The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF T PUBLIC JOURNALS. In reviewing the story of Dr. Livingstone, his reported death, and his ascertained safety, the Times gives expres sion to two feelings produced by it. One is of indignation at those rascally Johanna men whose deliberate lies have occasioned all this anxiety during the past year. There can now be no doubt that those men deserted Dr. Living stone, and, taking for granted that he would come to harm in the interior, ventured to fabricate the story of his de struction. In addition to the anxiety and pain they have occasioned, they have put the country to the trouble of a search expedition; and, besides the expenditure of money, valuable lives have been hazarded in order to disprove their falsehoods. The last we heard of them was that they had had the impudence to send to Zanzibar to demand their wages. Sir Samuel Baker recently expressed a regret that, while Africa was so rich in specimens of the feline tribe, it should be destitute of a cat-o'-nine-tails. We suppose it is impossible to punish these rascals, but we trust they have not received a farthing of money. The other feeling we must entertain is one of gratitude to Sir Roderick It rnrchison, who has maintained thronghout, with a tenacity which some people called obstinacy, a belief in Dr. Livingstone's safety. Perhaps his own energy inspired him unconsciously with a conviction that Dr. Livingston; like himself, would not be overcome by any ordinary obstacles ; but, at all events, bis acuteness and his firmness have rendered a most valuable service both to the public and to Dr. Livingstone's friends. As recently as January, so great an authority as Sir Samuel Baker spoke of " hoping almost against hope " for the traveller's safety, and observed that though we had heard a good deal of him we had heard nothing from him. Sir Roderick Murchison, however, with singularly saga city, has from first to last held to a conviction that Dr. Livingstone was safe. He is now abundantly rewarded by the receipt of these despatches from his friend ; but the public would be ungrateful if they did not express a warm sense of the obligation under which he has laid them. The Daily News recalls the fact that when the rumour of Dr. Livingstone's premature death was first spread, the feeling was unmistakeably displayed, not in this country only, but on the Continent and in the United States also, that the loss would be in the truest sense a misfortune of uni versal import. It was not doubted that the ranks of daring travellers would supply a recruit who should be fitted for completing the investigations he had begun. There was no fear about the ultimate opening up of the recesses of Africa to the gaze of Europe. But the advent of another Dr. Livingstone was an event which the moat sanguine did not anticipate. With him would be lost an amount of experience which could hardly be re placed, and a kind of training which was as difficult to undergo as it was impossible to dispense with. In short, we witnessed the rare spectacle of people in every part of the civilised world united in the belief that, as an African traveller, Dr. Livingstone was unique. Happily, the sympathies exhibited at a time when he might have ceased to profit by them need no longer be expended on his memory. How far he may have added to the store of our knowledge we cannot even conjecture. His course is like that of one who explores the Mammoth Cave, carrying a taper with him which serves to guide his steps, but does not burn bright enough to dispel the thick darkness and enable the spectators at the entrance to follow him with their eyei. We must wait patiently, for the full report which will in due time reach us, and we can do this the more cheerfully because of the certainty to which we have now attained that ere long it will be forthcoming. Even should it not contain the solution of many problems to which we hope the key has been found, we shall still welcome back with heartiness the great apostle of civili• nation in Africa. The sight of Dr. Livingstone is quite as much to be desired as the disclosure of the secrets which still puzzle those who would learn the whole truth about the sources of the Nile- It is not often, the Star de'-1 , res, the 16 traveller in spires feelings such as those which Dr. Livingstone has evoked. In truth, every step of his 'career has been fol lowed, for years past, by the admiring sympathy of his countrymen. Thousands who had the vaguest idea of the nature of his explorations, who knew less of Africa than was known to the world before the days of Bruce and Mnngo Park, who knew nothing of the routes which he intended to traverse, or the special scientific objects which he had gone forth to pursue, yet felt a keen personal interest in his fortunes, and prayed that news of him might always he good news. It is not difficult to discover the cause of 'this goodwill. Some of it; no dotibt, was due to the fact that Dr. Living atone was .a self-made man, and that :his achievements were mainly the result of his own indomitable energy. Then there was the conviction that he was a man of stain less honour—of perfect truthfulness—that he carried into the wilds of Africa the chivalric virtues of a Christian Englishman ; and that, when he reappeared among his own countrymen, he was the most veracious of travellers, who told a plain and unvarnished story and instinctively shrank from those embel lishments which have been resorted to by a very different order Of explorers. But, above all, it was known; that Livingstone the explorer, and Livingstone the mis sionary, were one and the same individual ; and that the purely scientific ends which he sought to compass were subordinated to a sincere and even passionate desire to promote the great cause of civilisation on the African continent, to extirpate the slave trade, to develope legiti mate commerce, to substitute the arts of peace for the cruelties of intertribal warfare, to, win the negro race to the Christian religion--in a word, to repay to Africa the great debt which Christendom owes to the land it has so long ravaged, despoiled, and converted into a vast mart for the plunder and sale of human merchandise. The Post comments at some length on a letter from Mr. Prideaux, in Abyssinnia. Mr. Prideaux concludes, in common with the other prisoners, from the general tenour of Theodore's behaviour, that " provided due care be taken neither to exasperate him nor drive him to despair, a result will be obtained which will be eminently satisfactory both to the relatives of the prisoners and the public at large:" This, our contemporary observes, evidently ex presses an opinion that Theodore may offer to give up the prisoners without fighting ; and when taken in conjunction with his reported speech to Mr. Flad, to the effect that he anticipated great pleasure from enjoying the sight of a disciplined force, and the fact of his sheaving no anger when hearing of the disembarkation of our troops at Zulla, would seem in some measure to justify us in enter taining the same belief. Theodore seems determined to see our troops at all hazards, and with his reduced forces he may trust to diplomacy and the advantage of having prisoners to surrender to enable him to come to terms with us which would not involve a serious joss of local prestige ; and as our prestige is not likely to suffer much by not fighting, we could readily afford to accept the prisoners and leave the country, not even bringing Theodore with us, which would be equivalent to giving up the unfortunate country to intestine wars. The Standard remarks that if anything were wanted to prove the utter unfitness of some of our leading doctrinaires to manage the affairs of men, it would be their ambition to " elevate," as they term it, th e con diti on o f women . M r . Mill and his disciples are not content, it seems, with the natural division of the sexes. They are disgusted that men