The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-16 00:00:00

the 41etrase of the clergy and the Peo,Plee. There Then ce tt , 'e re : 18 the qutstien to be elaling wi t h' tl ' s •e le lit-red, to three the m dealt d w es ite o L t. tee,. "‘4O subject. Gee was the I;etgail bishops or assistant bishops. In some rule, hed,P; that might be desirable • but as a ~ se a ste -1 appointm ent some cases, jor,lh'd iiot think it would be setisf Ictery, beea•-• v. itt.ot ? niihop as not a diocesan, but one who,,eoeal en. de!'l., idetion had the er•er of ue f aening episcopal thought th l l f the crewi P f . diocesan bishops ra with the i '4 , - ;"' n ther we re onlytwO modes of o f the dlote';'°ll.--theefirstewnsa that pursued he theot,g casebecause t i t s e b Par thee e d less t o Se °I. truster,Nl4ach lie, however, liettetieu iete merits of that scheme,. b question, ett;n was not likely to create new bis T ho h p e rics on the - guf the bishopric of li\lenche.ter. bishoprics hp,;*r,ese, was it advisable to create . he would the tall nuilibler and more restricted basis n e ew lf that was thiPj Plan, 52tting aside matters of detail, so, e Would the •-- the door to the founde a tio , n 0. 0 . f . ' auk hi h• 3 °Pen , close it under 11 l i r a rtlaLta oprics, or would they . lte,,, lees? The work of the Church Ras people good elire - ? * 'lls• It it notpossible to make all her t lalls L • the Church te bring . not done ordi a , but It was the duty of rural ells any of the ltietathtlen,s was to every man. In el bit i i r a ' ',ri the case, but it was impossible was scarcely shy peirge districts and towns, where there ., i and the intik.- it should be fetat,..sonal relation between the olerge • e for kser"., The best way to make the Chniurcohtmeir, a episcopal le i ii:' PUrposes in largo towns was to 1 hear.) One t isi ei e ee or other of those towns.—(llear, eecti v c,,lief of hat the foundation of new bishoprics the revs ttee ofßtkat such a course would . fri,.ttweraway in steel , ue Churcla in supporting a le hard-working e tl eg 4 Provieine Small incomes for the colonial ap- Ileipt l ,,: On tbisloint he might refer to the _ idle persons, With meat,, The ancient practice was to send under such c'r e44.at,ries. of 40 0/. or 5001. a year, andd en fitted for the men out Pili era eli it was difficult to procure m regard to our Nutlet wcrit• The economical view withot give 2,000./ tit ,0001welild have been to say, e D o n t n pi e • ' 3'ear irate bishops but husband known that th e ' e lde for cl rev " ' But it was well lea Pulley ef• f,. c !re'. • in th e colonies Why, your resources i haeg . emoting bishoprics t , 0 effect ? . b ' l ace th I'9lll What had been .b of Jamaica 1 12s, levee foundation of the bishopric the cler -14 bishe . founded, and p,,,_, pries were alto foundation were Ne i , under them at the amounted to 652. 14;4 °llly 290; but in 1847 they founded, led tt,l3'nir 1842 the bishopric of Tasmania was _ lu but in ,1,8t3 e h ete rglY of the diocese numbered only had , taken P 1 t 3 tr„e•Y ultounted to 43; similar results Wb not, tle„, ..,'' the rest of the n w !bishoprics. Theyinsti theo'nuflPt th e ,atiao . . 1 in England? e, of peeiti , P P bel P ! England would also in i, Oa th e . (Mai bishop s in A municants. T . he 1 ' ,, 0p w ieetriber of clergy an- congregations 411 e1 en'nl furim a centre aroundwhich When lit ergy would Spring in great numbers. he meant thesiia4 of the forpmantionnPof new bishoprics, would be tel il , were presid d by men whose time their r e - lvely d ~' Over -i ' t - cal duties of _ ieet eroteu to the ecclesiastical i te ties di in each case a Wtish OCee3. Ile proposed that accordance with the tl llree °P sh eUl be appointed in . habitants, tee shed desiredof large number of the in a that the (1111,„,°{11c1 subscribe towards maintaining him; el also of the - ' ti " (:) f the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, ap be ob teeed tain4trtin of the day, should should be before , t lie (~' kid tha t the whole scheme ' laid Crown. 'ha ea is Couneil for the sanction of the Crown. was tlhy praPleititrnent of bishops like that of Man d eh th e e Corn t'llttee ittfierilxig With the question. lie hope which he Illiroe-4'd aPprove of the practical scheme hear.) Lei I lB ed for their consideration.—(licar' doubt re -1144,-I.I.IJBSELL wished to express a by N it' g the Pro ri adopting the clause moved against it; t eht4, P ety of than to argue 4.atlpp ti. in. Gentleman, rather think with the b l kht i i 44 nereafter, Ile could not up alto ether ne•tlern n that we ought to give • e like the a e • new bishoprics 'halek of m prospect or creating appeared to him that . 411, glichester R'po n et with 14 t a a . or i . in accordance . 0 , Pre e , practical plan, and one - . • i , o f this t oter, / 'het constitution of the bishopric resting 'cli h" 4teat adv t must arise from c hfilk,. lah„,:__ . an ages The bishoprics h. itheet4 a'vaatilnit!arge districts.h of the arc he division ,Nre P t t , i2 of York, woriti, and e t 0 e ii d great benefit to os t ed e l l , th tt What the aßiePhrtn lion. Gentleman re 'Ali there sho ld be kind of dioceses separated . tteinfr, _ u i. a. ,ng. He (Lord thed te-__Lu.oe a. present exist objections t ) ,nttitia'tt'as.o there . were strong bishoprics unconnected of 111,1'4 on in w ~1 new kind of independent thi,P4reeeat order-rarlianaent, and totally to be voted . for 0 4 ; %,,, Qrde of bishops!. It funds were to be supplied d gee. • r of bishops, they would have that the ;kits „ping bishoprics under the plea . d —the ltuer` ekistio ' would be diminished—the . _ eil i „ lut e ae , g bishops be that existing l' eil l e, , , ai ljeet of which would of attending th ise ee übe deprived of the means , __ now a Ab "t• It would be said " YOU have without th e he of b• , t. en . Parliament . a ft ,IslmPs havin Beata in „ t e teiite`: ot attending the• and VOU have othe rs them all ia the ;la Purliurnent. is it sot - better to putr =cut; litlkl;wlBlettilhe fe°tine? " That would be the it a would g be V h il tp b.."' 4 good one or a delusive one, the op, ir slice done If, however, you prevented a good 4 Y t e eel ettencr P - nt you would go _ (ii t... wa rds _ mg ar lame , . from I the State. e i ,:r, hear, ',e.Parating the Church d J. Russell) that, etTlt()afere).,tl aPpeared to him (Lor to the plan t4:ciltßht iloutig levii bishoprics according m uch more for t. httel!4tllage of .th entic"tnin' it v!ou rease the number . o tritth'l*l districts e Church to inc he difficulty in tee, ng oe the a; .There would grea t with bishops 1 3° ' te lt t silo, tt ,, neirs of the Church such diff . e- IrettPosie,„s '"e!'ent powers and occupying subscription I t , rei„, - lor ibstance, if any large purpose 0, appoint et ICS 1;4,1114 Westminster for the t of eeppo ' l° l 3 fir th t (I- . , 4 hop 4 I,,ti let, you would have a n Bishop Bishop of h i4 i l pe tt ri n nttr t t a i , se i at in Parliament, and n entirely ' 1 • "'nt 11 • hold' in a seat in Parliament t x , ercising eqilleetion ''f the Biahop ot London, and Gentleman e top t hat e -2 nePerately. Th e Right Hon duced an e nl'sti he . Russell) had himself intro in hi;Oete tt 0u of this I• 4 'there were bishops now - , N he e , h _ ,_ tin..—toat pt h e '; cad not a seat in Parliament, twenty hit 'Ps e,.;;,`1',11(,,t introduced a system whichby y and twenty• t e , u e,, u , ' l , tieve no seat s in Parliament, the Go e'nture, ''' have sts The innovation t t o '4l O c tuede left ea • • without a sea ! t 1 1 helainl duriug the a e a j r u i i n e i r o r bishop of his episcopacy, to hilirnhteji,leted with his perioddiocese, hut with the prospect t d to lettlil di arth gel l,ing a seet in Parliament. It applwaae not 1t 4: 11 110 4 : P:an of the Right lion. Gentle iof En th a e n Cheirch; le sa te ' Pith the present constitution the ki, a tittle • tern might gq . 1 1t1 d . , in future years, such a system (Lord J. eei, ersrehie. et however, he sect...). ,0,,,,1 , present, read a ‘,tZ,l tete,."44 not consent to the clauses being 1"it(1 j. A 1414 ' from the con e ng ehar .ItERS c not gath er Lerd that there te 41;14 sehealv4('o°flos the n th t of N the Government for he tthi4reli P o e r ' e of renderilt3ip,i•e the episcopacy . of f her t ge ti ts Rr(at Eagland suffidient for the due discharge apitlilll pers_iitt itoportuet duties. It w i a n s te t re e st in the iti:hitiieiwti'fo:o Ve t. o ti tad _ .taokreen Ch h, t a h l at an increas . e tt o .o f illtthe taat,i absolutely ne.cessary. Ail who bad wof the ateerth f;et were agreed that the bishops it 41gleud rulers N ei a, sl coal Ought to be the Noblespir itual Lord now op t.. te e I,e Monweeltb. The )st a ' a ed of twry Moderate scheme that he had . II (Lord John nets) con or three years ago, --Is Peet %eviction was, the Church ot England ~ ll h la ° fav he hanth' it itt er et a . oi,ir and very little justice at t .re....._.. al te a he 31.(It'Y a Government• Under these ci uln.e th e ~ eoped his II : Friend would take the sense At reeiiie o. _ .. op, te 4 feW Q 1114 1110t1011. l 'G,; (1 a $U wnrat fr o Mr. GLADSTONE, . ms _ it '''' tio; e SStLL h dthe Right Hon. Gentle n tai re e• • uieid e °Pe . the Government Olios td , 131 the motion, as . to the subject, k , 4 (lid t° give their best attention loiti,(i'rg,%,';',lsh to negative the motion, would 11 1 , * '' hi s niol',9E, under these circumstances, Z,, moue "clre tl it td j ,was accordinely withdrawn. I(' ' . . -44NNEPS then moved the following Pti --e A 'Mtn. .csed b • ' -len , wner or pro- Neu • of a „ , . o lt enactee, teat the o . of tithes, lett.ttee kit') impropriation tithes or portion _ any the ,‘ll!reef V have power to annex the came r o a r cy ' !, s tyeeiii _euate the parsonage, vicarage, oum. arise Ipil'4lllf,vn, I'ol or chapel whence the same lie such p `7 .. B ge - t ne earn • of sr 40(4.. Viearn, in trust for the benefit ,awwhat_ ttp lid to te ,ee, or curac, any statute o . r. 1 - se notwith- Til'e,gi the contrary theyeof in any Ist tlll elstlle Was agreed t si:„lnt fe () r ilt ' LORD on:toyed the following clause,m. thtette b.„;2.' o bjec t takeninhibit the Ecclesiastical Com in I ) , iittoe will' kParting with any property of the . class "And l leredec, larecei" ahould come under their direction, of the ttes'nOetere r and enacted that the provisions or ti,4',kno v, r ecited en acted relating to the sale, transfer,en,_ t ßil l t 11 5 t ' hay 1444 tithes, or other heredit . am u r L. Leh xtetitl t ' • ' of any tithes o tlth o arge ton i . 