The Sun. — London, England, 1845-01-17 00:00:00

~....J WS arm• Too , , be rere ginissfi [s sod be latter stec 4/ 21 ere, 1 17, t the odiu sti Peg° COURT CI i4..CULA tt. WINDS OR , th e THURSDAY __Their R o y a l Hi ghnesses ( n(' Prince of Wales and the P r i ncess R oyal walked gißh T errace of th e C ast l e this morning. Her Royal tless the Princess Alice was also taken an airing • la the forenoon. IT' GRAND DUCHESS OF MECKLENBURGH STRELITZ. The following account of the health o f h er R od a l ILA, • --oesS was isissued yesterday : •••4 Ty " Camb r id ge H ouse, January 16, 1845. . b aoh . " l e e ss r Royal Hi g h ness the Hereditary Grand of Meckl en b urg h S trelitz continues to go o n Most favourably. (Signed) " CH ARLES LOCOCK, M.D. " tsrtlnquiry Was made at Cambridge House on the Ober Majesty the Queen Dowag er . H er R oya l i g h ness the Duchess of Kent sent from Frogmore ouse to learn the state of her Royal Highness. rived In the a f ternoon the Duchess of Gloucester ar- o make inquiry after her illustrious relative. ,Tile following members of the diplomatic corps the during the day :—the French Ambassador and • "e Countess St. Aulaire • the Austrian Ambassador and the Countess Dietrich ' stein, the Bavarian Minister and Baroness de Cetto, Count Pollon, the Belgian Danish and Madame Van de Weyer, iNI. Dedel, the Saxon Minister and Countess de Reventlow, the V,„'',,o Minister and Baroness Gersdorff, Mr. Col- P, Agent for the Hanse Towns, Count de ' ye ' , M. Koudriaffsky, and Baron Brenner. names Among the nobility and gentry who left their te:wayesterday were the Countess of Tankerville, ger Countess of Westmoreland, Earl and Coun- Ws E. Alexborough, Lord Monteagle, the Right Hon. an. d t'. Gindstone,-Hon. Charles A. Murray, Viscount of lecountess Combermere, Mr. and Mrs. Macleod In o i c ele W, Hon. Sir Henry, Lady, and Miss Dy- L ar ,arq tt i s of Douro, Mr. W. Fox Strangways, 1,. 'i szifford, Vi scount and Viscountess H.award en teuf..__ liew an t General Si r A . F . Barnard, Mr. and Miss kidicligate, Viscount and Viscountess Jocelyn, Lord H kihr,,,,_ Y Beresford, Mr. and the Ladies Gore, Sir l',,keaYlLord and Lady Trimleston, Lord Campbell, wall 4,,l)(1 Countess of Ripon, Colonel and Mrs. Corn kar' 'otintess of Mount Norris, Miss F. Somerset, oii elnoness of Westmeath, Mrs George Leigh, Ad- W 11 . 11 51 Si r J. and Lady H. Whitshed, the Misses and l y'_ h ecl, the Duchess of Hamilton, Lady Brougham -11. 41 ., Zi.lx, Lord Stanley, Earl and Countess Dela wofale.' t - Z e ? : t a h n e d Lady Egerton, Dowager Count ess Marchioness and Lady L. C M - thi IN Sir Frederick Trench, Marquis and ar of C :11,,ess,of Downshire Marquis and Marchioness g°l4:ntiennanlt Lieut.- General Sir G., Lady, and Mi ss Colo nel , 411 of Cl are , M arqu i s o f Wi nc h ester, Li eut.- Pred 3 W ilcie, Earl and Countess of Clarendon, Mr. °the r 3 At nM ob r int a y n a d nd Mrs. gentry. Lawrence, youTrti? 'Hereditary and many a°l s - last eveniGngra.nd Duchess was going on fa ll ligeonisinExc.elleney---M. Dedel, the Netherlands Minister, retu r ar ned by Mademoiselle Dedel, his daugbter, 'heed to W ilton -crescent yesterday, from Parts : y en alth of Towns Commission had a meeting 1114 erd ria3 , at Gwydyr House, Whitehall. The Corn- Itoisliep-ers present were the Duke of Buccleuch, Mr. Th o rt Aglionby Slaney, Mr. George Graham, Sir . tip 11 ,s de la Beebe, Knight, Mr. J. R. Martin, 11,,4, Yon Playfair, Dr. David Boswell Reid, M. sti-eard O w en, Hunterian Professor of the College of Smith ol' Thomas Denniston, and Mr. James g . th ol ueniston. 1at,,,. 1811 2 13 r U. Calvetti and Mr. P. Fairbairn had an ye,-tlw With the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone irtY, at the office of the Board of Trade. h, r. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, ."" an interview with the Chancellor of the Exche- Iner ~ %treet s ‘erclay, at his official residence in Downing leeti°ll W harncliffe, Lord President of the Council, buOvvn ...yesterday for Welbeck, on a visit to the 1- I . ' a ortland. Cor-13.Pa.tehes Were sent off last evening from the caiounilleals:office for the Governors of the West India kr. r, view withean, Chairman of the Customs, had an inter e•t. . Mr. Gladstone yesterday, at the Board of `rad 151 r• .T. St , s ., ce rettell Brickwood, Public Works Loan- AT Soutbsea House had an interview with the Loancellor of the Excite' ueer sterday. ,Lord Granville Somerset left town yesterday for Atrighton. Dispatches from the Governor of Van Diemen's Land and the Cape of Good Hope were received yes- I trdv at the Colonial -office. t a h t e a Earl of Auckland and the Hon. Miss Eden ,-21)_ying at Woburn Abbey, on a visit to the Duke Uchess of Bedford. IV' 4 41 -.6 T—IiEFOR THE NAV? ENE 144 To THEY tr' E DITOR OF T HE TIMES. tstaother year h as passed away, and still the old ker %aim unanswered —What is to be done for : 14 44 41 3 ? li stb._e.th ‘t 0 one seems to know. We mast, b therefore,t another \Ve7. 4 l h a t i lle question is unanswerable ; u peit.l-40 ;A tiace---What is to be done for the country? d"t e stablishment of naval o ffi cers in time . _f PIN i f ial - Iva have employment for one-twentieth tiekil43- the - not to be found. The e N I , aumber that are upon the list; every one s o ,, Niel, tleYrnent, and no fell Th 4 ,',' a dvocates enough, but employment the you reward us 4 I,' llt r v e 7 1 "7 May say, "Why don't country has to say, kr dse-cces?" but the country has a right who 441Cstk • active list—a set of men NI. ON . You give us an . able to face ts •Y. dang e rough to do their duty, and . l climate, 'la th b • tropical Iti th e f ro Y night or by day—lna y the list aliS taentooll regions, instead of encumbering the young he2cei,e?,, Old to serve, to the exclu b s l i e on to of serve has no • ode , t o r _ 4 1 . 1 officer who is not a list o f the navy; and IA - 1 ges t , rvoaatn on the active .e v; a l e of vigour and ti t ily izi t h e BPeaking, is the fairest test. . the Ie 4 I Profession. Now, Str, what is sf el ea., taw., eve , y l4l 1 7 of our Navy List? We have 168 admirals. sra n. o • f an , - 1 4 ' and not ten of the number are under 60 ,ao 13 `• We have 717 captains; take the first half tes.' (It those taking rank down to the year 1826 in °bll iki.lllld there are not 50 of them under 50 years of 47dr411 Se e the next half, and there are more of them ersntt,! of age than under. The lists of com " Ila • oenten a t h bears the same proportion. Ivh... ju etice ._. . zi s eac was Nelson di et ? his , ra tu the country? Of what age d? He Iv avii e , s ,,,, °st glorious actions were performe h e e ere iln...ooiiral at 4 8—the question needs no answer. betPlatige-Cat Peace, but who can tell how soon we may l ltsP l PPosn l T,'_ e a War ; and can the old officers on e I,ll...shipa - the , e could endure or stand up under the iti l e,Y tbe they were exposed to during the last war? . ~, it soe4. natter themselves that the fire of youth is 'aty eoh4 inguished, but they will be disappointed when At a the to put it to th t• l No one can desire to e nil . . ' ell t ao-/etn(ifffeers ' list set aside with the captains. tkbl e --e consider • a host of as ! kl,, ski, mien, for that Ist eontains remain .to Ys young, as ever breathed ; but we cannot . . theirth,,, may 11 5; and as we grow old we should be willing t for the young and active, who can serve tillvillio,,,,tY better than we can. We should therefore se,theentrie and all, to sacrifice all personal interest tee alleeid of country, and those who are too old to 1 i ll re, 1,4 acknowledge their inability, and voluntarily h a a i _vvi t b tlere. Could there be a better commencement kOof a e hat of admirals, who are most of them i 0 1 WI thret34(l uPwards, many past the natural age of b b, Years und ten? This is worthy of con -4;0%04 sc ore - th; kt ., th e - a Personal point of view ; but what an V IlliSy, fecqutrY is sustaining by the present list of ea u e are h 1.°121 the lists bein so crowded with the old! • e q i ng fineg o , th et Wh o tu h ambitious young fellows as lieute d - Lee fiee,, o , s _g t to be commanders and captains, and th el ;:atie k ; .-.,..s !lien for years as mates who ought to the are th'uu Commanders. There is no • denying that thilelttt w a : M elt We must trust to to fight our battles in 14th an Ti : and what is the consequence of the present ~t etv ies f o ,e, 3'olln- men are getting disgusted with . ter,: %bl e ' w ant of6due promotion. They are losing f et li s. ..I, To _n, and number s of them are leaving the e n w comes the question—What is to be done ‘telee -entry? te le , Word& What ought to be done may be told in ti t _tti es or theTh old officers ought eo bend to the ne -0 keet to country; they ought to volunteer a re etire,, !).lake room for the yu. There ought to Veer o 'ae se,,,,;oat and an active list of every class of officers s o ,.'e- Of the 168 admirals, let every one above thtrtuttidor'6B-00 retire; let as many as remain of that num (lf r ecit e Years old be made full admirals ; give those 0., Tait a-year in addition to their present rate s 11 1 1 0: ' Inelesiee the ~.C apt ains on the list down to the year titisda refit Let Let those who are 55 years of age and 34 rate of L e u p o n 2s. a-day, in addition to their pre- N. he • I +es aOf ,_ • et all the remainder, being under )h7tldes 4?) °! made vice and rear-admirals. Of the 10 . 04 re., the bst of captains, let all those above 55 s• t 7 of We t ° uPon 2s• a-day, in addition to the present htile let o rY ; the rest of the list will be found a fine tiql against afellows, not Young enougli to run their q%ha I,,stntuiders aPu°dslti nor too old to work. Let the list of d art ha, eutenants go throuh ame ordeal, kir m the eev e what is much to be desired—an active l t, It e r , iv Y. Thus we should reduce the list of ad- W,, ti tki ~7_ tit 1 00; the list of captains down to about e;eCa eui,Zo_oo.l4anders and lieutenants in the same ratio. ovation may appear startling at first sight to 4 1 404 wkra whom it immediately concerns but they l 07,tstil ~:at I say to be Pretty true t ' ffi of hsrlios ' 1 age is too old t commanda an o cer . i N ,* Pond er __ ~ o a liip fur active .Nqtlr.ecitizenutntnesehwords well, Sir, and let us 4 4 bl, friend to the iii3a9ll t ern you have ever been a 4 . it yo u navy, take up the cause and show ati, it can make of it, but be f • air to the country. a A ll ' AN OLD CAPTAIN. I. .._ eb , _________ ),eetiles diary tire occurred on T ki,Phith r firrn, Ford -h o uesday, on Mr. .ou r h . use, Newent, Gloueestersh re i 'l t li le„.. w eat ncks contai • ‘h ' 40ti t •Ke b are 0 . . lung each 300 bushels, tiicaly ._ , of w , c Mauling 8() bushels of barley and a kktalleh h'u' ge e re burnt to the ground. A stack of :11141)011rerswtV' was preserved by the exertions el , 4 ,,, tors, o flocked to the .scen e in great Ile ~....,11rn manfully assisted in extinguishin Itto(kks qesreles6arY Chronick g the e ss ~, ~„ ie„ _u._ _ ...: AGA.INST THE APPLE -STALLS. On ,tl7 iNit.,..x evening a police ord f .. 