and women should ever be anything . but identical. They would abolish a distinction which to them is but arbitrary and invidious. Having succeeded in ac quiring some of the characteristics of the softer sex —of that softness, at least, which is of the head—. they insist upon bringing up women to their standard. They arraign the laws of nature, and cry out against the tyranny of society. Manhood suffrage is not a large enough or a liberal enough item in their programme. They must have womanhood suffrage. Looking within, they are unable to perceive that there is any real dissimilarity between the male and the female. Woman is to them but a kind of man. We do not know how many of them have wives, or what are their conjugal relations ; but apparently they look upon the creatures of the other sex as only so many undeveloped atoms of manhood. Perhaps by the women themselves, as most certainly by the men, it will be held to be a sufficient answer to this ludicrous agitation, that the right to vote is not any privilege which the women care to have, and that so far from their being inferior by want of it, they are really benefited and privi- leged, because they are spared from this and other man'r work. We may conceive a man being aggrieved because he has not a vote ; but we have never heard of a true woman who believed herself injured by being deprived of the franchise. Exemption from political power is, indeed, rightly regarded only as part of the natural homage which man pays to the superior sex. We believe it is so regarded by the vast majority of womankind. The very fact of Professor Fawcett being obliged to hold weekly meetings at Blackfriars on behalf of the agitation is the best proof that it is utterly absurd and uncalled for. Can we imagine that if women wanted votes, they would not have had them long ago? Because they have no votes, it does not follow that they have no political power'; and the fact that they have not got votes is the best proof that they have not wanted them. Can a lady be an ambassador? To this question the Telegraph, looks in vain for any answer throughout the erudite volumes which treat of diplomatic lore. The case was not contemplated ; the contingency was deemed impossible. But if the latest Yankee notion reported from the other side of the Atlantic should be carried into effect, this problem might he brought to a critical test. A Mrs. Lord Bond— well known, we believe, in the 'United States, as a spiritualist lecturer, •or lectures;, and advocate of the rights of woven—has set her heart on succeeding Mr. Adams as Minister to Ell e "laud- " ( pc Jessie reef," says the French pro verb, "Drea le rent ;" and we should be sorry to predict with confidence what female pertinacity aright not accomplish. ie, • posses.-te!; a singular qualification. She aecording to the modern man or a woman—whom lent .I,wlee,on would Oppoint, and tvla so appoint t Air. Wade, the Pres!,leot of the Senate, a staunch porter of ladies' rights, w.itdil not like to cancel. If 14 , :rd Loud were only to come amongst us in the ition which she is ambitious to till, and were to form attachment in this country to one of the inferior sex, sill the husband elect be designated as Ambassador .nrsort or hereditary Bonds-man ? Alas, to none of these interesting speculations are we ever likely to receive a practical answer. If, however, Andrew Johnson should desire a plea for the nomination, we would humbly sug gest that while there are so many old women in the diplo matic service, it might be a change for the better to try a young one. (Inet a ip THE DOUBLE-EVENT BET. There is one kind of bet which is greatly affected by oackers—namely, the double event bet. The method of calculating the odds against a double event is to multiply the price of one horse by the price of the other. If one horse is at, say 20 to 1, and the other at 30 to 1, the price obtainable against both of them winning will be 600 to 1. This double•event betting is a most profitable thing for the bookmakers. The backer seldom if ever wins a large double event. It is, of course, a common thing enough for the first of the two events to come off ; in that case, the backer writes to the bookmaker apprising him of his good fortune. He thus " stands" the entire odds 600 to 1 against the second horse. But the horse may have been scratched in the meantime, or it may have gone back to a very long price ; and even if starts, it may not win, and then the backer gets nothing at all ; that is, if he lets the bet stand. Generally, he sells the bet to the bookmaker, but always at a disadvantage, unless, as is of course sometimes the case, the second horse has become a good favourite in the interval between the making of the bet. and the running of the first race. As a rule, double•event bets are losing ones for the backer, even if both horses should happen to win. How can this be ?it may be said. We will see. Take the odds quoted just now-20 against one horse, and 30 against the other-600 to lin all. Should both horses win, the backer receives just £6OO and his own sovereign back—in all £6Ol. But had he invested his sovereign simply on the first horse, and, that winning, put the proceeds, £2l on the second horse at 30 to 1, he would have received £630 and his money back—in all £6sl—a gain of just £5O. Of course, this is supposing that the price of the second horse remains unaltered. It may be either longer or shorter, after the issue of the first race, but as the backer takes the chance of both, it does not materially affect the argument. The only cases in which the result of the first race can shorten the price of the second horse, is when the horses chosen are the same, or are both in the same stable. But here the book makers step in and say : If you select only one horse for the two races, or two horses that are trained in the same stable, we can only give you half the multiplied odds.' The truth is, the avaricious backer, eager to become suddenly rich, is dazzled by the long prices offered, and bets without calculation.— Chambers' 8 Journal. DOG LICENCES. The recent Act (30 Vict. c. 5), which transferred the duty on dogs from the assessed taxes to the Excise, seems to be likely to justify the most sanguine expectations of its successful operation. The Act was passed in March 1867, and three changes in the law were effected by it ; first, a reduction of the duty for each dog from 12s. to ss. ; secondly, the abolition of the exemption of dogs used in tending or driving cattle or sheep ; and, thirdly, the collection of the duty by means of a license for each dog, under the management of the officers of Excise, instead of an assessment made by the persons appointed by the District Commissioners of Taxes for each parish. This last change ap pears to have already had a most important effect upon the collection of the tax. From the recently published report of the Commissioners of the Inland Revenue, we learn that the number of dogs charged to assessed taxes in the year ending the sth April 1866 was, in England 358,472, and in Scotland 36,365 ; the amount of duty charged being in England £214,917, and in Scotland £21,778, thus giving a total for Great Britain of 391,837 dogs charged, and of £236,695 collected as duty; whilst the same report shews that the number of Excise licenses granted for dogs between the Ist April and the 15th November 1867 was, in Eng land 721,510, and in Scotland 96,460, the amount of duty charged being in England £180,377, and in Scotland £24,115, thus giving a total for Great Britain of 817,970 licenses granted (or dogs charged), and of £204,492 collected as duty. It will thus be seen that upwards of 423,000 more dogs were licensed during the eight months of the year 1867, just referred to, than were assessed during the whole of the year 1866, a fact which speaks most strongly in favour of the new as compared with the old system of collecting the duty. Even after making a liberal allowance for the number