0 authorise the sale see of any tile,,tP, or _ tell of tithes belonging to the . or en.oy. ot(/' tiny ellY chapter, or in the d pos"sh"orniitjary, t• 4 ~ '4ll. canon, ror ot e fl orin the te,:st ea oiloty cathedral, collegiate church, for Eng titFill. . he Ecclesiastical Commissioners Isl s e 1ihing?,.....4Y laid that the Noble Lord confounded to I t tliai r 'eel Eijiebation and sale, lie was • favo was not a t , e e - e emestieel but alienation ' 4, 11 is th, 13in Pur poses, .. rs had no power Oftes4te Church The Commissioners (14 4 fel" Property. M Goulburn, i . itti it . ~.„ ords frooa Mr. Gladstone, —r. wn, Ittli ,: pti,-,rosrenor th I use was withdra _ uses, %IWei, '443.1tN th a the following clauses, k , '' ll d b e t %' r eed to - en moved ' 11 4 It du e l ..-- the arrange- Jtitill,Witb ated and enacted, that . 1 astical the Dtletieta refers ~nce to peculiar or exempt ecc.eal under Ilthe°•vihieelvecli the said Commissioners are and I tet re ed t a Of the said first recited Act empowered into l 'e re, tt eY oil PheoPose in any scheme fur carrying k*hc4o44l4odt -,1 recotnrnendations therein recited, e m m a e y s tn). etZrreletice _ leaid proposed in any sche i m i e , or or sch also to set! Nittt4„att:esr lan duthhioarreaonhg m s ,g contained in any either of ka ) , 4 t k t ed h a l‘ t elB or this ACE. 4chtirtclideaco declared and enacted, that in the ofcasee ce :lorekecettitileori ,IterY which shall no longer be held by,. theb ,f'reeit,eti w as at the time of the passing or eie ~441 Q the s ae , Act in possessions thereof, the ' prO 'Poe •etattlisege Act which relate to the transfer to the vel,dlts ead loners of the estates of any archdeacon le ' arid QlWN ent • ' 'n F o s in either of the modes there). pro . tr, te to 1-. ; 4 ltt JOf It ti-te dlsannexine• from any such arch ile Nee Y benee • - shall be Ate and held ce with cure of souls, , lit, esetie to author' h transfer and sucn ise sLIC Iptie:tie, kild 11''''ttth the consent of the bishop of the n i , l , t, itttYthrit tf'be tienla_rehdeacon in possession ofthearc.rba. PsettlAtie h r conseen't orfitf:ehehissrhehdeaclenry be then strtlth, rtijieeelared azd enaetnetPl that powers and Ott s tou t •g to the alt • the boundaries of el'atae held ia 0,11 Actration of the session of tt4":ltY's Ni: lti ill the s enthPnasld in years of her Pitilllt:llci Itu-°4n),llltttliede"An Act eighthto explain and amend i i t st ritt al eare °f f t f or makiricr better Provision fur the h t 4 14,,,11C1W txis„ PoPuloea ,o better may as to any such )1 v. 705 Act ee_".og, notwithstandine• the limitation in +NI frotiautniltuned, be exerciaetrat any t me within e PI 151 4 Of thie Act, and as to every THE SUN, such district hereafter to be constituted within five years from the date of the licence of the minister first licensed thereto, and this notwiths'anding that any such dis trict may have hicome a new parish by virtue of the provisions of the Act under which such district was con sti tuta d." Mr. S. HERBERT then moved 19 clauses, having re• ference to the holding benefices with the cure of sous by deans, canons resident'ary, the residence of the same, the augmentation of canonrie-, the establishment of pas toral colleges, &c. He did not intend that all the re solutions woich he proposed should be applicable to every dean and chapter, but he would give thin]] a choice in selecting those by which they were to be re gulated. It had been an evil which had been felt in the Church for some time throughout England, that every day the number of small cures was increasing. The number of these small cures not exceeding 130/. a year was increasing. It was of great importance that they should have men of elevated minds in the ministry, and , it a lower class of persons were encouraged to enter the Church as in other countries, they would be doir , a great injury to the cause of religion and morality. He had had in making these propositions adhered strictly to the provisions of the old statutes. It had been asked, if that were the case, why should he go to the (louse of Commons to carry out his views? He had consulted legal authority upon his propositions, and he had It arned that the s'atutes in question were so old that their pro visions could not be brought into vigour. The Noble Lord might tell him that his clauses were a Bill in them selves, and ought to be brought in as a separate mea sure; but the Noble Lord knew very well the difficulty a private Member laboured under in bringing in a mea sure of that importance. He therefore trusted the Go vernment would give every fair consideration to his clauses, and he would then conclude by moving the first of them. Sir G. GREY said the Hon. Gentleman himself had anticipated the objections which might be made to his clauses. That Bill had come down from the House of Lords with a certain number of clauses; but the Hon. Member proposed to wit' no less than 19 to it.. These clauses might be very important, and the Hon. Gentle man asked them to agree to them, and add them to a Bill which had no connexion whatsoever with the same. No doubt these clauses ought to be the subject of a separate Bill, and no doubt were deserving of separate and distinct consideration. It was quite clear that many of the clauses cculd not be adopted in their pre sent state, however worthy of consideration, and, there fore, he trusted the Hon Gentleman had only introduce) them in order that they might be fully considered by the House. Mr. GLADSTONE would wish to hear a more defi nite assurance from the Government of their opinion upon those clauses that had been given. It had been said that a certain reform had taken place in the Church in 1840. lie denied that it was any reform. Excepting the case of the archdeacons, however, they had not effected any practical reform. The objection, then was, that there were large emoluments to large bodies of men with no duties. Well, they had re duced the number of the men, but they had not made any proportionate reductio❑ in the emo luments with respect to the duties for those who re mained. 'Thus the evil had remained.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to say how immense was the difficulty of calling the attention of Parliament to the subject, and putting a plan of reform into a practicable shape. The question could not be brought on except at the close of the session, and it was then difficult to get the House to give their mind to the consideration of the practical de tails of the proposed reform. The only objection to the series of clauses proposed by his Right lion. Friend was, that the rights of patronage would be affectei; but then that objection was more apparent than real. The reform that had taken place in 1840 was no reform at all. The system was, in fact, made more absurd and anomalous than before. The real salutary principle of annexing duties to these high preferments had been recognised but had not been fully acted upon, and until that prin ciple was fully carried out—until those anomalies had been rectified—they would not have carefully attended to the interests of the Church, and to the noble principles on which our cathedral establishmants were founded. Mr. AGLIONBY pointed out one part in which he considered the clauses would not be sufficiently operative. Mr. J. STUART considered the reasons assigned by the Government for not a ;opting the additions were meagre, slight, and unsatisfactory. The reason assigned, that the clauses might be embodied in a separate Act, was not a valid argument for rejecting them. They were essential for the interests of the Church, and ought to be adopted. Sir B. HALL considered that the propositions of the Hon. Gentleman would go far to effect the desirable ob ject of making the Church more useful and respected. Thero was a scheme for dividing populous parishes pro mised by Government, and this scheme was so good and so essential that the Government ought to have given it attention before this. He wished to know whether Go vernment intended to propose a scheme early in the ea suing session for dividing certain large parishes, and also whether a scheme of a similar sort had no been prepared this session, but not brought forward. He hoped the Government would say why. He cordially thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman for the additional clauses which he had brought forward. _ _ . _ _ Mr. P. WOOD said the Hon. Meuabor for Montrose had fairly stated hip wish that deans and cinonries should be abolished, but he hoped Government had no such intention or wish. The deans and canonries were formerly collegiate bodies, but in course of time they had lost their duties, and had dwindled down into more offices of large emolument. Now, he hoped the Government would t Ake this circumstance into consideration, and be induced to acknowledge the expediency of j.)ining duties to those offices, so that they should no longer be mere sioecures. He hoped Government would bring firward some scheme which would do away with the present abuses of the cathedral and canonry system. When Go vernment were about this reform, it would be a good opportunity to take into consideration the increase of the episcopate. Incited the whole question might then be fully and completely considered. Mr. lIUME would recommend those Hon. Gentlemen who wished to re-establish these large colegiate end ca- thedral institutions to recollect the different circum stances of the country now to what they were when these institutions were established. He was sure if ca thedral establishments were re-established in all their magnitude and grandeur that the interests of the Church would suffer, and he further declared that he was cer tain the people would not endure than. He recommended the abolition of all sinecures in the Church Establish ment as the best means of securing the interests of the Church. Mr. HENLEY did not think the clause , as proposed, would effect the objects which their proposer and sup porters appeared to consider to be so desirable. The operation of such a set of clauses would really effect that which the Hon. Member fur Montrose wished to see— namely, the abolition of these bodies altogether. Such, at least, would be the effect of these clauses as he read them. lie regretted that a measure of this great import ance had not been introduced in a separate Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Member for Oxford, when he found fault with the Bill of 1540, had not recollected the object of the Ecclesiastical Com mission, which was to provide for spiritual destitution by funds obtained from a diminution of the canonries. He doubted very much whether the scheme proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member f)r Wilts would be found to answer its purpose. The Right lion. Gen tleman proposed that a clergyman holding a canonry should not hold a living, except within the cathedral city. That might answer in populous places, like West minster; but he doubted whether it would answer throughout the country generally. Mr. S. lIERBERT, in answer to the remark of the Hon. Member for Montrose, denied that his plan was to restore all the old cathedral establishments quite the contrary. He was glad ho had called the attention of the House to the subject. