The Sun. — London, England, 1868-11-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS The Times approves of the appointment of the Bishop of Lincoln to the see of London. Great hopes were enter tain of him when he was appointed to Lincoln, but we are not aware that he has done much more than main tained his reputation for secure moderation. It cannot, in fact, with truth be said that he has yet achieved any conspicuous success as a bishop. At the name time it has always been thought that his steady and moderate character would recommend him for promotion, and his claims have often been popularly discussed for the Archbishopric of Canterbury. A man who has inspired so much general confidence has probably in some degree deserved it ; and we hope he has only wanted a favourable opening for the display of his abilities. The diocese of London will at least offer him a large field of usefulness and will afford opportunities for the exercise of every kind of talent. From his previous connection with London he ought to be well acquainted with its wants and difficulties, and it ought to be no little advantage to a diocese that its bishop should have had experience of a typical London parish. This appointment, in short, is one with which no one can find fault, and from which we may expect the best results. The Times thinks Dr. Wordsworth fully merits promotion by his learning and industry. He is a lligh Churchman, and it may be remembered that he made a public protest against Dr. Stanley's appointment as Dean of Westminster. He has, however, been not less distinguished by the strenuous opposition he has offered to the Ritualists and to the Romanising party in the Church. He, too, is a perfectly safe man, and will be sure to maintain, in every respect, the traditional character of the Church of England. The Standard remarks that Dr. Jackson has never been a party man. His religious views are characterised by breadth in the truest sense of the word, and as Bishop of Lincoln he has displayed in (the control of his vast diocese a spirit of fairness and moderation which have justly earned him the respect and goodwill of the great bulk of his clergy. Moreover, Bishop Jackson brings to his work in London two qualifications in which his predecessor was lacking. One of the first requisites in a bishop is that he shall have had ample experience of clerical and parochial work. No finer school could be desired than that afforded by a large and populous district like that of St. James's, Piccadilly, which Dr. Jackson administered with singular success during his seven years' tenure of the rectorship. Moreover, Lincoln will have served him as a kind of training school for the yet more anxious and engrossing duties of his new see. In con gratulating Mr. Disraeli on his selection of Arch deacon Wordsworth to fill the place of Dr. Jackson at Lincoln, we cannot but recall it as a reproach to former Premiers, that a divine of such great abilities, and one who has rendered such important ser vices to the Church, has so long been suffered to remain unrecognised and unrewarded. Any time these ten years past Dr. Wordsworth has been "named " for almost every important vacancy. It has been reserved for Mr. Disraeli to atone for the neglect of his predecessors, and to dignify the English episcopate with a name which stands in the foremost rank among the scholars, the writers, and the theologians of whom the English Church is so justly proud. The Times believes Mr. Lowe exaggerates the demo cratic tendencies of the measure which passed the Legis lature a year ago. Of course, it is impossible to predict the future, and it is open to any one to assert that we have not seen the worst, and that householders and lodgers will sooner or later do something very revolu tionary. But we can at least say that there are no signs of it yet. We have never ourselves expected any astounding change as the results of the Reform Act, but we must confess a little surprise at the uni versal failure of extreme politicians to recommend themselves to constituencies. It is evident that the Englishman has not yet ceased to worship the respectable, and we suspect that after all that has been said of the keen intellect and uncorruptible souls of the artisans, they prefer pretty much the same class of solid, fairspoken gentlemen whom the shopkeepers have hitherto returned. May we not at least reserve the application of our reme dies against democratic violence until some sign of it appears? There will be full time to dam or divert the torrent when it threatens to sweep away something which men of sense wish to preserve. The Post says it was perfectly well understood that, so far as any event depending on human efforts might be regarded as a matter of certainty, the Government would be defeated in the elections by a very considerable majority. Still, there were, as there always are, some good simple people who fondly fancied otherwise. They seem actually to have entertained the preposterous idea which Mr. Disraeli, the great master of mystification, had half frenetically and half facetiously suggested, and in the depth of their credulity conceived that it might be realised. Nor are we now at all sure that they will recognise the fact which is staring them full in the face. The contest, they may say, is not over, and no doubt to the very last success will be promised. Those who leaned on a broken reed have fallen to the ground, and a mis• fortune arising out of prejudice and fanaticism must not be described euphemistically as an accident. It is all very well to throw the blame on Mr. Disraeli ; but it is not as if Mr. Disraeli had descended from the clouds, and those who have followed him as a " heaven-sent Minister " have no right to complain now that they find they are in the broad way which leads to destruction. They went into it with their eyes open, after "a leap in the dark," after every tie that bound them up as a Conservative party had been broken, and, as they will now be ready enough to admit, in the teeth of their own misgivings. They made Mr. Disraeli their conscience-keeper, and if he has betrayed their trust they must at least share the responsibility, be it what it may, which appertains to trading with convictions. The Daily News remarks that the late member for Westminster has himself principally to thank for his defeat. The great follies of small men, and the small follies of great ones, may be dismissed with contempt or with in dulgence; but the serious errors of a man of Mr. Mill's cha racter, intellect, and reputation are too mischievous to be passed over in silence. Still, after all deductions have been made, his brief parliamentary career has reflected honour on himself, has done something to introduce a higher morality into politics, and has not been without practical usefulness of a more direct kind. Perhaps the spectacle of perfect singleness of purpose which it presented needed for its complete exhibition the unfettered display of those honest but fatal eccentricities which have helped to cut it sl, rt. The Star says of the rejection of Mill that it is an event which will cast a black reproach not only upon West minster but on the country at large, in every enlightened European community, and it is one for which it is im possible to find an excuse or a palliation. It must be remarked, however, that the difference between the votes recorded for Mr. Mill and those recorded for Captain Grosvenor is so small as to show that the party voted well together, and that the special calumnies aimed so profusely at the world-renowned phi losopher and patriot had no appreciable effect on the result. Such a result cannot endure. The election virtually made the Tories not merely the conquerors of Arr. Mill, but the masters of the Westminster representation. From this position they must be dislodged. The whole strength of the best Liberal management must be directed to this object, and a genuine public feeling must, moreover, be excited in order to remove the stain of political cowardice or frailty from a vast number of electors whom intimidation has coerced, or whom interest has debauched. The Morning Summary reviews the history of Irish dis content to the present time. A Whig Government, in 18.16, under Earl Russell, suspended the Habeas Corpus, and the fortunat e ly i mme di a t e succession of a Tory Government again pacified this hapless country. Fenianism was snuffed out by their vigorous measures and generous concessions, and lo ! Mr. Gladstone starts up and tries to out-Herod O'Connell by raising the traitorous cry of Irish Disestablishment, masking it as a " panacea " for Irish grievances. The true Irish grievance is of far deeper import. It lies in the present system of tenant right, or rather no right, and this question the Govern ment will deal with broadly and comprehensively, if they succeed, as we believe they will, in stultifying Mr. Glad stone's flagitious attempts at seizing power at a sacrifice of Constitutional principle. " Disendowment " is only another word for "revolution " in its worst form. Destroy the Chnrch, confiscate its revenues, place it at the mercy of the schismatic and atheist, and you destroy the State ; you place that beneath the feet of the Socialist and Jacobin. You give your neck to the slaughterer and your property to the spoiler. Let electors ponder on these things and vote for Gladstone and anarchy if they dare A missim from his Ifi._;bness SaTyid Majid, the Sultan of Zanzibar, acered:tod.to her Majesty, has arrived in London, and is stayin; i at the Langhara Hotel. It s compo-;ed of his Exeel!