'as s 1 "ill s i n ~ er or the removal of all IN tneit9lng th_ etne Strand, and at the streets and Zt'eh 49 1 a11y a ._" .to, was carried into effect by police ). ,a 1,,.,,..._, ,bepointed for the dut No reason has titi),l(_ 1,7i;e",,a.,t, r . the order; vvhick is, however justified 41.1,,,,,,;:t_ct and be enforced at the Caprice of vr other Poli ceman. OLYMPIC THLATRE, it is not very frequently that we have to record a first appear:nee on any stage; still less frequently does it t: 1! toui f(- to record a successful first ap pearauce at: .) s age. Rare, however, as such an occurrence may be, it took place at this theatre last evening, and in a Shakspearian character too. Miss Emma Moggeridge was the fortunate debutante. She appeared last evening for the first time in public, in the character of Katherine in Shakspeare's Katherine and Petruchio r and was most successful. This young lady possesses many of the natural requisites for suc cess in the profession which she has chosen. Her figure is good, her features are expressive, and her voice is clear, and will, when she has acquired that perfect command over it which nothing but practice can give, be sufficiently powerful to fill any theatre. Her enunciation is very distinct, and her reading is correct. As might have been expected, she was exces sively nervous at first, but as she became accustomed to the stage she gained confidence, and the last two acts were very effectively given. It was evident that she thoroughly understood her author, and entered fully into the spirit of the part. Her Katherine is a very lady-like and promising performance, and we augur well of her future career from what we saw of her last evening. She was well supported by Roxby as Petruchio, and the piece was excellently put upon the stage. At the conclusion she was called for, and, on being led on by Roxby, was greeted with the most enthusiastic applause. We cannot close this notice without alluding to the Grumio of our old friend Rayner, which was a rich piece of dry humour. The house was crowded. ADMIRALTY ORDERS, (From Tuesday's Gazette.) BY THE COMMISSIONERS FOR EXECUTING THE OFFICE OF LORD HIGH ADMIRAL OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, &C. Rules, Orders, and Regulations, for the preservation of her Majesty's moorings, and for the mooring, anchor ing, and placing of all private ships of war, transports, and all other private and merchant ships and vessels, lighters, barges, boats, and other craft whatsoever, in Plymouth Sound, and in the harbours of Hamoaze and Catwater, made and established pursuant to the Act of Parliament, passed in the 54th year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Third, chap. 159, intituled " An Act for the better regulation of the several posts, harbours, roadsteads, sounds, channels, bay s , an d nav i ga bl e r i vers, i n the United Kingdom, and of his Majesty's docks, dockyards, ar senals, wharfs, moorings, and stores therein, and for repealing several Acts passed for that purpose." AS TO PLYMOUTH SOUND. Art. I. All her Majesty's ships and vessels of war are exclusively to occupy the outer anchorage in Plymouth Sound, within and near the Breakwater. Art 11. All merchant and other private ships and ves sels, of every description, are hereby ordered to occupy the inner anchorage in the Sound, within a space bounded by the following marks and lines, viz.:— To the northward of a line supposed to be drawn from Rain Cliff Point, towards the west. To the southward of another line supposed to be drawn from Mount Edgcumbe House, through the Canteen on Drakes Island, to the eastern shore of Plymouth Sound. To the eastward of another line supposed to be drawn from the east end of Windsor• terrace, in the town of Plymouth, to the Obelisk on the Hoe, and continued through the whitewashed seamark on the rocks, to the before -mentioned line supposed to be drawn from the Ram Cliff Point, towards the west. The object of this arrangement is, that a sufficient na vigable channel may be kept open over the hard and foul ground on the west side of this anchorage, and no ship or vessel whatever shall be anchored or placed in the said navigable channel, under pain of the penalties prescribed by the said Act of Parliament. AS TO HAMOASE. Art. I. It is hereby ordered, that no owner, master, or other commanding officer of any private ship of war, transport, or other private or merchant ship or vessel, lLhter, barge, boat, or other craft, nor any pilot or other person employed by either of them, shall anchor or moor, or cause to be anchored or moored, any such pri vate ship of war, transport, or other private ship or ves sel, lighter, barge, boat, or other craft, in the fair way or channel between the Queen's moorings in the said harbour or in Barnpool, within fifty fathoms of the cen tres of any of the said moorings, or of her Majesty's ships, floating magazines, and hulks, lying thereat, or in the front or abreast of her Majesty's docks, dock-yard, or gun-wharf, and between the same and the eastern line of hulks, or even to drop an anchor within such space and situations, except in case of necessity to prevent da mage to herself, or that of the Queen's ships which may be at the contiguous mooring, and then to remove' as soon as possible thereafter; except also in cases where any of the said ships, vessels or craft, may be consigned to the dock-yard or gun-wharf, and must, therefore, necessarily anchor contiguous thereto, till they can come to the cranes and wharfs for delivery of their cargoes, and then to be placed in such situations as the superintendent of her Majesty's dock-yard at Devonport, or the masters attendant or Queen's pilots by whom they are conducted hall direct. Nor shall any private ship of war, transport, or other private or merchant ship or vessel, lighter, barge, boat, or other craft, be anchored or moored between the island and main, at a less distance than fifty fathoms to the southward of the transporting buoy within the said island, or in any place off the east end of the island near the buoy of the Asia shoal, or between it and the buoy of the Winter, or near the fair way or outer transporting buoy in the Sound, neither shall any be made fast to, or be moored, or secured by any of the mooring anchqrs or chains to which access can be had when the tide is out, either on the eastern or western shore of the said harbour of Hamoaze, or be made fast to any of the buoys or piles of her Majesty within the said harbour, in the fronts of the said docks, dock-yard, or gun-wharf, or other pre mises belonging to them respectively, nor anchor or moer so as to swing within any of the said buoys or piles, upon pain of the penalties for such offences as the said Act of Parliament directs. Nor under pain of the penalties before referred to, shall any private ship of war, transport, or other private ship or vessel, lighter, barge, boat, or other craft, be anchored or moored in any place or places within the port of Hamoaze, except on the eastern side of Stone house-pool, and in extent not coming further to the westward than the Queen's Slaughter-house, and in that range to the northward, at the mouth or entrance to Milbrook Lake, or the northward of all her Majesty's moorings. This restriction, in regard to the anchorage of merchant ships, transports, &c., is, however, not in tended to exclude such as, trading to the port, must ne cessarily have admission to the several wharfs, docks, &c., at Mutton Cove, North Corner, New Passage, and elsewhere, for loading and unloading their cargoes, and which are generally grounded for such purposes ; but all such merchant ships, vessels, lighters, barges, boats, or other craft, are to continue to enjoy their accustomed privileges in this resp. et, in as full and effectual a man ner as if these regulations had not taken effect. Art. 11. All private ships of war, transports, and other private ships or vessels, lighters, barges, boats, and other craft, are hereby expressly prohibited, under the penalties of the said Act, from being breamed in any part of the said harbour of Hamoaze, except on the shores of Stonehouse-pool aforesaid, at Frank's Quarry, or to the northward of the Queen's moorings ; and from coining or entering into the said harbour, being laden with, or having on board, any quantity of gunpowder, exceeding five pounds weight in the whole. And all such gunpowder is hereby appointed to be left and de posited ut a depot established for that purpose on Ni cholas Island, at the entrance of the said harbour, where the same will be taken and received according to the provisions of the said Act. Art. 111. And it is hereby ordered, that no person or persons shall take any ballast or shingle from the shores or banks, or any portion of the shores or banks, of the port and harbour of 1 larnoaze, on any account or pre. tence whatsoever, without being duly authorised by us, or other sufficient authority of her Majesty's Govern ment, upon pain of the penalties in the said Act men tioned ; observing, however, that this regulation is not meant to restrict the raising of the sea-sand for agricul tural or other purposes, in the shoal water to the north. ward of St. Nicholas' Island aforesaid, by the barges and craft which have hitherto been employed thereon, or any other. a.B TO CATWATER. Art. I. All fore and aft rigged vessels, taking shelter in Catwater and drawing less than eleven feet of water, are either to anchor on the flat in Clovelly Bay, or above Turnchapel Rock : and they are also required to place buoys on their anchors and to moor with a kedge. Art. 11. Ships and vessels drawing eleven feet of water and upwards, and less than sixteen feet, are to moor upon the flat between Turnchapel Rock and Mount Bat ten. Large ships drawing sixteen feet of water and up wards, are to moor in tiers below and above Turnchapel Rock, with their stern cables made fast to the shore and their jibbooms rigged in. Art. 111. An open passage, of not less than fifty fathoms in width, on the north side of the harbour, is to be kept clear for the navigation of ships and vessels from the entrance of Catwater up towards the Boar's Head and Turnchapel Rock, and as far as her Majesty's breakwater establishment at Oreston, and no ship or vessel whatever shall anchor in or obstruct this passage, under pain of penalties directed to be inflicted by the said Act of Parliament. Art. IV. Vessels frequenting the port of Plymouth, and anchoring in Deadman's Bay, are to leave a clear passage, of fifty fathoms at the least, open between them and the sailing vessels occupying the south side of the harbour. Given under our hands the 4th dgfi of Januar6. 