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clauses ... 84 Against them ... ... 104 Majority against them ... —2O The Bill was then ordered t) be repotted. The report on the resolution for a monument to Sir R. Peel was brought up and agreed to. The Militia Ballots Suspension Bill, the Loan Socie ties Bill, and the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Bill, were read a third time and passed. The Poor Relief Bill, as amended, was considered and ordered to be read a third time on Friday, at twelve o'clock. _ . . The Bills of Exchange Bill passed through Committee, as did al,o the Stock-in-trade Bill, and the Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c., Bill. POPULATION BILL. On the question that the Population Bill be read a third time, Mr. NESVDEGATE wished to know whether any arrangement had been mado for the provision of a better occupation abstract than had hitherto been given. In the last abstract the whole proprietary body were to tally omitted, and not one London proprietor was named? Mr. C. LEWIS said the census would not be taken till the latter end of March next, and thera would be ample time to prepare a proper scheme for making the abstract. After a few remarks from Mr. HENLEY, The Bill was read a third time, and passed. Tho Population (Ireland) Bill was also read a third tittle and passed. The Upton-cum-Chalrey Marriages Validity Bill passed through Committee. The Highway Rates Bill was read a second time. The Public-houses (Scotland) Bill was ordered to be read a second time that day six months. Mr. SOTHERON postponed the Friendly Socitiea Bill until next Friday. The Cruelty to Animals (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. The Committee on the Engines for Taking Fish (H e .. land) Bill was postponed till this day. MARRIAGES BILL. Mr. S. %VORTLEY moved that this Bill do pass. Mr. GOULBURN was not disposed to offer any fur th.-r opposition to it. The Bill then passed. The House adjourned at a Quarter past One. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15. Their Lordships met at Half-past Four o'clock. Lord TRURO (heretofore Sir Thomas Wilde) took tbel oati:s and his seat. The N , )ble and Learned Lord was introduced by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Redesdale, and Lord Brougham. ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal assent was the. given by commission to the following Bills: Pirates Head Nloney Repeal Act Commencement. Titles of Religious Congregations. Judgments (Ireland). Drainage and Improvement of Land Advances. SherifYof Westmoreland Appointment. tioneral Board of Health. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 16, 1850. Court of Chancery. Turnpike Roads (Ireland). Police and Improvement (Scotland). Swansea Municipal Corporation. Reading Cattle Markut. Bolton Improvement. Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Railway Junction. Cambridge Regulation, Improvement, Markets, and Fairs. Fast and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Reilway. South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment, &c. York and North Midland Railway. Montrose Harbour. South Wales Railway (Capital). Dublin and Drogheda Railway. Snaith and Cowick Union of the Townships, &c. Croydon and Reigate Turnpike Road. Stourbridge Union Rates. Swansea Dock Company. Victoria London Dock. Pontypridd Gaslight and Coke Company. York, Newcastle and Berftick Railway Arrangements, &c. Norwich Water Works. Eastern Union Railway. London City Improvements. North Staffirdshire Railway (Extension of Time). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend- went, &c. South Staffordshire Milway. Kent Waterworks. Southampton Waterworks. Waterford and Kilkenny Railway. Great North, rn Railway Deviations, &c. lleronsyke and Eamont- bridge Turnpike Road. Ulvers'one, 11,1illthorpe, and Lancaster Turnpike Road. Tyne Navigation. Tewkesbury and Severn-bridge Road and Amendment. Monmou'hshire Turnpike Roads. Readin g Union Waterworks. Cardiff Waterworks. E linburgh Slaughtsrhowies Removal. Garsta'ig and Heiring Syke Turnpike Road. Prussian Ministers' Residence. Brigstocke's (or Player's) Estate. Cathrow's (or Briand's) Estate. Fleetwood's Estate; and Cautley's Divorce. The Lords Commissioners were the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Etrl of Minto, and Lord Eddisbury. Their Lordships then adjoured during pleasure. Their Lordships resumed shortly after Five o'clock. This LORD CHANCELLOR (Baron Truro) took his seat on the Woolsack. VESTRIES AND VESTRY CLERKS BILL. Lord BROUGHAM moved the second reading of this Bill.—Agreed to. year 1847. Under those circumstances, he believed ho was jestified in repeating an assurance which had been made to him on good authority —namely, that that agi tation was a feiluce. In confirmation of that statesaent, those reports he might refer to th e reports of the factory inspectors; and he hoped he sh ou ld not b e told that could not be relied o n b ecause t h ey had been wr i tten b y Government offisers. F o r hi s part, h e b e li eve d th at if any accusation had ever been made against those gen tlemen, who stood so high for intelligence and claaraces, it was not that th e y hed been too subservient to the millowners, but, in their zeal to protect the rights of the operatives, they had sometimes been disposed to forget the just claims of those by whom the operatives were employed. lie found Mr. Leonard Horner writing thus:— "The plan which you have recently brought forward for putting an end to that system, if not udversally ap proved, his been received with great satisfaction by a large rnejority of all those interested in the question, so far as I have had an opportun i ty of judging from per sonal inquiries an d f r rm the opinio ns g i ven to me by the five sub-inspectors in my district as the result of their inquiries, The merit of the plan chiefly dwelt upon is, that by limitation of the factory day to 12 hours, from six o'clock to six, out of which the hour and a half for meals must be given, it will secure a uniformity in the hours of w ork in all mills, so far as concerns the employment of young persons and women. It is an early stopping in the evening that the workpeople chiefly value; and if the free evening hours from six to nine be secured, the great object sought for by the Ten Hours Act will be attained; for then the factory-workers will be in what may be called the normal state of the ope ratives in the generality or trades, and will, like them, have leisure f,r domestc arrangements, for improving themselves by attending evening schools, with opportu nities for healthful and reasonable recreations. The in tended general stepping of the mills at two o'clock on Saturdays has given especial satisfaction; and it will prove, I doubt not, a great source of comfort and advan tage to the workpeople and their families." Captain Kineard said-- "It is my belief that the proposed Government measure will produce generally the most satisfactory settlement of the question that could have been devised; for, ex cepting in the woollen districts, the increase of which, as I have already shown, will be peculiarly affected by the proposed measure, and among the owners of other mills that are worked by relays, and who must naturally be averse to the change, my own observations, as well as the information of the sub inspectors, lead me to believe that the proposed Government measure will be hailed by the mass with great satisfaction." Then Mr. Saunders stated— " The evils which have resulted from the state in which the law has unhappily been co long left, have been, it is hoped, sufficient to insure a legislative decision on the subject during the present session of Parliament; and I have the satisfaction of stating that the principle on which the Bill now be , f+re Parliament has been framed, has given great and general satisfaction. There are partial ohjEutions, some of which may, in the pro gress of the Bill through Parliament, be removed; but it is .earnestly to be desired nothing may interfere to delay carrying the main features of the Bill into effect." Then these gentlemen united, including Mr. Hewitt, from whom he had not quoted, added : "The Bill now before Parliament for defining the dura tion of the factory working day contains valuable provisions and we anticipate ccnsiderable assistance from it in our efforts to obtain a uniform observance of the law. The abridgment of the working day within the ordinary limits of twelve hours, including the prescribed intervals for meals, and the curtailment of the afternoon labour of Saturdays, appear to us a very advantageous arrange ment. We hope that this amending Bill is calculated to allay the excitement which has existed for so long a period in the manufacturing districts, by removing many serious impediments to the full scsomplishment of the objects of the Legislature in limiting the hours of the labour of young persons and women employed in factories." Those were the opinions of the factory inspectors, and he trusted they would have due weight with their Lerd• ships. Some amendments had bean proposed in the Bill to which her M ijesty's Government could not con sent ; for in their opinion it would be unfair in an ar rangement of that kind to deprive the millo veers of the very small advantage which was held out to them in the measure. If their Lordships should determine on defeating that arrangement he was sorry to say that it would be impossible for her Majesty's Government to take any further charge