of dogs previously exempted, there can be no doubt, say the commissioners, that the local knowledge of the parochial assessors, on which so much reliance was placed, failed to discover the existence of many hundred thousand dogs which the new system has at once brought into charge. The commis. sioners also state that they have received the more valuable assistance in the collectien of the duty from the county police throughout the country, and that they are largely indebted to them for the success which has been achieved —Law Times PAT AND THE EEL-FRY The special reporter of the Cork Hcrald gives the follow ,ngscene, which occurred at the Limerick petty sessions:— fames M`Mahon and Thomas Hogan, two very tall, very lean, and hungry-looking (and very ragged withal) poor men, were brought before the " judgment seat," to answer for the high crime and misdemeanour of catching eel-fry, contrary to the statute enacted for the protection of the promulgation and growth of eels. Constable M`Garry, who never " winks," as St. Paul says, "at small things," established the charge against the two delinquents. Mr. Conolly, solicitor for the Conservators of the Fisheries in the Lower Shannon, who attended to prosecute, said he did net wish the poor men to be punished —a small fine, with a cantlen from the bench sgainst a repetition of the offence, would satisfy the Jbject of the conservators, which was to protect the spawn and the fry of fish from destruction. Mr. Moriarty asked the hungry-looking defendants what they had to say to the charge made against them. M`Mahon (defendant) : " Why, yer honour, all we has to iay is that Tom and I were looking for work all day in :he city, and we could not get a job at all, and siz I to Tom, Come, Tom, let us follow the example of sea-gulls, and catch a few handfuls of eel-fry for our supper. See how Almighty God—blessed be His name for ever, Aron —feeds those vagrants of the air with eel-fry, and there is no raison at all why two poor starving vagabonds of the earth should not have a meal of them as well.' Tom then siz to me, If any of the Royal Irish detect us catching the fry, we'll be fined, and what will we do 4hen ?' Never mind, siz I, they can't be everywhere.' and above all,' siz Ito Tom, no matter about the law ; see how God Almighty is not afraid of the eel-fry dimi nishing in the waters of the mighty Shannon. When He has put the idea into the heads and the taste into the stomachs of these little birds to catch them an d ea t th e m n millions for breakfast, dinner, and supper, He did not pass an Act of Parliament to preserve the young of fish, and particularly of eels.' So Tom said we'd come, and ye went, and we caught a handful or two and ate them, 'cause we were hungry." Mr. Moriarty and Mr. Phayer (the magistrates) here put their heads together, and after some mutual telegrams had passed between them, the former addressed the co-partners with the seagulls, and said, " We fine you 2s. 6d. each ; hut, mind, if you are brought here and charged with the same offence, the fine will be a heavy one indeed." M`Malson: " What fine will you place on the seagulls that defy the conser vators? Well, glory be to God. Amen ! There was eel-fry before there were Acts of Parliament or conserva tors either, and there will be eel-fry in the waters, seagulls in the air, and hunger. on land when Acts of Parliament and conservators will be forgotten. Will your worships give us time to pay these fines ?" Mr. Conolly said that he had no objection to granting the request. Time was granted, and the two-legged seagull and his companion left the court. BETHNAL-GREEN. —Mr. Charles Reed, F. S. A. , of Hackney, on 'Wednesday evening delivered a lecture on " Bethnal-Green in the Olden Time," in the Peel•grove Institution, Bethnal -green. Mr. Alderman Cotton pre- Aided, and there was a crowded audience of the inhabi tants who listened to Mr. Reed's discourse with the greatest interest. VITAL PARTY DIVISIONS.—Annexed is a Sum mary of some of the vital party divisions of the last thirty years. On August 24, 1841, a vote of want of confidence in Lord Melbourne's Government was carried by 91, in a House of 634 members. On June 8, 1846, Sir R. Peel's Ministry was defeated by a majority of 76, in a House of 516 members. On February 20, 1851, Lord John Russell tendered his resignation on being defeated by a majority of 48, in a House of 157 members. Twelve months later Lord John was defeated on the militia question by 11, in a House of 226 members. The Conservative Budget of 1852 was rejected by 19, in a House numbering 596. Lord Aberdeen's Government was driven from power in January 1855, by a majority of 157, in a House of 458. In March 1857, Lord Palmnston's Chinese policy was con demned by a majority of 16, in a Houseof Commons of 515 members. A year later there was an adverse majority of 19 on the Conspiracy Bill, in a I rouse of 454. The Conservative Reform Bill of 1859 was rejected by 39, in a House numbering 626. Two months later the second Derby Government was ejected by majdrity of 13, in a House of G3B mem bers. On July 9, 1851, Lord Palmerston triumphed over the Opposition on the Danish question by a majority of 18, in a House of 613. On April 29,1866, Lord Russell's Reform Bill was carried by a majority of five, in a House of. 636. On June 18, 1866, the Russell Government was, however, defeated by a majority of 11, in a House num bering 624. Last year the Opposition had not effectually " reconciled its sections," but on April 4, 11 68, it obtaineo a majority of 61 over Mr. Disraeli's Admiuistrationou th e Irish Church question. THE Kl 2 GRECEE. bridging are finished, and if the rails arrive soon the company can easily complete the line before the end of August, which is the term fixed by the contract for opening the railway. The stations at Athens and the Pirus might require additional time, as they have not yet been commenced. This railway was much wanted, and there can be no doubt that it would be a profitable undertaking if the work be well executed and completed at the time fixed by the contract. As it is the first under taking of an English company in Greece, it is to be hoped that it will be every way successful. Common roads and artesian wells must precede any great ex tension of railways, for a population is to be created in many of the districts through which it would be necessary to carry any considerable line of rail way. (From the Times' Correspondent.) ATHENS, March 25. You have already received from me some statis tics of place-hunting in the governing classes. Greece is now exhibiting examples of the same evil in the whole frame of society, and of the depth to which it can penetrate in the social scale. At Athens there are 40 candidates seeking to be elected mem bers of the new Legislative Chamber, and 40 ballot boxes will be ranged in order at every Athe nian election booth. It is fortunate that each candidate does not require to make a speech before going to the poll. The electoral district of At tica returns six representatives. The conglome ration of communities having very different views and interests in large electoral districts swamps all personal connection between the electors and the candidat ••s, and gives full swing to the prin ciple of democracy to the exclusion of every other principle, leaving the result of elections to politi cal gambling and party combinations controlled by accident. The desire to obtain a seat in the Chamber is general over the whole kingdom. At Syra, where the inhabitants of the electoral dis trict are chiefly engaged in commerce, the feel ings and interests of the electors are more in unison, but even there 20 candidates are con tending for four seats, and in other districts the proportion is as great. The Chamber consists of 110 deputies, and more candidates appear to be seeking for election to these 180 seats than pre sented themselves at the general election of 1865 for the 658 seats in the