(.ncy Sayyid Mahommed Salim and Sayyid Alone ('in Suleiman, two Arab chiefs of the hijest rank at his Highness's Court, and Hajee Mahommed Balcushmir, the con filential secretary of the Sultan, accompanied by nine Arab attendants. The object of the mission is connected with the suppression of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa, and the revolution at Muscat where Sayyid Thowenee, the elder brother of his Highness, was some time ago cruelly murdered by his own son. Major- General Rigby, late her Majesty's Consul and Political Agent at Zanzibar,.has been requested to t a k e c h arge of this ja2j..,g94 .4tp_Py 41 this country. NOMIYATION SPEECHES. Spouting Ys having full vent. We shall be able to drink our full of politics, as given by candidates in the coming week. But out of so much that was weak and washy, there was really some strong food given by one or two candidates. About the most notable, perhaps, among the speeches was Mr. Lowe's for London Uuniversity. In com mencing he congratulated the university on the position it had attained. He had not himself the honour of being a graduate of that university, but that circumstance would enable him to say of its members that which their modesty would probably prevent them from saying of themselves. He believed he had the honour of represent ing a constituency which would bear a comparison with any other in the kingdom—not excepting either of the elder universities—Oxford and Cambridge. Their degrees were granted after a more difficult and searching examination than was required for the ordinary degrees at either Ox ford or Cambridge. Their parliamentary representation, too, had not become, like that of the University of Oxford, a mockery and a misery. It had not, as at Oxford, fallen into the hands of persons who knew nothing of the university itself, and who only thwarted the wishes of the men who really performed the educational work of Oxford, and to whom Oxford owed all its efficiency and reputation. Neither had they become like the University of Dublin, a close borough for the law officers of the Crown. In their university capacity they had no prejudices to consult. Among them there was a clear distinction made between the governing body and the examining body, and their examinations were in consequence conducted with a strictness and an earnestness which would never be found to exist in corporations in which it was naturally the interest and the desire of the examiners for degrees and honours to deal as leniently as possible with the candidates who came before them. Passing to subjects of more general interest, he took up the subject of education. They were told that he was an advocate of the lower description of education, and that he looked upon education from a mean and sordid point of view, only valuing it for the money it might bring, That opinion , had arisen from the fact that when speaking at Edin burgh of the case of youths who left school at the age of fourteen or fifteen, for the purpose of engaging in the ordinary operations of trade or manufactures, he had recomm ended that their education should be mainly con ducted with a view to qualify them for their special pursuits. He might, of course, have offered different advice upon that occasion; he might have quoted Cicero, pro Arch ia poetd, and other classical writers,for the purpose of exhibiting the inherent attractions of literature; but among his sins cant had never been included. He had no idea of sending people ruffles when they wanted a shirt. He believed that if the class of youths to whom he had at the time been referring were prepared for their respective callings, and received some amount - of general culture, their parents and their teachers might be well satisfied. Indeed, he was not sure that he would not go as far as Cobbett, who, when some one observed to him that he should like to see every poor man in the country reading Bacon, replied, "I would rather see him eating bacon." (Laughter.) No one could rejoice more than he should do to find the utmost possible amount of culture extended to every portion of cur population. Excluded from a participation in manly and in field sports, he was peculiarly sensible of the value of a high-class education. He should be the last man to say that intellectual culture did not possess in itself charms infinitely greater than the mere acquisition of money to which it could lead. An interesting " personal explana tion" followed about Reform. Mr. Bright had lately stated that he (Mr. Lowe) was at present doing penance in sackcloth and ashes for some sins of his com mitted two years ago. Now, he was no ascetic, and although Mr. Bright might know him better than he knew ,himself, he could assure them that nothing he had ever said, or written, or thought, could authorise Mr. Bright to place him in that penitential position. What he had done he had done honestly and sincerely, and it was for time alone to show whether or not he had been right. He was there that day to retract nothing, to explain away nothing, and to affect penitence for nothing. Mr. Lowe proceeded to comment upon the position, the crisis, into which a Reform Bill had hurried this country, and continued : The question at present to be considered by every good citizen was, how the country could be protected from injury throughout that transition state which he held to be inevitable. No doubt, in the opinion of the present Government, nothing had been - changed. They believed that to-morrow would give them as to-day, and much more abundantly. They talked of "No Popery " as if they were living in the days of Lord Eldon. There was nothing, in fact, changed, except the basis of everything, and that change they ignored. He believed that we ought all now to endeavour to ascertain how that change was to be encountered, and, in his opinion, the wisest thing we could do was to profit by the lesson we might derive from the experience of the United States of America. He found that in Ame- rim the power of the House of Assembly was controlled by the action of an independent Senate, by the rights of local State Legislatures, and by the authority given to the courts of law of declaring whether any particular measure was opposed to the principles of the Constitution. In England the House of Com was the supreme depository of all power, and he did not wish to disturb that arrangement. But he thought that the House of Lords might be strengthened, not by the .creation of life peerages, but by giving a seat and a vote in the House to every one who had held certain offices, just as in ancient Rome every person who had served the State in certain capacities was admitted to the Senate. Ho would not make such seats hereditary; he would have the holders known by theirnames as commoners; and he believed that by the adoption of such a proposal, new blood would be constantly infused into our Upper House, and a new authority would be given to its de liberations. He would, after the example of America, provide for the general education of the people. For that purpose he would retain our present voluntary system ; but in those districts in which voluntary efforts were found to be inefficient he would give the local authorities the power of striking an educational rate, and he would invest the Privy Council, or whatever other central body might be preferred, with the right of calling on those local authorities to exercise that power, while he would provide that all schools maintained by public rates should be seen.