The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-10 00:00:00

le tl e el t4 the Member for Meath (Mr. Grattan) rose after the r LL :Viy, and alluded to certain measures e e_ot immediately und f Elite kcoionsrideration of the House. The Hon. to r* sthosgearnshire, upon the assumption that he Member a to h reply er 4r and .oe_extraneous observations o of his Hon. Friend, got up 1 , 4 w v o i l lt e e l . the e _eu o l n es that Assembly. (Hear, that, in 1 - 1 Member were .in substancet a new edelisequence of new matter having been introduced, h ellate was generated. The Hon. Gentleman, one would new thought, would at_ once have addressed him , s f e e l r f e t n o e t e ha to t 'ere Matte el_ le have made some re Lithit fen frror7 i w tre l Ho a t t i. Member for Meath— at he would e7e.lustitied the pretended cause of his rising th ; e but the fact l i'llB lie dil ne noteVen . allude to it. Upon th r ec ou t i i s lit , re e d t ed by his Hon. Friend (Mr. Grattan) main thee _I? , , time and opportunity for discussion, but this hie th e `` rt), t hat he hoped the House would now befirm Wh en restitution which it had passed.—(Hear, hear.) But Lit"aeVie Hon. Gentleman said we are for a monarchy—we a Rouse of Lords—we are for a only eof Cotrnhe -Be—notp representing the people,. he echoed But the Hon. Gentle theaia rzents of himself and his friends. said," What do you want? " e they had often asked forAanted—they wanted that whichl-1 would tell him what 4 a _ Irt Which had not been conceded to them—they wanted now nearly twentei e„etsersion of the freechise. It Facesears since the Reform Bill had been passed,. and they had then oft loth. en attempted to obtain a franchise . more suitable they had ,' growing wants and wishes of the population, but _ se l _ e een foiled in almost every nt of the rates three eetending the period for the payment restelas lon instance. r Even a proposal ree l aft onager than the original periu period had not been carried s a i d t , el: a struggle of thirteen . years. th e neat if he had been in Parliament h T e h w e ou ff ld ee h . a G ye en o t p l p e ol a e n d opiareeforin Bill; let me ask him if he was always of that M r. 11.4 ---(Hear, hear.) Bi,ISRA.ELI intimated that he was. i•ie,.- .4',' lIALL —Will the Hon. Gentleman ha l t oo h k e af e ete Ode Herne) in the face and say t pesesithat opinion ? in : has Hon. bsa it` uISRELI Certainly. he Hon. Gentleman Whoirel3' llA LL—Certainly I Why, t • n of' protection , ete poi stands forward as the great champion thi, e ! tinie held opinions now entertained by Gentlemen ou I " Ve e Bi l i t e "the House. The Hon. Gectleire ß a il n l sl a i n f a in m e_ o ffe h n a tT e ! rem have deterinined upon the Reform e ett i v ett that it shall be a foal measure." ) Did ho not I Re deese Were a' ways his principles ? ( e Let me ask him ti t ( p! to the borough of llig ) Did he not le de Connell and Mr. Hume? (Tar r , ) le Wyco li m h b e a e a r r a . s_ the protégé of . semen ender these auspices? —( _.: %%vete represent Marylebone • --. 2 7teear D ) id Dheidnkote noten- N e i ? go into Parliament for that bor H s'l o g n h . G on en L tl i e b m er a a n l ! Ate tt l i e .„s? - (Hear.) Why, I can tell the Ir e , 0 noir.% the very shape in which' . he framed his ad- 11 ' i' , r 4lid t he place in which he wrote it , this t i a f ra l , h l a w d e a n n l y d haeera that the debate would have taken Itseneeee prepared with a copy of that excellent address.— 1 lieetieeeihte!, aed cries of r rHear.") Yes, which that I Call tell the Hon. i i rrep e ae a en of the very place in address i te eet r .ed, and I will too.—(Laughter.) It wasin Crawford- : The irteatistone-square, in the borough of Marylebone. I Ire i 0 eh?: Gentleman visited a tallow-chandler there, and it I kid cries 3 ho he wrote that add . res , s. eee eLie o fuse Question.") Question! . Aye (Gi rbuteat thetilrsgtahter, too.—(Renewed e lau gh - e n r : \ atl i a very - ugly question it 13 .ar onet J . There sits the Hon.. Gentleman (said the I p lo o n : 1 Stattle,' Pointing to Mr. Disraeli), the championcfthe says r 1 ee i!43t Party—there sits the Hon. Gentleman— who ;')luact hearty—there in the House, he would have voted man ag w ai e n n st t ikeferne, Bill —and yet that same Hon. Gentle n Friend t '"i(l 6 ' IVYCOrnbe under the auspices of my H iste e . il te, and of the late Mr. O'Connell, and cite Std to represent karylebone borough on e6,(Clieers and cries of e Question. ) em I have the 1 put e r . al himself p ri n- i I are e3t cresol ' for the talents of the Hon. Gent_an • but I ate I,ieting facts —facts in which, I believe, the Honourable rteeetearned Member for Nottingham . ( Mr...O'Connor) con t that, under ties i„ e l e ee if lam Wrong—and I again assert e e'mont tase "" and seal of the Honourable Member o tleetZlnd the late Mr. O'Connell, the Honourebl d e o G n en o - t ley thewhas sent down to High Wyc ‘mbe. I tineipt,:4o,O• Gentleman went to the whole extent . of the was quite up to , e 41 - , ,-0, bate Charter. Ido not say, is ahai'le; at he was a decided Lih h e e ral, I think there °at e Lit!aet evidence wit h the to prove.—(Question.) I have now rirsh Hon. Gentleman. There he now sits the ' l ad e Ple n of the Protectionid party=—the Hon. Mem f b o e r r H w ig h h o tiiioeoeatelltia _cend_id. ate for le . larylebone—a candidate "test en Liberal principles. I hoe the Hon. . f G t e h n e - L‘ lt ere fte L t iv , 1 , 1 , 1, , in the spirit of his own prophecy—that i 'Nei L ege oe caied, we on this side of the House will b . e be y eo el the electors —but meet me on the hustings —and it th ere liaPPen that he eet that sam . e tall h rle at:l.... at, e th• anghter andcries of " Question.") I w ha il h l d n l o er t 11 Pne L , els question' fu ' rther, nor would I have at all touched t unusual Ne tt ' e e'_ if the llou. Member had not i Jett h ~ te-epened the debate and gone in n to a t m he o s . v a hole_sumby no e 'cire tee le I will • port the .motion of tep ee - ouse. n r tied the Member fur East Surrey. ,l ' L etli a . e„ B,RAELI rose, after a pause of a few moments— ''(llea _tee House tvill'not think it obtrusive or objection ii'ile if I answer the uestions of the Hon. Gentlem t a h n. Nieq , e " r, hear.) 1 do not p ci ropose to offer any very leng i le- - tare )!Planarions of my conduct. What the Hon . . G 11 4: 11 with such an ak of originality was said m i: e m n t h b e e r / t f iert Le live nlY lines before. The House lhay ;' et the e y did, it tretoeistated upon so insignificant a subject; i See re w ae , • 1 Mi his et mite unnecessary for the Hon. Gentleman to f e a el, ail eLe la rges, or that I should give an answer to them. an 'us, however, to correct some errors in matters a e t x te p r l s ai o a f the e ,' „..... -- el I trust the Ho ' use will hear me, whilst so y iVeliir, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman was ndidate for i ' ll 3'N . hie whole statement. I never was a entirely fle euesse e e e w hen the merits of the Recorm Bill were in q ,,, u . e_s- , 1 etaespa krronical cheering, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Honourable 'esti r e e was passed at the period to which the Honer l ` l y l e4ll elhides.--(Rened ironical cheers. N E 0 been the eccentricity of my opinions on p lit_i 1 1 1 le' e ts, l e , ) W h o e . . t.e . v c e a r . 14 i •-•(o rics as f al ways, ie consistently ., w o .a p a po i s n ed to the Reform opposition to the 1 <pat ty, inui in p r, olsiiettr.n" ) from no interested motive t s- : ebterti. exPressed opposition opinions I have done to-night 1 N I e te e d „ a ,„ 4 p they a s the traditionary, historical, legitimate,. , r a i, a( g )1. i ea p , Pini , °ll . .4 of the pcoele of this country, and whePl ti ‘tt 4,4 political movement made by a party to which, p hi s' ,:tig I was opposed, I gave utterance to my sme lt ig " Lieu the Reform Bill was roposed, iq kt , as i e t , Whig settlement of I opposed the the leesti ut..... now. I opposed tie 111ileseetry ac (Hear, hear)—only accepted it because au r d I lint the Hon. Gentle l'esedisetetallY mlsteadki e t n .—(( e i s h n ee la s e .) says that I am now op kb et e cee' L ; r that I ever at (Cheers,) ' tme was . opposed to that settle_ vth ea tise 1 seas in favour of Parliamentary finality. _ .1 t e, e t I ever s a id anything _the! iklbe -"" Ile said I went down to the borough of wY ler e e n the reco'in S't r kontr I eras bred mendirtionfmy Hon. Friend the Mem i aa °t bore • ne e* \I hy, I lived in that b . orough ; ti!ftliztolliiieertitiaoiait town • and from this circumstance, as well dent;believe tnat . I now represen l it ;',, th,e' li a h h that borough is situat i ed (Hear.) As to h e th e were. Gentleman says about 2 , arylebone borough That ho egh, th Tow -chandler I will not dwell upon. teate ,tieteirlon. B onet ' , by some happy chance, now repro i)erioiteoi d e l dare say(A ibaynthhe aid of that tallow-chandler w_sho.m. sejieePal,,supporter. (R n e d ev 7 e a d ltli a o a u g g h h t l er d .) are l sa h y av lr e e re proved ee, o l the circumstances except that I believe ° l ie em nls - e,,"'fnsl Man Speaking generally, I can recall no ex %es se t s ' d te_!lteera.e_.....a neess-1 cannot, of course answer for the WI pi nio ' n " , , sr tech 15 not in perfect uniso_n..with the poll eth 8 1 nave expressed here. I disclaim having ever Doe r e advocate of p 1 . le h .ion takes, eParliamentary finality That was the e, ;q friends, 0 T the Noble Lord (Lord J. - 'Russell) and hes t'niare en ,_ S• I repeat, I was opposed to - that system of to rest e of ...Ty settlement, because it was opposed. to the in terleciee .`" Party with which I was connected,-and not The tot in in mind to the true interests of the country. , 8 1 sh e 0 . further notice those ludicrous misrepresentaaen e eilt leat )l4l34 I Upheld in my youth I now maintain, and will The a i r to uphold.—(Cheers.) 4°ll se the mot;ided, when there appeared— For the on 100 ••• , A gainst it ... .. .: ... 1 0 e The e.. Majority against the motion... ---- ' 9 reoliou was accordingly lost. tre Ae9eOLONIAL AND FOREIGN COFFEE. 411eiete"e13TEY then moved that a Select Committee . be_ 441 f o -•'' to inquire into the declining state of the colonial rise reign trade in coffee, and of the public revenue thence r l ed ; r Qq, end whether such decline is attributable to any th e he Practised by the sellers of coffee, or others, and as to tit), ofst web of preventing such frauds. In 1846 the quan art Leh.eeffee entered for foreign export was 51,813,65i1b5., 6 3,a 2e t eh the dut • was 7 86,654/. In 1849 the quantity was I 'lean • h° u15° , 61 b5., mion which the duty was 6e3,2181. In 1846 hie, . ,Ity entered for home consumption was 36,793,0611b5., 11,1 1849 it had sunk to 34 ,434,0941b5. During the ti re:, " t „ t is period there was a decrease in the consumption . areele.einfee, while there was an increase of the fictitious lenettelLneLl BI sICKALL seconded the motion. He repee rieeo the coffee Planters of Ceylon, who desired that no dis eaque„ating duty should be levied on chicory, but that soma A h ev J sheuld take place into the sudden depression in coffee. eapittirltivated trona 25,000 to 30,000 acres of land, with a ke ooe°,f 1,280,000/. embarked, and a yearly outlay of llee te w• or 100,000 L, and were, therefore, entitled to be 1 1 ' 1 ' 01 ',1 the Subject. ranee CR, ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER need go no lice t 'amen the Hon. Gentleman's own statements to show e,elinnecesear y a Committee would be. When the facts *eta admitted. what were they to inquire about? Remedies (1.1 suggested : it was admitted they were applicable.— ...teop ter ) He would not go into the arguments he had used e' . • tee former occasion. .If he proposed an excise inquisition h ef , o the manner in which the trade was carried on, lie would eh„ t e a month was over have the whole country in a flame. t o illn_ierinution which had bee '"hole referred to was attributable th,t' irn portation of, foreign cote. In conclusion he said Opr ove this period of the sessionie the(inarin'irY P roposed would t t t ; i ' l he a most bootless it ei wOuld be u seless t point a l eo; ill . GIRS°N agreedhad been suggested iOni aappetition Whi eh , ee; but a remedy e was that they ehouicl qual:se th e deee presented, which 4 p ro ni 9u foreign and colonial ' coffee. Colonial coffee had ket tittectnig dutY of 50 per cent., and it kept out of the the blgh• flavoured coffee, and chicory was u:,ed with the l e te " fr ee of Ceylon. They de r cla .,. re g cl of th ,, ey oh h , a o d h ey , n , fid oeniveee N' a e.principle of free trade. --- (i rl e e e fit a buying his coffers l'eth o ri a l t d) the British farmer the ben Si r j be,eng burdened with protection. \Lk, , • ELL I YR said he was a grower _ofchicory.