The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-17 00:00:00

MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS. (From The Size of Last Ni. , ht.) The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday was dull ; sales 2,500 bales, at precincts rate; shares good, except Direct Northern. Aberdeen Railway, 54 A ; Barnsley Junction. 8%; Bir kenhead, Manchester, and Cheshire, 15 1 / 2 16%; Birmingham and Gloucester, New Shares, 454 ; Blackburn, Burnley, and Accrington, 9 r 4 : Blackburn, Darren, and Bolton, 5 j ; Bolton, Wigan, and Liverpool, 141 4 % ; Caledonian, 1331 4 14 ; Cambridge' and Lincoln, ; Chester and Birkenhead, 53 1 ; Ditto, New Shares, 45%; Ditto, Half Shares, 261 2 ; Chester and Holyhead, 12 1 / 2 ' 3/ ; Churnet Valley, 10% 4 ; Clitheroe 'Junction, 43% 5 ; Clydesdale Junction, 11 ; Cork and Bandon, ST B ; Cork and Waterford, 3% ; Dereha m an d Norwich, 1%; Dublin and Belfast Junction, 10% 14 ; Dublin and Galway, 5 1 4 ; Dublin, Mullingar, and Athlone, 3% 4 ; Dundalk and Enniskillen, 4% 3: t ; Eastern Counties, 2111 ; Ditto, Perpetual, No. 2, 275. ; Edinburgh and Northern, 435. 6 € l . ; Ely and Bedford, 2 3 / 4 ; Glasgow and Dumfries. I/. 6s. IL Grand Junction, 225 ; Ditto, Half Shares, 113 ; Ditto, New 4s. ; Quarters, 444 ; Great Grimsby and Sheffield, 6 3 / 4 ; Great Southern and Western, 177 , 18 ; Huddersfield Canal and Railway, 4% ; Huddersfield and Sheffield, 8% ; Inver ness and Elgin, 2 1 / 8 2 ; Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 3 %; London and Birmingham, 235; Ditto, 32e. Shares, 45; Londonderry and Er niskillen. ; London and South-Wes tern, 82; London and York, 4; Direct Northern, 4; Leeds and fhirsk, 4T1 3 ; Leeds and West Riding Junction, 7% ; Lnn and Dereham, 58s. 6d. ; Manchester and Birmingham, , 9 %; Ditto, Quarter Shar es , 10% ; M anc h ester an d B uxton, " 6 ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction, 10 4 ; Alalland Railway, 156 1 /. 157 ; Ditto, 401. Shares, 20 %; Newark and Sheffield, 6 -3 / 4 7 ; Newcastle and -Berwick, 16 ; Newry and Enniskillen, 5 %; North British,l9 ; Ditto, Half Shares, 53i ; North Union (A), 143 ; North Western, , 4 % ; North Wales, ; Oxford and Birmingham Junction,6 ; I,llncorn Gan. 33; Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, 1 , 6 ; Shrewsbury and Grand Junction, 5% ; Shrewsbury, u swestry, and Cheshire, 4%, %; South-Eastern and D over , 4 G 2 n 1 4 ; hitt°, New Shares, No. I, 16% ; No. '2. 11%; No. 3, °A ; Scottish Central, 7%; Trent Valley, 20 1 / 2 -'74 ; Water ford and Kilkenny, 4%; West Yorkshire, 4 1 / 3 4 ; Worcester and Tring„ 5 ;Whitehaven and Furness, 3% % ;York and North Midland, N ew H alf S hares, 17 4 ; Constituted Central of France, 1714 ; North of Spain, 34 ; Lyons and Avignon ; Northern of France (Laffitte's), 5 5% ; ' u nto, (Rosamel's), 2%; Paris and Lyons, EngliA (Laffitte's), (13; Paris and Lyons, (Ganneron's), 2 3 / 4 ; Paris and Rouen, 1 4 ; Paris and Strasburgh, 3/. Is. 6d. ; Paris and St. Quentin, 4x Verona and Ancona, 1/. 