‘" schools. By such a measure all that was good in our present educational - system would be retained, and where that system was most defective it would be most usefully supplemented. As to the compound householder, he thought a distinction might be most usefully drawn between that class which lived on the border land between pauperism and independence, and that it would be wise to adopt some such principle as that which had been suggested by Mr. Poulett Scrope, by which every man who paid less than £4 a year should be exempted from the payment of rates, and should at the same time be excluded from the franchise. That principle was, he believed, applied in Ireland and in Scotland--why should it nut be extended to this country ? There was another subject, and one of a more lively nature, of which they had all heard a good deal of late, namely, the question of the Irish Church. He believed that the maintenance of that Church had become utterly impos sible. The Governmert seemed to think that they could take their stand upon it as upon a rock, but they had themselves undermined it ; they had put the powder in the mine, and yet they had objected to its being blown up. The Irish Church occupied a large amount of Mr. Lowe's speech. It had been proposed that the Irish Church should be disestablished at once, and that then the livings should be allowed to fall in one by one on the death of each incumbent. But in his opinion that would be a most unjust and most impolitic course of proceeding. The Church would still exist as a badge of conquest and tyranny. If the Irish Church was to exist at all, it must rely on the voluntary efforts of its members and supporters, which such a system would tend to dis courage. When the State assistance was withdrawn from the Church, private individuals must supply some great central fund for its maintenance, and a period of strong ex citement, such as would be created by the application . of the principle of immediate disendowment, would be the most favourable for the raising of such a fund ; while if the ministers of religion were allowed to drop off one by one, no earnest exertion probably would ever be made to supply their place. He did not mean that the clergy men of the Irish Church should hedeprived of their vested interests, but he meant that the State ought to enter into what would be a fair compromise with them, and that as they would be relieved from the performance of all duties, they should receive only a proportionate compensation. But, further, they could not, ho believed, disestablish that Church as long as they refrained from disendowing it, because they could not allow the scandal of leaving a public fluid in any hands without watching over its appro priation. The other suggestion he had to make in reference li t s o h e t It d ni ai r d s i t s i c o i n ui w o u as e , that dn if no further flu t t l h i Irish rr e lat Church s of were any kind should be maintained between it and the State, and that was, he thought, a perfectly reasonable proposal. Passing from this subject, he had to express a hope that they wou'd mend their manners in Parlia ment during the approaching session, and that they would not, for instance, allow a Minister to come down to the Home of Conoaons and say that lie had got a power of dis, - 3;)lution in his poclzet, and that he would exercise, or aloJtain from exercising that power, according to the mode in which they might behave them selves. He had lived in many countries, and some of them not inhabited by the most respectable kind of people ; and his experience of human nature was, that men often compromised their principles for the sake of place and power. But never until the present time had he heard a Minister boldly come forward and avow such com promise. They had been distinctly told that the Govern. meat had acted as they had done, not for the sake o f g ivin g e ct to their principles but Sp order i tjat they THE SUN, LONDON, WFDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 18, It6B. blight hot be ousted from office, but he hoped it would be held for the future that Ministers who stood up in the face of the country and declared that he was guided by such a motive would meet with immediate and universal reprobation. Lord STANLEY, at King's Lynn, " made some interest ing points." He said he hail no claim to freedom from mistakes in the course of his political career ; and no man actively engaged for twenty years in political life could fail to admit to himself, unless he was absolutely a fool, that he had said and done some things which with his present experience he would not say or do. But he could claim without inaccuracy, and he hoped without presumption, that he had taken his fair and full share of parliamentary work ; that he had never supported by vote or voice an opinion which he did not sincerely hold, and never used in debate an argument that did not appear to be sound; that he had never engaged in personal wrangling or'iontroversy with any man, and bad equally endeavoured to promote measures of practical and useful legislation, whatever party might be in power. In a free country, and with parliamentary government, parties must exist. Without them a legislative body, however high the talent and character of its members, was an unorganised and undiscitilined mob. He honoured and respected a man who refused to act with his party when he conscientiously differed from them upon particular questions. Tlitit had once or twice been his fate, especially in the earlier part of his career, and a very disagreeable position it was. But there was a discipline in politics as well as in war. Men must act in masses if they were to act with effect ; and isolation was insignifi cance. The Conservative party was that with which he had always acted ; but there were Conservatives and Con servatives. He was not a Conservative in the sense of holding either that former times were better than the present, or that our laws and institutions could be exempt from the universal rule of change which pervades the world. But he was a Conservative in this sense—that he thought at the present time and under present circum stances our danger was rather on the side of going too fast than of going too slow. One of the dangers he apprehended in the new Parliament was this—he was not afraid of any thing particularly violent or extreme being done, but he feared that that obscure but useful being, the silent member, would become rarer than heretofore. He feared that we might have more talking, with the inevitable con sequence that less business would be done ; and there was risk that useful and practical measures, such as law reform and education, which were not of a sensational character, and did not excite men's passions, were likely to be shoved unduly into the background. In answer to a question as to what reforms he would propose in the Irish Church, in pursuance of his statement in the House of Commons that not one educated man in a hundred was satisfied with the present position of that Church, he said that be was not prepared at a moment's notice with a cut-and-dried scheme. He admitted that there were indefensible anomalies, as in the case of Pro testant endowments and clergy in places where there were hardly any Protestants at all ; but he repeated, he was not for the destruction of the Irish Church—be was for its reform. In answer to another question, he said he would of course support the Ballot, or anything else which he thought was proved to be necessary ; but his argument as to the Ballot was, that it was not and could not be proved to be necessary. Lord JOHN MANNERS, in North Leicestershire, had something to say concerning the alleged concurrent endow ment policy of the Government. " Mr. Gladstone has thought it necessary to make the most uncandid and un fortunate statement, that in the course of the last session her Majesty's Government proposed and developed a measure for the concurrent endowment of all religious com munions, accompanied by a distinct proposal to endow the Roman Catholic priesthood. It is my duty on behalf of the Government to give that statement a decided and em phatic denial. It is not true that her Majesty's Govern ment ever proposed any concurrent endowment of all religious communions—it is not true