House of Commons. The Greeks are by no means blind to the evils that arise from this state of things, but the cure is difficult, as a great deal can be said in favour of large electoral districts as well as against them. A general election makes party politicians say all tto,ey can against their opponents, and particularly when they have not much to say in favour of them selves. When the partisans of M. Bulgares were in the Opposition they accused M. Kounioundouros, who was then Prime Minister, of holding out pre miums to deputies of his party by abandoning to them the local patronage of the central Government in electoral districts in order to insure their re-elec tion. The supporters of those who were then in power were said to give away places and to open prisons for the escape of brigands. The men who brought these accusations against Koumoundouros are now in office, and the only change that has taken place in the system of government is that those who were formerly accused of these deeds are bringing similar charges against the present Ministers. The provincial jobbing created by this new system of local administration is certainly a step towards de centralisation, but towards decentralisation in its very worst form. The Greeks are beginning to find from experience that the political practice of Western Europe, and the scientific theories of the 19th century, are not invariably applicable to the condition of a country where a large proportion of the rural population remains very much in the same condition as it was in the ninth century. Indeed, the Constitution of 1864 was framed on deductions from the state of things in their owu country by the native Hel lenes, in opposition to the counsels of those Bedouin Greeks who have studied politics in Western marts " where merchants most do con gregate," and of their own scholastic logiotatoi, or men skilful in words, but who could never find a straight road to anything in the art of government except official salaries. The Greeks found that circumstances obliged them to construct a new scheme of monarchical government in which the royal power should work actively and harmoniously with a single Chamber, and in which centralization should be combined with liberty. The lessons of experience in Eastern society have produced a con stitution very different from ;that of the United States of America, but, on account of that differ- The Greek Steam Navigation Company, that carries on the blockade running to Crete, has met with a great disaster. One of its fiuelt vessels, the Patris, formerly the Otho, who was on 3 rock off the western shore of the island of Zia, when its course ought to have carried it to the south of the island. The night was neither dark nor stormy at the time the mishap occurred, and the island is very high land close to the shore. There were upwards of 400 passengers on board, who were alt safely landed and kindly treated by the islanders until the celebrated blockade runner Crete arrived to trans port them to Syra. The Patris broke to pieces next day, and the whole cargo was lost. There is said to have been neglect somewhere, and a court of inquiry is to be held in order to determine who was most in fault. The affairs of Crete continue in the same posi tion. Blockade running is kept up, and the emi gration of Christian families continues. The pro portion of men who emigrate is now considerable, judging from the number that are seen at Athens. A new edition of a work I mentioned in a former letter has just appeared at Vienna in octavo, pub lished like the first edition In quarto under the patronage of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. This new edition of the " Journey from Belgrade to Salonika," by Dr. Von Hahn, the Austrian Consul for Eastern Greece, contains an original and care fully constructed map of the country through which it is proposed to carry a railway, which would form a most important line of international commu nication. The volume is thin, but it contains a mass of interesting notices concerning the physical geography of the country, the social condition of the population, and the characteristics of the diffe rent nationalities that inhabit it as well as on the great commercial questions connected with the construction of the railway, which is, perhaps, the line of communication of the greatest general utility still unexecuted in Europe. The map gives the true configuration of the watershed between the Danube and the Mediterranean at this point, and shows us that the lateral chain of the Balkan, which in most of our maps is prolonged from the Black sea to the Adriatic, has no existence in that form. In every point of view this work of Consul Von Hahn is worthy the attention of the general, as well as of the learned public, and de serves to be translated ; for, I think, we have no English work that gives a description of the valley of the Warder with the highlands that overhang the upper part of its course. This was one of the districts from which Macedonia drew the soldiers who conquered the Greeks " who over threw proud Xerxes." 711 E PUGIN-BARRY CONTROVERSY. A second edition of the nine-page brochilre which Dr. Barry published a few weeks ago, has just been issued. Nothing that we might say could more forcibly illustrate the untenable ness of the position occupied by the Barry family, and the justness of the claims of Mr. E. W. Pugin, than the able remarks in the Morning Herald of Tuesday, which we give below : It contains a letter from Mr. Talbot Bury, stating that having written to this journal, in reply to the letters of Mr. Herbert, he was re fused the insertion of his communication. We will tell him why. In the first place, the controversy had been closed, as we then pur posed, and now finally resolve ; in the second, he desired us to believe the evidence of his memory against the witness of our own eye sight. In his latest expositio n he says that he never knew Mr. A. Pugin to put his initials on his drawings in separate letters. Moreover, "he used to put his cipher in one corner and not in the body of a drawing." Now, this is a very rash assertion, consid er i ng th a t hun s are still in exist ednr e c d e . s of v P ug a i v n e ' s examined drawing some of them with the view of testing the value of Mr. Talbot Bury's find—what ? N o t only sometimes did p u t hi s i n iti a l s thate evidence e ; e in the body of a drawing, but th a t th ere i s hardly a drawing and w in the body of which they are not to be found. We have verified signa tures in twelve different ways. Mr. Talbot Bury was so intimate with Mr. A. Pugin that he must have seen one drawing which appears to represent a vision of St. Edward on his death-bed. So far from not having Pugin's initials in " the body of the drawing," this particular drawing has his initials in two diffe rent shapes in two different places ! Let Mr. Barry see this drawing, and dozens of others, and learn from them to be less dogmatic in his statements. The Messrs. Barry say that Mr. E. Pugin mutilated some of the documents to prove his case. Is it less culpable on their part, in quoting Mr. Herbert's letter, to leave out two important words and the whole latter part of a clause, and moreover, by inserting a semicolon where there was not even a comma, to change the drift of what they do give ? Mr. Herbert says, "I cannot, of course, tell whether the photograph was made from the original drawing or from a careful reproduction of it." The Messrs. Barry seem to think that they have settled Mr. Herbert when they leave out the words " of course," and all after the word " drawing." This is retorting on Mr. E. Pugin with a vengeance. Next, to bear out their theory that Pugin's signature on the photograph of the throne con sists of the initials of the Prince of Wales, the Messrs. Barry say :—" Even if the marks re ferred to represent letters, we believe that the supposed letter A, on which all depends, cannot be made out