18s. At the Indigo sales prices have ruled about the same as last Jan uary. The Committee of Spanish American Bondholders have received a communication, dated Paris, from M. Mosquera, W ho promises an early visit to London to carry out the last arrangement with the New Graoadian Bondholders. c The public Securities have been very steady to-day. n °, llBo lB have been marked 99% to 994 for present transfer has 99 4 to % for May. The premium on Exchequer-bills ,a 3 ruled at 595. to `s7s. New Three-and-a-Quarter per s. have been 101% to %, and the Three per Cents. 98% 'll. Bank Stock has been worth 2094 to 2D. The c'vernment broker continues his purchases. There h as b een very l i ttle doing in Foreign Stocks. S p a nish Five per C en t s . - h ave b een 301/ 2 %, and the Three rr cents. 40 3 / 4 . Portuguese Converted are marked 66 1 / 2 ,. il ez ieali Bonds have been 36 1 / 2 3 / 4 ; Colombian, 15% 3 / 4 ; razilian, 87. Dutch Four per Cents. are 97% to N. The Railwa Sare Marktheet is firm. The Direct Northern i ne has been d y epr h essed ; standing orders not having been ,e:3!nplied with, has materially altered the market value of 11 11 investment, while the London and York have rallied. Shares i n general are buoyant. oNE CLOSIN _ L III CES OF BRITI S H FUNDS. O ' CLOCK. PRICES. 210 209 1 / 4 210 210 uank Stock 98% 93 1 4% 99 1 / 4 3 ~ per Cent. Reduced 99 1 / 4 l is 101 1 4 ° Per Cent. Consols 10 11 0,i% N ew 31 / 4 per Cents 11% Long Annuities to expire J an. 1860 11% ', , A, 11 5-16 Ditto 30 ears Oct 10,1859 11 11-16 11 11-16 Ditto 3 0 Y year; Jan. 5, 1860 276 277 India Stock In dia Bond s , 1 ,000/ 7l 71 Di tto under 10001... 97 3 / 4% South S ea Stock D itto Ohl A nnu i t i es n b itto New A nnu i t i es 98% 98 .1,411 Ditto 501 5 for Account... "''''' 9 ci . 99A 57 pm. 57 D itto Small txchequer Bills, 1,0001., 1 1 / 2 d. - -• 59 57 pm 57 500/. • 59 57 pm. 60 CLOSING oNE Pr octs OP FORE IGN FU NDS. O'CLOCK. PRICE S. Bue nos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent. 42 Mexican, 5 per C ent. 1837 3 6 3 / 4% 36 % Ditto Deferred , elllVian Boi,ds, 6 per Cents — 31% Por tuguese Bonds, 5 per Cent Ditto, Conve r t e d.... — 65 % Ditto. Account ..... ... ..... •-••• 66 1 / 2 66% il n.ssian Bonds ll 6 l /2 ••• . • S panish 5 per C ent. 1 840 30 _ Ditto, Account 17% Ditto, Deferred 17 % 3 / 4 Ditto 3 per Cent ... •••••••• -- Ditto Account Belgia n Bonds, 4 1 /0 per Cent — 101 Dutch, 21 / 2 63% per Cent . . Ditto, Account 6 31 ' Ditto, 4 per C en t., C ertit i c.... 97 % 1 I/8 97% PRICES OF P CLOSING AID. AT ONE O'CLOCK. PRICES. Is,trLwAF SHARES 5 3e % 4 kberdeell Armagh, Coleraine, and 3% 1% 3 14% , Portrush 139 ..... ......... 139 1 4 irmin and Gloucester. 