of the Bill. He could not dery that they would then feel it their duty to abandon the measure. They all knew what great attention the Noble Duke opposite had paid to the promotion of the interests of the agricultural classes, and he would venture to say that there was no point to which the Noble Duke had paid more attention, or upon which he deserved greater credit for his persevering ex ertions, than the maintenance of a harmonious feeling between the different classes engaged in agriculture— the landowners, the tenant-farmers, and the labourers. Now, he entreated the Noble Duke to adopt a similar prin ciple in dealing with the present subject, and to weigh very seriously the consequences which would occur if they were to abandon that Bill, and to give up the only oppor tunity they could hope to have of getting the great majority of the millowners cheerfully to co-operate with them in carrying out the regulations of the Factory Act. lie be lieved that by rejecting the measure they would add enormously to the agitation at present being carried on, end that they would create a source of interminable dis putes between the millowners and the factory operatives. He believed that they would be opening in this country those perplexing questions the rights of capital and the rights of labour, and would be doing more than they could do by any other measure to array the labourer and the capitalist in opposition to each other. The in teresta of those two classes might be fairly considered as identical, and any measure which could place teem in a hostile attitude towards each other would ieflict on both of them incalculable injury.—(liear.) The Earl of HARROW BY said he did not mean to enter upon that occasion into any of those general questions of political economy which were involved is the subject, The only point they had then to consider was, to what extent their interference with the hours of labour in factories should go ? Re believed that the parties interested in that measure were most anxious that it should not be altogether defeated, however much they might wish for certain alterations in its details. He had risen for the purpose of proposing that iu the enumeration of parties who should not be employed at any hour but between six in the morning and six in the evening children should be included. He could not conceive why that proposal should not be protection o f c hil dren was t h e ma i n object adopted, of their th eirl e egislation u p on that subject. U n d er t h e Billasit stood young persons and females could not be employed at an earlier hour than six in the morning or at a later hour than six in the evening; and the result of their passing the measure in that shape would be to give a stimulus to master manufacturers to make use of the labour of children Wire tied after the hours fixed for the labour of &melee and young persons. Now, under such an arrangement, children might be detained for two or three hours :after their mothers or young relatives could have left the mills ; and in that case those children might have to tra vel home alone through dark and dreary nights. The children would in that way be reduced to a worse position than any in which they had heretofore been placed. He hoped that their Lordships would adopt the amendment which he proposed, and by that means prevent the harsher class of millowners from employ ing children at hours when their kinder and more considerable competitors could never wish to compel them to work. Under those circumstances he begged leave to move in the tenth line that before the words " young person," the words " no child " shall be inserted. Earl GRANVILLE said he felt compelled to oppose the amendment of the Noble Earl, because the object of that measure was merely to remedy an error in a former Act of Parliament, and he did not think that in endeavouring to accomplish that object they ought to c th re e n re ex su c l e t p ( t if a t t ha thte arrangementhou hours strited would b attempt to deal with art entirely different portion of the question. In his o pi n i on it would be a great hard ship to mil fromlowners t o prevent them employing children by the to impose a complete limitation in the use of adult labour, be Noble practically for h Lord KINNAIRD supported the amendment, which ho thought in no way inconsistent with the general objects of the Bill. Lord STANLEY said he wished to state the reasons why he could not support that amendment. He con curred in the observations of the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Granville), that the object of that Bill was to re assert a principle which had been defeated by a technical error in the Bills of 1844 and 1847; and it was on that account that he should refuse his assent to the proposal then under their Lordships' con sideration, while hile ho was prepared to supp or t the amendment of which his Noble Friend the Noble Duke near him (the Duke of Rich mond) had given notice. There was abroad disti nc ti on between the case of young persons and women and the d case of children. He should first, however, observe that his Noble Friend on the cross-benches (the E ar l o f had Elarrowby) and the Noble Lord who , jaatspoken seemed to have confounded two thingsentirely , the system of of distinct shifts. —namely, the system of relay and The great objection to the s y s tem of shifts w as , t h at under its operation, young p er sons and women, I.lan ten hours a d a y, al though not worked more _ the of benefits int en d e d would be practically deprosed o and 1847, inasmuch as for them by the Acts of 18 they would be kept waiting about the mills during several hours, which could be productive in the case of childrenroductive to them neither i of profit nor of amusement. no such evil could arise, because children could not b e worked more than six hours and a half each day, and those children who had been worked before dinner could not bo worked after dinner, while those children who were to be worked after dinner co uld not be work e d before it. His Noble Friend s eemed to think that th e relay system was an abuse. B u t he (Lord Stanley) had never heard it talked of us a n abuse; on the contrary, the relay system had been conte mplated in the A c t s o f 1844 and 1847; ray more, it had been provided for in the case of children, because unless it sus adopted t h e whole work of the mills should he at )pped at the expi but of six hours and a h a lf. ration, not of ten' hours , For ace set of children °e half of the day wa s se t aside; and for the other set e l children the rem a i n i ng ae. The only reas on w hi c h half ef the day was set ' cl e wed in favour of his pr o p osa l was that children migh t his Noble Friend bad a dvanced in favour of his proposal was that children might be c ompelled to go to th e facto ries or to leave them alone, without their adult r e l at i ves. But that circumstance would surely afford but aver} weak argument for introducinga very heavy a ddi tional employing labour ' of factories. res triction on the power o such a restriction, which had He did not eibh to impose such th e Acts of 1844 and 1847. never been contemplate ' that he should,therefore, give his and, he repeated, vote against that amendment. Lord WHARNCLIk almost inaudible in who was • ' ble in the gallery, was understood to support the motio n o f the Now Est. ( LiarrQWW• Lie Contended that Ulu present Bill would be imperleet in ita operation without such a clause as that proposed. Without it children might be kept two hours and a half at work in factories after their parents balgore home. He thought the chil dren would gladly consent to that limitation, and to the final st ttlement of Cie question as proposed by the Bill. The Duke of RICHNIOND wished to know, if such a proposition as that of the Noble Earl was of so much im portance and so much desired, why it had not been in the original 8.112 He was in favour of the principle of his Noble Friend's amendment, but he did not wish to hamper the Bill with additional diffi iultits. The Earl of HARROWBY briefly replied. He re ferred to an important meeting of delegates from Lanca shire, Yorkshire, and other places, who had resolved to petition the House of Lords in favour of the proposition contained in the amendment. He contended that the manufacturers would adopt the relay system now in ste td of the shift system. He announced his intention of dividing the Climmitteß on his amendment. The Bishop of OXFORD said there was one view of the case which he wished to present to the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley), which he seemed to have overlooked. It was said that the whole of the important principle of legislation by which they were to be gadded was a desire to keep (a , tat with the working-classes. The Noble Lord's objecti .n to that amendment was that it would infringe the compact entered into with the working classes. Now he (the Bishop of Oxford) thought it was all the other way. Technically speaking that was a new boon which they were about to bestow; but, taking many things into consideration, it was not so; for that Act created Lew evils for children, and philosophical statesmanship re quired that when an evil was inflicted upon any par ticular class an attempt should be made to produce a counterbalancing good. They were now creating a new condition with the various terms of their own agree ment. The highest principle—that of keeping faith with the operatives—required that they should introduce a counterbalancing change. When they seemed to be keeping their compact they were violating it in the most important particular. When they were creating a new evil they ought to preserve their compact by introducing 'nto it the means of counteracting its effects. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— Contents Non-contents 58 Majority ... ... —33 On our return to - the gallery, The Duke of RICHMOND was movie.. ' the amend ment of which he had given notice. H e h a d heard with some considerable astonishment that it was the intention of the Government to give up the Bill if he carried his amendment. But he could relieve his Noble Friends from all difficulty on that subject, for he would take charge of the Bill himself —(Hear, hear)—in their Lordships' House, and he would get his Noble Friend Lord J. Manners, to do the same by it in the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) He would tell their Lord ships not to be alarmed lest the Bill might be lost for cast of some person to take charge of it.