at all." We have previously com plained that Messrs. Barry wish everybody to see with their eyes ; we now say that it is im posing a little too much on public credulity to deny what thousands have seen as plainly as they ever saw anything. But this is not the only line of tactics. The Messrs. Barry say that the side of the throne " on which these letters are supposed to be traced, is actually the side belonging to the Prince of Wales— the very place where the letters W.P. might naturally be found." Now, without quibbling about the loose use of the word " belonging, we charge Messrs. Barry with a misrepresenta tion here. The letters are written in the canopy of a throne shown in section ; that is, on the uppe r ra il o f t h e r i g ht hand side, a n d , therefore, of course, next the Prince of Wales's throne. But, if they h a d been meant for the initials of the Prince of Wales, they would have been written so as to be read from the floor of the house on that side of the throne. In the drawing of the section, instead of reading A W P, as they do read, they would have been P W A, which is just what they do not read. Dr. Barry says that Mr. Herbert " can hardly be unaware ' of the identity of the ini tials of A. W. Pugin and Albertus Walliae Princeps. Could Dr. Barry have been ignorant of the difference between the letter P read backwards and forwards in a sectional draw ing ; and, if he were, could not his brothers have told him that he was clinching the argu ment of Pugin's authorship even while he was trying to do duty on the other side ? Further, however, Dr. Barry says that " the supposed letters on the photograph do not at all resemble those which he (Pugin) was ac customed to use." To this statement we have to apply a simple denial. The letters do pre cisely resemble--especially the P—those which Pugin was accustomed to use, as we can see in half-a-dozen instances in undoubted ex amples of his writing. But as if Dr. Barry were secretly deter- ence, especially deserving of attention. There is no doubt the political agitation prevalent all over the Levant is tending to produce revolutions, and it is probable that the course of these revolutions will be influenced by the political institutions of the Hel lenic kingdom. It is therefore important to observe that the native Greeks followed their own social in stincts after their revolution in 1862, both in what they did and in what they asked foreigners to do for them. They made their constitution, and they invited the British Government to choose their King. They knew their own political wants, and the evils against which it was necessary to construct harriers ; but they knew, also, that with the courts and dynasties of Europe they had no acquaintance. They did their best, and time only can tell whether they have laid the foundations of a solid and en during edifice. A great English statesman has said The question of what are to be the powers of the Crown is surely of superior importance to that of who is to wear it." There is now a crisis in the Hellenic Kingdom. The first Chamber of the new Monarchy has been dissolved by the Crown, and Greece is on the eve of electing deputies by universal suffrage and vote by ballot to a single Legislative Chamber. The country is divided into large electoral districts in order to strengthen the power of democracy against every other influence. King George dismissed M. Koumoundouros, who was supported by a large Parliamentary majority, and his successor, who dis missed the Chamber, has made no change in the policy and conduct of the Government. He has only changed the names of the Ministers and offi cials in the public service. -It cannot, however, be said that the country has given any sign that it disapproved the dissolution. Though it is gene rally believed that the dissolution was caused by a change of Ministers, arising principally from per sonal reasons and not party preferences, the sym pathy between the Crown and the people is so great that there is a disposition and the people is so great that there is a disposition always to take the part o f the Crown even against the Chamber. The cause of this sympathy is worty of notice, for it forms a peculiar feature in the political system of Greece, originating partly in the state of society an d partly in the Constitution. The existence of large electoral districts added to the strength of the other causes by preventing any close association of party feelings and local interests from connecting the electors and the elected. The members of the Chamber represented nothing but Democracy, and their great occupation is financing, The interests of localities and the opinions of classes must appeal to the Crown, and not to the Chamber nor to the Ca binet,which is a creature of the Cha m b er , f or sup port. The people have, therefore, in all minor questions, not unnaturally, more sympathy with the Crown than with the deputies they have elected, though when a national interest comes to be at in all probability the people would re gar d stake, in Chamber as a more important part of th e Monarchy than the Monarch himself. King George lost a great opportunity of strengthening the Byrn_ pathy between the Crown and the people by not dissolving the Chamber of Representatives when the deputies attempted to follow the footsteps of Kin g Otho's Senate, and vote themselves a pecuniary in- demnity in violation of the Constitution. Hi s Majesty would have been supported by a strong national feeling, and he would have established the Crown in the position which popular opi nion assigns to it, of being the guardian of the Constitution. This probably is the strongest position which the Crown can occupy in a Democratic Monarchy. The state of Greece to- day is interesting as a guide to political events i❑ any other Christian Monarchy that may be formed by orientals. The experience of Western Europe has proved of little use in the Fast, so that we can judge only from finished deeds. After classic enthusiasm has exhausted all that can be said about the glories of MaratUon and about " the (1(.10 whose tomb oblivion Inver knew," practical men will ask—But how of ploughs, ro:ids, and railways ? At present, though roads continue to be neglected, two public works belonging to the highest grade of modern civilization are going on at Athens—a tele- graph line to Kephisia where the King and Queen purpose passing the summer, and a railway to the Piraeus whence the people of the Capital draw every article of consumption. The railway is only six miles ; all the earthwork and about half the THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 10, 1868. SURREY CONSUMERS GAS. mined that his father's fame as art-architect should be completely destroyed by the hands of his son, he steps yet deeper into the mire of self-contradiction. The first statement was, " We possess the design for the throne referred to. It is dated 17th December, 1844, and is entirely drawn by my father." Now the statement is that "the one-part of the building, in respect of which Mr. Pugin's aid was most used and most emphatically acknowledged, was the work of the throne and the interior of the House of Lords." It is a pity this was not " most emphatically acknowledged " earlier in the day. Then Dr. Barry brings forward Mr. 1 Wolfe once more to prove " that Pugin worked on the throne, and that the greater part of the ornamental detail of it was his is un doubtedly true." Here is an admission that Pugin worked on the design for the throne, and that the greater part of the ornamental detail was his. Yet the drawing (signed by Pugin) from which the photograph was taken, and which contains the sketch of the orna mental detail produced by Pugin, is held up as Barry's drawing. Be it so. But if this be held true it follows as an absolute neces sity that Barry copied int o hi s own d raw i ng Pugin's outlines of the ornamental detail. Even this we do not believe, for the drawing, we hold, was Pugin's altogether. But, admitting it, can Dr. Barry not see that Mr. E. Pugin has here all he contends for ? Either the drawing is Pugin's or it is copied by Barry. What more can be said about thethrone ? As to Messrs. Barry's repeated assevera tions that they desire to submit the question to the Institute of British Architects, we say what we said before, that we recommend Mr. Pugin to renew his challenge and bring the whole matter before a competent tribunal. For ourselves, we entirely decline to lend ourselves to any more discussion about it. We can have no possible interest save that jus tice shall be done. We think Mr. E. Pugin was ill-advised to bring the matter forward ; but as it is before the public, we take his view because we believe it to be based upon truth, and not a little because the evidence of so many of the Messrs. Barry's witnesses is flatly opposed to the evidence of our own senses. Sir Charles Barry might cry from the tomb for some one to " save him from his friends," and especially from his sons and Mr. Talbot Bury. RAILWAY AND OTHER COMPANIES. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held yesterday at the Bridge-house Hotel ; Mr. Pocock in the chair. The report stated that the net profit for the half year amounted to £10,992, out of which the direc tors recommend the payment of a dividend of 5 per cent. from this year, and to carry forward a balance of £492. The CHAIRMAN said this dividend had been fairly earned. The works ware in an efficient condition, and capable of doing more business than was the case at present. The position of the gas companies was at present uncertain. During the last three years thousands of pounds had been spent on both sides. He considered that the gas agitation was most unfair to the companies. Mr. Morrison had intro duced a bill into Parliament which, if sanctioned, would be most injurious to the companies. It was proposed that the companies should increase the illuminating power and reduce the price of gas in 1870, and if they could do that then, they might retain the 10 per cent. dividend; but the companies could not comply with those conditions and divide 10 per cent. The company had 10 per cent. guaranteed to them by two acts of Parlia ment, of 1847 and of 1860. He did not think that the Government would sanction a measure which would amount to the confiscation of the property of thousands who had invested in gas companies. Mr. NICHOLSON, in seconding the motion for the adoption of the report, said the gas companies had ben subjected to a most cruel warfare. In less than three years £60,000 had been spent in con sequence of the agitation, and no one had been benefited, except the lawyers and Parliamentary agents. The report was adopted. Mr. B. Duvall and Mr. C. Nicholson were re elected directors, and a vote of thanks to the chair man concluded the proceedings. ATLANTIC AND GREAT WESTERN. The traffic receipts on this company's railway for the second week in March amounted to $85,073 for six days, and for the corresponding week last year to $113,024 for seven days, showing a decrease of $27,951. GRAND TRUNK OF CANADA. The traffic receipts on this company's line for the week ending the 21st of March amounted to £28,939, and for the corresponding week last year to £24,485, showing an increase of £4,454. ST. JOHN'S-WOOD RAILWAY. On Wednesday a formal inspection of this most mportant link in our lines of metropolitan com munication was made by the directors and a large party of the shareholders previous to its being opened for public traffic on Easter Monday. The line itself is not a long one —barely more than two miles and a quarter—yet this short length, by its con nection with the Metropolitan Railway, gives to an immense district access to all parts of Lon don. Many years ago it was said by a great engineer, Sir Robert Stephenson, that people would never realise what London passenger traffic was till they attempted;to provide for it by giving it the facilities which it should possess. The line which was inspected yesterday has what is called a physical junction with the Metropolitan at Baker-street—that is to say, the trains pass on to the Metropolitan line at once without any change of carriages. From the Baker-street station, which is now in direct communication, through the north ern and southern lines, with all parts of England, the new line continues direct on to the Swiss Cot tage. The act for this railway was obtained in 1864, when it was one of the very few out of nearly 60 metropolitan schemes which obtained the sanc tion of the House of Commons. Although the St. John's-wood line is a separate company, it is essen tially a branch and feeder of the Metropolitan Railway. Mr. Fowler and Mr. Johnstone are the engineers, and they have constructed it essentially upon the underground system, as being the cheapest —but they have, nevertheless, introduced many im. provements which have suggested themselves from the practical working of the Metropolitan line, the chief change being the opening to the air of all the stations. The line, as we have said, com mences at Baker-street, and passes beneath the Park-road to near Lori's Cricket-ground, where a very beautiful station has been built. Here let us say that the stations are in their way truly model stations. All are built across the line on very deep girders, which carry the buildings in the centre. From the Park-road station the line passes under the Wellington-road to the Marlborough-road, where there is another station, and thence under the New Finchley-road to► the Swiss Cottage, which for the present serves as the terminus. Thus three stations have been provided in the centre of thickly populated districts, and the line being mostly taken under private property has enabled the engineers to give open air stations, which was impossible in the case of the Metropolitan stations at Gower street, Portland-road, and Baker-street. The great engineering difficulty found in carrying out the work was in the stiff nature of the subsoil. Another difficulty arose in pasaing over the Regent's-canal, where the line has to rise at a gradient of 1 in 60. This, however, was a trifling work compared with taking all the sewage under the canal at such a level that it was always within a yard of the water over it. The work was accomplished by driving iron cylinders beneath the canal ; and though sometimes within less than aft. of where the keels of the barges passed over them, there was no leakage or delay of any kind. Beyond this first gradient over the canal there are hardly any curves or gradients worth speak ing of. The whole line has been built on what is called the " cut and over" principle, and the foundations of the tunnel sides are carried dawn deep into the clay and then laid on concrete. The railway has been constructed as a single line for the present, with double lines at each station. Provision has, how ever, been made for constructing a double line when necessary, and also for carrying it on to Hamp stead. A double line is now considered requisite, as the capacity of a single line with passing places half a mile apart is capable of conveying no less than 60,000 passengers daily. The agreement with the Metropolitan upon which the new line will be worked is such that a rebate is made by the former in respect to all traffic brought to the old line, so that the profits are not confined to that taken on the St. John's -wood line itself. The agree ment is so arranged that it amounts to a guarantee of 6 per cent. on the whole capital, with powers reserved to the Metropolitan line to buy it up within a certain period as the traffic grows more and more remunerative. All the works have been car ried out by Messrs. Lucas and Aird, whose experi ence in underground lines most peculiarly fitted them for such a task. On Wednesday, after the whole line and all the stations had been inspected from end to end, the party of visitors, to the num ber of 200, returned