1845, G. COCKB RN. W. GORDON. To all whom it may coneern, by command of their Lordships, JOHN BARROW. The Plymouth and Dartmoor Gunpowder Com pany, who obtained a license at the Michaelmas Quarter Sessions for the erection of a •set of mill s and a magazine on the Cherrybrook estate, i n the parish of Lidford, applied at the late sessions for a new license, to authorise the erection of the mills, on a site contiguous to that originally chosen, but more advantageous as regards the amount of water power to be obtained, and unexceptionable equ gr al a ly ntedthe li cens_ e. in point o f pu bli c sa f ety . Th e emit Devonpot t Telegraph. It affords us sincere pleasure in having it in our power to inform such of our readers who have taken interest in the two children of the murdered woman, Sarah Hart, that a lady, well known in the fashionable world for her beauty and amiable disposition, and who was in the neighbourhood of Salt• hill at the time, has kindly come forward and intends befriending them u..til claimed by some relative or iziends. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING-, JANUARY 17. 1845. FRANCE. CHAMBER OF PEERS—Sums() or JAx. 13. The Chamber at its opening was very much crowded both by Peers and strangers. A great number of mem bers of the Chamber of Deputies occupied the seats re served for them. The sitting was opened at a quarter past two. Among the Peers present was the Duke of Nemours and Marshal Soult, as well as the whole of the Ministers. The order of the day having been read for the general discussion of the Address in Answer to the Speech from the Throne, Count Mol6 mounted the tribune, amidst some cheer ing, followed by deep attention and silence. He said:— Gentlemen, for four years I have kept silence in this Chamber, from respect for my party, from respect for the Conservative party which supports, the Cabinet, and from respect for myself. I feared that ray words might carry some disunima into the ranks of the Conservative majority, and I feared not the less to appear actuated by a wish for revenge which would be unworthy of me. Revenge is the consolation of the vanquished, but the President of the Council of the 15th of April had not been so, and he formed no other wish since his volun tary retreat than to see the affairs of the country directed with prudence, and conducted with intelli gence and firmness. More than once, however, I have seen great faults done, and I asked in my con science if I was really not at liberty to point them out ; but the same scruples always prevented me. I should have abstained even to-day if the best accredited organs of the Minister of Foreign Affairs did not every morn ing throw me a defiance to explain myself from the tri bune with respect to their policy, and if they did not join to that defiance the only insult which the care of my personal dignity will not allow me to disclaim. The Minister of Foreign Affairs and his friends must neces sarily reckon much on the benefits of time, and place much confidence in want of memory on the part of the country, to speak as they do of intrigue. of renewed coalition; or they are endowed with considerable auda city, or as they call it, courage. To whom, then, have we given the right to think that we could be drawn by the spite or ardour of ambition:so far as to disavow our whole life, to tread under foot the maxims which we have constantly sustained, and to become the hottest de fenders of principles and of doctrines which we have al ways opposed. Do you wish, gentlemen, to know from what comes all this noise, all this wrath, which satisfies itself with so many unjust insinuations, and even with the faults, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs? The em barrassment which it has created for itself, the evidence of these faults, and above all the gravity of the consequences which they may have produced, have affected the minds, nay the ranks of the majority. From that moment they became alarmed, and the word intrigue is nothing more than a cry of alarm. Is it necessary, then, that a mode of con ducting the affairs of the country, which may place the interests or the dignity of the country in peril, should become indifferent to the majority for the sole reason, that the Opposition combats it, or has pointed it out ? I should be unjust to insist more ; a word sho u ld b e suffi cient to rep e l i m p utat i ons which cannot reach us. I owe it, however, to the Chamber, to lay before it my whole ideas of that system of *icy of which they are about to appreciate the acts, and to justify that which I have already said in regard to it. If I were :to characterise the policy of the Minister of Foreign ;Affairs,. in one word I should say, that it is every where and at all times a policy a outr ance ; it is a policy of extremes even in its weaknesses. From the moment that the Minister of Foreign Affairs adopts a principle he exag gerates it. He allows himself to be drawn rapidly over to the extreme consequences, as if a mind such as his could' be ignorant that the extreme consequences of a prin ciple are surely exhausted by provoking an inevitable reaction against it. Thus, the Minister of Foreign Affairs wishes for peace; and all France, all opinions in the country, commencing with the political men of each of them, wishes for it as much as he does, and yet he speaks of it in such a manner, he shows so much ardour and anxiety for its maintenance, that he makes people believe that for that end he would make such sacrifices that the most pacific could hardly consider themselves as pacific as he is. He wishes for the English alliance, and I believe that there is not in France a well-wisher of his country, a sensible man, and above all, a political man, who does not wish for it, and who does not perceive its importance as much as he does; but, without wishing it, and without knowing it, he exaggerates the consequences, and he speaks in a way to compromise and to rouse the national suscep tibility against it, and to give to the French a dislike to that alliance of which I believe I laid the foUndations in 1830—a dislike which, if it does not cease, may lead to great embarrassment hereafter. What are, in fact, gentlemen, the two questions which, as is said in the speech of the Crown, have created some difficulties in our relations with England, at the same time that in France they have, to a considerable extent, agitated men's minds? The first of these is the right of search ; the second, the question of Otaheite. Do you wish that I should say who has been the most dangerous enemy of the right of search ? My God, it is the Minister of Foreign Affairs himself. It is his convention of 1841, to extend the operation of that right, which has brought about the reaction of the public mind and of the Chambers against the right itself. In seeing him make that concession, which was so long asked and desired by England after the treaty of 15th July, 1840, the Chambers, not content with having prevented—a thing without example, and to some extent to be regretted —not con tent with having prevented the ratification of that con vention, demanded the abolition of the right of reci• procal search, and the elective chamber unanimously forced the Minister of Foreign Affairs to'announce that he would enter frankly and loyally into a negotiation, of which he had previously said in this tribune that it could only end in weakness or folly. When or how can he escape from this net, in the meshes of which he has entangled himself ? The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l demand the word. —(Sensation.) Count Mol6—Will he be able to make England yield, or will he be able to make the Chamber give way ? There are other interests besides his at stake, and I ar dently wish that he may be able to answer by announc ing that this negotiation has had a favourable result. lii the affairs of Otaheite, gentlemen, the faults have been of such a nature that I must give up the attempt to ex plain them. It was when he was at full and entire liberty that the Minister of Foreign Affairs ratified the taking possession of that island in the Pacific, and that he chose to form an establishment there for France with the title of Protectorate. How I It is so warm a par tisan of the English alliance, who has chosen to form an establishment in that part of the globe which is so re mote from us, without interest for us. and from which the first cannon-shot fired upon the sea would force us to retire ; it is he who has chosen to place the protecto rate of France in the face of the protectorate of the Eng lish missionaries, who so many years have ruled the population and the consciences of that country, and who directed with their counsels the Government, or rather were themselves the veritable Government. The more we reflect upon that the more strange and incredible it appears. We are forced in this instance to accuse the Minister of Foreign Affairs, at least, of levity. It could not be sufficient for him to hope, or even to believe, that the Cabinet of London would be tolerant with respect to his projects. He ought to have rememnered that in England —and I say it to the honour of that great nation—the Government reckons upon acting, and is obliged to do so, with the religious men and the religious feeling, and that no Cabinet can refuse its support to their efforts to propagate the faith. Such is the fundamental principle of the Otaheite ques tion. I cannot sufficiently express my surprise that the Minister of Foreign Affairs did not understand it suffi ciently soon to spare our good relations with England this second and danger , us trial, and to spare France the blood