—(flear, hear.) He could assure their Lord s hip s th a t h e was actuated by no party or political motives in bring ing forward the amendment of which he had given notice. But he could not but feel that a great portion of their subjects, the operatives employed in factories, came before them to ask, not any favour of their Lordships, but to maintain inviolable the provisions of the Act of 1847.—(Heir.) He asked their Lordships to make no change; he did not ask them to sanctioo any interference in the hoots of labour, excepting as they were intended to be regulated by statute. He asked them to advocate no principle; but he called upon them to do in their public capacity that which in their private capacities they would not for a single instant hesitate to perform.—(Hear.) He asked them not to break faith with a large prtion of their fellow -country men—(Hear, hear)—the factory operatives, who, after a struggle c f between 20 and 30 years, obtained a Ten Hours Act, which they considered the great charter of their liberties. The operatives told them that the Act of Parliament they had intended to give had certain pro visions; and it was not until after a certain decision had been come to in the Court of Exchequer that a flaw had been discovered in the Act of 1844, of which a fan manufacturers sought to take advantage. That very censurable system—the shift system—had been then introduced. He would ask the Noble Lords opposite, if the decision of the Court had been in favour of the operatives, would any one venture to propose the repeal of that law for the diminution cf labour which they hal given the opera tives?—(Hear.) He would ask them, as upright, ho nourable, honest men, could they take advantage of their own laches?—(Hear.) It was said that a certain com promise was to be entered into with the millowners. But that was not doing justice to the operatives. He would ask, had there been anything in their conduct since the passing of the Act of 1847 which would die entitle them to the justice which they now sought ? They had received the boon with gratitude, had thanked her Majesty and both Houses of Parliament, and showed themselves worthy of it. He would not put that ques tion as one of expediency, he would put it on the ground of keeping faith with a great body of these men, humble indeed in station, but honest and loyal, and most worthy the boon they had given. He would not, then, tres pass on their Lordehips by reading any extracts from the reports of inspectors or others, but all the information which they had showed that the system had worked well—that the social and moral condition of the opera tive and his wife and ail lren was much improved. Instead of going to the beer-houses, as they used for merly alter their long day's labour in the factory, they now were found working in their little gardens. The medical gentlemen told them that the health of the ope ratives was much improved. When every thing was going on in a most satisfactory manner, he would ask where was the cause of any change? The operatives told them that they acre much happier than before; that their wives were much more cheerful, and their children much better brought up. In moving that amendment, the effect of which was to limit the hours of labour in factories to tea hours per diem, to lessen the number of hours per wet k by two hours, and carry out really the Bill of 1847, he was by no means desirous of attacking the manutscturers of this country. He thought in a pecuniary point of view they would not be losers. Thsy would find that the waste work would be very much diminished. its the great towns of this country au attempt was made to abuse them through the means of reckless demagogues. They ought to show the great towns of this country, the inhabitants of the manufacturing districts, and the public at large, that they were ready to hold the scales of justice with a steady hand for the humblest as well as the most opulent—the most lowly as well as the highest in the land.—(Hear.) Knowing that there were several Noble Lords more conversant with the subject, and who no doubt wished to address their Lordships, he should say no more on the present occasion. The question having been put, Earl GRANVILLE thought the case had not been stated fairly. The Noble Lord had laid great stress on the as-ertion that the Bill as it stood would deprive the operatives of the benefits of the Act of 1847, but he could not agree to that assertion. He opposed the amendment. The Bishop of RIPON said he had formerly been a fellow-labourer of Lord Ashley in favour of a Ten Hours Bill, and that Noble Lord must pardon him if he continued still in favour of such a measure.—(hear, hear.) It ought to be a great encouragement to all those who supported the former Bill Out the,pr(..ignos tications which had been uttered as to the evil conse quences which would follow its passing had been falsi fied, while the benefits of it had exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its supporters.—(hear, hear.) In almost every parish in his diocese meetings of opera tives had been held in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, at which not one voice had been raised against it.—(hear, he ar.) The Right. Rev. Prelate here referred to a re port of Mr. Horner to show the beneficial effects, physical as well as moral, of the Ten Hours Bill. He could of his own knowledge speak of the effect it had had in educational matters, for in the parish of Leeds 100 night schools had been opened for the factory children. —(Hear, hear.) He denied there was any necessity for a compromise on this question, and maintained that the object cf . the Ten Hours Act was to protect the opera tive against the relay system.—(Hear, hear.) If the present Bill passed it would very much shake the faith of the operatives in the honour and integrity of the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) Lord WODEHOUSE thought their Lordships would act very unwisely if they refused to pass this Bill, and for that reason he should vote against the amendment. Lord FEVERSLIADI assured the Noble Lord who had just spoken that if he went to the manufacturing dis triets of Yorkshire and Lancashire be would find the feelings of the operatives to be very much against this measure, and in favour of a Ten Hours Bill. There could be no doubt of the feelings of the operatives on the subject. The Ten Hours Committee of Leeds peti• tinned that the addition of two hours and a half per week to the hours of labour would be grossly unjust, and would create the greatest discontent. A petition from the operatives of Bradford prayed for an efficient Ten Hours Bill, and stated that the present Bill was not just, and would not be acceptable. He sincerely hoped their Lordships would not deprive the operatives of the great benefits they had derived from the Act of 1846. The whole of the evidence went to show that a limitation to ten hours was necessary for the health and moral im provement of the factory classes. A Ten Hours Bill had been tried in Pennsylvania, and had been found and moral the amend twoe l l c - o h n e i i n u g c e o f :h o e ot the r a p t h i ye s ! al supportedeintellectual, Earl GREY had no intention of addressing their Lordships, but for the allusion made to him. It was a mistake to suppose that he had always been a supporter of the Factories Act. It was not until 1844—and then with some reluctance—that ho had Toted for it. Ho did so when the Bill was in that Houle in 1847. Ife adhered to the principle con tained in that Bill, and he now supported this me asure because he regarded it as a fair settlement of the ques tion. The factory workers were obliged to make conces sions, and could not, in case of accid ent to their machi• in ry, compel the 9reratives to continue working for a curtain time. Besides, if they adopted the amendment, they would put an end to legislation during this session, and thus leave unsettled a question which must be a source of great discontent fur the next fcw months. As to the inspectors, they all agreed this would be a compro mise for the In netit o f the working classes. Lord STANLEY observed that there were two argu ments in favour of this Bill—the first was, that if the amendment was adopted the Bill would be abandoned; the second was, that a concession and a compromise had been made. Both the Noble Earls had thr(a..ened to abandon the Bill if this amendment were adopted. Now, he b:>gged to call their attention to the resolu tion of the committee of the cotton-factory workers of Lancashire, agreed to on May 4+h, 1850, when they declared that they preferred the Bill being thrown out altogether than to have this measure adopted. fie also referred to resolutions of the same effect, also adopted at a meeting i n L ancas hi re, an d stated that be could cite half-a-do zen o th ers , w h ere the same opinion was ex pregaed as to the Ten Iletica gill, that there should be no surrender and no compromise.—(Hear.) But then it was said that there bad been a compromise. By whom, he asked, was that compromise entered into? Where was the evidence of the manufacturers having demanded any concession? It was a concession on the part of the Government, not made in public, but in pri va'e, and between unknown parties.—(Hear, hear.) The operatives were almost unanimously against it, and as to this millowners: he had presente I a petition a short time back, signed by 271 millowners, 40 alone of whom employed 30.000 hands, and so far were they from pray ing for this Bill, that they prayed that the principle of the Ten Hours Bill might not be departed from.—(Hear.) They had, too, the petitions of medical men, showing that the health of the operatives had been improved by the Ten Hours Bill, and that it would be deteriorated if interfered with; and he called the attention of the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Manchester) to a petition signed by 34 clergymen of the town of Manchester, who declared that no enactment of modern times had con ferred greater advantages upon the operatives as re garded their moral and social condition. The petition of these clergymen was entitled to their respectful atten tion, and tended ti show that the proposed measure would not be a satisfactory settlement of V.is great question.