonel F. H. Seymour. Her Majesty's private band attended in Buckingham; Palace after dinner on Wednesday evening, and played the following pieces:— Overture Romance L'Enfant Prodigue , Aube. Chceur et Couplets Moser): Finale, First Act, " Zauberflote _ ttun dies LI Her Royal Highn ess th e D uc h ess o f Kent, s and Lard a irjwaliwb_arde an inter" Lady Augusta Bruce, Baroness de Spetb s , „„ ara w i t h James Murray, honoured the Royal Italis 'Jr . ' her presence yesterday evening. ho ller Royal Highness the Duchessrveofy noured the Earl and Countess of e ._Je _,,. nce in Berke. G w r t u h ce h s e te r r oom pauy at dinner last evening, at ley. square. . 3 tn office of view A with deputation L or Lord respecting Seymour t ih;oe of rw _al do teasatnu Forests, in her Majesty's Commisteneertation of Whitehall-place. M a are. consisted n N t ) V , o M o d Br i(r T aylor Duke, Mr. Morton T b ( ht r: Colliery), Mr. Da/lbw:ors. Lord Durham ' s ( H D il u l k , aenodf mNioiiirtheicnioarerelooa:dd:rnsmodrire!ii,,,,Anduadtn.7.esseserrcetpaoryttetro, Mr. T en n t 's o Cie7y of Ireland, had au interview yes ttehrde l a l y T i l l tb s , Chancellor of the Exchequer, at his ffi o - cis! rest _ my _ 'dew° in Dow s n e tn er g t - It s e t v r y eet. Sir Georg e u ' of State for the Home Depar tme nt, is recoverin g , and was much b e tter_ yes rtisP te Ur. Arrowsinith, Superintendent of Government W or ks at Malta, had an interview with Earl Grey yes terday, at the Color,ial-office. The Oxford University Commission had a meeting yesterday, at the cflicial residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, ill Downing -street. Present—The Bishop of Nca.wiet i , t h e Dean of Carlisle, the Master of Pembroke, thy, 1•1.. 11. G. Liddell. J. L. Dampier, Esq., the Rev. ProCesscr Powcll, the Hey. G. H. S. Johnson, and the Rev. A. P. Stanley (Secretary). BATTY'S HIPPO)) ItC,ME AT K ENSINGTOIC. —This extensiv e circle, it is azretifying to hear, is now daily attended liy the most respectable assemblages; and the exertions of one of the most popular caterers tor the amusement of the multitude is earning that success which he so richly deserves for his skill and entr,rprire. The unrivalled. horsemanship and the wonderful feats which are performed at the Hippo drome justly entitle the establishment ro be considered as among the first places of inta.re , t to be seen by holiday rne tropolitans or country visitors. Miss CATHERIN naYes arrived in Paris, previous to her professional trip to New York, for which she has refused very brilliant offers, bulth the continent, and in England. "Ireland, and Scotland. Madlle. Hayes is under a peremptory engagement to zeturn from America in the winter, having signed a contract to al. pear in January at Rome, where, since her triumphs of lakt winter, they will not hear of any other prima pia,— Ca/is/mini.