of her brave sailors, of her brave soldiers, who have paid with their lives for our doubtful occupation of a rock, when it appears that the Minister of Foreign Affairs does not knowhow to remain or how:to get out ofit. The war with Morocco is the only one of all the difficul ties which have occupied the country between the two sessions, which the Cabinet could not have avoided. Our forces by land and by sea, and their illustrious leaders, have there covered themselves with glory. I will not examine in detail the treaty which has been termi nated—not that its tenor does not appear to me to be such as to attract the attention and observation of the Chamber of Peers ; but because I have not undertaken' to enter into a detailed examination of the policy of' the Cabinet, and in particular of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is he and his friends who have forced me to speak. I never have and never shall oppose systematically any Cabinet. I have proved this for the last ten years; and with regard to all the Cabinets which have succeeded each other, I have voted for all that I approved, and even for some things of which I disapproved, so useful and reasonable did I think it in the present times to aid in the regular march, whether more or less enlightened, of the Government. In short, gentlemen, the difficulties which the Minister of Foreign Affairs has accumulated around him are grave, and I do not think he will be able to resolve them. Perhaps, nevertheless, he may find resources and have abilities which Ido not foresee. Between him arid me there are few means of our understanding each other. We do not start from the same point ; we do not look to the same end ; and we differ, besides, as to the legitimate means of attaining them. M. Guizot—l acknowledge that the speech of the Hon. Member has astonished me. To whom does he reply? Of what does he complain ? Who in this place has accused him of that of which he complains ? Who ever has spoken to him of such things ? He replies to rumours from without, to the conversations de salon, and to newspaper articles. True or false, all those things cannot enter into the Chamber, nor mount the tribune. The public acts of public men, the reasons for their conduct publicly given by them, these are the only proper objects, the only objects deserving of your debates. Ido not undertake, either to jus tify or to explain, nor to contest that of which the Honourable Gentleman has complained, and I should not have thought of saying one word respecting those incidents which are occurring outside, if he had not spoken of those himself. He has also spoken of the coali tion of 1839, and has compared it with that which is passing at this moment. In another place the Opposi tion has often endeavoured to open a discussion upon that subject, and to get me to join in it, I have always refused ; I did not think that, for the sake of my per sonal defence in past times, I ought to sacrifice, at the present time, the interests of my party, the Conservative party, of its cause and cf its p , licy. Evidently the first of these interests is the maintenance of the union, the firm and compact action of the majority which sustains that policy. With an anxiety for that interest, I have refused all discussion, all retrograde explanation with respect ---- '1 old and distant disagreements. I will act in the same man —ter to-day, and to a certainty I have the right to d o so more to etty - the ever. Let us lay as id e -- all p perso na l corn 1 . 1 us arrive at 711 cations ant, once at the really public c' p • affairs of th e c ou p try. The Hon , Count Mol e" admits, at bott om,, the whole of the policy of the Cabi net . I have no . net. H o wishes for peace—he If hatred exists, lb .- wishes for the English alliance ; he has not proposed or even hinted in the questions which we have had to treat of any solution very different from that which we have adopted. He could not help acknowledging that for four years, all that he demands has been done by the Cabi pet. Peace has been maintained ; the English alliance is in fell vigour ; the questions which have arisen be tween the countries have been regularly and pacifically settled. He has reminded us of one which remained in suspense—the question of the right of search. Since your last session, I have followed seriously and atten tively the negotiation of which I accepted the burden. I have represented to the English Government the neces sity of searching, in order to attain one common end (au end to which we are, and shall always be as sincerely devoted as the English nation or its Government), the repression of the slave trade—of searching, I say, for other means than the right of search, which have become inefficacious for the suppression of the slave trade, at the same time that it threatens to compromise the relations of the two countries. The English Government has un derstood this position. It has comprehended the reasons on which our proposition is founded, and mixed commis sioners are to be charged immediately to inquire toge ther for new means to put down the slave trade —means which will be equally efficacious, or more efficacious even than the right of search. The question is thus as fur advanced as it can be at the present moment. The Ho nourable Gentleman may thus be satisfied. There is up to the present moment no question pending between the two countries, which is of a compromising nature. Yet, although the Cabinet has done all this for the last four years ; although the Honourable Member admits at bot• tom, and in the whole, our policy, he criticises a part of our conduct. He thinks that he can see that at one time we might have done more, at another less. That we might have done otherwise, or might have done better. He finds faulty errors which will compro mise, according to him, hereafter, the results at present obtained, and which we at present enjoy. I shall discuss, in the course of this debate, the special questions to which these particular criticisms apply. Bat even if that should be true ; even if such and such particular reproaches should be well founded, do you believe that they would be sufficient motives, that they they are sufficiently grave to induce a grave man, who approves in principle of our policy, to commit (allow me the word) an act of opposition such as has now been made from this tribune ? Is the Honourable Count Moiil ignorant that the policy, the principle of which he approves, has many obstacles to surmount, many ene mies to overcome, many dangers to run ? Is he igno rant that it has had to struggle against national preju dices, which are worthy of respect even when they err ? Is he ignorant that the revolutionary factions . have con spired against that policy, and endeavour without ceasing to ruin and upset it, because it is the real obstacle to their designs ? Is it an act of prudence, is it an act of patriotism, to give all of a sudden enemies, who threaten so violently, a policy which he approves on the whole, and for the principles of which he desires success ? No, these are not sufficient reasons for such au act of oppo sition. I still seek the true reasons—the peremptory reasons —which could have decided Count Moli. PerhapS he thinks that good policy is now not the question—thatt it is so well established, and so sure of success, that it may be treated severely, that no respect should be ac corded to it, and that it may be treated as harshly and as exactingly as people may choose. If it were sozi; if this were th e mot i ve w hi ch i n d uce d the Honourable Gentleman to speak, he will allow me to thank him in the name of the Cabinet, for if the peace-- if the alliance with England--if the good relations between the two countries are secured to that extent, the Cabinet has the right to take some credit to itself. It is a great service which it has rendered to the country and to the Opposition itself. It is that which has given the Opposition the security and the leisure which it sets to work to-day against the Cabinet itself. lam neither surprised at this, nor do I complain of it. I know thsit the Opposition is not bound to be grateful, but I am en titled to remind it of the benefits. Another motive, perhaps, has influenced the Honourable Gentleman. Per haps he thinks that, from the position which he takes in his present conduct, it will he easy for him to maintain the good policy and to avoid the faults which he thinks he discovers on the part of the Cabinet, and which, ac cording to him, will compromise that policy hereafter. Let him permit me to inform him that he will be com mitting a serious error. To practice efficaciously—to maintain solidly—a good line of policy, it is not suq cient to be anxious to do so ; it is also necessary to hare in the political arena, and in the midst of the contending parties, a position in harmony with the policy which it is wished to supporta position which will give it strength. When the confidence of the King called the present Cabinet to office, the Conservative policy, was gravely compromised, peace was seriously menaced, the English alliance was weakened, and the good understand ing between the two countries hardly existed. The Ca binet was formed to change that state of things. It formed itself under that banner ; it has carried it high in front of it, and a ll t h e men w h o w i shed as it did ra 1- lied around it. It was under that banner that the Coii servative party reunited, and that it has lived for foir years, in spite of such eifficult incidents and trials. Here is a clear, simple, and strong position for the majority, and for the Government which marches at its heed. What, on the contrary becomes of the Hon. Gentleman and his position, after what he has himself said from this tribune? I admit it ; he would enter into power to practise and to maintain the good policy, while he would endeavour to disengage it from what he calls our faults. But he would enter it by the impulsion and with the support ef all the men who have not ceased to coin.