that the Government ever proposed the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood." Lord John then claimed that the foreign policy of the Government was excellent, that the Conser vatives had always trusted the working man, and wished for extended education—witness the Factory Acts. "It afforded me the greatest pleasure, as the Minister placed in charge of the two measures designed expressly for the benefit of the working classes, to promote the measures for extension of the Factory Acts and for the regulation of workshops, measures which I believe are now operating for the benefit of the people. We hear much from our opponents as to the necessity of extended edu cation. We introduced a measure, comprehensive and Conservative in its principles ; but our opponents resisted that measure." As to the Irish Church, Lord John exclaimed, " This is the first time I ever heard that confis cation meant justice. The National Assembly of France in 1789, in the sacred name of justice,' confiscated ecclesiastical property. Did that confiscation restore peace? No, for in 1790 the peerage of France was abolished ; in 1791 the law of private property was abolished, and in 1792 the throne was destroyed. In 1793 all corporate property devoted to the relief of the poor or for charitable purposes went the same way." The Chnrch News says :—" We are enabled to announce that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales has just given the munificent donation of twenty guineas to the fund for the repair and restoration of All Saints', Lambeth." Dr. F. G. Lee, the editor of the "D:rectorium Anglicanum," is the vicar of this church. VISIT OF THE QUEEN OF THE NETHERLANDS TO TIIE JUDICIAL CO3IIIITTEE.—Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands paid a visit on Tuesday afternoon to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and remained to the adjournment of the court, listening to the opening speech of Dr. Stephens in the Mackonochie case. Hes Majesty, at the close of the proceedings, entered into con versation with their lordships. CRUCIAL EXPERIMENTS.—There seems to bo sufficient evidence that each cell in the body has a quasi independent existence ; the spur of a cock, inserted into the eye of an ox, lived for eight years, and acquired a weight of nearly 14oz. The tail of a pig has been grafted into the middle of its back, and that belonging to a rat into the cartilage of its nose, and both have reacquired sensibility. A strip of periosteum from the bone of a young dog, placed under the skin of a rabbit, has been known to develope true bone.—Edinburgh _Review. A NEW SENSATION. —They are going to bring out a new drama in Paris at the Thatre du Chatelet— the title of it, " Theodorus ;" and two new actors are to appear in it—a couple of serpents. Horses have been brought on the stage, and dogs and pigs and parrots and cockatoos and bears, and even those familiar insects to whose bite the Prime Minister once compared the national debt. But this surely is the first appearance of snakes upon any stage. No doubt, ere long, we shall have to hail in London these interesting dibutants. TIIE LATE SIR GEORGE SINCLAIR, BART.—The following is a copy of a letter received by Miss Sinclair, Thurso Castle, from Thomas Carlyle, Chelsea, on his receipt of the announcement of the death of her worthy father:—" Your first black-edged announcement was heavy news to me. I truly sympathise in the loss we have all had—a sensible loss to me, a true one, whether felt or not, to all the world, and to you certainly the greatest of all. We must submit ;we have none of us here a con tinuing city. We shall go to him ;he will not return to us. Might we all but go, leaving a life as gentle and as innocent behind us.—THOS. CARLYLE." CHILD SUICIDES. Amongst- 25,760 suicides observed in France from 1837 to 1844, 192 were com mitted by persons under 16 years of age, namely, 1 in 134 —l9 each year—were committed by children. A writer in the Annals Medico Psycologiqucs stated some time ago that he had himself collected 26 examples of suicide in children from sto 14 years of age. One was 5 years old, two were 9, two were 10, five were 11, seven were 12, seven were 13, and two were 14 years old ; 17 were boys, and 7 were girls ; the sex of the others could not be ascertained. Amongst 22 of them 10 were drowned, 10 hung themselves, and 2 broke their necks. All the girls were drowned. Five of the 26 failed in the attempt. Of these last one who had thrown herself into the water at 9 years of age did the same at 40. DEATH OF LORD SOMERVILLE.—Lord Somerville has met with his death while hunting. His lordship was out with Mr. Tailby's hounds, which met at Withcote Hall, the seat of Captain F. Palmer, between the villages of Ridlington and Preston, about two miles north of Up pingham, nutlandshire. We are informed that his horse was ridden at a very stiff and high quick-fence; the animal stumbled and fell upon its rider, crushing his head and face. Lord Somerville breathed for a few minutes, and then all was over. Assistance was sent fer from Uppingham, and arrangements were made to take the body of the deceased to Kibworth, Harborough, his lordship's hunting-box. The deceased was the 18th Baron Somerville, in the peerage of Scotland. He was 2S years of age. • ASIATIC RI:F.:TAN TARIFF.—Qt a recent inter view with the directors of the Moscow Custom House our consul at that city asked for informatiou relative to the tariff for Asiatic trade, and was informed that in the east of Siberia the customs frontier line runs north and south just east of Jokutsk and Lake Baikal, and that duties are levied only on tea and goods of European production. East of that is free territory. That to the south of Siberia and Turkestan the customs line ran until very recently Close to Orenburg and the Ural River, but this has been abolished. No duties are now collected on goods coming from Central Asia ; such goods are principally cotton, silk, fruits, silk goods, and carpets of a kind which cannot kum s ie iulgsE f :-...,/jno York ;lAN, NEVADA AND ITS MINES. (From the Anglo-American. 2 imes.) Nevada continues to maintain its character as the " Silver" State. The Comstock ledge, hitherto thought the richest in the world, has been eclipsed in the White Pine District, by mines which fur nish ore yielding from $lO,OOO to $12,000 per ton, averaging $5,000, even rudely worked as now. The White Pine District is 90 miles due east of Austin, and Treasure City, its rising town, is in round numbers about 100 miles from the Central Pacific Railroad, where it runs up the Humboldt Valley. Not many months ago the wealth of this district was unknown, when it was quite neglected. It is situated on a lofty range, not far from its north ernmost end. Like all the chains of Nevada this runs almost due north and south, and extends about 140 miles, its greatest height being about the middle. Unlike many, however, it is covered with fovsts of white pine and fir, the trees often growing to a diameter of four feet. From the full descriptions we have given of Eastern Nevada, those i❑ the habit of raiding this paper must have au idea of the appearance of the country. The aspect is barren, the surface being likened, on a huge scale, to the wrinkles caused by a tremendous lateral pressure cast and west of the earth's surface. The higher mountains attain to 5,000 feet from the valleys, which themselves are about 5,000 feet abo've the sea. A traveller from Treasure City to Austin would have to cross four ranges between steep passes and five broad plains, the ranges furnishing trickling streams in abundance, which are swallowed up in the sandy valleys without leaving a trace of water save in the centre of some, where it spouts out from the ground in boiling and steaming cas cades. Often in the centre of these plains there are large deposits of salt which seem to grow spon taneously from the soil, for, where it is gathered for use in the mines, nature quickly supplies its place. But if the traveller desires to reach the Pacific Rail road, which lies due North, he would pass up a suc cession of these valleys without crossing a hill. Besides Treasure City the villages of Hamilton and Shermantown have sprung up, but the first being situated upon Treasure Hill, where the rich ore is, equals both the others in population. 