-- eLaughter.) It kgiter.) It ad a profitable crop. (Hear.) Up g i i nr.. h ; st a great amount of labour, for the purpose of lob thi l e e A into the market in a proper state. — it was sup l'lrt a d ti tne the Chancellor of the Exchequer had refused to lie sed til Y uPon it. It was used with coffee, impor •tt, e e : e give the Mocha flavour.—(Laughter ) aa He repeated 11t st Nd by it. Then as to the price, it was an 141,01'44er M the consideration of this subject. As to being Nee se( ' nlion, the agriculturists suffered in the purchase of tis e t but as far as the use of chicory was concerned, the °C it thereby 4 11 1 .. e . Was found beneficial to the poor, whogot If the ti 4 rior article than theotherwise could obtain.. , s e e teno r ...P ~ y t that i Exchequer became an agriculturist htm- DANit, nterest would be better protected upon the benches ~ `, 7 1 , -}-,,, STET. replied. p Or ' ° use then divided, when there appeared— Pie motion .. 60 ti ltist it "' ... .... 205 ••• ••• ••• ••• 145 4:11\.1) kejority ... ... ... On e AY REGULATIONS IN THE POST-OFFICE. t e nd te'eutr te-adioission te th allery it was eleven o'clock, tit e ioldu.tier n e n f oufheileri. Locke had arrived to bring forward the th e nig or th i Ile had given notice, for the yirtual_.re eehrt . e recent regulations in the Postsoffice regarding etlithr• l'OsZiZeSendays of letters and newsp . apers, th at e mie n '3 eIACKENZIE was upon his legs, speaking h at th e 1.1 of noo e a d ati 1 10 , sseus e wo n confusion, and expre ss ing . the hope bri - Ir•- so 0 uld not proceed with the motion at so late ~, g It „foreee,P 'rile Hon. Mover had said he would not I , s ennn ,,; eNo after ten or eleven o'clock. - --(" Oh,. oh t ; _ touilliada eral ti o4. '„„ and great confusion, in the midshotf ei 1 " obtain a h"etebsrs tried to address the House, but rhasNGLle Zl i ng.) et b e 11 0 n. m. on the queitehat a full and fair discussion . could Wee ) , "ler . had ,_ ai d s he at that hour of the night. The Eor:tal t( d'ee go not bring it on after eleven gelleperebt e- - e n , go on •" " No, no.") o a mber', 0, - 'Ai presented petitions for and against the rescinding of the recent resolution passed. by the House. Mr. FORSTER presented a petition, which, cs well as we could understand amidst the noise and confusion, was from the underwriters of Lloyd's, which he said contained several important facts, and the petitioners declared - that it would be impossible to carry on their business while the restriction was in force. Also another petition very numerously and highly respectably signed by admirals, general officers, physicians, and professional men, against the new regulation ; also a third petition from a place, the name of which we could not hear, to the same effect. Mr. DISRAELI presented a petition from a place in Bucks, in favour, we believe, of the new regulation. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from the meeting held the night before at the London Tavern, eigned by the chairman, against the continuance of the restriction. Sir E. BUXTON presented a petition in favour of the new arrangement, but whence it was impossible to hear, Sir J. PAKINGTON apprehended that Hon. Members who were presenting petitions desired that the debate should go on, but as he objected—(Cries of " Order.") Mr. ROEBUCK said that it was not competent to the Hon. Member to speak and make objections to petitions; The SPEAKER . bad not observed that the Hon. Member was making objections to the petitions, or that he was out of order. Sir J. PAKINGTON said that it was not his intention to make any observations on the petition. Much confusion, and cries of" Go on," amidst which Mr. LOCKE rose. He said he, felt himself plaeed in a difficulty. He had a petition of importance t 3 present that was of personal interest to himself. He had certainly'said, in the early part of the evening, that if his motion could not come on between eleven and twelve o'clock, he would not press it forward. Two or three Gentlemen on the op posite side had addreaaed him personally, and ho had told them he would not bring it on after eleven o'clock. The Hon. Member was proceeding, when disorder was renewed, during which Mr. COI3DEN presented a petition, but neither the `pur port nor the name of the place from hich it emanated could be heard. Sir H. INGLIS was understood to move that Mr. F. Mac kenzie be heard. The SPEAKER put the question that Mr. Mackenzie be heard.—(No, no, and go on.) The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member for Honiton had risen when calle,l upon to bring forward his motion, and he apprehended was in strict pcssession of the House: Ap peals had been made to the Hon Member to put off his mo tion, but the Hon. Member was in possession, and ought to have the option of proceeding or not.—(Cheers.) When the Hun. Member sat down any other Hon. Member might speak. Mr. LOCKE rose again, but as the noise prevented a word he uttered from being heard he resumed his seat. _ _ Sir R. INGLIS 'lien rose, but was received with a storm of calls to order and for Mr. Locke, and " Chair, chair." Sir R. INGLIS respectfully submitted that, after the Speaker had called upon the Lion. Member for Honiton, he had put another question from the chair—namely, "'That the petitions do lie upon the table?" Upon that question the Hon. Member for Droitwich rose, and, therefore, the Hon. Member for Honiton was not in pos.e:ession.—(Much cheering, and renewed confusion.) He took this ground with the utmost respect to the Chair, that the Hon. Member for Honiton had net that audience of the House to which he would have been so well entitled if the intermediate question had not been put.- (Cheers.) The SPEAKER said that, according to the ru'es of the House, no debate could arise on petitions. The Horn. Mem ber for Droitwich had risen to speak to that subject, and the question respecting the petitions had been put. He had thought it right.that the Hon. Member for Honiton should have the opportunity to speak on the subject of putting off his motion, and he thought that Hon. Member was still in possession.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) If the House thought the debate should not proceed further, any Hen. Member was at liberty to move the adjournment of the Houie. The question, however, that Mr. Forbes Mackenkie be heard must be first put. Mr. A. HOPE attempted to address the House, but in vain. _ _ Mr. DISRAELI said a few words, but was rendered nearly inaudible by the buzz,which prevailed. We understood him to say that the Hon. Member for lloniton had certainly said, that after eleven o'clock he would not bring on the motion. But when these arrangements were made for the convenience of Members the house should not be too - severe in their interpretation. When the House returned from the division it was eleven o'clock, and considering the nature of the question—which he did not think required a very long debate, if they did 'sit up a little later, what mattered ? it was much more desirable that the subject should be disposed of than that they should all go away; and lie collected the feeling of the House to be that the Hon. Member for Eloniton should speak.—("No, no," and "Go on.") Still greater noise and confusion here arose, with cries of "Withdraw, withdraw." We understood Sir Robert Inglis to refuse to withdraw his motion that Mr. F. Mackenzie Le heard, and that motion was then put from the chair, and negatived. Mr. LOCKE then rose, but was heard with difficulty amidst the buzz and incoherent sounds which filled the at mosphere of the House. He said he would respond, to the best of his ability, to the feeling and wishes of the House, and would detain them for as short a period as possible; for he felt that at that time of the night he could not expect that attention with which at an earlier period of the evening they might possibly have favoured him. He assured the ilowse, , however, that the stoppage of the Post-office was a subject of very great importance, and one that demanded a larger and much more careful consideration than the House had rt. bestowed. The House might be assured that in any remarks he might make he had not the slightest intention of imputing blame to any Honourable Member, tut this much he would say, that the day on which the debate on this subject occurred, and the resolution passed, happened to be a day on which some races were held, and, consequently, there was a thin attendance in the House. Many Hon. Members, therefore, had been taken by surprise.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Bath had undoubtedly made his statement with great moderation, and however much he (Mr. Locke) might differ in opinion with him as to the ap plication of the rules he had laid down, there could be no doubt of the l urity and charity of his motives, or of the mo deration with which de had propounded his views to the House. The NOble Lord had dwelt much upon the great number of petititions which had been presented to the House in favour of the views he advocated. He (Mr. Locke) was not prepared to deny the number of petitions to that ef fect, or to deny that the greater number might ba on the side of the Noble Lord.; but when it was remembered how easy was the process of getting up petitions—(Hear, hear) he doubted whether the House would be justified in con sidering the greatness of number as a basis for settling such a question as this—( Hear, hear)—or in accepting such a test of public opinion. These petitions were not the safest guides in legislation, and he would remind the Noble Lord and the House how easy it was, but how dangerous it was, to set in motion the organized machinery of the conventicle as to the peculiar mode of Sabbatical ob , ervances in this country.— (Cheers.) The proceedings of those who once set that ma chinery in action was most unjustifiable. They did not he sitate to darken the character of all other persons who did not choose to subscribe to their peculiar tenets, and this he could prove to the House. During the last session he hed felt it his duty to call the attention of the House to the sub ject of railway communication on Sundays, and he had made a motion respecting lines of railway not running trains on that day. At that time the same active machinery was at work, and he had received several letters on the subject, the tenor - of which proved to him the mischief that was pro duced by such agency. A short extract from one of these he would read to the House, merely as an instance of the vicious motives and feelings which actuated men who resorted to those means for influencing or coercing the opinions and con duct of other men, and of the spirit that prevailed on this question. The Hon. Member then read the following extract from the letter :—" Although I am not personally acquainted with you, nor have ever seen you, but as I hear and read in the papers about you, and see the way you want to disturb our peaceful land, Scotland—my conscience compels me to write you against the cursed Bill you want to pass in Parliament for compelling railways to run 'on Sab bath, and to carry second and third class passen gers. I will demand of you, and answer me in Scripture doctrine (if you are able), are you really thinking that you are greater than your Maker, who made the whole universe? Are you making a law of your own to set the holy law of God at defiance? Do 3 ou want to rob us of the day which God gave us to rest upon and to keep holy ? Do you want to rob God of the worship that is due to Him on that day ? Do you want us to become agents for the devil because you are one? Do you think that you are a god yourself ? Do you think that you will rule over us like the Pope of Rome? Do you want to turn the kingdom of God into a kingdom of devils ? It Seems to me that you think all these. 