- bat that policy. He would take power to do the same, and to do better (as he says) the affairs of the Conservative party ; but he would take that power pushed forward, carried in, sustained, and raised by all the phases of the Opposition. It does not require much reflection or much experience to see that that is a false position, and one without power. Do you know what would happen if you were put to the proof ? You would find yourselves be tween a powerful, a considerable, and an important posi tion of the Conservative party—discontented, mistrust ing, and irritated ; and on the other hand, between ex acting branches of the Opposition, which would, in fact, have good reason to demand something from you, for the support which they gave you on your entering into office. Would you ca ll that a good situation for the Government ? Is that a good position for a good line of policy ? You would do well, you would wish well, at the very moment when that policy would be in your hinds enervated, abased, and compromised. Perfection or amelioration would then be entirely out of the ques tion ; the very foundation and principle of affairs would be compromised by you. If that is the motive which has decided you—if it is confidence that you can in that position maintain and rectify the policy in question, and which is your p oli cy — undeceive 3, ourselves, for that will be impossible for you. . Count Mole—l demand the word.—(General move ment.) M. Guizot—The Hon. Gentleman reproaches the Cabinet, and especially me (and I do not hesitate to say, that I willingly accept, as he seems to wish to repose it upon me, the responsibility of the whole of the policy of the Cabinet) with compromising even the policy which it supports. If that policy has dangers yet to run, it is itself that has created them. The difficulties which exist, it is the Cabinet itself which has raised them. It is its own faults which create the embarrass ments which good policy feels. In truth, the reproach upon it is a strange one, and I understand those who say that these are alliances more natural to France, and more conformable with its interests than the English alliance, and that it is necessary to cultivate them. I understand those who, while they wish for peace and a good under standing with England, say that it is necessary, never theless, on' account of ancient recollections, on account of certain peculiar interests, to live in g o od report, but coldly, with England, without alliance, without intimacy. I believe that both believe themselves, and that in the present state of affairs and of opinions in Europe, they seriously deceive themselves; but, in short, these are serious opinions, and which must be seriously discussed. But to come and tell men who, since 1830, have never ceased to support the peace policy and the English alli ance ' who have a h un d re d t i mes develope d t h e reasons of that policy, that it is they who compromise it, really is not a subject worthy of being taken seriously, espe cially when the men spoken to are persons who for years past have done more than speak—who have re-es tablished the peace an d th e E ng l is h a lli ance , w h ic h h a d been left to them t oo mu ch com p rom i se d. an d w hi c h f or four years they have defended and sustained against _many different parties; who have supported them in the midst of trials and difficulties of great gravity—who have done more—who have carried, as the result of their policy and of their efforts, the peaceable and regu lar arrangement of many stormy questions raised be tween the two countries—to men who have carried the journey of th e Q ueen of En g l an d to the Chateau dan'Edu,aall thendthe pacific, journe amicable,of theK King salutary g n to Windsor Castle, manifes tations which have taken piece on this double occa sion. In the presence of such facts, at the end of four 3 ears, to come and tell the men who have brought about such results, at the moment when the questions between the two countries are settled, that it is they who have compromised the English alliance and the peace, is really not a matter worthy of refutation. Shall I tell you who compromises the English alliance, and the persons who are really dangerous for the peace and the good under standing between these two countries ? In the first place, it is those who, whether by design or from blind ness, seize upon every difficulty, upon any incident, upon all the questions which are raised between the two coun tries, and aggravate and envenom them, and, whether voluntarily or unintentionally, run the risk of producing a ruptiire, or at least a coldness. These are the prin cipal, the true compromisers of peace and the English alliance. The second are those who when such questions are raised, when opposition exaggerates and envenoms them, meets them half-way on, or by half repel the at tacks of the Opposition ; then, while they t a lk, goo d , and of their d p e o s l i i r ti e ci t an o m s, a o in f t i ai he n ir p l e o ac ve e, f a o n r d tk to eir su c p ou po n r tr t 3i he English al liance, lend a distant—very distant, and very indirect assistance ; but, in short, who lend their assistance, and give an additional strength to men who have seized upon every incident, and on every question, to embroil the two countries. It is those persons, also, who, whilst they Profess a desire for peace and sound policy, lend a certain aid to men and parties, who seize on all questions in order to set the two countries by the ears. We oppose them both—. " Les uns, parce qu'ils sont michans et tnalfaisans, Et les autres, pour ttre aux mechans cornplaisans, Et n'avoir pas pour eux ces Manes vigoureuses, Que le vice fait naitre aux Armes vertueuses." The Prince of Moskowa—There are neither mechans nor complaisans here. M. Cousin—There is no hatred here. ' bl. Molt —You should name the methane, the haters. Name them. M. Guizot—Allow me to finish. You do not know what lam going to say. No one can suppose that I VPI,Y to the policy of our adversaries the meaning of words of Moliere, and I ask for hatred fo r no person. - 4 ntention of making any personal app l icat i on. la int 112 this assembly, but outside its walls. The present situation is said by many to be difficult, but I find no one to prove it. I declare that, on the contrary, all the oifficult questions have been arranged. With whom is the position one of diffi culty? In all the assertions made on this point I see nothing but factitious emotion in men's minds, and factitious tumult in the public journals. The Chamber will not allow itself to be led away by such manoeuvres, but will perceive the truth through the mist thrown around it. For my part, I shall show that in the affair of Otaheite, as in that of Morocco, all the acts of the Government have sprung naturally from the nature of the questions, and have been altogether in accordance with true Conservative policy.—(Hear.) Count Mold (from his place)—l rise to reply in a few words to an observation of the Honourable Minister. He has told you that there is an intention on our part to come forward and assume the reins of Government, because the present situation of affairs is so good that it is not feared to compromise affairs ; and that proves to me thst the Minister of Foreign Affairs also considered the situation excellent-in 1838 and 1839, for I believe him to be too good a patriot to suppose that he would have attacked the Government with so much bitter ness if there had been any danger in the position of affairs at that time.—(Noise.) The Minister of Foreign Affairs asks me what I would do the day after my assumption of power, but I had no idea of the kind when, I spoke. The Hon. Minister designates as op position anything which is an obstacle to his personal policy ; he sees nothing, absolutely nothing cloudy in the horizon ; does he then consider the affairs of Ota heite and the right of search terminated i My convic tion is, that it was the unseasonable convention of 1841 which aggravated the great difficulties of the question of the right of search. I say more—l say that he en tered into engagements which he cannot keep. I re proach him with having been wanting in courage to wards the other Chamber. I am accustomed to public affairs, and I can see no measures which would be ac cepted by England. which can ever replace the right of search—the mode at present employed for the suppres sion of the slave trade. The affair of Otaheite, you say, is also terminated, and nevertheless it is still burning, and I am still at a loss to know how a mind so eminent as that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, could have allowed himself to be lured into such conquests. On those points in the South Seas, where we find ourselves opposed to England, it will be necessary to offer some system of action. You well know the results which may be anticipated from the concurrence to Catholic and Protestant missions. What system do you propose to adopt in this case ? You have chosen just the part in this affair which appears to throw you into inextri cable embarrassment. The result of this fault has been the shedding of much blood, and the greatest state of uncertainty with regard to our new possessions. This is your work, these are the embarrassments which you have yourselves created. If these difficulties can be sur mounted, I shall rejoice with all my heart. You speak of private ambition—we act through patriotism, and not ambition. You imagined, perhaps, that I weuld not dale declare what I thought of your policy, but you were mis taken. I have no ambition to possess your place. I de sire simply that you may get with honour out of the embarrassments which you created for yourselves, and which, I confess, alarm me. I wish nothing more. M. Guizot—As I intended in the beginning of my speech, I shall not at present enter into any details as to the question of Otaheite. I shall reserve that point to another part of the discussion. I ascend the tribune to remark on one of the Noble Peer's assertions relative to the right of search. Has the Noble Peer considered maturely what he has just spoken ? He wishes the question to be arranged, and yet he declares that he cannot imagine any other efficient measure but that now in force to repress the slave trade. It would, therefore, be necessary for France to renounce either putting down the slave trade. or changing the present mode of repres sion. No, France does not find herself in such an alter native. When I undertook the management of public affairs I thought that it was possible to find more effi cient means than the existing ones to put down the slave trade—l undertook to resolve that problem, and I have strong hopes of doing so in a manner satisfactory to our interests. I am glad that the Noble Peer has furnished me with the opportimity of repeating this double assertion—that we