'The• bill is high, bald, and bleak, not supplying a drop of water in the deepest shafts, and the town is midway between Hamilton to the North and Sherman town to the South, whence water is brought. In spite, however, of a drawback so great its advantages of locality will insure its rapid rise. A banking house has just been established and smelting works almost completed by J. R. Murphy, which only are required, as the crushing process has no effect on such fine, soft material. Indeed the metal can, it is said, be so easily separated that it may be turned into bars on the spot without the necessity of shipment to Swansea, and without the great waste caused by the rude precesses in Nevada. Two mines, the Keystone and the Eberhardt, have been worked to a depth of about 70 feet, both upon one vein. The amount of ore in sight is immense, and an idea may be formed of its value when a writer to the Reese River Reveille says :—" One small pile of dirty-looking matter is shown to the visitor. It could easily be piled upon an ordinary-sized wag gon, and yet one is told that its value in gold coin is near $lOO,OOO. A close observation shows it to be horn silver, mixed with a little silica, and were one not inclined to believe before that it was of such extreme richness, the observation removes all scep ticism, and such ore as this comes from the body of a vein thoroughly explored to a depth of about seventy feet, more than one hundred feet in width, and with smooth and solid walls encasing it upon either side." The Virginia Enterprise writes : " The Treasure mine is yielding about $20,000 a month from rock with very poor facilities for crush ing ; whilst nearly all the - companies are storing their richest ore for shipment, or until such a time as reducing conveniences shall have been obtained. We are told by a gentleman, who has spent some time in the district, that White Pine reminds him very much of the early placer times in California. A stranger, who announces his in tention of prospecting, can procure all the credit he wants from the merchants, who accept the ore in payment. There is no difficulty in open ing to pay ore, and the superficial wealth of the section seems to be extensive and accessible. Our informant says that the horn silver' is com posed so largely of the precious metal that it readily rece:ves the exact impress of a coin when stamped upon its surface. There is considerable dispute in regard to ownerships, but not so much so as we have been led to surmise." Nevada is among the most interesting geologicaldistrictsof the world, with its teeming wealth in silver ore, its strange forma tion of hill and valley, its streams flowing from gorges absorbed as they emerge ; its curious vege tation, great wastes of salt, and fertile tracks which readily respond to irrigation and culture. But per haps the strangest feature is its numerous hot springs. A chemical analysis of the waters of the Steamboat Springs of Washoe Valley show them to contain in various proportions the chlorides of sodium and magnesium, with soda in different forms, lime, silica, and a small percentage of organic matter. Similar tests made of the water from other springs disclose nearly the some constituent salts, with the addition in some cases of sulphur and iron. Some of the cold springs, especially those found in the larger valleys, are quite as remarkable for their depth and dimensions as the thermals. At a recent discussion on the origin of mineral veins, • Professor W. P. Blake, of California, said " that gold was even now rising to the surface in springs and depositing in inappreciable quantities near or at the surface either by diminution of pressare or of temperature, or by chemical decomposition caused 1 by contact with infiltrations from the surface or from the sid.23 of the fissures. A fine example of I the formati )n or origin of quartz veins is found in the well-known Steamboat Springs of Nevada, where hot water rises along a fissure for half a mile, and is depositing quartz, and possibly gold and silver. Professor Blake believed that future chemical investigation of thermal waters in such localities would show the presence of gold and silver, although perhaps in very small quantities. At the celebrated Ophir mine of Nevada, from which such a flood of silver had been sent forth, there was originally a spring of water at the surface, and a flow of water had been found at a great depth, and that there the water is hot, and holds various salts in solution. He believed that the ascent towards the surface of thermal waters, as in springs, in irregular columns in greater quantity in some parts of a fissure than in other parts, would account satisfactorily for the origin of what are known among the miners as chimneys' or ore shoots,' the metals in such places being deposited where the flow was the greatest. The chemical nature of the walls or fissures along which mineralized waters were flowing would necessarily greatly influence or determine the character and quantity of the metals deposited." Closely connected with the opening of Nevada to the world is that pardon of the railway which is to connect New York and San Francisco, called the Central Pacific. By last accounts the work had reached Iron Point, 350 miles east of Sacramento, and 277 miles west of Red Dome. The road was progressing at the rate of 21 miles a day, and the builders:hoped to reach Gravelly Ford, on the Humboldt, 213 miles from Red Dome, per haps the point nearest to White Pine district, by the middle of November, before interrupted by snow. But if the winter is ordinarily dry, and the work not retarded till well on in February, it will reach to a pass 100 miles from Red Dome before suspended by the storms of March. On the other side, the Union Pacific is in running order to the crossing of Green River, close by the eastern boun dary cf Utah, to which another twenty-mile sec tion will bring it, and a second to the junction of Ham's Fork with Black Fork, when it will have attained to a point but 8831 miles east of Sacra mento. Red Dome is at the northern end of Great Salt Lake, where the railroad touches, and Ham's Fork Junction is 2561 miles east from Red Dome. The struggle between both branches is to wards Red Dome, where they are calculated to join ; for, as our readers are aware, the railroad that first reaches that place is entitled to push on, deriving the high Government subsidy, and the vast land grantfor each mile captured from the country of the other. The Central is completed to within 277 miles west of Red Dome, and the Union to within 296 i east of Red Dome; and if the latter has the advantage in the number of workmen, the former has the easiest line to build, as the land is an ele vated plateau quite level between the ridges we have described, which themselves are easily pierced by following the course of streams. Down the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada and far towards Humboldt Lake the road follows the bed of the Truckee, a bright, clear stream, on leaving which it gets first among treeless hills, red or black volcanic rock, and then to barren, forbidding deserts, where the alkaline dust penetrates everything. Along this region the traveller is astonished to see nume rous large camps and villages, the dwellings com posed of newly-cut pine or canvass ; and it is then only he begins to realize the fact that the arid tracks arounl, in reality, teem with wealth. We are rapidly approaching the time we have so long pre dicted, when the exports of the precious metals from the Pacific States will first surprise and then alarm the world, for the ideas discussed and theories propounded on the discoveries of the gold-fields of California and Australia have not as yet had the time and opportunity to prove whether they were false or true ; and, if true, what next ? PROGRESS OF ELEC7IONS. The Hon. John Lathrop Motley delivered the opening lecture at the Fraternity course in Boston on the 20th ultimo, taking for his subject the Pre sidential election. Ile closed with a summary of Grant's character, given in a style of which he -proved himself a perfect master. The great attrac tion of his speech centred, however, on the financial questions now interesting the United States, for into a subject so worn he managed to introduce a novel mode of treatment. He considered that the election was to decide, among others, the question, " Shall the U❑ited States pay or repudiate their debts ?" That it should be a question was an awful thing, one no honest man, after reflecting on could trifle with for a moment. " What is a dollar ? Let us turn