0, may God open your eyes and let you see your error, and make you wise (for indeed you don't appear to be wise enough when you take anything to do with the law of God). Don't you hear God crying from Heaven to you, saying 'O, do not this abominable thing which I hate?' Now, what is this abominable thing that God says here? It is your violating his law. Do you think you are able to contend with God ? You want to force people front God to serve satan. You want to deprive them of their resting day, Art thou more just than God? You are crucifying the Saviour a second time. You want to rob him of his glory. Have you never read the book of the law of God ? Knowest thou not that God worked six days himself, and rested on the seventh day, and he com manded his creatures to do the same? not man alone he commanded thus, but also the beasts of the field that work for the man. He saw that they would need a day of rest, and he gave them a seventh portion of time to rest from all their earthly labours; and he said unto them, 'Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy.' It is a day made for man; it is a day for the worshipping of God particularly; all worldly employments are to be laid aside that day. When the Sabbath command was given to the children of Israel, they were bound to keep it under penalty of death. Your doings vex my soul greatly, for I entirely disapprove of your Bill. If you would send a Bill before Parliament to stop all railways running on Sunday in - Great Britain, then I would not only be pleased with you, butwould pray God for a bless iing on your head ; b u t s i nce y ou h ave acte d qu i te th e reverse , n trying to establish a carnal law agitinst the spiritual law of God, my prayer will be for, a curse on your head as you continue in your evil practices, and on every kind which n3r lon g as - . one elsNeveethaetl is of the same mind as yourself." That reading letter ter.l He had a sample of the many of the same of the had come to him during the year. [The the Noble Lordpassage was received with much laugh voting for the tded to this letter for the purpose of warn ingpeculiar doctrine of promotion his supporters in these opinions, that good, and wouldO and practical enforcement of this ellottical observance could do no pos siblehear)—d to show y end in a violent re-action—(Hear dangerous question towhatPult:)ic men who entered upon this whom this agitation was carriedlnd of persons they were by on. The resolution he had diminution this House acknow ledges in the amount of to move was as follow s : —... 1a ledges with satisfaction the arrangements in the S p u o n s t el_a o y fa labour c a e n ff n e e c t t e but h bee ece,,sensiblet the public incou. veaience which has arisen from teli: oeutertf(li cessation of any and that an jesty, pray rticht not inquiry to delivery or collection of letters colie a . humble address be therefore presented tonheei•Ysil ing that she will be graciously pleased to cause be made, whether the amount of Sunday labour be reduced without c mpletely putting an end to collec tion and delivery of letters, &c., on Sundays; and that, pend ing such inquiry, her Majesty will be graciously pleased to give orders that the collection and delivery of lettere, &c., on Sundays, shall be contin ued as heretofore." In the fi rst place he mould say that her Majesty's Government had not received that credit for reducing the amount of labour in the Post-office on Sundays to which they were justly entitled.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Member for Bath had ad mitted, indeed, that great efforts had been made, and great good had been effected by those exertions, but he felt strongly that the aggregate amount of good they had done had not been properly or sufficiently placed before the public who should become better acquainted with the great reduc tions that had been made by the Government in Sunday Post-office labour. The Hon. Member here quoted extracts from the report of Mr.. Rowland Hill, in order to show the great extent of the reduction of labour in , the ononet-order dep irtment of the Post- office, On this point Mrcll4l said St ill I was of opinion that with Whatever inconvenience the improvements might be attended, they would be ac cepted by the public if accompanied by another measure conferring an equivalent advantage, an opinion which, not withstanding some complaints, has, on the whole, : been jus t i tifi dby the result. Inch a measure, as your Lordship will remember,-was at that time under consideration, and had long been regarded ae a desideratum, viz , the transmission of the forward' letters through London o i .the Sunday, with a view to their delivery on the Monday morning, a • measure which I felt confident might be effected, not only witbcut any addition to Sunday lateens but even, when taken in all its bearing, with a great reduction thereof. Even in the London office, on which alone the labour Of such transmis sion would fall, I saw reason to bslisve that in the event the total amount of Sunday labour, so far from being increased, would be actually diminished by the irnprovemene. I need not remind your Lordship how fully this anticipation has been confirmed by experience. . With these views I pre pared, under yourlordship's instructions, the minute of the 3d of February, 1849, submitting the combined measures, of closing the provincial offices throughout England and Wales on the Sunday, as a general rule, from ten o'clock to five; of restricting their Sunday deliveries in all cases to one, and, on the other hand, of providing for the transmission on the Sunday of the forward' let ters through London, so as to be delivered on the Monday." There was an epitome of the whole report in an able article in the last number of the Quarterly Review, to - which he requested the attention of the House. The Honourable Member then read the following extract:-" On the 7th of January, 1849, the money order Sunday business was finally suspended throughout England and Wales, thus suddenly relieving 450 provincial post-offices; on the Ist of April, 1849, the suspension of the money eorder. Sunday , business was extended to Ireland and Scotland, thus re lieving 234 additional offices; on the 28th of October . , 1849, the provincial pest. offices - throughout England and Wales were not only as a general rule closed on Sunday from . ten o'clock to five, but their deliveries on that day were restricted to one. By these measures 508 provincial post-offices were closed for about three additional hours. In 191 post towns, 233 deliveries were discontinued, and 368 letter• carriers re lieved of one hour and a half each of Sunday duty. On the 29th of December, 1849, in the suburbs of London, beyond the three-mile circle, the early Sunday delivery was trans ferred to a very late delivery on Saturday night, by which 191 persons were entirely relieved from Sunday duty; on the 13th of January, 1850, in the provincial post-offices through out England and Wales, further extensive relief was given 1, by the discontinuance of a large number of Sunday mails; 2, by the disuse of money pre-payments foi all inland letters, by which restrictions 576 provincial post offices and about 4,000 dependent offices were closed on an average for four additional hours." The effect of the several measures adopted by the Post-office had been to relieve every Sunday upwards of 6,000 persons, on an average, for five hours and a half each.-( Hear, hear.) Those general reductions were in the act of being 'nee when the Noble Lord the Member for Bath introduced his measure to the House, and when the House, forgetting all that had been done and was being done, stopped the entire postal service of the country on Sundays, in the expectation that Sunday labour would be stopped at the same time. He (Mr. Locke) was strongly of opinion there was no reduction of Sunday labour. There might be the shifting of labour from one class of employes to another, but there was no re duction in the amount of labour necessary for carrying on the required communication of the country. -(Hear.) It was true that letters and newspapers must remain in the Pest officer until Monday morning, but arrangements were made for the employment of persons to deliver newspapers totally distinct from the Poste office. The railway companies had set the example of carrying newspapers to every station of the line, and had them delivered on Sunday. In the great towns of Liverpool and Manchester, and in other towns, there was a distinct class of persons organized to deliver newspapers. - (Hear, hear.) In a letter from Mr. Heywood it was stated that he was ready to establish boys, like the Post-office, for the delivery of letters. In a letter from Willmar and Smith, of Liverpool, they stated that they would deliver newspapers by their own messengers on the Sunday morning.- (Hear.) Ile also begged to refer to another communication from a correspondent in the Times, who stated that he end his father thr thirty years had been booksellers and news paper agents, and that they never had sold any newspapers on the Sunday. The newspapers were sent to the sub scribers, and they visited them for the cash ; but now they bad to employ several messengers to go about the town and perform what had been done by four postmen. Then there were placards posted on the walls stating that newspapers would be delivered, and there was scarcely a beershop in the town that was not taking in Sunday newspapers under the new regime,-(H ear, hear.) Could any one doubt that by the division of labour it was necessary to employ a larger amount of persons than were employed when the business was conducted through one channel? But that was not all. Those facilities were open only to• the rich.- (Hear, hear.) The poor man could not get a special messenger or send par cels by the railway train.- (Hear, hear.) He begged to read an extract from the letter of a surgeon, who stated that he cane- from the country to attend a funeral which was to have taken place on 'Monday, but on his arrival he found a letter had been sent to him, stating that the funeral was postponed to Tuesday. The consequence was, that during his absence one of his patients died. Ile (Mr. Locke) also called attention to a letter from the superintendent of a lunatic institution, stating the difficulties that would arise in communicating with the relatives of patients under the new system. He likewise read a letter from a medical gentleman referring to the hardship which that system would cause to the poor in cases of sickness, and a letter from Dr. Layccck, of York, to the same effect.-(Hear, hear.) A letter posted on Saturday afternoon would not be delivered until the Mon day morning following, though the destination was only a few miles, and that delay would be felt throughout the whole country.- (Hear, hear.) The morning mails would be only available to the extent of 200 miles, and the detention of the delivery beyond that extent must cause selieus inconve nience. A vessel sailing from the Thames called at certain places on the coast, at Dover, Plymouth, and other places, to receive dispatches, and that vessel might sail on a Sunday, or a ves'ael from' ull might sail on Sunday, and in such cases the passengers often availed themselves of the Sunday night's mail to communicate with their friends, but that ad vantage was now taken from them, and it should not be taken away on light grounds.-( Hear, bear.) Put is the Noble Lord to limit the application of this measure to the Post-office ? Why not comprehend other public depart ments and private establishments? Why were domestic ser vants to be deprived of that rest which wee essential for the Post-office ?--- (Hear, hear.) Because, if they asserted that principle in its entirety, the whole country would see the extent of the mischief, and that it would, in fact, overturn the whole framework of society.-(Hear, hear.) How, he asked, were they to rest on the Sabbath, and what was the rest they were to enjoy? Was it relaxation, or fa mily iutercourse, or innocent recreation?