believe that the present system of repression has lost much of its efficacy, and that at the same time we are determined to repress the slave trade with the same vigour as before. This is what we are seeking to do, and I have the firm conviction that the two Governments, united by a mutual good feeling, will attain this object. Both at Paris and at London this object will be steadily pursued, and finally attained, notwithstanding all the prophecies to the contrary, that are furnished so unsparingly on both sides of the Channel. Count de St. Priest made some general observations on the ensemble of the address, certain parts of which he criticised ; but after addressing the Chamber for a few moments, he pleaded indisposition, and requested per mission to retire, reserving to himself the right to speak un the discussion of the paragraphs. Viscount llubouchage expressed his indifference to any change in the Cabinet which would not bring about a change in the policy pursued. Candour should, how ever, be observed. It ss as not the present Ministry which had prepared the treaty of October 29, 1840 ; it was not to it that the fault must be imputed of having aban doned a powerful Prince of the East, an ally ; nor was it the present Ministry which had made the treaty of Mexico, which imposed on them fresh sacrifices and fresh expenses ; it was not the present Ministry which had made the treaty with the United States for the pay ment of 25 millions of francs. A Cabinet succeeding another took affairs as they found them, and it was not just that they should be accused for not bringing every negotiation to a successful termination, for they were compelled to accept them or to sanction them. The speech from the Throne, in his opinion, was the most remarkable that had been presented to the Chambers for the last fourteen years. It was remarkable for what it said and for what it left unsaid ; it was still more re markable for its being couched rather in the language of an absolute than of a constitutional monarchy. He also corn plained,that it was silent on many most important subjects. It devoted three paragraphs to the entente cordiale, two to interests purely monarchical, and one only to foreign policy, and in this one paragraph there was not a word said of the changes to be made in the treaties of 1831 and 1833, or of Spain. In conclusion, he said that the speech from the Throne did not satisfy him, and as the proposed address was merely a paraphrase of that speech, he should vote against it. Count Boissy d'Anglas, in a written speech, but in reading which he was in many parts inaudible in the gallery, demanded whether the present Cabinet had pro perly fulfilled the mission confided to it. It possessed a numerous army, a powerful fleet, and considerable finan cial resources ; but had they, with all these advantages, known how to make France respected ? Had it con cluded advantageous alliances, or entered into any pro fitable treaties ? To all these questions he should reply in the negative, and should rote against the address. Baron Pasquier—As there are no more names in scribed to speak on the general discussion, it is now (dosed. Marquis de Boissy rose and demanded to speak on the general discussion. He was, he said, one of those who complained loudly of the acts of piracy committed on French vessels. He was a . good Frenchman ; but was strongly opposed to En g l an d. H e gave d ue h omage to the good faith of Count Mole ; he had said that he would never carry on a systematic opposition, and never theless be. had opposed the Cabinet. He should follow in his steps, and he thanked hire for giving a chief to the Opposition against the present Ministry.—(Commo tion and laughter.) That, he repeated, was what he wished ; he desired a complete change in the policy pursued ; he desired that the plan of making too great sacrifices to perpetuate certain alliances, and of repulsing others, should not be persisted in. To justify his wish, he would remind the Chamber of some facts which had been already enumerated, but which did not the less prove the necessity of the measure Khich he proposed. In 1830, it was said henceforth France was to be governed with sincerity, but this sincerity was far from being prac tised. So far indeed from it, that a public writer had declared the present Government exceeded all others in falsehood and deceit ; and he much feared that the speech from the Throne, delivered this year, would be a chef d'cruvre of that kind.—(Loud marks of dissent. and exclamations.) The Noble Peer then referred to the occupation of Ancona by the Austrian troops, notwithstanding the principle of non-intervention laid down by France, to the rupture with Switzer land, to the affairs that took place in the East, and to the treaties of 1831 and 1833, relative to the right of search, as proofs that the Cabinet had failed in their foreign policy. The Noble Peer reproached M. Guizot with having, when Ambassador in England, concluded these treaties without taking orders from those placed by the Constitution over him. Unless the Ministry changed its line of conduct, he felt convinced that it would shortly be the last of the Government of July.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter.) The Noble Peer then alluded to the visits to Eu and Windsor, and declared that, in his opinion, they merely proved that M. Guizot was the most popular man in England, and the most unpopular in France.—(Agitation and marks of denial.) He should not at present detain the Chamber any longer, as he re served to himself:the right of speaking on some of the subjects which he had just adverted to when the para graphs of the address were brought forward separately. The general discussion was then declared to be closed, and the first paragraph of the address was read from the chair:—" Sire,—We have received with respect and gratitude the words of your Majesty. Witnesses equally with yourself, of' the interior prosperity of the State, we return thanks to Providence for permitting our national activity to multiply, on all points of the territory, the precious fruits of peace. We take delight, Sire, in re cognising with your Majesty, that these blessings are due to the wisdom of our laws, to the faithful and intelti genkmanner in whichthey are carried into execution, and to the progress of public reason." Count de Montalembert supposed that the Committee in speaking of the prosperity of the country, meant not only to allude to its material prosperity, but also to its moral condition, On that point he was of a totally dif ferent opinion, and would even assert that the moral prosperity of the country was gravely attacked by the course adopted in religious matters. In speaking on that point, ho felt that he should carry with him but little sympathy, but it was not for the mere pleasure of hearing himself speak that he had come forward, but through a conviction and sense of duty. Six months back, after the long, luminous, and profound discussion of the new Secondary Instruction Bill, most eminent men had asserted, that if the prelates kept silence, the reproaches which were directed against them would fall to the ground, and all be arranged according to their wishes, How, he would ask, had that prediction been accomplished? The bishops, after having protested against the law that had been brought forward, remained silent, and the mass of the clergy fullovved their example. Was the Church at present more respected? Unfortu nately facts were there before them to prove the coq. trary. This silence was replied to on the part of their enemi , A by .letnonstrationi more end more hostile in cha ratites; nothing was spared or respected, neither the ceremonies of worship, nor the lessons in theology, nor the morals of the view nor their pious devotions, uor th, ineWahaustible resources, the charity of the CatholieCh tire') nor, above all, the different religious cammuoities. An error had been fallen into, and which was still persevered in, that the clergy alone were interested in the freedom of education, whereas it was the laity, it was the citizens who were more interested in it than the priesthood. The independence of the clergy was the best guarantee for the citizen. It was pretended that the liberty of the church, as it was understood by them, would be the continued encroachment of the spiritual over the temporal power. At an epoch like this—at a moment when in Switzer land, in Russia, in Poland, and in Spain, the spoliation of the church was being carried on, and it was compelled to defend its dogmas —when the greatest liberty in Pro testant countries, such as Holland and England, was formed in the midst of so many dangers and storms—to affect thus to fear, not the encr)achrnent of that old in structress of nations, but its aristocracy, its absolute power, was indeed to give proof of eithergreat ignorance or of singular blindness. Far from favouring the triumph of the spiritual over the temporal power, it was on the contrary the Catholic doctrine which rendered such a thing impossible ; it was that which had at all times pro claimed the distinction of the two powers ; it was that which commanded believers to render unto Cesar that which was esesar's, and unto God that which was God's. To affect such fears was, he repeated, contrary to good sense. The Catholic clergy claimed its part, its legi timate part, in political liberty and common right, the fruit of two revolutions ; it was under the shelter of these great principles that it sought to exercise its em pire over men's souls. He accepted the revolution as a fact, liberty as a right, the charter as a safe-guard. This is what they wished. What their adversaries wanted was the reverse of liberty and of the Constitution; their full conviction was that prosperity would avenge this great injustice; it would admit, with some surprise, per haps, but with gratitude, that all that was favourable to liberty and human dignity, all that was pure and generous in the instincts of 1789 and 1830 had been de tended by Catholocistn, and that the declaration of the rights of man had not more ardent defenders than the champions of the faith. The Chamber adjourned at half-past five. SITTING OF TUESDAY, JAN. 14. The President took the chair at two o'clock. The attendance of Peers and of the public was un usually great, and the Ministers were in their places. Count de Montalembert resumed his discourse, left unfinished the preceding