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of MANCHESTER said he was not pre pared to take the same course with the Noble Lord who had just sat down. He admitted that the petition of the clergy of Manchester was entitled to the greatest atten tion; but he was oblige] to say that a large number of the manufacturers were not indifferent to this question. He was prepared to say that a large number of the operatives were anxious that whatever was done should be done in accordance with the wishes of their employers, and he thought this measure was nearer to a fair compromise than any Bill that had been proposed. He could say that a change most gratifying had taken place in the manufacturing districts, and this he admitted was the consequence of the Ten Hours Act. —(Hear, hear.) But what was asked for? Two hours a week.—(Hear, hear.) Was he to be told that all the advantages that bad been gained would be lost by the tyvo additional hours of labour? No, he did not think tile operatives would reject all these advantages if two hours' additional labour were imposed upon them. He believed the working classes would accept this measure, would soon be reconciled to it, and therefore he would vote for it. The Earl of GALLOWAY was unwilling to forego the practical benefit to be obtained by this Bill, but if he could gain the other two hours for the operatives, he would willingly support any practical proposition that could confer it upon them. The Bishop of OXFORD said they had to consider whether this Bill was or not a breach of the compact en tered into with the operatives in 1847. In his judgment it was a breach of, that compact, and therefore he could not vote for it. It was a breach of a compact for a small —a very small advantage, to the millowner.—(Hear.) It was said the factory labourer was better off than the agricultural labourer, bnt it was not grown-up labourers they were legislating for now, but for women and chil dren.—(Hear.) They had as yet heard nothing to show that the operatives were parties to this alteration of the law. The contrary he believed to be the fact.'The work ing classes should be taught to look to that House as the ultimate appeal between -class and class, where they would find-inflexible integrity.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose to offer a few words for the consideration of the Committee before proceeding to the vote upon the amendment of the Noble Duke. In the first place he must observe, in reference to what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelate who had last addressed them, that if the Right Rev. Prelate had listened to the course of this debate it would have been impossible for him to have contended that every one on that and the other side of the House had let slip an avowal that he was au enemy of the Ten Hours Bill. It so happened that the fa's) last speakers on his side of the House, instead of letting it slip, did more than let it slip that they were friends of the Ten Hours Bill. The Bishop of OXFORD explained that what he had said was, that the objection was to the principle of legis. lative interference. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would accept the explanation of the Right Rev. Prelate. The two Noble Peers to whom ho had referred stated distinctly that they were friends to that interference.—(Hear, hear.) He contended that the advantages of the present mea sure was that it united both the enemies and the friends of the principle. Those who were the enemies of in terference rejoiced -to see it defined, and not liable to erasion. He was sure the Right Rev. Prelate would agree with him that among the friends of the operatives Lord Ashley stood conspicuous. That Noble Lord, who, by his exertions for the last seventeen years, and his sacrifice of time and con nexion, had proved himself their true friend, had, after exerting his great abilities arid great knowledge of the subject in the preparation of clauses to be introduced into this very Bill for the purpose of giving security to the operatives, had openly proclaimed that he found it impossible to give that security by law. He found that which all would find who had considered the subject . , that it was one thing to interfere by statute and another thing to carry it into effect. A mode had been devised by means of, he would not call it a com promise, es that word was objected to, but by means of a happy understanding which now, for the first time existed, if not between all, at least between a very large number of the masters and operatives, by which the interests of both might be con sulted, awl reasons had been assigned, which ho hoped the Right Rev. Prel..te had seen—(Hear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate asserted that a compact had been violated. He denied that any such compact had been mane. He maintained that it was not only the unfet tered right, but the duty of the Legislature to set right any misunderstanding which might hare occurred in passing an enactment; asd knowing as he did the acute nese of the Right. Rev. Prelate, and his knowledge of every branch of the trade of this country, ho certainly had heard his statement with n o little surprise. Half an hour might be very little fJr the ope rative to give up, but it might be everything for the manuracturer to gain.—(Hear, hear.) Did the Right Rev. Prelate know that four-fifths of the capital of a manufacturer was invested, not in wages he paid to the operatives, but in the machinery which he employed, and that if that machinery stood still for half an hour, or even for a quarter of an hour, he would lose infinitely more than he would gain for the work of all his opera tives in an hour?—(Hear, hear.) The whole question lay in this—whether the manufacturer who had been invited to invest his capital on the faith of the existing law should be compelled, without positive proof of its necessity, to make such a sacrifice? He contended that Parliament was perfectly free to legislate on this question. It was now proposed that it should legislate on an impar tial view of the interests or both parties, and pass an Act, which, while it relieved the operatives from a law which had enabled the masters to introduce a system of shifts and relays, conferred on them an inestimable boon ; fur what greater boon could be given them, than the provision that they should commence at six o'clock and end at six o'clock—thus assuring to them the possession of the whole evening, and which secured to them half the Saturday, which was most valuable for every purpose of recreation and instruction. If Noble Lords who opposed the Bill would look to the report, and see the effect of the law as it now stood, they wasuld perceive that all its beneficial effects would be enhanced by the proposed alteration. The beneficial operation of the law consisted chiefly in affording facili ties to the operatives to pass the evening in rkceiving instructions and cultivating their garden allotments It was upon these grounds that Mr. Horner, who, he sup posed, must not bo legarded as a man totally ignorant of the subject, and incapable of forming an opinion, said on the 17th of June that the plan recently brought for ward, if not universally approved of, had been received with great satisfaction by a large majority of all those interested in the question. He would say no more than that ho in his conscience believed that this Bill afforded a better opportunity than had hitherto been presented of bringing this difficult question, if not entirely to a close, at least to a state in-which the panics would be better able to understand each other. Seve Iteen years had passed away, during which every f of difficulty bed presented itself in the way of reconciling the coeflicting interests of capital and labour. —(1-Tear, hear.) Ile would not say whether, if the amendment should be carried, the Bill would pass into a law or not. He believed it would not, for it was not unconstitutioral tor him to augur that the other House of Parliament would refuse to adopt the opinionof their Lordships. It was, however, unnecessary for the pur pose of his argument to enter into this speculation, for whether it passed or not it mattered but little if it did not succeed in enlisting the sympathies of both parties. --(Hear, hear.) They might depend upon it, that pro hibit as they might, when they came to act upon the avowed system of interference, if they created in every place where that interference was to be exercised a pro portionate opposition, their enactments would vanish into air, and they would be unable, by all the clauses they could invent, to enforce the regulations which they desired. .Such interferences, when they succe e d e d a t a ll, could only succeed by meeting with a certain degree of approbation and concurrence from all parties interested. Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —l3 The Bill then passed through Committee The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and their. LOrdships adjourned. COFFEE AND EATING-HOUSE KEEPERS' ASSOCIA TION.—The general annual meeting of the subscribers and friends to the association wa s h e ld y es t er d a y even i ng, at t h e Freemasons' Tavern, for the general transaction of business; Mr. Thomas: Sherwood in thej chair. After the usual pre liminaries the committee's report was read, which stated, with much gratification, that the amount of donations and sub scriptions received during the past year exceeded the amount received in either of the two preceding years by about 101., and Also that the funded property had been increased by 2001. The interest upon the sums previously invested, amounting for the year to about 83/., hal also been added; thus making the funded property or the assucition, in the hands of the Commissioners fur the Reduction of the National Debt,2,445 1 ., and , there was a Balance in hand of 6/. 7s. 4d. During the past year about twelve new annual subscribers had been added to the list, but about the same number would be erased. The committee expressed regret that, considering the large number of persons connected with:coffeeland eating houses so few had enrolled themselves among the supporters of the association. Among the etnrts of the committee to add to the funds of the institution was an excur.ion to Southend, in July, 1849, which produced a profit of 25/. 