to the Marlborough -road sta tion, where a dejeuner was laid out on an impro vised platform along one side of the line. As an experiment the lunch was a success, inasmuch as it proved that, though the stations were the hand somest in London, yet as dining rooms they were about the worst in the world, for the wind from the tunnels at either end almost blew away the viands. It is, however, due to Messrs. Spiers and Pond to say that at a very short notice they contrived to put a most sumptuous repast on the improvised tables. Captain Tyler went over the line yesterday, and on Monday it will be opened for traffic. A MODEL DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH. The recent despatch from Lord Stanley to the British representative in Mexico, ordering his with drawal from that country, contains instructions for the future guidance of our consuls and subjects there, which are in the highest degree judicious and pacific, and which afford a pleasing contrast to the spirit which has too frequently, in past years, characterised English diplomacy iu dis tant regions and amongst nations whose rulers may not have been deemed sufficiently powerful to be entitled to the deference and courtesy usually ac corded to European Sovereigns. His lordship writes : —" On your departure you will recommend British subjects to conduct themselves peaceably towards the Government and authorities, to take no part in local politics, and to pronounce no opinion on events passing around them, to abstain from giving just cause of offence, and to claim no other treatment than what is enjoyed by natives. Her Majesty's consuls, after your de parture, will understand that their own conduct and the advice that they may give their country men must be regulated by these principles." Lord Stanley adds, that in case of any unpleasant colli sion with the Mexican Government, the British consuls are " to refrain from any attempt to force official communications with the authorities, but to confine themselves, if they should apply to them, to verbal representations in behalf of any British inte rests that may be placed in jeopardy. They should appeal not so much to treaties as to the good-will of the authorities, who it may be hoped will be disposed to yield to friendly representation what they would withhold from formal demands." How many in ternational disputes and even wars would have been Prevented if a similar tone of diplomacy had been generally adopted ! And how consistent is such a despatch as the above with the very recent declara tion of Lord Stanley to the deputation of the Peace Society :—" It is now known throughout Europe, and, much as other nations may have been puzzled by it, it is acknowledged as a fact, that the policy of England is a policy of peace." MR. GOLD WIN SMITH ON INDUSTRIAL QUESTIONS. On Tuesday night Mr. Goldwin Smith delivered an address to the members of the Bradford Work ing Men's Club on " The present crisis in the his tory of industry." The meeting was held in the Temperance Hall—Mr. S. Kell presided. Mr. Smith said that he should speak quite as an outsider on the questions raised by the present crisis in the history of English industry. He had no practical connection with the subject, and one advantage of this was that he was not connected with the special interests either of the masters or the men. He was not sorry at having the opportunity of saying a word upon these subjects if it were only for the purpose of set ting himself right upon them, as the position he took in reference to the Sheffield outrages, of pro testing against the sweeping censure upon the whole body of working men had been misunderstood, and he had been accused of sympathy with murder, while he was not conscious of having done anything but refuse to sympathise with injustice. The relations of employers and employed had passed in the course of history through many successive phases, but while the progress which had been made was calculated to inspire their hopes, its gradual character showed that they must not entertain any chimerical expecta tions that in the space of a single life they could change the industrial relations of the world. The history of our country was, in this respect, tolerably typical, and Mr. Smith entered into a historical sketch, showing the condition of the working classes from the Roman times, when they were held in slavery, down through the state of serfdom, their final emancipation from that state, the great development of the manufacturing industry that took place towards the close of the last cen tury, and the corresponding development in the de mand for hired labour. He stated several causes why the working classes did not at that time reap their full share of the increased opulence of the nation, but still their condition was upon the whole a great advance upon that of the serf or the slave. He then described the formation of trades unions, the existence of which marked the pre sent crisis of the industrial history of the country. So faras trades unions were benefit societies, nobody could object to them; but a difficulty arose as soon as they came to what had been practically the most important part of their operations—the raising of wages by means of strikes. There was nothing morally wrong in strikes, provided they were kept in the due bounds of reason, and that what was demanded was what the employer really could afford. Nobody could deny that strikes had raised the rates of wages in some cases, and that so far they had permanently improved the condition of the working men. The wages fund was, however, a limited one, and they could not by any number of strikes increase that fund, but in a case where that fund had not been fairly shared amongst the differ ent interests—including the labourers as well as em ployers—then by a strike they might redress the balance. The operation of strikes was of course a costly one, as it suspended labour, diminished pro duction, and placed the industries of the country at a disadvantage in competition with those of foreign nations, and therefore it was necessary that strikes should be carefully limited, and that resour ces should not be wasted in any which were not en tirely justified by the circumstances. As to the jurisdiction of trades unions over their own mem bers, no doubt every man who voluntarily entered into a society placed himself under the rules of that society, and subjected himself to its penalties. Of course those penalties must not be such as to con flict with the laws of the land. But a more difficult question arose when they came to interference with non-unionist men. As far as he could see a man had a right to refuse to work with a non-unionist, but when it came to putting a pressure upon a non union man, otherwise than by refusing to work with him, his moral judgment passed to the other side ; and he felt confident that if anything like tyranny was attempted to be set up in the world—whether it were a tyranny of despots, of priests, or of asso ciations—the community would at last rise against it. Any interference with machinery was also strongly against his sense of right. The effect of machinery in the long run was to raise man from debasing toil, and to make him a more intellectual being. As to any attempt to limit the number of hands employed in a trade, that action was also, he was convinced, a mistake, and would be found in the end to be impracticable. Mr. Smith held that trades unions were inevitable in present circumstances as means of putting the working man to treat with his employer, and get the wages due to him. He was of opinion, however, that the present state of the industrial question was but a transitional one, and it was passing very gradually into the new phase of co-operation, of which, in conclusion, he treated at some length. A discussion followed Mr. Smith's address. 