day. He complained that there was not a clearly recognised head of religion in France, as there was of the army and the navy. Hence most deli cate and difficult questions were frequently referred to a Minister who was but little calculated to resolve them. The llon. Peer proceeded to remark on several points decided by the Minister, in his opinion e r roneous l y . He referred particularly to the favour shown to Protestants in France, and compared it with the manner in which Roman Catholics had been legis lated for in England, particularly the Irish Catholics. He then referred to the quarrel which had lately arisen between the University and the clergy in France, and declared that mutual concessions ought to be made if the differences were to be arranged. Those to be made by the Government must, however, be greater than on the other side, since it had lately endeavoured to curtail that freedom of religion sanctioned by the charter. This could only have arisen from the fear the Government felt of the influence which the admirable conduct of the clergy was sure to gain over the friends of the people. He referred to past times, to the reign of Louis XV., and the periods following, to show that nothing was ever demanded from the clergy of such importance as was required at present. He complained of the calum nies which, he declared, had been permitted, if not coun tenanced, by the favourers of the Universities, against all classes of the clergy and the religious communi ties. He instanced a number of cases where severity had been shown against., the , last-named associa tions. He referred to the conduct of M. Cousin when in power, as having been far more liberal than that of the present Administration. He then adverted to the present conduct of the clergy, to which he gave the highest praise. He sketched the progress of religious opinions in the public mind at present, and insisted strongly on the extent of their advancement. Fourteen years back the crosses were torn from the churches of Paris, and every indignity offered to the ministers of religion ; now, on the contrary, the churches were filled, the public worship constantly attended, and the preachers of the faith everywhere followed. He considered that the present attacks on the church from the Government were most undeserved. The Noble Peer concluded by declaring that the clergy would still pursue their career of charity and love in spite of any perseeutions that might be directed against them, and that if they gained [lathing else, they would obtain the respect and affection of all men of worth. M. Martin (du Noid), in reply, declared that he dif fered from the Noble Peer on the greatest portion of the subjects to which he had adverted. So far from the Government attacking or persecuting the clergy and re ligious associations, it had been obliged to stand on its defence, and to incessantly oppose the attempts at total independence entered on of late years by the clergy. The conduct of the Government was the best answer to such accusations, for be defied any MAR of candour to say that it had gene beyond the exigencies of the ease. He maintained that the clergy were, to a certain extent, abusing religion to carry out their own plans of tempo ral aggrandisement. He thought it most unjust that noble orators should ascend the tribune every session to make those vague accusations without proving any one of them. The Hon. Minister then adverted to a num ber of cases, in which he had been obliged to inter fere to check the encroachments of all classes of the clergy. He read extracts from letters written by the inferior clergy to their diocesans, in order to show..the spirit which generally animated that body. The bishops, he observed, though men of education, were still above all, high dignitaries of the church, and devoted to its interests. Hence they sanctioned, to a considerable extent, the conduct of the inferior clergy in various points of discipline. He could advert to their refusal to bury in cases where the deceased per son had not lived according to their ideas of proper de votedness to the church. lie could also speak of their refusal to serve in private chapels, when required in lawful cases. The Hon. Minister, after dwelling on other points of this kind, declared that the clergy at present appeared to altogether mistake its mission ; for, in place of getting their champions to advocate their cause in the Chambers—a defence required by their aim ing at power out of their own province —it would b e more suitable to their sacre d functions to confine themselves to their own duties, and not endeavour t o assume an au thority which the law never intended to assign them. On the part of the Government he could declare that such conduct could not be permitted, and, however in clined the Government felt to concede to the clergy in all reasonable points, it must continue to persevere in its present line of conduct. Count de Montalembert said, that when he defended the cause of religion, he had not looked for the Hon. Minister's approbation. He had spoken from an inti mate conviction of the truth of his assertions. He had not intended to accuse the Government of direct persecution of the ministers of religion ; he was aware that the Government could not, with any appearance of propriety, act openly and decidedly in the movement at present in progress against the clergy ; but he did ac cuse the Hon. Minister and his colleagues of partaking of a certain moral complicity in the attempt, by sanc tioning various persecutions against members of the clergy and the religious communities of the kingdom. He declared that several of the suits to which he alluded had been carried from court to court with unusual se verity, and in that point the Government had kept up all the movement of which he spoke. He had not even accused the Hon. Minister of having abandoned the clergy—he had merely declared that he had not per mitted the religious liberty promised in the charter to prevail to its legitimate extent. All that the clergy de sired or demanded was to have that liberty completely established. The Government, he would maintain, had done everything in their power to arrest the free course of religious freedom, and of that the clergy thought they had a right to complain. The speech just delivered by the Hon. Minister appeared to him likely to render all arrangement in this matter more than ever impos Bible. Count Pelet (de la Lemke) spoke at some leegth against the conduct pursued by the Minister of War in the interval between the two sessions, relative to the Polytechnic School. Re qualified such conduct as un justifiable. Marshal Soult entered into explanations on the sub ject. He maintained that with any attention to disci pline the conduct of the young men at that institution could not be permitted. The Commission to whom the matter was entrusted had come to that decision, and such was he believed the opinion of all men who had considered the subject. The Noble Marshal continued for some time to lay before the Chamber the circum stances of the case, such as they have been already brought before the public. He insisted particularly en the necessity of obedience in such an establishment. Baron C. Dupin attacked the conduct of the Noble Marshal in the affair in strong terms, declaring that he had thrown doubt and distrust amongst the young men of France, who could not now be certain, after years of severe study, of not having their career stopped short by some capricious decision of the Government. Ile main tained that the conduct of the pupils in the late case was justified by the examiner being given them contrary to the regulations. Marshal Soult again ascended the tribune, but his ex planations differed little from those which he had already given. M. Laplagne Barris defended the conduct pursued by the Noble Marshal, declaring that, though severity had been shown, the exigencies of the case demanded it. Count Montalivet said that, as having been himself a pupil of the Polytechnic School, he might be permitted to advocate the cause of the young men who were inoul fseheoluiilldg, as there fore, remind No m ore generous - mi nded or patriotic class of befmoreen,coreumldind th fo e u G nd er in er t n h m e e k n i t n t g h d a o t m s . o ouch id : cle mency existed, and that in no case could it be better ex. hibited than in the present one. Count Pelet (de la Lozire) again, ascended the tri bune, an d wa s again examining the questi on under dia. cussion. DISGRACEFUL OCCURRENCE, KENDAL, JAN. 13.—The hitherto peaceable town of Milnthorpe was on Sunday afternoon last the scene of a most disgraceful occurrence. A number of rail way labourers had been drinking all the forenoon, and most of them having got into a beastly state of intoxication, they commenced fighting in a most brutal manner. About two o'clock a large number of these men went to a green in the centre of the town, wher e they had several pitched battles, so that there was one complete scene 'of fighting the whole of the Sabbath afternoon, and whilst Divine service was performing in the church close by. Here they assaulted severai Milnthorpe men who were passing; and the poral ace were actually afraid to leave their houses to go to church. One of the " navvys," named Wills, had a pair of loaded pistols in his possessie,n, with one a which he attempted to shoot a man 'for asking him for money; but, fortunately the Vice missed fire, and the pistol was immediately taken, from the misguided man by some of his companior,s. The disturbance is said to have arisen in a great measure from one of the sub contractors not being- able to pay all the men that wages, and becoming infuriated with taking liquo; they began violently to threaten his life, but he For.. tunately merle an immediate escape from the'town. The landlord of a public-house applied to the deputy constable of the town to take some of the men into custody, but he replied, " That he had nowhere to semte them, provided he did take them ;" and such has been either the morality of Milnthorpe (containing about 1,000 people), or the apathy of the respectable inhabitants, that they actually have not a lock-up in, the town, or plaice of safe keeping for malefactors. However, the above disgraceful scenes have in sou* measure roused the inhabitants from the lethare gy, and, in self-defe nce , th ey h ave now started a subrerip tion for the erection of a suitable building. The above is not the only instance where the Sak;bath has been scandalously desecrated. Milnthorre has, ever since the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway commenced, been the s cene o f muc h confusion and riot upon the Sabbath. Early on Monday morning the remainder of the men were paid off without much disturbance ; but it is to be hoped that, in future, such steps will be taken as will prevent a recurrence of these alarming proceedings. ARING ATTACK.