4s. 7d. The ball and concert at the Eagle Tavern, in January last, yielded a profit of 431. The annual dinner in 111 av was the means of adding nearly 100/. to the funds. , The financial statement showed a total amout of receipts of 41 71. _i d. The report having been received and adopted, the meeting proceeded to consider the applicati:m of a subscriber to be elected a pensioner, and to elect officers for the ensuing year. A vote of tkanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. On Sunday no fewer than seven persons met their deaths by drowning in the Thames, between Battersea and Lvadcakbricigo. PETITIONS. Lord STANLEY presented petitions in favour of re stricting labour in factories to ten hours. The Earl of EGLIN roN presented petitions to the same effect. The Earl of FEVERSHAM presented petitions to the same effect. COUNTY COURTS BILL. Lord BROUGHAM reported this Bill after one sitting of the Select Committee, and he had great satisfaction in doing so. The Committee had sat three hours, and had fully discussed the Bill. He bad the honour of being chairman of the Committee, and the Bill had been as fully discussed as if it had been before the Committee for the three months, and he had to tender his thanks to all the parties concerned for the facilities they had afforded. The report was then brought up. LOSS OF THE ORION. _ _ --- The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved for a copy of the contract entered into between the Post-office and the steam-company for the conveyance of the mails between Greenock and Belfast. That contract had done away with the sailing of the packets between Port Patrick and Donaghadee, and it the packets had been continued between those ports the time of the sailing of the packet would have been identical with that of the loss of the Orion, and all the passengers might have been saved by the packet which would then have left Port Patrick. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said there was no objection on the part of the Post-office authorities to produce the contract in question, but he must observe, notwithstanding what had fallen from the Noble Mar quis, that the present system had worked exceedingly well, and no complaints had been made, and he believed, moreover, that even if the route between Port Patrick and Donaghadee were restored by the Admiralty, the Post-office would make but very little use of it. The Earl of EGLINTON expressed his preference for the old route. The motion was then agreed to. Petitions were presented in favour of the Ten Hours Bill by the Bishop of SALISBURY, from Ashton•under- Lyne and other places ; by the Bishop of OXFORD, from places i❑ the west riding of Yorkshire. The Duke of RICHMOND also presented several petitions to the same effect, and reminded the House that in another place 1,209 petitions had been presented, signed by 248,746 factory workers, i❑ favour of a real, efficient Ten Hours Act. He would not now occupy the time of the House, as he would have an opportunity of speaking on the subject by and by, but he thought it im portant to remind them that the factory workers were extremely eager and anxious for the maintenance of the Act of 1847 in all its integrity. The Earl of RODEN presented a retition against in te-ference with the property of the Established Church in Ireland; also, a petition from Huddersfield, against the admission of Jews to Parliament. FACTORY BILL. Earl GR ANVILLE then moved that the House re solve itself into Committee on this Bill. It would not be necessary for ban to go at any considerable length into a discussion of the great question how far it a as possible to promote the moral and physical advantage of the fac tory operatives by legislative enactment. He entertained strong opinions on the subject, but luckily it would not be necessary to develop them, the object of the Bill being merely to obviate what the Government be lievt d to be ti e spirit of the existing law, and certain inconveniences which were found to arise from certain portions of ir. Their Lordships would remember that the main provisions which regulated the labour of young persons and women in factories, were to be found in the Act which passed in 1833. Considerable modifica tions were introduced into that Act in 1844, and amongst others, the 26th clause, which was the origin of the Bill now before them. In 1847 another Act of Par liament was obtained, making no difference in the pro visions of the former, with the exception of altering the hours of labour from twelve to ten. The 26th clause of the Act of 1844 was intended to prevent the system of relays and shifts!. In the first instance it had that effect, but some millowners thought it not sufficiently stringent for that purpose. The difference between relays and shifts was this; under the relay system, a fresh set of persons were put on and kept at continual labour; under the shift system, the same persons were employed for a certain dumber of hours, and then sent out, but came back again, and under this system, although they began work at half-past five in the mornieg, they would still be Lund at work at half-past eight. The supporters were all of opinion that this interpretation of the clause was illegal. The decisions of local magistrates were very various; and it was thought by some a fit subject for legis lative enactment; but it was thought by the millowners and operatives that it would be more satisfactory to have recourse to a court of law. The question came before the Court t'f Excht quer, and Baron Parke, in delivering judgment, stated the deliberate judgment of the Court to be, that whatever might have been the intention of the Legislature to prevent relays and shifts, the words of the Act were not sufficient for that purpose. Upon this being known, the system of relays and shifts became more general, and the attention of Lord Ashley was na turally called to it. In mentioning the name of that Noble Lord, he must be permitted to say that, however he mtht stop short of his views on some points, and however diametrically opposed he might be to them on others, it was impossible for him or any other Member of their Lordships' House to deny that, considering the labour, the toil, and the sacrifice of what most public men thought objects of a laudable ambition, the opinions sad views of the Noble Lord were entitled to a great weight and authority.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord brought a Bill into the House of Commons explanatory of what were considered the motives of' the Legislature. He found that the clause by which he sought to carry out his views would be ineffectual, and introduced a second tied a third, and although the clause was paid attention to for three consecutive days, and was drawn up in consultation with four of the most eminent mem bers of the legal profession, the Noble Lord with his ac customed candour admitted that it would not accomplish his object. The matter was then taken in hand by the Government, and his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home-office paid a great deal of attention to the subject, and was in communication with a great many millowners, and with the delegates of the factory ope ratives, and the result was the present Bill, which met the exigencies of the case, was in accordance with the spirit of the existing law, and which, while it would prevent its evasion, would be on the whole agreeable to the majority of the millowners and factory-workers. Lord Ashley consented to its introduction , and gave up the Bill into the bands of the Gover nment. By the present law the labour of young persons and women was restricted to ten hours on the five first working days, and eight hours on Saturday, but the limits during which the work was to be performed were from half-past five in the morning to half-past eight during the first five days, and till half-past four on Saturday. The proposal of the Government was to limit the range from fifteen to twelve hours on common days. He believed that that which the operatives were most anxious to obtain was the half-holiday on Saturdays, so that after dinner on that d ty they might have a reasonable time for making their markets, and for their physical or mental improve ment. Now, be certainly thought that it would be un fair to the millowners to place on them all those restric tions without givii g them any corresponding advantage. It was, therefore, proposed by that Bill that, while the duration of labour should be extended to ten hours and a half during the first five days of the week, an addition of half an hour should be made to the half-holiday on Saturday; and he believed that such a measure would be practically a Ten Hours Bill, That measure had received the appproval of a great majority of the House of Commons. But the Noble Duke opposite (the Duke of Richmond) might ask how had the proposal been received in the country, and might tell them that it was very distasteful to the operatives in the manufacturing districts. Now, it was true that the agitation against the measure had been vigorously conducted, but it should be remembered that that agita tion had been head e d b y one ° entlemau who bad par ticular experience i n agitating factory operatives, and assisted by another wh o was h e l d i n great regard by those operatives, while it had received encouragement in the shape of advice and money from political i arties in London, and while ab we all, th parsons so agtating had been able to raise the plausible cry that it was the intention of the Legislature to deprive the operatives of 112.1 boon which had been promised 19 shem in the LITERATURE. THE PALLADIUM: No. I. An ingenious periodical under this title has just been issued from the press, in the form of a monthly publication. Like many of its predecessors and con temporaries, iti appearance is simultaneously made at London and Edinburgh. Its abilities evidence the judicious fusion of the intellects of the two countries. The selection, moreover, of the subjects of criticism for the initial number demands our fullest commen dation, according as those subjects do so fully and entirely with the spirit of the age and with the pre dilections of our generation. After a sententious introduction in the form of a sonnet, celebrating the establishment of the Palladium, we have a shrewd and admirable estimate of Carlyle's "Latter Day Pamphlets," those eccentric effusions which have already passed periodically under our own scrutiny. Tee .critic of the Palladium so far agrees with ourselves in otjecting to Mr. Carlyle, that he can pull down vigorously enough, but that he Jacks the capa bility of building up again afterwards, and that con sequently his labours as a political censor are rathiir barren and unsatisfactory. He can show the faults of the existing system plainly enough, but he fails altogether in suggesting any plan for their ewer:- dation. The narrative of the " Invasion of Nepaul," coming next, is particularly well-timed, considering the recent arrival of the Napaulese Ambassador. After this chapter from our oriental history, we have an earnest and eloquent panegyric on Gilfillan's " Literary Portraits "—the encomium upon that author being energetic even to the extent sometimes of being irnpasioned.! The writer of the article is manifestly of a congenial temperament with the subject of his eulogium—ready to descend at will into the abysses o f con t em pl a ti on , or t o soar into the regions of enthusiasm. The following passage is a noble, and, in :many respects, a correct and beautiful commendation pronounced over the head of George Gilfillan by a critic who is not afraid to warm into eloquence:— " Here is an author who has written con more of ;hirty-six characters; from Hall to Keats, from Dawson ;o Bailey, from Moore to Milton, from Cobbett to Shel ey, ff.