-(Hear, hear.) It was the preparing of the mind for great religious and moral , impressions-purifying the heart by the contemplation of God's works, and resting Irons labour-stirring up in the mind the precepts of Christian charity and duty, on which a man may meditate during hours of toil-that was the rest of christianized and humanized men, and constituted that so t cf society that made families happy, communities contented, and-nations free and prosperous. In conclusion he begged to move the resolution. Mr. ROEBUCK seconded the resolution, and did so he• cause he had not had an opportunity of expressing any opi nion with respect to the resolution that had been passed by the House. He took it that those persons who had aided in passing that resolution had been actuated by one of two opinions. One opinion was, that the matter was a religious matter; the other was, that it was one of mere policy and convenience. When they came to discuss the matter these opinions crossed one another, and, as the disputants might happen to be affected, each opinion was employed in refe rence to this subject. He would take the liberty to separate them, and bring them, as far as be could, clearly and defi nitely before the House, and would ask the House upon which of the two, or upon both, they were determined to rest their decision.-(Hear.) Directly and broadly he would assert, that as a religions question the House of Com mons bad no right to deal with it. He had been told by those who claimed for themselves the right to express an opinion to the House that their opinion was that the House had no right to thrust down the throats of laymen a religious opinion.-(Hear.) Who would come forward to vindicate that right? Was it the Dissenters of this country? Were they, of all other men, to do so, who instructed their repre sentatives to Come to that House and say there should be no State Church, and who asserted also that there should be perfect freedom of religious opinion?- (Hear.) How could these very men sign petitions insisting that it was the duty of the House to enforce what they called the observance of the Sabbath?- (Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Roebuck) de nied totally that the Sabbath was known to the Christian religion.-(Hear, hear.) He spoke it seriously and grively.-(Hear, hear.) He was not speaking there for the purpose of exciting any opinion but that of conscientious and deep concern for the interests of the country, and he asserted that co far as Great Britain was concerned, this was not a question within the competence of the House of Commons, for it was not the Jewish Sabbath they were endeavouring to enforce, it was the Christian Sunday-a thing very dif ferent from the Jewish Sabbath-(Hear, hear)-and none of the canons against the breach of the Jewish Sabbath could be properly directed against any act performed on the Christian Sunday.- (Hear, hear.) If he wanted an autho rity, he could go back to the great fathers of the Protestant Church, beginning with Luther and going on to Calvin and other authorities of that Church ; and every one of them said that the Christian Sunday was what the Church called a feast day-it was not marked by ascetic observances, it had nothing to do with the Biblical Sabbath, it was a day of rest, a day set apart for human observances and for hu man purposes, and upon human grounds he was to justify his proof of that assertion.-(Hear, hear.) He did not pre tend to argue with any other man respecting his religion with that he had nothing to do ; it was a question for him. and the great Author of his being, he had no desire to inter fere with them, and would that the same huMility would persuade other men to abstain from forcing their opinions upon others.- (Hear, hear.) The second matter was the iin st the b e political observance of the state; and he came to it with a full knowledge of the great benefits which mankind de r i ve d from a day of rest. Every man who worked with anything like seriousness or consecutivness with head or o rh n a e ay n d dm grateful to an institution that gives him peace seven. 'No man could more fully understand the value of such a day than one who belonged to his profession; and if an observance was established that gave him relaxation. on the seventh day, he was most humble aria:grateful, for such means being provided for him.-(Hear, hear.) But let them understand what that meant. Let it not be run away with by a word or a name, and let them ask what they wished to consider as rest.-(Hear, hear.) Rest to the body and to the mind to the largest number of the commu nity to whom it can be afforeed.- (Hear, hear.) How could it be afforded to the largest number? There were certain works of absolute necessity, that could not be got rid of; but necessity was a narrow word.-(Hear, hear.) Then came:that which mankind might consider not altogether a matter of need or necessity, but of habits become almost such. - (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord talked of the work of postmen on Sunday-that he would discuss presently.- (Hear, hear.) Where was the difference between the post man's work and the labour of the servant, who in the morning laid with parade their Sunday's breakfast table, and who prepared the coach to go to church, and brought it back again for that humble servant of the Lord who bad ridden to church to pray?-(Hear, hear.) How many of them who had signed the petitions had confined themselves to the necessities of the Sabbath?- (Hear, hear.) What were the necessities of the Sabbath ? A healthy man required a crust of bread and a glass of water for his food for twelve hours. Was there any man who con fined himself to that?- (Hear, hear.) There is an Hon. Gentleman opposite who is at the head of a large brewing a C s n u e concern, 3 a , ? n - d ( h H e e wanted r t . ko ) n w d f , r ,i o n m g h s o i w i e f r t e h e w e , e ma y NN I . o t e r d o k er a s ( i ( n oL a ahu, n go i l a hi t t. t: of necessity? It was said that malting required eight days, and that it was necessary to give the community good beer, therefore Meux and Co. malt on a Sunday.- m a ny _p b A :ei e n d_ d ibdo f un ur ei t s h w er er T o a p n en th in at w , t i e ch w b a ie n r te w d as to so k ki n . o - w how ) ne ll ce a s d si h t e not a right to illustrate an argument upon allusions. of that , • works of jcr House-(An).ot bersr o t c al A k n no r w i° that iN' L l 3 e l B U X E and ß N C o o t Co. isy, world ; and that that ' • spoke of things hich touched of course, in that House, but in the I h vain hypo important when it affecte education which was called. necessity, when we ourselves, became much more The poor man interests. But what was a writing of a letter for a working man worked bard for six days lo t r h k e of v n ee e k ce . s.si ll ty is ? was not like that of gentlemen in that House. The mere 1r E SUN, LONDON, W_ED,NESDAY EVENING, JULY 10, 1850. man-was a matter...of trouble, it cost him time; but he wrote it on his day..of rest. Take the case of a factory worieer, employed from six to six, msnaging to erne a letter to his wife, or some 'limber of his family in the country. i He wrote it upon the Sundry. According to the old eyem he deposi.e.l it in the Post-office on the Sunday, 01, as the .ease might be, received his letter .on the Sunday. There was no such thing now.—(Hear, hear.) But with regard to the education of the poor man, it was im possible he could be all - day at church e or that his rain.' eeeld be dedica - ted fur so many hours to religious obeervahce. Which then was the best—that be should have a Sunday paper, or go to the petheese? ,The potbouse ,was open, ibut theenewspaper bex was shut ; and he might not have his newspaper, though he m i g ht h ave as m uc h g i n as he liked. (Hear, hear.) - Then it was said that the new system Was an abridgment of Sunday labour; but, he asked; did it abridge Sunday labour? As he lute already said, it was the duty. of the State to secure the greatest quantity of real rest for ehe largest portion of the people; but how was that to be done? By combination, and by employing the great arts which lied been discovered for facllitating intercourse, which had‘made towns nearer to each other than villages in tdreir suburbs were formerly. Liverpool was nearer London now,. than Highgate was a hundred years ago, through ,the use 'Of those same means, why, then, should wo be pre vented from enjoying the advantage of these great dis coveries? The Post-office was a cheap, easy, and expeditious - messenger for the letters of the Poor man. To shut it up, then, for a time was to prevent ;thepoor man, during that ti me , from availing himself of that cheap, easy, nod expeditious mode of rending his letters. Let the man be placed 100 miles from London, with 'his family in the metropolis. He was taken suddenly ill on the Saturday night, and everybody knew bow sudden were such visitations; but the next day, being Sunday, he could not send a letter through the post to communicate his condition to his family. But if he were a person who was rich, he could dispatch his servant` by the railway. - The railway Car ried the rich man's servant, ...who was his messenger; but the railway would carry a hundred thousand letters which might be so many messengers for poor men.— (Hear, hear.) But the poor man was cut off from all possibility of sending his message, and he was obliged to linger, away from his family, unable to communicate with them, just because a pharisaical House of Commons had said the Post-office should be cloSed upon the Sunday. Trey had, however, been told that the House had been taken by surprise. The word was a very happy one. Though they voted for the resolution, a large number of Members never believed it would ever be carried into execution—(Hear)—and he believed the only e.urprise had been perpetrated by the Noble Lord •at the head of the Government.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord took the House at its word; he accepted an unexpected majority for a defined and positive opinion ; he had put it into effect ; and the Noble Lord had done great evil (as we understood) by so doing. But it was said there were many petitions for the change. Yes; there came the clergymen and the minister with," Will you not sign the petition against postal labour on the Sabbath?" and down went the name. The petition then came up to the House of Commons. "What are you going to do?" said one Member to another. To which he replied, " I know it will not be carried, so I nill vote for it."—( Hear, hear.) Unluckily it had been carried.—(Hear, hear.) He mast say be had now, for twenty years, seen the question fought in that House with a full belief that it would never be'earried ; but it had been carried, and the very people who had signed petitions for it—hundreds and thousands of them—now turned round and said they never contemplated such would be itaconsequences.—(Hear, hear.) He appealed tie Hon. Gentlemen on both sides whether they bad not in converse with Members of that Huse, and in converse out of the House, frequently heard the statement, "I never be lieved it would be carried, and I could not believe that such would be the consequence of it."—(Hear hear.) What was it then, which had been done ? Why, all that had been done was this—that a letter 'arriving at its destination lays e there the whole of Sunday without being delivered. The railesey travelled upon the Saturday night and the Sunday night, but the letters would not be delivered until Monday. The only persons, therefore, who were freed from labour were the deliverers of the letters. By the combination and arrangements of the Post-office a vele , few persons had been enabled to do the duty of delivery upon Sunday ; but, wanting those arrangements and facilities which the Post office necessarily acquired, a great number vveuld rudely do that which the Post-office had done well ; and, so far from abridging labour on Sunday, it would be multiplied fivefold, But there was yet another step. By Act of Par liament society had been told there was one thing which they should not do, and that was to carry a letter. Now, the ord'inary habits of society would induce the public to say "You are not justified in inter fering with the free exercise of men's liberty; and • what is there to justify the State in saying that a sheet of paper folded in a peculiar way, and addressed in a pan-- duller manner, shall not be carried except by the State ?'' But what did the Stwe, on the other hand ? Whilst prohi biting individuals from carrying letters it undertook to carry them itse.f ; and therefore if he could prove he had de rived injury fairly and clearly from the arrestation of his letters by the order of the Post-office, he had a fair action against the party who had so injured him. What, how ever, was taking place, and this affected the moral part of the question? The Honourable Member for Honiton had read some advertisements announcing the measures that in • dividuals we e taking in consequence of the closing of the Post-office on Sunday; for, could any body think that this moving energetic society would be " cribbed, cabinned, confined " by a resolution like that which had been carried ? Not at all ; for society would be obliged to do • rudely that which the Pest-office did well, which would re quire the employment of five men where only one was employed before.