to that excellent work, Webster's Dic tionary.' A dollar I find to be a silver coin—that of the United States being equal to 100 cents, or 4s. 2d. sterling.' Sterling shillings mean genuine shillings. It is also well known that by statute of the United States gold as well as silver is a standard of value. A dollar means, therefore, in English arid other civilized languages, a coin.' What is a coin ?' Let us again dip in the pure well of " Webster's Unabridged." A coin we shall find to be a piece of metal bearing a legal stamp and made current as money.' It is metallic or hard money, as god or silver.' Now, if language cannot be invented to conceal thought, the United States' Government, when it sold those bonds, pro mised to pay the holder a certain number of pieces of stamped metal, gold or silver, each of them being equal to four genuine shillings and twopence. In stead of these pieces of metal, it now appears from the New York platform that Government has the right to force upon the holder a new promise to pay such coins at an indefinite period, without interest. And this is p ayment in full." lie spoke with wither ing contempt of such financiering, and went on as pithily to expose the amazing logic by which it was supported. He then, by way of showing what ne cessity existed for all this folly, touched on the wealth of the United States with a future which it is difficult for the mind of man to realize. " This," he said, "is the richest country in the world. The accumulated capital of the British Empire may be one-third larger, although it is probable that the results of the United States' Census of 1870 will make surprising revelations ; but the annual product of the United States is now far greater than that of the British Empire, while the untouched re sources of this nation are of almost fabulous extent. It will be much within limits to assume a yearly product at this moment of $4,000,000,0 0 0 gold. But that which makes our financial strength not only encouraging, but astounding, is the tremen dous ratio at which our wealth and population in crease. On the most moderate computation our population doubles every 23 years, our wealth every ten years. At a moderate estimate, the population 14 years hence will be 60,000,000, and the valua tion of property $60,000,000,000 ; the debt, even if not reduced a donor before that time, will then amount to about four per cent. of the accumulated capital of the nation. What individual in this country wishes to-day to repudiate his personal debts, maturing 12 and 15 years hence, because they are likely to amount to a 25th part of his assets ? Why, the State of Massachusetts created in the year 1866, the first year after the war, $517,003,000, according to the interesting and admirable address of his Excellency Governor Bullock. During the preceding ten years the increase of production was 72 per cent., although the yearly increase of popula tion was but 3 per cent., much below the national average. Were the whole country as industrious the annual product would at this moment be $16,000,000,000, instead of $4,000,000,000, accord ing to the moderate basis which we have taken. To talk of the inability of the United States to pay their debts in coin is an insult to human reason. When the war was over and our whole outstanding liabilities had been figured up, the total of the debt, on the Ist of August was found. to be ($3,287,733,329) a little less than three thousand three hundred million dollars. On Aug. 1, 1868, it was $2,485,000,000. I) uring three years, therefore, we had reduced the debt just one quarter, say eight hundred millions. . . Add the interest of the debt at six per cent., say $120,000,000, to our ordinary expenses, and you have less than $200,000,000 gold as our yearly budget. That of Great Britain is $350,000,000, and of France $100,000,000 at least. Each Power is spending at this moment twice as much as we spend, while the principle of the French debt is quite aslarge as ours and that of the English 60 per cent. larger. Well may we hang our beads at the humiliation of our national credit. It is even conceivable, if the pru dent and masterly financial policy which the Re publican party has been pursuing be persisted in, and which is not yet fully appreciated at home, and entirely unknown elsewhere, that we are to see our 6 per cents. hawked about at 75, while other great empires, not more wealthy, vastly more ex pensive, and much less progressive, place their funds at 3} and 4} per cent. interest ?" No doubt Motley's address, which has been exten sively circulated, is in the nature of a campaign document, intended to aid the Republican cause, which in a measure detracts from its value, as no such paper can be wholly free from party bias. Still the force and beauty of its own language, and the literary fame of its author, give it a value de nied to almost all such contributions. As the day of the election approached such addresses flowed still more freely. Mr. Wendell Phillips and Mr. Charles Sumner made speeches, and Mr. G. T. Curtis wrote a letter. Governor Seymour peram bulated Pennsylvania, and canvassing grew fast and furious. Even Miss Mary Walker, dropping physic, spoke on a Republic in platform in New York. Governor Seymour, we regret to say, was obliged to omit the greater portion of his speech at Pittsburg, in consequence of the weakness of his voice. Francis Kiernan, of Utica, tried to pacify the crowd with some of his second-rate talk, but it was of no use ; they wanted Seymour or nobody. Horace Greeley published a card announcing his withdrawal from the canvass in the Fifth Congres sional District of New York. John Morrissey, George Francis Train, and two or three others con tinuing the contest. The letter published purporting to be from Justice Chase has caused great annoyance, as it has proved to be an impudent forgery. Alexander Long has published a denial. He says it is a fabrication, and h 3 never received such a letter. Secretary Seward spoke iu Auburn on the 31st. Mr. Stanton also spoke at Philadelphia, whore he bitterly denounced Mr. Seymour. The latter had concluded his can vassing tour by speeches at Wilkesbarre and Scranton, in Pennsylvania, and also at Utica. He appeale 1 to the magnanimity of the Republi cans not to continue to oppress the suffering and humiliated South, and he urged all, irrespective of party malice, neither to use nor submit to coercion. The elections on the 3d November embraced a variety of officers, independent of the President and Vice-President, and in five States questions affecting State affairs were then decided. Minne sota, lowa, and Missouri voted on amendments to their constitutions, to extending the suffrage to negroes, and in the former State to persons of mixed white and Indian blood, who have been declared by the district court competent to exer cise the rights of citizenship. Minnesota also voted upon the disposal of the " internal improve ment Bonds" and upon the abolition of the grand jury. New Hampshire voted upon the question of calling a convention to revise her State consti tution. The following States elected State offi cers, Congressmen, and one or both branches of the Legislature ; Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, and Kansa>. California, Delaware, lowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Minnesota, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Wisconsin, Arkansas, and North and South Carolina electA Congressmen, and the whole number of Represen tatives chosen at this time was 139. Wisconsin, Minnesota, and lowa elected Legislatures, and the latter State officers with the exception of Governor. Of the Legislatures elected those of the following States each chose aUeired States Senator : New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Missouri, and Nevada. 