(•m Pollok to Hood, from Jeffrey to Byron, from. Brougham to Coleridge, from Bulwer to Carlyle. Here is a clergyman who regards Cain not only as Byron's noblest production, but as one of the finest poems in this or any language. It is such a work as Milton, had he been miserable, would have written.' Here is a critic boldly renouncing his infallibility, 'Rosamond Gray, that beautiful story of Lamb's, on which,, we once, we regret to say, presumptuously passed an unfavourable opinion, but which has since commended itself to our heart of hearts.' Here is a poet believing that scientific culture is sure to beget scientific calm,' and preaching from the fulness of the belief. Here is the laborious student, standing side by side with the poet, and 'so listening to the melodies of nature, to the march of the eternal hours, to the severe music of continuous thought, to the rush of his own advancing soul, that he cannot complacently lend an ear to the minstrelsies, however sweet, of men however gifted.' Here is the essayist, writing in five golden lines the noblest recipe of history, a history forming a transcript, as if in the shorthand of a superior being of the haling events of the age; solemn in spirit, subdued in tone, grave and testamentary in lan guage, profound in insight, judicial in impartiality, and final as a Median law in effect.' Here is the keen censor who will resist the temptation of a great guilty corpse, and feeling that 'mere criticism over such dread dust is impertinent, mere panegyric impossible,' turn from it sighing. Here is the genial sympathiser who can place ' the Psalm of Life' among those odes by which the children of Israel might have tuned their march across the wilderness,' and listen to Tennyson's ' Two Voices' till 'Death seems the one thing lovely in the universe.' Here is an orthodox divine who proclaims that' a powerful cause of our recent refined scepticism may he found in the narrow, bigoted, and unworthy notions of Christianity which prevail, in the obstinacy•with which they are retained, and in the contrast thus presented to the liberal and fluent motion of the general age.' Here is a man, reverend and grown, who,l seeing that never yet there was an age with so many young, ardent, and gifted spirits,' can look without jealousy_ on the youth he has left, and a p os t ro phi se t h e infant Her cules,' that young mind of the time,' with attesting love and hope, and pride and prophecy. Here is a Celt who speaks Scotch, and thinks British, and asks 'at' his Ca ledonian soul questions which it answers from either side the Tweed. Here is a philosopher, the friend of Carlyle, the panegyrist of Emerson, sitting, and in his right mind,' at the feet of Christ. Here is a man, burn leg iu zeal, adamantine in faith, but who steps out to spiritual combat with the difficulties of the day, crying, It w ill not do now to skulk from the field under a flight of nicknames. It will not do to call our opponents miscreants and :mon sters. While we state their doubts let us pity the pain and sorrow, amounting almost to distraction and despair, which attended them; and let us inquire, if we have no difficulties, may it not be because we have never thought at all.' Here is the speculative enthusiast who can yet turn from the ideal to the real, with eyes in which ' a meek and humble disciple of Jesus,' is that noble moral poem sublimer far than the ' Paradise Lost.' Ay, this is the true Paradise Regained.' Here is a trained theologian, who, looking at the religious authorship of the day,' which represents the Deity as a dreadful king of furies, whore dominion is oNershadiesed by ven geance, whose music is the cries of victims, and whose glory requires to be illustrated by the ruin of his crea tion'—that authorship which would sacrifice ail the !words of Cr' ation to the arbitrary interpretation of a Hebrew particle,' or 'to prove Christianity the moat acellent of the sciences, raves like a maniac against all science, and cares less for sun, moon, and stars, than for a farthing candle glimmering in the corner of a conven ticle,' cries out in indignant reprobation, This, indeed, thank God, is not religion. Hero is one who has been on the heights, tied into the depths of doubt, and every where finds them peopled by men and brothers; who has dived into the mines of di:belief, wl ere the eye of the indweller has lost capacity for sunshire—has stood on that mount of confufsion where the sight is blinded with bare light, and with the calm clear voice of sym pathy, lays bare the hearts of their inhabitants—the sceptic of the eighteenth and the sceptic of the nine teenth centuries. Here is a compreh e n s i ve b e li ever in God and in man, who asks in hope, and hails in love every human t ff,,rt to solve the great problems of tee earth —who feels that to believe in man is an indispen sable requisite to a proper conception of the Deity'— but looks for their highest resolution to that ' unearthly advent, for which the weary world and wearier church are beginning to pant with unutterable groanings.' Here is the metaphysician, theologian, philosopher, censor, student, poet, and critic, walking forth in his vocation, with this maxim on his lips, his forehead, and his phy lacteries—' LOVE, AND YOU WILL UNDERSTAND.' " Although differing diametrically from Mr. Gilfillan in many of his opinions we gladly give insertion to this recognition of his finer qualities, havir g been our selves among the very first to acknowledge his genius and to welcome his advent. After a paper on the " Scottish Educational Question," we find a trankla • tion from the German of Wilhelm !huff, of "The .Minister of Finance," which, with one or two other contributions and miscellaneous notices, make up an excellent first number of the Palladium. LIEUT. GALE AND HIS BALLOON AGAIN ! All London poured forth its denizens yesterday along the banks of the Tnatnes, to witness the transit from Lambeth to Cremorne-gardens of the Royal Cremorne, now re-christened Royal Normandy 13a1- loon, in the Citizen steamer A (or Mercer), Captain Cud well, who had the honour of conveying his Roy al Highness Prince Albert to the Coal-Exchange. The sight was a most exciting one. The balloon was in flated at the London gas-works, and at five o'clock was launched from the wharf on to the steamer, hav ing in the car the Gallant Lieutenant (who, from his recent unexpected trip across the Channel, was an object of extreme interest to the spectators), .Me. Goulston Mr. Van Buren, an d M r . D ean. T he boat was tastefully decorated with flags, and accompanied by Lewis's celebrated brass band, led by Mr. Chap man. The first grand effort was the partial ascent from the steamer over Vauxhall-bridge, and descent again into the steamer, in the performance of which the venturous occupants of the car narrowly escaped a ducking. After some trouble, amid the vociferous remonstrances and instructions of Mr. Gale, the balloon was again on the deck of the steamer, pursuing its steady passage along the Thames, and acting as a foresail to the vessel, the engine remaining passive unless for steering purposes all through the voyage. Having played at leap frog, as it were, with Battersea-bridge, the next task was the invasion of the gardens, one of no ordinary difficulty, the ornamental entrance and large trees presenting obstacles to a triumphant undamaged entree into the gardens. Nor were these obstacles surmounted without slight injury to the baboon and material damage to the entrance. The car struck one of the lamp-posts, and bent it as if it were a sugar cane. Tfe Lieutenant then threw out some ballast, and obtained an ascending power, at the expense of an entanglement amongst the branches of the lofty trees on the Cremorne-lana side of the grounds. Eventually a landing was effected amid the cheers of the multitude, whose exclamations were accompanied by the band [laying " Rule Britannia." On board the boat were Mr. Simpson, the director of the gar dens ; Mr. Burney, the superintendent of the City Steam , boat Company ; Mr. Ebenezer Landelle, the ai: e t i literary a a world number rri ol The arrangements gentlemen adopted with tl Nlr. Burney were admirable, and too much praise cannot be awarded to that gentlema n fee his acti vi ty, politeness, and perseverance. The gallant aeronaut ascended past ten o'clock, di'charging a shower ottrevi- half fireworks from the car. The gardens wer e greatly rigout thronged. PANORAMA OF CONSTANTINOPLF.—Iiis Excellency the Turkish Arnbasador and suite honoured! , with a visit yesterday the panorama of the Dardanelles, Constantinople, and t h e Bosphorus, now being painted by Mr. Allom, at the gallery adjoining the Polytechnic Institution. Ills Excel. leucy expressed himself highly delighted with the fidelity and beauty of the portion of the work which has been com pleted. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S PAPERS.—We are informed, on good authority, that the late Sir Robert Peel has left hi, papers to Lord Mahon and Mr. Edward Cardwell, :cr.— Liverpool XLion.