—(Hear, bear.) Looking, therefore, at the question in a practical point of view he asserted that the House of Commons had no right to inflict such a resolution upon the community • and if any man said was one for the observance of the Sabbath, be denied his right to make that assertion, and declared it was nothing less than re ligious bigotry. The House had nothing to do with the re ligious question ; then it came to a question of political - exi gency. On this point it was clear that the pretence of abridging labour upon the Sunday was leading to a direct and positive increase of it. That increase would progres• from week to week; and it would gradually break up all the arrangements of the Post-office. It would eventually shake that institution to its base, for when once the people had been taught to look to themselves for the carriage of letters, great difficulty would certainly be found in inducing them to return to the Post office.- (Hear.) Lord ASHLEY said it was by no means his intention to enter into the length and breadth of this question, because he considered' it already to some extent decided.— (Hear, and some cries of " Oh, oh.") The House hat adopted a re solution upon the subject. The resolution so adopted had been carried to her Majesty under the advice of her respon sible Ministers, her Majosty had givenorders for the closing of the Post-office, and he (Lord Ashley.), in the name of those he represented, demanded that a full and fair trial should be bad of that resolution. Let the House consider how the question stood. The resolution was carried on the 30th May, and shortly aft*rwarde-the Minister of the Crown de clared her Majesty's intention to carry its terms into effect. But within twenty days after the order having been given for the closing of the Post-office, a proposition was made to rescind the resolution ; and he wished to ask whether within so short a period anybody could undertake to say a full, fair, and sufficient trial had been given? Let the House see the manner in which it had been brought into operation. Let them read the terms in which the order was couched. Let him, too, call attention to an a l mos t un p r ecedented matter in the history of Parliament. A question was asked from a Minister of the Crown, whether certain facilities would be given for the purpose of carrying the resolution into effect, when not only was the answer that no facilities would be given, but a very strong opinion was expressed by the Mi nister that petitions should be got up and presented to the House to reconsider its decision.—(Hear, hear.) He there fore maintained that there had not been a full, fair, and satisfactory trial of the resolution. The number of signa tures to the petitions presented in its favour had been very nearly 7)0,03), those presented against it moonlya notice had been given of an 3,509 ; and th e number presented ia favour,teirtnetedto ince intention to rescind the order, had been as ten to one against, compared with those for it. Surely, then, some strong grounds were required to call upon the House to re vere a deci-ion of such a nature; and be asked the House whether either the mover or the seconder of the proposition had adduced any facts to shake, in the slightest degree, the previous opinion ot the House? W hare was the inconvenience, and to what extent did it prevail, of the existing system ? True a certain number of instances had been quoted, but none to counterbalance the great comfort which had arisen from it. There had been no deputations from the great towns pointing out commercial inconvenience; but, on the contrary, there had been deputations pointing out the great benefit which had resulted from it, and praying the Govern ment not to be a party to rescind the resolution.—(Hear, hear.) The facts, therefore, did not prove inconvenience ; but they showed this, that if those who wished to rescind the resolution were true to their own principles they must open the Post-office in London.— (Hear, hear.) Every evil that bad been quoted in the country would exist in a tenfold degree if the Post-office in the metropolis were opened. The Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Locke) bad quoted instances of inconvenience to parties connected with lunatic asylums; but was not that precisely the case of every lunatic asylum in the metropo lis? The metropolis 'was the great concentration of all the lunatic asylums in the country—(A laugh) - and the cases were precisely analogous. He maintained, therefore, that there was something more for the House to consider than the mere rescinding of the resolution, inasmuch as all the argu ments of inconvenience to the country pressed with tenfold more force upon the metropolis. But he did not believe incon venience had occurred here, fur the system had prevailed for several years, and he had yet to learn what difficulty re sulted from it. Was it not, further, the case when a proposi tion was made a few years ago to open the Post-office in the metropolis, that it excited a degree of opposition which made it quite impossible for the establishment to advance a single step towards it?—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, how ever, said he must warn the House, because of the way in which petitions had been got up. No doubt there were various arts employed in the getting up . of some e p n e t t l i e t p o e n n w had ere de scribedepeti- tions;a- but some reference must be made in d etermining both to the quality as well as the number of persons signing. Could the petition fro m Glas gow be sup posed t have he ben ge e n pable of judging .for themselves. The y were n ot liable to the charge of influence. Yet cut of fifty - one members of the town-council, forty - one had s i g ned the p etiti on; also t egmoetn up p h s o s signed the H o r t . ll a G t twenty-two surgeons, sixty-eight procurators, and brokers, merchants, manufacturersaand capitalists to the number of no less than 500. Nearly 200 merchants, bankers, and others had signed the petition from Liverpool, and a great number of the same class that from Birmingham. All these ties ignorant of what they wer g e dein .He therefore was not prepared to say that the new system had had a full, fain, petitions bore a character of not ha vin g been si g ned b y par and satisfactory trial. The question bad been argued al ready, and he stood upon two points- first, that there was the example of the metropolis , in which no mischief bad ever occurred from closing the Po st-office u p on. the Lord's day; and next that the resoluti on had been carried, and that her Majesty's Ministers accepted it. He therefore The Honourable Gentleman had warned him against did. He en couraging a spirit of puritanis • . m He denied that demanded a full, fair, and satisfactory trial of it. orked and under-paid men • was an act of justice to over-w , and he denied that there was any right to call upon them to put it mainly upon the ground that it do work not absolutely necessary. This language made no impression on his mind—(Hear) —and be onl y alluded to it to show the Hon. Gentleman th at the stron g feelin g to which he had alluded was not all confi ned to one side on this ques tion. He would conclude by repeating that the House was bound in respect to the larg e number of petitions to which he the Crown, and in had referred, in respect to the dignity of h. respect to its own consis tency, to give t measure a full, perfect, and sufficient trial.—(Hear.) Mr. AGLION BY rose amidst cries of "Divide." He said the Noble Lord had asked if this measure had had a full and sufficient trial. He (Mr. A g lionb y ) would answ er that it had already been tried to o lon g , and he re g rette d exceed el at all.—(Hear, of the Sabbath h ear .) No thing tt l lh y ge t ev lr ee s r t i; i it ehe much e a had was sowing the seeds of vice i n the lar g e town s in the coun try, and in his own boroug h (Cockermouth ), he could state f e a n t n d b y e t o t Noblerti ha Lord (Lord A s hl e y). I t that it was driving to public-houses on a Sunday those who formerly, frequented the mechanics' institute. Sir R. INGLIS, -in rising to address the !Ruse, felt that he was about to take the place which ought to be occupied by' a member of her Majesty's G vernment, because the present was a querion in which the honour of their Royal Mistress was concerned.—(oh, oh.) The Miniatry'might have come down to the House and asked them to rescind the order before they submitted it to the Crown for approval; but, after what had taken place, the Government now ought to defend the course which they had recommended. the Sove reign to adopt. Did the House know how the employes in the Post-office had spent the first Sunday during which this measure had liberated them from their ordinary duties? At Bristol. between 40 and 50 of them assembled to render thanks to God for the boon which had been conceded to them; in Manchester, 65 of them attended the church of the Rev. H. Stowell, who took an active part in the movement; and at Liverpool, 73 Pest-office clerks and letter carriers walked to church four abreast on the occasion. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the evidence adduced by Lord Overstone (then Mr. ,Jonei Loyd) before a Committee in 1838, with regard to the great moral good accruing fiom the cessation of the ordinary pursuits of the week on Sundays; and concluded by calling . on the House to adhere to its previous decision. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Sir, the Honourable Gentleman who has 'just sat down has appealed so directly to the Go vernment, that I cannot h!lp rising to explain the position in which we stand with regard to this question. My Hon. Friend will not deny that the proposition originally made did not meet with our support. But my Hon. Friend seems to forget the circumstance that it is' not in our own power to withhold from the Sovereign an address passed by this House.—(Hear, hear.) The House having agreed to the address, acd Members of this House being Members of the Privy Council, we did not think we could have been justi fied in withholding that address from the Crown, which this House had directed should be presented to her Majesty, and this is a case of the particular difference which, as J stated one former eccasion, draws a distinction between an address and a simple resolution of this House which remains on its journals. and mey be erased or rescinded ow the following dey. Well, having accordingly presented the eddress to her Majesty, we were bound to give some advice respecting it, and I own it appeared to me, and in a consultation my col leagues were of the same opinion, that the only course we could pursue was to advise her Majesty to co.nply with the address.—(Hear, bear.) At the same time I did not disguise from the Sovereign, any more than my Honourable Friend has not disguised his sentiments from the House, that t hat vote of the Howse of Commons was not in accordance with our opinions. (Hear, bear.) I certainly could have wished that this sub ject had not come on again so soon for considetation.: Haw. ever, the question is now bt'ought before me, and I am bound to express my opinion and record my vote on the subject. I own that I do not think the shutting of the Post-office on Sundays is a question perfectly analogous to the practice of ordinary labour on the Sunday; nor do I either think it a question that is to be determ.ned by the number of great bankers in easy circumstances who are ready to support either view with respect to it.