'I he Senators whose terms expire are: Edwin 1). Morgan, Chas. Sumner, Fred. T. Frelinghuy, sen., Zach. Chandler, James R. Doolittle, Alexander Ramsey, John B. Henderson, and William M. Stewart. In the late territorial election in Dacotah the Republicans were successful, carrying all but two counties, and elect ing S. L. Spink delegate to Congress. The of ...ial returns make the Republican majority in Ohio at the recent election 17,372, in Pennsylvania 9,671, and Indiana 1,054. In Oregon, the Republican members of the House, being in a hopeless minority, have all resigned, leaving the House without a quorum and . the State without any appropriations, and setting a very improper example for any party to follow. The registry offices in New York closed at 9 p.m. on the 31st October. The Tribune was earnest in its appeal to good men, of whatever politics, to scrutinize the registry of their election districts, to detect the villains not legally qualified, who sought to register and vote, exclaiming—" A few hours personal effort now may save your country front fearful calamities." By the Holsatia we have news to the day of the election, and we learn that Superintendent Kennedy, of the New York police, had issued an order that all persons arrested for voting under fraudulent naturalization papers shall be taken before the United States' Commissioner instead of the local courts as heretofore. Mayor Hoffman and the Democratic members of the police have protested against this order, as an unwarrant able assumption of authority,and as calculated to pro voke a riot. The Sheriff (who is a Democrat) has enrolled 10,000 special deputies. A serious conflict of the authorities and a collision were feared. It is evident, from the appeals of the leading papers, how much the Republicans dreaded fraudulent votes, and we suppese that there was a great row in New York following on the election, caused by that party asserting the returns to be false. John Savage was a candidate for the district represented by Fernando Wood, and was one of the only Fenians nominated. OPINIONS OF THE AMERICAN PRESS ON HIS EXCELLENCY REVERDY JOHNSON. We are very sorry to have to recur once more to Mr. Reverdy Johnson's performances in England ; but it would be useless, even if it were right, to at tempt to conceal the fact that he is causing the judicious of all parties to grieve deeply. Of the speech-making in which he is indulging we shall only say that, in the first place, it needs more dis cretion than he seems to possess to prevent its doing mischief ; and, in the second, that no diplomatist who knew England would expect to do any good. There is no country in Europe in which, in spite of the popular form of Government, oratory is of less use to a foreign Minister. But we might forgive Mr. Johnson's speech-rraking if it were not for his fra ternization with notorious enemies and revilers of the United States Government. Considering what kind of stuff after-dinner oratory is, we are, as a general rule, indisposed to hold a gentleman who is replying to a toast responsible for anything he says, as in nine cases of ten he doesn't know himself what he is saying ; but an American diplo matist, who cannot keep from singling out Lord Wharucliffe and Mr. Roebuck and their like for expressions of friendship and esteem, even in after dinner speeches, had really better come home. In doing this, as we have said two or three weeks ago, he is not simply wounding American susceptibili ties, but he is violating all the proprieties of diplo matic life. His last performance in this line has been e public and cordial hand-shaking with Mr. Laird, at Liverpool. It may not he generally known that Mr. Laird was not simply the builder of the Alabama and other Confederate ships—for this he might have been in the way of trade—but that he built them joyfully and put feeling into them, and boasted in the House of Commons of his share in sending out the Alabama as the act of his life in which he felt most satisfaction. He was one of the most truculent and insolent advo cates in Parliament, also, of the recognition of the Confederacy ; and one of the last occasions, if we are not mistaken, in which he opened his lips in public about the war was in July, 1863, when he gleefully and tauntingly predicted that the next mail would bring the news of the destruction of the Federal armies in Pennsylvania and the capture of Washington by Lee, and force the Ministry to ac knowledge the independence of the Confederacy. We suppose Mr. Johnson has by this time com pleted his negociations with Lord Stanley. If so, we hope Mr. Seward will have the grace to re call him. Where is " McCracken" all this time ? Those who 'opposed Mr. Johnson's appointment, however, because he is a Democrat, need not at tempt to take any comfort from these admissions of ours about him. He has failed not because he is a Democrat, but because he is —well, something which a good many fine young Radicals are also.— Nation. The Round Table says :—" Some of the news papers have been working themselves into a state of excitemenc, because Mr. Reverdy Johnson, our new Minister to England, is behaving himself like a courteous gentleman there and a statesman who has gone to get things done, not to get them re fused, and because he does not write letters and make speeches about the people among whom he is a sojourner, like the " anti-English" diatribes of the Evening Post or the not dissimilar frothings of George Francis Train. Surely we have had enough and to spare of the Pogram and Jefferson Brick business, whether from the Nation or from papers less respectable." The Spirit of the 7 imes begins an article thus : " When the Senate sent Reverdy Johnson to the Court of St. James, it committed the terrible mis take of supposing that he would represent the Go vernment of the United States. Mr. Johnson has shown that he entirely misunderstands his mission. lie believes that he is sent to represent the Soutberu Confederacy, and to protect the rebel interests in England ; and what he believes he is executing most faithfully ;" and ends it thus :—" Let the American Press do as we now do—demand the immediate recall of Reverdy Johnson for betraying the trust reposed in him, misrepresenting the interests of his country, and compromising her honour. When even a British paper can say that his charity toward Mr. Laird, who constructed the Alabama, applies equally to the pirate Semmes who sailed her, our own journals should not be silent. Congress should be called upon to act at once. Its first business in the next session should be to pass a vote of want of confidence in this twaddling old man, who is now spinning on Lord Stanley's thumb, while friendly fillips from Laird and Roebuck keep him revolving in ecstacy. At his latest banquet, the third or fourth in Liverpool —and he seems to have done nothing else in Eng land but eat public dinners and write protocols at desert—Reverdy Johnson said that he was ready to accept the censure of his countrymen with Chris tian resignation. That is not the kind of resigna tion we demand." The Springfield Republican remarks :--" All true Americans, both at home and abroad, are disgusted with Mr. Johnson's course since he has been in England, particularly his allowing himself to be in- troduced to Mr. Laird, the builder of the Alabama; and the English must despise him at heart, though they cannot do less than openly praise so fawning and soothing an asker for the settlement of the Alabama claims." THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR'S ANTI SLA VERY SPEECH. The friends of the coloured people on both sides of the Atlantic will read with intense gratifi cation the speech of his Excellency the American Ambassador on slavery and the war in America. Re presentative Governments reflect both the virtues and the vices of the people. Less than thirty years ago the American Federal Government so power fully reflected the vice of slavery that the Presi dent, nearly all the members of the Cabinet, the officers in the army and navy, and Indian agents were slaveholders. At that time the American anti slavery newspapers stated that, with one exception, all the American Ambassadars were slaveholders. The. exception was, I believe, Mr. Cass, the Ambas sador to France; yet, though he was from a free State, he made a, bid for the vot,s of the slaveholders for the Presidency, and by pamphleteering and in other ways he succeeded in inducing the Kingof France to decline to ratify a treaty against the slave trade, though it had been signed by the French Ambassador. A reference to three of the American Ambassa dors to England will show the spirit with which they were all embued down to the time of Mr C. F. Adams. Mr. Stevenson was a Virginian slave holder, Mr. Dallas was in sympathy with the slave party. This he evinced, when residing in Phila delphia, in a marked manner. A hall had been erected by the anti-slavery friends, in which to hold anti-slavery meetings. It was burnt to the ground by a mob. At the trial, on the question for compensation, Mr. Dallas contended that no • compensation ought to