711 E ARCHBISHOP OF PARIS A.ND 7HE FREACH PRESS. The semi-offic;ial, or, rather, Imperial journal, La France, published a few days since a wan tonly mischievous article on the non-elevation of the Archbishop of Paris to the dignity of Cardinal, the cause of which the writer im puted to the influence of the Jesuits, who were alleged to be hostile to the Archbishop on account oT his opinions on the Temporal Sovereignty of the Pope, as expressed in a speech he lately delivered in the Senate. In commeliiing on the mischievous spirit exhi bited by La France, the Univers alludes to an article on the same subject in the 11:Emo rial Di plamatique, conceived in a better spirit, and which it quotes, without, however, gua-, ranteebig its correctness. The article in the Diplomatique is as follows : " Every nomination of new cardinals is de ferred_ - until the meeting at Rome of the (Ecu menica) Council, the opening of which is fixed for the Bth of December of this year (an edi torial - note in the Univers remarks that the Council is not yet convoked). Befare then eight entire months will elapse, during which we hop e to witness the removal of the sole obstacle that could stand in the way of the elevation of Mgr. Darboy to the dignity of Cardinal, and which it remains with his grace alone completely to remove. No one did more justice - than the Holy Father to the merits of the candidate proposed by the Emperor of the French., as proved by the reception he met with is Rome during the celebration of the Centenary of St. Peter. It is important to remember that cardinals, before receiving the hat from the hands of the Pope, take an oath to sustain and defend, even at the cost of their blood, the rights, prerogatives, and in tegrity of the Holy See, and that the Sove reign Pontiff hi mse lf cannot a ll ow of any com promise in respect of this solemn obligation. Now, the speech delivered last year by the Archbishop in the Senate on the Roman ques tion co ntained certain things which - were judged at Rome, rightly or wrongly, irreconcilable with the engagements to which every cardinal must subscribe. The Holy Father had written to the Archbishop requesting him to explain the meaning of certain passages in his speech which gave rise to interpretations unfavour able to the interests of the Holy See. " It is not our office to examine the motives which induce his grace not to comply with the request of his Holiness. We are only able to state that the Papal Government had ex pressed its readiness to ratify the presenta tion of the Archbishop of Paris as a candidate to the dignity of cardinal if that prelate, in de ference to the wishes of the Pope, made such explanations as would remove any contradiction between his personal views and the tenour of the oath. he would have to take as cardinal." "If matters stand," observes the Univers," as the .31jatorial Diplomatique puts them, three things in this co n fli c t are d eserv i ng of admira tion' :—The constancy of the Pope in resisting his powerful and only protector with as much firmness as he shows to his enemies ; the patience of the sovereign in waiting and knowing how to bend before that magnanimous resistance prompted by right and duty ; and, lastly, the sincerity of the Prelate, who will not purchase at the price of his conscience or dignity the obligations imposed, which do not seem to him such as he would like to face. Only the spirit of a placeholder could sub . - stitute for such noJle or honourable motives the littlenesses which .La France suggests." The Archbishop has - written to the Univers the following note : " The Univers of Saturday, the 4th, repro duces with comments an article of the Memo rial Diplomatique which states, among other inaccuracies, that, in consequence of a s peech delivered last year in flit) Senate by the Arch bishop of Paris, the Pope has written to him for an explanation of certain passages of that speech which were calculated to be interpreted unfavourably to the interests of the Holy See. All that the Archbishop thinks proper to state at present with reference to these assertions and comments is, that the Holy Father has net written to him on the subject of his speech, and has not requested him to explain certain passages of it." Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. 6.ustralla and New Zealand, via Sonthampton.....April 25. Ditto, via Marseilles • 20. Ditto, via Panama April 23. Brazil, Buenos Ayres, awl Monte Video April 6. Ditto, by French packet April 2Z Cape Verds, by Brazil packet :.;ape of Good Hope. Ascension, and St. Helena April 12. ,)hina, Penang, and Singapore, via B outhampton April 11- Ditto, via Marseilles. •••••• April 2 1 Falkland Islands Jibraltar, via Southampton April 4. India, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles - Malta, Egypt, St% - Ditto, Marseilles April --, Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton Ditt r , Marseilles April !LC Newfoundland ~,... ...,.....April Purtiigal April 6 Ditto, by privets ship to Oporto ... Ditto t itto to Lisbon United States, anada, California, &o. by British packet Ditto, by L Lited States packet Ditto ditto New York, Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet ••••• 10. west Coast of Afri..a, Madeira, and Tenerin .. May 6 rest Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Baha- mas) April 13 Cub and Hexico ...April 2 8 . 13 %ba.nas, via N ew IC April 8. April 8. I,l;rrnuda, via Halif ax It is the intention of Lieutenant-General Sir George Buller and Major-General Lindsay to meet the general officers appointed to command divisions, and the officers appointed to command brigades, at the Volunteer Review on Easter Monday, at the Brigade-office at Ports mouth, at two o'clock p.m., on Saturday next, the 1 1 t 12 instant. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Holloway's Pills.—The diseases common to wintor and endangering man's physical c ondi" tion will always exist, though many may be mitigated 111 their effects removed by ti me l y a id appropr i ate l y ap plie at the beginning of spring. Holloway's Pills are acknovr 'edged far and wide to be the most effective purifiers of the blood, the most certain regulator of disordered organs, an d the most innocent aperient that can be prescribed. Th is medicine is applicable to all alike, young or old, robust or delicate. It increases the appetite and controls all de rangements of the bowels. After the disorder is subdued occasional doses of these Pills will prevent any relapeo; and moreover secure, promote, and intensify the goo a result which flow from perfect purity and regularity. Births. MILLER—On the 7th inst., the wife of Sir Thomas DZ• Miller, of a son. SCOTT—On the Bth inst., at Norfolk HOUSE) Loudon. Lad/ Victoria Hope Scott, of a son. Marriages. DAVENPORT—HENSON—On the 9th inst., at Holy Trinity Church, Tulso-hill, Charles Cross Davenport, Brightoi! Villas, Lower Norwood, to Elizab e th, on ly d aug hter ol the late James Henson, of Spencer Villa, Herne -big , Surrey. WARD—DENNIS—At St. Pancras Church, Marylebon e, Edward John Ward, Captain R.A., Fort Brockhurs t, Gosport, only son of Mrs. Elliot, of Appleby Castle , Penrith, to Annie Clark, last surviving child of the late John Dennis, Esq., Blakewell, Devon. Deaths. C.ALD WELL —On the 7th inst., at Leamington, Commodore Caldwell, C. 8., A.D.C. DAWSON—On the Bth inst., at Albury Hall, Herts, Bichal d Dawson, Esq. SCOTT - On the 9th inst., at Norfolk House, London, POT, James, the infant son of Mr. and Lady Vietolia 1 1 °P" Scott. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM. ANDIIEW:,' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Whet No L a i Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Cou 3 t 7 tlicidlesex.—Friday, April 10, 1668. I( I This Prize I, It i; Sold the Ag Obse hates I ---- O r li Inur A. G. , (from Comic the Lc Davis, IMmei Pull the GI The Royal vale 10 unt Sne J. G. Perm Petit ' N.l In the ei Rolla the j Ellis Area Rig 10j of I havi by for I Solo hurt ( 1 ) io o ru , Illty Illqu, all ( fo r Uo' not trat Spel ss. star all Th hot for Ch