— (Hear, bear.) With regard to the Post-office, there is this distinction betwegn Sunday labour there .and other classes of Sunday labour, namely, that the cessation of Sunday labour in the Post-office does not confine' the delay in the trans mission of letters from one place to another to one day only, but extends to two days. A party writing from London to Glasgow has his letters delayed partly in London, partly en the road, and partly at Glasgow. The con sequence ie, that if you shut up the Post-office on Sunday, there will be one day of the week which is a day of rest at the London Post-office, and another day's rest from the labour performed in the provincial post offices. But if you decide that in every part of the country the Post-office shall be closed in the tame way on Sunday, it is evident that there is more than one day out of the seven daring which the interruption of the communication will extend. Letters could not be delivered until Monday morning. and, there. fore, postal communication is not similar to - those questions which regard most other species of Sunday labour and the laws and regulations which the country has adopted with respect to them. Now, as to the consequences which'flow. l from such a regulation as the one n.,w enforced in compli ance with the recent address from this House, I do not think, as I have already stated, that commercial correspond ence is the eleief matter to be considered.—( Hear, hear.) I think if it was merely Commercial correspondence that is concerned, it would be quite right to stop all labour in the Yost-office on Sunday,, and that persons at Manchester or Glasgow, whO are engaged in commercial affairs should not have their business correspondence delivered to them on Sunday. As far as concerns commercial men in these towns, there is nothing to prevent them from carrying on their business on another day. But it is a very different question as far as regards the family and domestic affairs of the community, because it concerns their gene ral well-being, or the voyages of individuals from abroad, and still more because it concerns the illness, and it may be the imminent danger, of near and dear relatives. And, Sir, I cannot lose sight of this circumstance, that here is a par ticular department of the state peculiarly charged with the business of carrying letters, and armed with all the powers of the state for preventing other persons from interfering to perform that duty.—(Hear.) It is therefore charged ex clusively, and takes upon itself exclusively to perform this particular duty. Supposing it conveys a letter on a Saturday evening from London, informing a daughter that her father is dangerously ill, and unless she sets out immediately she may never see him again alive, or receive his blessing; and suppesieg that that letter having arrived in a provincial town early on Sunday morning, is there detained for 24 hours, in the post-office, while the daughter, knowing, perhaps, of her father's illness, is suffering all the agonies of protracted anxiety during these 24 hours, until she is at length permitted to see her letter. I remember there was a case that excited much attention not very long ago—the case of the Duchess of Sutherland—whose father was dying at Castle Howard. It was generally thought at the time very bard that she should not have been allowed to enter the railway carriage to proceed to see her father before he ex pired, and the occurrence attrac;ed much attention, owing to the rank and conspicuous position of the person to whom the refusal was made. But this very circumstance which shocked the minds of so many people, from the apparent barbarity and cruelty of preventing a daughter from going ro her father, we might have repeated at present, under the recent postal change, every Sunday; but with this differ ence, that the hardship would be confined to poor families, who could pay a penny for a letter, but who could not afford to send a telegraphic message or a parcel by railway ; and his might occur in 50 or 100, or even in 300 instances for what we know, every time we detained letters in the PosZ office on Sunday. I own , that I think, if we are to adopt this motion, we should take it in the sense in which I con ceive it is intended, namely, for an inquiry whether you cannot confine the delivery of letters on Sunday within such a short time as will enable the clerks in the post-offices A these towns to attend Divine service, and enjoy some re creation. I think that is an object which is very desirable, and which, as far as I can judge, it would be far from impos sible to attain. If that is the case, then, I certainly should consider it would be better to omit the last words of the reso lution, and that, instead of reverting to the former rule pending the proposed inquiry, it would be advisable to con. acme the present regulation in the interim, care being taken that the inquiry should be conducted as speedily as possible,—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MUNTZ had supported the former resolution of the House on this suliect, because he regarded it as a great ob ject to the working man not to be employed on Sundays unless upon business of necessity. He had had a personal reason for it, because be had not had for years a comfortable quiet Sunday, owing to the multitude of letters he received on that day.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) During the short time for which this regulation had been in force he had never sustained the slightest inconvenience from it, and he bad had the pleasure of enjoying what he never did before, comfortable Sundays. He had received letters from various parts of the country, approving of the resolution, and stating the advantages experienced from it; but never one against it. It was true he bad seen anonymous letters in newspapers complaining of it; but he put them down for what he always believed such letters to be—the composition of the editor, or of some person employed on the newspaper.—(A laugh.) He had given the resolution his support in the first instance, after a very large meeting of his townsmen, at which ten persons out of eleven were in favour of it. Mr GLADSTONE was not quite certain that he had ac- curately gathered the meaning of the Noble Lord. Did he propose simply to omit the last clause of the motion of the Hon. Member for Honton, praying her Majesty that, pending the inquiry, the delivery of letters should be continued, leav ing the rest of the motion unaltered? lord JOHN RUSSELL—Yes. Mr. GLADSTONE would then suggest to the Noble Lord that alteration would not meet the reasonable objections that were entertained to the motion. If the Noble Lord would take a day or two to consider—(No, no)—the precise form of the motion that should be submitted to the House, he thought that would be the course most likely to meet the convenience of the House, and to lead to an amicable settlement of the question. If not, the Noble Lord, how ever well he might intend, left the motion open to the most important of the substantial objections that were urged against it. He for one decidedly objected to come to a vote iieclaiing that sensible inconveniences had been experienced from the arrangements lately adopted,as the resolution would be left. Having heard the statement of the Government, and the objections which had been brought against the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Ashley), he very much wished that the subject, when first brought forward, had received a more full discussion. But the motion was passed by the House, and to rescind the decision of the House was rather a serious matter, the more so when it was done so suddenly that it was perfectly plain that it was not done from expe rience. —(Hear, hear.) However anxious he might be to secure to working men the immense boon and blessing of cessation from Sunday labour, he was not prepared to say that in some cases for the public convenience that boon should not be withheld, but you could not say you were sensible of the public inconveniences that arose from the cessation of the delivery of letters, when, in point of fact, you had not watched the working of the new system any length of time, and were merely acting upon a foregone conclusion entertained before the motion of his Noble Friend with the same force as it was en tertained now.—(Hear, hear.) But if it were objectionable to rescind Use resolution of that House, much more was it objectionable that they should now take the course they were invited to take as regarded the measure. On the 30th May an address was agreed to, praying the Crown to put a stop to the delivery of letters on Sundays. It by no means followed that the answer of the Crown was to be a mere echo of the address; it was in the power of the Crown to take an inter mediate course, to institute inquiries, and proceed with caution; but Ministers thought themselves boned to give at once full and absolute effect to the address voted by the House. The answer to the address was received on the 10th of June, end the 23d of June was the first Sunday on which the delivery of letters was stopped. He was not prepared, and he hoped the House was not prepared, on the 10th of July, to come to a vote declaring that they were convinced, meaning of course that they were convinced by observation, of the results of the great public inconveniences resulting from the new arrangement... (Hear.) The Nobl e L or d now virtually called upon them to retrace their steps, by con d emn . ing a course that had been in operation only three Sun dwelt, it th e m li e Crown thob to s v iou May. days, and he did not think it fair to the Crown th a t, h av i ng induced the Crown to take a very decid e d measure in consequence of the address of th a t H ouse, they should n n w o oht w i en , ho w wt i t h h tet i ne Nobles three ame asw Lordew e a k s s h , bae v df o i r r t e ual iy invite was on perfectly t h e t take a diflercnt course.—(hear, hear.) Th e quest i on was With respect to the personal and family inconveniences, on that this was a question of degree, and that the same thing might arise in towns where there wss no second delivery on Sunday, and they must place against this the immense ad vantages that would flow from the strict observance of the Sunday. If they wished to preserve their own consistency, their due relations towards their Crown, or the dignity of the Crown itself, in the face of the country, this was not a time at which they should re-open the question.—(Hear.) Mr. RICE concurred with the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just addressed the House in thinking that they ought not to vote the resolution as it would stand with the omission of the last clause. .Mr. A. B. HOPE supported the motion, wishing to esta. blish a rational and Christian, and not a Judaising -observ ance of the Sunday. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought, after what had fallen from the Right Honourable Gentleman the Meinber for the University of Oxford, it would be desirable , to come to some understanding as to the proper form of the resolution. It appeared to him that it would be guise Dufaciezt, leaving out the latter words, to vote that. an -humble address be pre sented to her Majesty, " praying that her Majesty will be , graciously pleased to cause an inquiry to be made whether ' the amount of Sunday labour may not be reduced, without completely putting an end to the collection and delivery of letters."— (Hear, bear.) • Sir T. D. ACLA ND would be happy to concur in'the reso ' lotion as proposed to be amended by his Noble Friend, be lieving it to represent justly the feelings of the House. Mr: HUME was sorry to see such excitement manifested on a question which ought to be gravely debated. -The pr.- vious vote, in a House of 140 Members was agreed to hastily and in consequence of Members being taken by surprise. Be ticught the opinion of the House o ug ht now to b e exp resse d_ on the triginal motion, as it would always be in the:power of the Government to institute an inquiry. Mr. CARDWELL, after baying given a painiul attention to the - debate, rose to express his opinion ou this subject, as he represented a cmistituency which, more than any other perhaps,.had taken an interest in it. He thought the course proposed by the Noble Lord was one which, in such a junc ture, would be approved of by the great majority of the peo ple.. It,was one which would tend on the one baud to miti gate the inconvenience which would flow from a continuance of the testrictions, and on the other, to pay a homage to those religions feelings which had been so strongly expressed on the subject. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD dissented from the views which had been expressed by his colleague (Hr. Muntz), and expremed his belief that a majority of his constituents were is favour of the removal of the newly-imposed restrictions. Lord D. STUART considered that the House was bound to exprt s,s an opinion at once upon the motion of the Hon. Member fur Honi on Mr. DISRAELI did not think the wording of the amend- merit bad been sufficiently considered.. It ieferred to Sun day labour in the Post-office, when in fact there was no .Sunday labour. They therefore could not address her Ma jesty to.mitigate a thing which had no existence, Believing that tle amendment proposed would stultify the object. in view, ITh 'suggested that the best step would be to adjourn the deb/sta. • Sir GE.ORGE GREY said that if the Honourable Member had read the whole of the athendment, the inconsistency lie would indicate would not be found to have any existence. Of course the amendment had in view the past Sunday labour in the Yost-office. Lord J. MANN FRS denied that the motion securing the present.restrictiou had been carried by surprise. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the original motion Against it ... • •". • Majority ... Oa our .return to the gallery, Mr. ROEBUCK asked whether, as it was not likely that the House would sit many seeks longer, it was proposed to institute inquiry without further application to the Howe? Lard JOHN RUSSELL thought the best course to adopt ••• ... 233 ... -141 under present circumstances would be to leave the matter to the discretion of the Crown. Lie thought it was com petent to her Majesty's advisers to advise the Crown to make regulations permitting the transmission and delivery of letters. Lord ASHLEY wished to know whether he was to under stand from his Noble Friend, that supposing the inquiry was to take six weeks or two months—(Oh, oh, and cries of" One week")—was he to umierstand that her Majesty's Ministers intended to act upon - the report without previously communi cating their intentions to Parliament? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that if Parliament was sitting, be would certainly state to the House the result of the in- quirt', and the directions given by the Crown in consequenCe. If Parliament should not be sitting, he certainly thought it was competent in the advisers of the Crown to issue direc tions respecting the delivery of letters. An HON MEMBER asked what sort of inquiry was in tended to be instituted? LOW JOHN RUSSELL said he could not at present state the exact mode in which the icquiry would be con cluded; but all the means at the disposal of• the Treasury Ad the Post-office would be employed for the purpose. "" -The amendment of Lord John Russell was then put from the chair, when Lord ASHLEY said, after the explanation the Noble Lord had given of his intention to take the matter altogether out of the hano,s of Parliament, he must say, and he said it with great regret, that it was impossible for him to agree with the motion of the Noble Lord.—(" Oh, oh," and cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL reminded the Noble Lord that his own original motion proposed an inquiry which was in every respect as vague and undefined as the present. Lord ASHLEY rose, but was received with loud cries of " Spoke." Lord JOHN MANNERS said the Noble Lord opposite bad reminded him that the motion of his Noble Friend, which was carried, did propose an inquiry upon this subject. He would now ask whether it was not the duty of the Go vernment, before this time, to have instituted that inquiry, and to abide by the advice he had given to the Crown till that inquiry was made? Lard ROBERT GROSVENOR could not consent to leave this matter in the hands of the Government, recollecting that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had on a previous occasion avowed that Ministers advised the Crown to consent to the motion of .his Noble Friend, in the hope that thereby the people, would be tou , ed to petition against it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his Noble Friend had unconsciously misrepresented hhn ; he never usad any phrase that could bear that meaning. Mr. PHILIP HOWARD rose to denounce the closing of the Post-office as a tyrannical measure amidst loud and continued shoutings, which rendered neatly every sentence ioaudi'ol _ _ Mr. FORBEb MACKENZIE moved the adjournment of the debate, but subsequently, at the instigation of some of his friends, withdrew the motion. In answer to Mr. PLUMPTHE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that if Parliament should be sitting at the time the report was made, he would have no objection to lay that report on the table of the House, and at the same time state the advice he meant to tender to the Crown upon it, so that any Member would then be at liberty to move an address to the Crown upon the subject.. The House then divided, when there appeared— ... 195 Majority ... ... ... —B3 Several Bills were passed through Committee pro forma. The other orders of the day were then disposed ot, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Three o'clock. For Lord John Russell's amendment - Against it TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD REFORM ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday the Bth, the Mercantile Marine Bi'l was proceeded with t a certain extent in Commit re. The rest of the night was expended on the E:xi.lesias tical Committee Bill. An obscure subject, on which very little light can be got by an ordinary intell-ct, from study of the Bill. The glimmering to be obtained is, tLat something is t ) be done by the Bill, which the Eccles:as tiers] E itablishment would not do of itself; from which Vie conclusion with many will be, to incline: them to its support. There seems so little danger of the present Gorerument doing anything infuriate or rash in that direction, that average minds will lean ton ards giving it assi.tance. On Tuesday was an important debate on Mr. Locke King's motion for extension of the Suffrage. The language of the Opposition was remarkable for its osten tatious boast, that " not one-tenth of the Liberal side of the House would be returned on a new election." fhis is the simple consequence of the nullity of defence made by the Free Trade party in the 110115. Everything has been allowed to go there by default; so that the boldness of the adversary hat been encouraged to a state of blown recklessness. The division nevertheless showed a substantial in crease of the Suffrage party. 100 voters, msking with the tellers and six pairs 103, is a strength considerably greater than has been before exhibited. The Prime Minister as good as recommended, that a motion to the effect in hand should be made at the commencement of the session, when there would be a prospect of its being attended with success. And it was a biclies in the Liberal party, that none of them Stood up and closed with the tempting recommendation of the Premier. The arguments of the Opposition were peculiarly feeble. That there were traditions in the English mind favourable to the preservation of abuse; that England was a monarchy, and a monarchy was incompatible with justice; that it was essential to the preservation of public peace that ono vote of the Protectionist party should count for ten cf the other's, or which is the same thing, that one thousand of their voters should send as many. Members to Parliament as ten thousand of the others; were the grounds on which they maintained the indispensableness ci wrong. The House afcerwards proceeded to Mr. Locke's mo tion for an Address to tLe CrOwn, praying for irquiry whether the amount of Sunday labour in the Post-otliee might not be tedubeil without completely putting an Auld to the collection and delivery of letters Ste. on Sundays, and that pending such inquiry the collection and deli. very of letters should be continued as heretofore. The mover and the seconder (Mr. Roebuck) maintained their case with great ability. Lord John Russell with great tact moved an amendment, consisting nearly in the same terms as the other, with the omission of the final clause relating to returning to the old practice pending the inquiry; which was finally carried by 195 against 112: " The talent of the Premier in this manner relieved the country from a dilemma, which was every day grow ing more serious, and tending to consequences which everybody must have finally deplored. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, AN OLD REFORMER. London, July 10, 1850. A LADY CUT TO PIECES.—bin accident of a truly appalling character occurred on the Ycrk and Scarborough Railway on Thursday last, by which a lady of independence, named Martin, met with a terrible death. It appeared she bad been staying at Holdgate, near York, and left her resi dence between three and four o'clock, with the intention of taking a walk along the banks of the River Ouse. Soon afterwards she was observed by a gentleman walking on the railway near the viaduct which crosses the stream in ques tion, and at the same time a train was approaching at a rapid rate towards York. She remained evidently uncon scious of its coming up, having her parasol before her, and was walking lei4urely along the permament way between the line of rails until the engine-driver gave the whistle alarm, which attracted her attention, when seeing her dan ger she turned round and ran back with the intention of es caping. Unfortunately, however, the train was too close upon her, for in the next moment or so the engine struck the unhappy lady to the ground, and the whole of the carriages, 17 in number, passed over her body. She was dreadfully mangled ; her body,• in fact, was literally cut to pieces. It was with much difficulty her person could be identified. Not the least blame el44ldbe,imputed to the engine driver, who did Alin his powkr t grevent the occurrence. An inquest w held on the 'yesterday, and a verdict of Accidental Death {vas record, _DDVEnTisE Ezcia_ Skin Diseases, Cutaneors Eiutt.Vons, Ring Orm;tind Scorbutic Humours, cured by Hol loway's Ointment: and Pills —The virulence of these com plaints is very much-increased by the impurity c f the blood, therefore to cleanse the same is the first step towards checking the baneful effetra el , these maladies on the constitution, and there is no medicine•so.ellicient for this purpose as Holloway's Pillsrmith whichehouldle applied his invaluable Ointment, as, when combined, there is no disease of the skin that can resist their curative powers. For the cure of old wounds, glandular swellings, and ulcerous sores, these medicines are unequalled.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Hollo way's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. The most agreeable reunions mvsicales et dansantes of the'season haNlie been f-those of Madame .Anna Georg es, o f Soho-iquare.Thqni.afiner in which they have been cond uct ed reflects the highest credit upon the good taste of the charm ing Hostess. At the request of several of the habitues of these pleasant soirees, we understand Madame Anna Georges will continue them to the end of the season. At these reunions several of the most talented Italian artistes now in town lend Unix valuable aaeietauce to the oyeuiDg'4 igliUMeut. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Tictex and Proceedings e bie House of ) TUESDA.Y, JULY 9.' , POST-OFFICE. . Motion made, End Question proposed,—" That, whilst this House acknowledges Zvi ksatisfaction the diminution in the amount of Sunday labour •effected by the recen arrange.. meats in the Post office, it caunct but be sensible of the great public inccnvenierce which, has arisen from the total cease t.on Of any delivery or collection of - fetters on Sundays, and that an humble Address be therefore-presented to her Ma- Ijesty, praying that She will be graciously-pleased to-cause an inquiry to be made, whether the amount of Sunday labour might not be reduced without completely putting an end to the collection and delivery of Letters, &c., on Sundays.; and that, pending such inquiry,. her Majesty will be graciously pleased to give orders that the collection, and delivery of letters, Src on Suaays shall be continued as heretofore:"— Amendment proposed, t 4 leave out from the word " net" to the end' of the Question, in order to add the words " an humble Address be presented to her- Majesty, •praying that She will be graciously pleased to pause sit ii.quiry to be made, whether the amount of Sunday 'labour iu the Post office might not be reduced without completely putting as end to the collection and delivery of Letters, &c. en Sun days :" Question put, "that the words proposed to lie left out stand part of the Question." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 92. Abdy, Sir Thomas Fortescue, J. W. Repton, G. W. J. Adair, Hugh E. F c x, W. . Ricardo, John L. Aglionby, H. Gibson, Thomas M. Roebuck, JA .. Anstey, Thomas Greene, Johx Hominy, Colonel Arkwright, George Grey, R. W. Sadleir, John Armstrong, Sir A. - Hall, St B. 8 ahem Colonel Baring, H. R. Hamilton, Lord 0. - Feholeffeld, William Berkeley, C. L. G. Henry, Alexander Scully, Francis Blacken, S. W. Hey worth, L. Stlelburize, Earl of Blake, M. J: llildyard, R. C. Smith, 31. Tucker Biewitt, Reginald Hobbonse, T. B. Smythe, George, Boyle, Colons. Hodges, T. Twisden Somers, J. P. Bright, John • Hamby, John Srearinsh, IT. J Brown, Humphrey Knight, F. W. Stephemcn, Robert Clay, James Krilx, Colonel - Telbt, .1• IL Cobden, Richard Lowther, Colonel Tarercd, Ir. W. Cochrane, - A. Lowther, henry Thompzcn, George Coc'±buria, Alex. M`Callagh, W. Thorley. T. Coke, Edward K. Mahon, O'uorrnan Tollcmnche, F. J. Collins, William Manneri, Lord C. Towneley, John Crawford, W. S. Marilisll, J.• G. Wall, C. B. Cr. , wder, R. B. Marshall, Willi..m Wahnsley, Sir T. Devercux, J. T. Mitchell, T. A. ' Wawn, J. T. D'Eyncourt, C. T. Moffatt, George . Willcox, Brodie Divot, Edward Molesw&th, Sir W. Williams, TP. Dodd, George Norreys, Sir D. Wilson, Matthew Douglas, Sir C. Nugent, Sir Percy Worcester, Marquis Drax, J. S. W. O'Connell, Maurice Wyvill, M. Lbrington, Viscount O'Connell, M. J. • Fagan, William Osborne, Ralph TLl.Laga. Fitzwilliam, G. W Pelham, D. A. Locke, Joseph Forster, Mathew Pilkingteu, James Hume, Joseph MAJORITY-NOES, 233. Adair, R. A. Shafto Galway, Viscount Adderley, C. B. Gaskell J. 31. Alcock, Thomas Gladstone, W. E. Arbathnott, Hon. H. Glyn, G. C. Ashley, Lord Goddard, A. L. Baggc, William Gooch, E. S. Babies, M. T. Granby, Marquis of Baring, Sir F. T. Greene Thomas Bar leg, Thotaas Grenfell, Charles W. Bass, Thomas Grey. Sir G. Batcson, Thomas Grogan, Edward Bellew, R. 31. G osvenor, Lord R. Beresford, William Guernsey, Lord Berkeley, Admiral Guest, Sir John Berkeley, H. F. Gwyn, Bowel Birch, Sir T. Kelsey, T. I'. Blackstone, W. Hamilton, G. A. Booth, Sir R. G. Hanmer, Sir J. Bouverie. E. P. Hardcastle, J. A. Boyd, John Hastie, Alexander Bramston, T. W. Hastie, Archibald Brand, Thomas Hatchell, Jelin Bremridge, Richard Hawes, Benj. Brisco, M.• Ilayter, W. G. Brocklehurst, J. Heald, James Brotherton, Joseph Heneags, G. 11. W. Brown, W. Henley, J. W. Boiler, Sir J. Y. Hervey, Lord A. Banbury, E. H. Hililyard, T. B. T. Burghley, Lord Hill, Lord E. Burroughes, H. Hill, Lord Marcus Buxton, Sir E. Hodges, T. L. Cabbell, B. B. Holiond, Robert Cardwell, E. Hood, Sir A. Carter, John B. Hotham, Lord Cavendish, C. C. Howard, Lord E. Cavendish, W. G Howard, C. W. Chichester, Lord J. Howard, E. G. Childers, J. W. Howard, I'. U. Clay, Sir W. Howard, Sir R. 'Clive, 11. B. butt, William Colvile, C. R. Inglis, Sir R. Compton, H. C. Jcrmyn, Earl Conolly,Thomas Jervis, Sir John Cowan, Charles Johnstone, Sir J. Cowper, W. F. Jones, Captain Craig, Sir W. G. Kershaw, James Delmer; Colonel Labouchere, Henry Dick, Qulntin , Lascelles, E. Dickson, S. Lascelles, IV. S. Disraeli, B. Legh, U. C. Dod, J. W. Lemon, Sir C. Duncan, Cenrge Leonard, T.-B. Buncombe, A. Lewis, Sir T. Duncembe, 0. • Lewis, G. C. Donato, Admiral LewLhain, Via. Dundas, G. Littleton, E. H. Dundas, Sir D. Lockhart, W. Du Pre, C. George Long, Walter East, Sir J. Mackenzie, W. F. Edwards, Henry Mackie, John Egerton, Sir P. Mackinnon ' W. A. Ellice, Edward IFGregor, John Ellice, Edward, jun. M'Taggart, Sir J. Elliot, John E. Meagher, Thomas Evans, William Manners, Lord J. Evelyn, W. J. Martin, C. W. Farnham, E. B. Martin, Samuel Fairer, James Masterman, J. Fellowes, E. Matheson, J. Ferguson, Colonel Ma'heson, Colonel Ferguson, Sir H. Mettle, Fax Fitzpatrick, J. Ws Miles, P. W. Floyer, John Miles, William Forbes, W. Milner, W. M. Forester, G. C.• Milnes, R. M. Fottescue, Chichester Moody, U. A. Fox, S. L. Morgan, G. Frewen, C. H. Mostyn, E. M. L. Mulgrave, Earl Mundy, Wiliam Muntz, G. F. Newd(gve, C. N. Newry, Viscount Noel, Q. J. Norreys, Lord O'Brien, Joha Ogle, S. C. Ord, William Fackc, C. W. Paget, Lord (J. Pakington, Sir J. Palmer, Robert Palmer, Roundel' Palmerston, Vis. Parker, John Pearson, Charles Perfect, Robert Pigott, Francis I'iowdcn, W. Fltunptrc, J.l'. Portal, Melville Price, Sir It. Pusey, Philip Reid, Colonel Rice, E R. Rich, Henry Richards. Richard Roberto, T. J. Enmity, Sir John Russell, Lord John Sanders, George , Scott, Francis Seywer, IL K. Seymour, Lord Shell, R. L. Sibthorp, Colonel Simeon, John Blaney, Robert A. Smith, Vernon Smith, John Abel Sm)th, J. his George Somerset, Captain Somerville, Sir W. Sotheren, T. H. Spooner. It. Stafford, Augustus Stanford, J. F. Stanley, Edward Stuart, Lord Dudley Stuart, henry Sutton, 11 M Thompson, Colonel Thompson, Alderman Towneley, John Townley, R. G. Trollop°, Sir J. Tynte, Colonel Tyrell, Sir J. Vane, Lord H. Verney, Sir H. Villiers, Charles Vivian, J. H, Vyse, R. Wakley, Thomas Walter, John Watkins, Colonel Way, G. E. Westhead, J. P. Williams, John Wilson, James Wood, t.,ir Charle3 Wortley, J. S. Wyld, James TELLERS. Hope, Alexander Acland, Sir T. 1). Main Question, as amended, put. The House divided: —. MAJORITY—AYES, 195. Abdy, Sir T. N. Gibson, T. M O'Connell.'ll..T. Adair, R. Shafto Glyn, George Carr Ogle, S. C. Aglionby, H. A. Graiii,y, Marquis Osborne, Ralph Anstey, T. C. Greene, John Packe„ C. W. Arkwright, G. Grenrell, Charles W. Paget,_Lord George Armstrong, Sir A. Grey, Sir G. Palmerston, Via. ziaines, M. T. Grey, Ralph W. Parker, John Baring, 11. B. Gwyn, Howel Pearson, Charles Baring, Sir F. Hall, Sir B. Pelham, A. D. Bass, M. T. Hamilton, Lord C. Pigot, Francis Bellew, K. M. Hanmcr, Sir J. Pilkington, James Berkeley, Henry F. Ilatchell, John Price, Sir R Berkeley, C. L. G. Hawes, B. Repton, G. W. J. Birch, Sir T. Ilayter, W. G. Ricardo, J. L. Blackall, S. W. Beneage, G. H. Rice, E. R. Blake, Martin J. Henley, J. W. Rich, Henry Blswitt, R. J. Henry, Alexander Itotbuck, J. A. Bouverie, H. P. Hervey, Lord A. Romilly, Colonel Boyle, Colonel Heyworth, L. Romilly, Sir John I;rand, Thomas Hildyard, R. C. Russell, Lord J. Brerv.riege, Richard Hill, Lord E. Sadleir, Jokn Bright, John Hill, Lerd Marcus Salwey, Colonel Brocklehurst, J. Hobhouse, T. B. Sandars, G. Brotherton, J. Hodges, T. L. Scbolelield, William Brown, 11. Hodges, T. T. Scully,Francis Brown, William Holland, Robert Seymour, Lord Bunbury, E 11. Hornby John Shell, R. L. Burroughes, 11. N. lloward, Lord E. Shelburne, Earl of Cabbell, B. B. Howard, C.W.G. Slaney, R. A. Cardwell, Edward Howard, E. G. Sinythe, G. Carter, J. B. Howard, P. 11. Someis, J. P. Cavendish, C. C. Ilume, Joseph Somerset, Captain Cavendish, W. G. Jervis, Sir John Some. vine, Sir W. Clay, James Johnstone, Sir J. Spearman, 11. J. Clay, Sir W. Kershaw, James Stephenson, Robert Clive, Henry B. Knight, I'. W. Stuart, Lord D. Cobden, R. Labouchere, Henry Sutton, J... 11. Cockburn, Alex. Lascelles, W. S. Talbot, J. 11. Coke, E. K. . Lemon, Sir C. Tancred, H. W. C3lllns, William i Lennart, T. B. Thompson, Colonel t:owper, W. F. Lewis, G. C. Thompson, George Craig, sir W. G. Lewis, Sir T. Thornely, Thomas Crawford, W. S. Littleton, E. R. Tollemache, k'. J. Crowder, It. B. Locke, Joseph TON neley, John Darner, Colonel Lowther, Colonel Townley, It. 0. Devereux, J. T. Lowther, Henry Ty nte, Colonel D'Eyncourt, T. M'Cullagh, W. T. Tyreli, Sir J. Divett, Edward Mahon, O'Gorman Villiers, Charles Dodd, G. Marsh 11, J. G. Vivian, J. H. Douglas, Sir C. E. Marshall, William Wakley,lThomas Dundas, Admiral Martin, C. W. Wall, C. B. Dundas, Sir David Matheson, James Wamsley, Sir J. Ebriugton, Lord Matheson, Colonel Walter, John Ellice, Edward Maule, Fox Watkins, Colonel Ellice, E., jun. Mitchell, T. A. Wawn, J. T. Elliot, John Moffatt, George Westhead , J. P. Fagan, William Molesworth, Sir W. Willcox, Brodie Ferguson, Col. Morgan, 0. Williams, T. P. Ferguson, Sir R. Mostyn, E. M. Wilson, James Fitzpatrick, J. W. Mulgrave, Earl Wilson, Matthew Fitzwilliam, G. W. Norreys, Sir D. Wood, Sir Charles Forester, G. C. Norreys, Lord Worcester, Marquis Forster, Matthew Nugent, Sir Percy Wyvill, Marruadake Fertescue. Chichester O'Brien, J. TELLERS. Fortescue, J. W. O'Brien, Sir T. Gaskell, J. M. O'Connell, Maurice Hope, A.: Acluud, Sir T. MINORITY—NOES, 112. Adderley, C. B. Frewen, C. H. Newdegate, N. Alcoa, Thomas Galway, Viseount Newry, Viscount Bagge, William Gladstone, W. E. Noel, Gerald J. Baring, Thomas Goddard, A. L. Pakington, Sir J. Bateson, Thomas Gooch, E. S. Palmer, Robert Bereaford, William Greene, Thomas Perfect, Robert Blackstone, W. S. Grogan, Edward Plowden, W. H. Booth, Sir R. G. Guernsey, Lord Plumptre, J. P. Boyd, John Halsey, T. P. Portal, 'AI elville Bramston, T. W. Hamilton, Geo. A. Pusey, P. Buller, Sir Y. Ilardcastic, J. A. Reid, Colonel Burghley, Lord Heald, James Richards, Richard Buxton, Sir E. Haste, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Chatterton, Colonel thistle, Archibald Scott, Francis ' Chichester, Lord J. Hildyard, T. B. Seymer, Henry Ker Childers, J. W. Hood, Sir Alexander Sibthorp, Colonel • Colvile, C. H. llotham, Lord Simeon, John Compton, H. C. Inglis, Sir R. H. Smith, M. Tucker Conolly, Thomas Jermyn, Earl Smyth,John G. Cowan, Omits Jones, Captain Sotheron T. H. S. Dickson, Samuel Knox, Colonel Sp oon e r, Disraeli, B. Lascelles, E. Stafford, Augustus Dod, J. W. Leah, G. C. Stanford, J. F. Duncan, George Lewisham, Viscount Stanley, E. Duncombe, A. Lockhart, W. Stuart, 11. Duncombe, 0. Long, W. Thompson, Ald. Dundas,:George Mackeuzie,:W. F. Tollemache, John Du Pre, C. G. M'Gregor, John Trollope, Sir J. East, Sir J. B. M'Taggart, Sir J. Verney Sir H. Edwards, 11. Manners, Lord J. Vyse, R. H. H. H. Egerton, Sir P. Martin, Samuel Welby, G. E. Evans, William Masterman, John Williams, John Evelyn, William J. Miles, William Wortley, J. B. Farnham, E. B. Miles, Philip W. S. Wyld, James Farrer, James Milner, W. M. Fellowes, Edward Milnes, R. M. MUMS. Floyer, John Moody, C. A. Ashley, Lord Forbes, Wm. Mundy, William Grosvenor, Lord K. Fox, S. W.L. Muntz, G. F. It was accordingly resolve.], " That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, praying that She will be graciously pleased to cause an inquiry to be made, whether the amount of Sunday labour in the Post•office might not be reduced without completely putting an end to the c ollection and de livery of Letters, ice. on Sundays." LIFE IN INDIA. —Captain Albert Hervey's " Nar rative of his Ten Years' Residence in India; or, the Life of a Young Officer," will be published on Saturday next, by Mr. Shobe . l, of Great Manborough• street, who has also now ready the following new works -1. " The Miser's Secret; or, the Days of Jame s the First, an historical romance, by a distinguished writer, 3 vols.-2. Mr. Sirr's account of his residence in the far-famed Cinnamon Island, entitled " Cey lon and the Cingalese," 2 vols., with plates.-3. Colonel Napier's " Excursions in Southern Africa, including a com plete Ilistory of tLe Cape Colony," 2 vole., wish plates._. 4. Ryan's " Two Years' Personal - Adventures in California,"er 2 vols., with plates, which, says the Morning lia one of the most attractive books of the season, and the ki' fi " rilt s' really authentic and'reliable information we have received." WEST INDIA. PINE APPLES.—Messrs. Reeling and llunt, in answer to numerous applications, be g to state that their public show and sales of pine_ apples will take place at their warehouses, Monument-yard, City, on every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, between the hours of one and three UUtil furtlin pvtica