be made, because the hall was burnt down by a very respectable class of people, and they were not a mob ! Mr. Buchanan was distinguished for the Ostend manifesto. He favoured annexing Cubato the United States, wait ing only till the fruit was ripe. If we contrast with the policy of these officials that of the Ambas- • sadors appointed by Mr. Lincoln, and their suc cessors, it will be seen that the anti-slavery virtue of the American people has been reflected by the Federal Government. The present Ambassador to Russia, Mr. Clay, a Kentuckian, emancipated his slaves, and established an anti-slavery press in that State, which the slaveholders seized, picked up, and sent to a free State. Mr. C. F. Adams was nominated by the Free-Seil party for the Vice-Presidency, and the value of his labours as Ambassador are known to all. The earnest anti-slavery speech of Mr. ReVerdy Johnson, in which he declared that slavery had no founda tion in morals or Christianity, that the object of the Southern Confederacy was to protect slavery, and that the vile system died by means of the very weapon forged for its protection, is important , whether regarded as expressing the views of the Federal Government, or his own deep convictions. But it shines with a clearer light when contrasted with events which took place some twenty years since, and to which I will briefly refer. A slave woman escaped from Maryland, the State in which Mr. Reverdy Johnson resided, and which he repre sented in the United States Senate. The Rev. C. T. Torrey was arrested and tried for aiding in the escape. The anti-slavery friends, knowing that he would be tried by a slave-holding judge and a slave-holding jury, determined to secure the ser vices in his defence of the ablest legal slave-holding; advocate in Maryland, as the only hope of saving him from prison; and they were successful in ob taining those of Mr. Reverdy Johnson, the present ambassador. But his influence, and knowledge, and eloquence were unavailing. Mr. Torrey wa s sent to prison and died in prison. The peace -loving and liberty-loving spirit of Mr. Johnson is a maul ' festation of the spirit and policy of the AnleriCa a people.—Anglo- American 7 imes. COURSE OF EXCHANGE—Last Evening• Amsterdam Short ... 11 18} ... 11 18; - .Do Rotterdam — ... 12 .1.- ... 12 i Antwerp — ... 25 321 ... 25 40 Brussels Ilamburgn . .. ... 13 10 ... 13 10} Paris Ditto Mrasoilles Frankfort-on-the-Main ... 120 ... 1201 Vienna — ... 11 871 ... 11 . ) d Trieste — ... 11 871 ... 31 _9' 2 l ~._. Petersburg Coponhagon — ~ 9 2u ... 9 23 Berlin Madrid.. ' - ;.1.. . Cadiz ... 48 7 ... 48; Leghorn Milan — ... 26 95 ... 27 10 Genoa — ... 26 95 ... 27 10 Naples Palormo — ... 26 95 ... 27 1 0 Messina Lisbon --,7 ... 52 ... 53 Oporto — ... 52k ••• 53 Rio Jauoiro - ... ••• New York - ••• -- 114.1 ....". The bodies recovered from the central shaft O f the Hoosack tunnel were in a remarkable state of preset vation. Although they had laid at the bottom of the shal t for almost a year, all but one were readily recognised 131 their friends. It would seem from the appearance of tl lO bodies that they must have known of their peril some ttntA before death ; one of the party was partly undressed O ci another had his hands over his face. [ADvairrlsEmENT.] Holloway's Pills.—Tho ana Secret.—With the fogs and foul vapours of winter il l health will creep in unless the blood be from time to O n° purified, and noxious matters expelled from the body. this matter the public may be its own physician. way's Pills may be purchased at a trifling cost; instated tions for taking them will be furnished with the pills, an a little attention, with a few restrictions, will enable pe. ,.. ~. sons to keep themselves in health under very trying Cl' c i cumstances. These Pills act as alteratives, tonics, an aperients. 1101 l way's medicines should find a place every house and home,where it should be ready for inst ° administration when the slightest symptom givesivaral ag of approaching indisposition. LADVERTISENIENT Consumption, and all nervous, biliol stomach,and liver complaints in every stage are only aggravu. e / i and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfeu' a, curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Fo as proved by thousands of cases which had been consider hopeless; hopeless; such as indigestion (dyspepsia), cough, asthma , sumption, habitual constipation, diarrhcea, all gastric de rax i ro, ments, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, ne rYousileia biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, . 4 . fluenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, in 2j;oB. rities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sle epless' acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dr o p at cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy or bt, sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the u", t o pains at the pit of the stomach, and between the shoulders. do We quote a few.—The Pope's health restored by Du nt r i „ of Food. Cure No 63,413.—" Rome, July 21, 1866.—The healt h A ll the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning '8 other zemedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Bal e f u l Arabica Food, of which he consumes a IN' fic ial at every meal. It has pro laced a surprisingly ber le t bi ? effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praisi d idi, excellent food too highly." From the "Gazette du er- July 25. Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, timber, ';igff, chant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased 'l' d ..., spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafu e 't of Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Deeies, Lord Lientetevityl Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. j oss , years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervou s oct asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sicknes s o oi vomiting.—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of the. tuo at unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attach o lo. ; In tins, at Is. lid.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d ; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d.; 5 lbs ',gob 12 lbs., 22s ; 241bs ,40s.—Also Du BARRY'S BEVALENTA CHOCOLAT& POWDER is packed in tin canisters; For 12 e t3ool 25., for 24 cups at 3s. 6d., for 48 cups at 65., for 288 cups „ s ue 3 0 ' t for 576 cups at 555. Being about one penny per cup. • , :",01P; and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in England on ."-* 7 o Post Office Orden—BAßßY DU BARRY and CO., Regent-street, London and all Grocers and Chemists. Births. of CHETWYND— On the 14th inst., at Worthing, the IT''" Captain the Hon. C. C. Chetwynd, of a daughter. di FLETCHER—On the 16th inst., at 1, Eaton-terrac e, Fletcher, of a son. WYNDHAM—On the 17th inst., Lady Constance WP 1(191111 of a son. Marriages. HERBERT— TYRWIIITT —At St. Mary's Catholic Chtliley. Croydon, Edmond Henry, eldest son of the latt w ill George Herbert and Lady Cecilea Repton, to Blanche, daughter of Charles Tyrwhitt, Esq. 1 ,41 1 MAXWELL —STANCOMB -Oil the 12th inst., at F v f tr i elot Church, Capt. John Heron Maxwell, of the Ist '' - j:; 1 1* , to Margaret, second daughter of Wm. Staucomb, of Farleigh Castle, Somerset. Deaths. 16 6 ' DUDDING —At 31aidstone, Jasper Onddin 3' Esq" Cambridge-street, Pimlico, aged 49. RICHARDSON—On the 16th inst at SalldrO Ck Leamington, Charle L Richardson, Esq., late bridge Wells, aged 73. g hAvrf SHAW—On the 16th inst., at Canonbury, GO r g e '- Esq., aged 51. VYSE— On the 16th inst., at Southse Granville E""i-g e d son of Lieut.-Colonel . Howard Vy lh se, 3d aus sArs ' six months. London : Printed and Published by WiLLIA.g ANt of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tam Sus 0.11 0,, , i ty Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , in the v 2" Rclvember 18, 1868. This Prize It Sold i the A ge , Obsor ban's Ll ~~L 14 - , 1 ADvAI h old or able, we Forms 1 MA AAlLliss ' e ven ti Ro en !" 1, 1 FL' In g i n a S'treas e a elmot i at ki tar t 0 Nita fro m n er ev list of N their d VA: gorgeo Loung Direct( Scenic Rooms and C ( an attl Dance TA: for T: every CA] tnent, with I \V 1.05 , p i 5 , The ST_TI th e Se street, Q,us 40ver Tii Pr ey -Lrea,sl Dol solicit( "Pen( at wa AT p 05, F •-__ GLA! The p in c l . 0 street, Oft, t Th e 4e ssior bi ted . eB tabl! Thi wis e d Lad y Caroli " 1 or Ot N tIEAL• 1)t