—On Wianesciay evening last most daring and brutal attack was made upen Mr. Ellis, butcher, of London-street, and Mr. Cresswell, of Horn street, in this town, while returning home in a gig f rom Farley hill. It was nearly seven o'clook when both par ties left the house of Mr. Webb, where they had just previously partaken of tea, and arriving at the hill, near the park of Mr. J. P. Anderdon, they checked the horse* pace in order to descend the hill steadily, as the night; was very dark from the intensity of the fog prevailint. They were not much more than a quarter of a mile on the road, when the horse and Mr. Ellis were s'am a t e ,_ neously struck upon the head with great bludgeons, and such was the severity of the blow received by Mr. Ellis, that he instantly fell out of the gig in a state of utter insensibility. Mr. Cresswell then encountered one of the villains, whom he succeeded in laying prostrate upon the ground, but no sooner had he done so than be was felled by a blow from another of th e party. Whilst they and theh were eartless strugg lin ra g, scal s, vehi fin din cle WILI heard to app roac h , g there was n o t i me n to complete thir purpose, ran away, exclaiming, D—,. . er n, we leave 'em." The horse, it appears, was so much frightened that it jumped over the railings ; the. wheels of the gig becoming entangled, the horse was consequently suspended. Mr. Corderoy, jun., of Farley. hill, on reaching the spot, assisted Mr. Cresswell in ex tricating the horse, and afterwards placed Mr. Ellis, 'who was still insensible in his cart, and conveyed him to his father's house, where restoratives were applied, and after the lapse of some time recovered from the state of in sensibility in which he had been for more than half an hour, not having the slightest knowledge of anything that occurred subsequent to his being struck on the head. Both parties returned to Reading the same night, reach iug home between nine and ten o'clock. The foggy at mosphere was favourable to the design of the villains„ comprising a party of four, whose features were not at all discernible ; this is to be regretted, as it will, we fee-. prevent their detection.—Reading Manny. .ST EEPLE-•CHACE.—On Tuesday a steeple-atee f or IDOL a-side came off over the steeple-chase round at Stourton, between M r . S an d s ' h orse Dandy., ridden by Mr. Tinley Barton, and Mr. Sandbach's law. se Toro, rid. den by Mr. Dawson. There were between 200 and 300, sporting gentry present, including Slr William Stanley, Lord and Lady Gordon, Mr. John Stanley, &c. 'rile Dandy made most running, but swerved from. several of his fences. At the third fence from home, the Tandy was leading about 30 yards, but refused the leap. Toyn then came up, and both jumped, In the jump they, struck against each other, and riders and horses fell. 44% Bar ton appeared stunned, but was in the saddle •in a mo ment. Dawson then got about 100 yards ! A h e m, and came in triumphantly. Had it not been far the tumble, at the third fence it was thought Barton IX USt have VlOll, --Liverpool Journal s Jan, 11. t I. 1.4. .1. •C (Left sitting.) EADVERTISEMBNT.J—COUGHS, COLDS, ASTLIMAS, AND SHORTNESS OF BREATH, RADICALLY CURED BY HOLLOWAY's PILLS.—For some time past it has been known that hundreds of the most distressing cases of Asthma, of many years' standing, have been completely cured by Holloway' s Pi lls. There is also no doubt but that they are a sovereign remedy, when taken, for any wheezing or shortness of the breath, even if of twenty years' standing • and as to coughs a n d co ld s , h owever bad they may be, it need on ly b e t h e work of a few days to get entirely rid of them, by the means of this astonishing medicine. Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor Hollroway's Establishment, 244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis), and by almost all respectable medicine vendors throughout the civilised world, - - "LICH COURT OF Eri.t,Nß.T RC. T.I. FORGERY AND FRAUD. MONDAY, JAN. 13.—John Neill, a young man, a printer, was charged with forgery, fraud, and wilful im position, and with using, and uttering as genuine, forged, fabricated, and false writings, and with forming a felo nious scheme to impose upon and defraud the lieges, and to obtain money from theta by means of forged and frau dulent representations:—Having (Ist), on 11th March, 1844, forged and fabricated a letter addressed to Mr. Stirling of Keir, representing himself under the signa ture of " Robert Stirling," as having been deputed to re ceive subscriptions in behalf of a ladies' association, said to have been organised at Liverpool, Az affording aid to the widows and families pf those persons who perished on board the President steamer, on her passage between this country and America, showing a subscription-list (printed), having a great number of names attached to it with sums purporting to be the subscriptions of the persons therein mentioned, in support of the funds of the said alleged association; which li s t compr i se d, in addition to her Ma jesty, the names of various of the nobility, gentry, and clergy, fur sums varying from 51. to 1001.—by which fraudulent repi esentation Mr. Stirling was induced to send to the prisoner, by letter of credit, 25/. 10s., as his subscription to the said fund. (2d.) With represent ing himself in the neighbourhood of Largs, in Ayr shire, as the son of Robert Storrie, passenger on board the Al anc'nester steamer, who was said to have been lost in, that vessel, with property to the amount of 1,000/., leaving a wife, son, and daughter in very straitened circumstances, and transmitting, a subscrip tion-list, with forged subscriptions attached, purport ing to be those of Lord Murray, Bishop Terrot, &c., &c. The third, fourth, and succeeding charges, up to the fifteenth, detail the several acts of fraud and imposition which he succeeded i.i practising upon the nobility and gentry in Ayrshire and the county of Bute, by which the Countess of Glasgow, the Rev. John Kinross of Largs, the Misses Robertson, &c., &c., were severally induced to make payment of several sums of money, whereby they were all defrauded ; with the further aggravation of having been previously convicted of forgery, and ut tering false, fabricated, and forged letters, before the Sheriff-Substitute of Forfarshire and a jury at Dundee, on the 7th of October, 1842. The prisoner pleaded not guilty. Evidence having been read at great length, Mr. Neaves addressed the jury for the Crown, and was followed by Mr. Crawfurd in an able defence for the pri soner. Lord IltroxclirEFF then summed up the evidence in an exceedingly careful and able manner. The jury, without retiring, consulted together for a short time, and intimated, by th e i r f oreman, t h at they unanimously found the prisoner guilty of the first charge as libelled. Mr. Neaves craved the court to pronounce sentence. Lord COCKBURN said this was a very extraordinary case, and displayed, on the part of the prisoner, a bold ness of conception, an ingenuity, and a total disregard of consequences, which were perfectly appalling. He bad carried on a scheme of forgery and imposition which, considering the completeness of its details, and the de termination with which he pursued his nefarious pur pose of imposing upon wealthy and benevolent indi viduals in the upper ranks, the court, in the discharge of its functions, could not lightly pass over. It was not so much that a gentleman like Mr. Stirling had been cheated out of his money -that was no doubt a bad feature of the case, was, he might venture to say, almost without a parallel-but that schemes of real benevolence and charity would suffer, when liberal minded gentlemen and ladies were imposed upon in this manlier ; when they thought in their simplicity that they had been giving their money for the relief "of suffering humanity. A much more serious punishment than that he intended to propose, would have been in flicted under the statutes in force up to a recent period had his crime been but one act of forgery-instead of being-as it had been p rove d t o -d ay - no l ess than seven such acts. The smallest punishment the court could award for this crime was transportation for seven years; but considering the aggravated circumstances attending the case, he could not in conscience propose to their Lordships a less sentence than transportation for tea years. Lord WoOn concurred. • Lord MoNcatErr then admonished the prisoner tut to his future conduct, and sentenced him to ten years' transportation. . The following is a copy of the forged subscription sheet for Scotland :- Marquis of Queensbury, 50/.; William Croil, 15L; John Cogan, 25L ; William Dunn, 50L ; Schwabe and Gobert, 10/ 10s. ; John Neill, 51. ss. ; J. Wilson, 10/. ; James Buchanan, la 10s. ; Andrew M‘George, 10/.; J. Richardson and Co., 10/. 10s. ; Andrew Wingate, 20/.• ' Hugh Tennant, 211. ; 11. E w i ng M ac l ae, 25Z; James Jeffrey, 5/. ; Lord Glasgow, 50/ ,• A. Drummond, 20L; Sir Archibald Campbell, 25/.; Lady IL Thorp, 10/. los.; Earl of Buchan, 31L 10s. ; Sir C. D. Fergusson, 25/.; Thomas Chalmers, 5Z ; Earl of Mar, 20/. The following are some of the forged subscriptions the sheet for England :- Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, 100/. ; his Royal Highness Prince Albert, SOL ; her Majesty the Queen Dowager, 50/. ; the Duke of Devonshire. 100/. ; the Duke c.f Richmond, 501.; the Marquis of Angleses, 50/ ; the Marquis of Bute, 501. ; the Marquis of North ampton, 501.; the Earls of Fitzwilliam, Der i oy, 13a,lcarrav, Lonsdale, Mexborough, each 50/. ; Vi count Morpeth, 201. ; Lord Sandon, 30/. ; Sir Richr:rd Sutton, Bart., 100/. ; Baring, Brothers, 20/. ; R, Gladstone and Co., 20/ ; Dr. Bickersteth, Si. ; irrini two Misses whose father was lost on board the President, 101 ; from their mother, Kl. ; workmen in Fawcett's Foundry, 71. Bs. 4d. Subscriptions amongst the heads of five pilot boats, Noa. 3,8, 4,2, and 6, 44 75., &c. &c. --.,_ R ( I ~ Y~~~ 1A f '•H of