100 4 ,4 3 4% 1 / 2 10% Ditto 1 / Shares 10% il •" 2 & Bast 10 84 Bristol tun, Lewes, • 82 84 70 8 1 .4 Zlistol and Exeter 2 , Ditto New 14 13% 14 1 %... 14 % iled° r , man 9 1 / 2 v•anibridge and Lincoln 1% 1 ,1 / 7g % 14 131/2 13 /2 4 10 heater and Holyhead... 5 10 1 / 4 9 3 / 4 111irnet Valley Coventry Bedworth, and i '34 lqnneaton . 11/ ..... 4 '2 ....... •••••• 4. . ( 3 , , 2 3 /I '4 Coventry and Leicester 114 C 1 ve nt ... • 5 704 tee, Beccles, Yarmouth I% reeNorthern Dublin Dubl in and and 21 2 3 14 mat* 2/..,...... 5 % 3 / 4 % Dublin and Galw ay liandn and Mullingar 2% 4 l / 43 alk & Enniskillen 2% 25 taatern Counties ptDereh'm and Nor'ch 1 '''.tern Union l5 .. ... t!tto oitto E xtension burgh Ditto and Glasgow 50 Quarter Shares 12% .:.... ..„ 3, itt a, N ew Quarters.. 2% — •••••• • • - ''' 'P I .. and Bedford ~ . 1V sizir South. and We5t...... 4 Ireland .............. 5 .. 1934 ..... . G. 1 to Extension • 21/ 2 l 3 l /2 `aatNorthof En 1 ..... .. .00 - 195 199 196....,. Pitto New .... g an •I 5 e'eaitto New .......................... 2 24 22% D Western ......... ... 80 ......188 187 qi:i'ittto Fif th; ....... 20 Hat'ord, Fa re'm,P . o . ;is. 2% ... „ 634% hiZieh ................ 1 ...... 2% bite..l.ldlol IC2 D o t L° Quarter Shares 12% ...... 22 t o • Half Shares 2 23 b li tcrl and Birming. ... m ... (5t0ck . 7....237 235 b o ?ew Thirds ...... 2 bnne„ rl and B lackwell.. 1,0" 11 and Bri ht 50 ~ ._ . c , .. 5 0n... uo. /, , ,-,....nu S. w stern 4 1 / 6 s 10d 811/ 2 b o, zr consolidated Bths 6 00. ee; .............. 21A 1614 % 16 , end o4 ._ , ~, ........... 2 .. •• • . ~,, „ nn aorarork ........ .2% . 4 l /i A rei 1 / 2 ihae..eihe:ter and Leeds 40 1% 6O LA iii'auze, ter and Leeds... 73 k• b e .•••• ......... 100 ' 4 '• ew ........ ieli ao , . ............... 2 ...... 20% 20 .. ..... lie ' l ' %ruin :,D.,erby...100 • 119 13tItheasat4Inectioan Darling- 25 ii...ew°,:o.l%JoeWitßrira.ndri .... ::: 10 . ......' 33 32 % . . " IN-. _". __d Berwick 1% 15% ... INewirynd E nniskillen. 2% 5l/06 North Band Sl.efßeld ... 114 6%..• •••• kDo ttritish ........... 10 rtii 43 ew ..... 1 65 orwi eh Itill,, _and Brandon... 10 eQ , New ... ..... ..... 1 ...... J 1 neon West End It o k nettn n ogtviYailly,orsti,&—fting 1 eot t , -,e.ntral ........ 2 1 / 2 , ...... 7114 Shrew' a bdiand 1 4‹ s . „,0_ ........ 2.... • • 5 e badi:__ IN Iverhamp., zoa th b Y e.. , and Birm ...... 2%. .... 5 . '-011)pvon... ............ 10 ...... —,ik -o ertp& Dover 33/ 2s 4d... 42% 1 4 .'"Olith'T , 3 2% ztajoes••:_iii.e.,s ............ ::: 2% ...... 7% I.e rit ~(74_' R ichmond... 1 2 20 1 ' 21 20 3 / 4 ... Nate a11e y...... .. ..... : y arn, rd and Kilkenny 1 ,_ Ditto Need Norwich. 20 • 28 lark ~,............... 11 ...... bitto444lNortli Midland 50 •104 Do:garboro' Branch. 20 ...4ttension ....... IV 4 , 1 7 3 - 18 1 / 4 4 130 41 FRENCH _RAILWAYS. 13 ° P i e and A od eao __ „, ir tens— 4 ..... 11% '- Great e ett, 4, Mouse, and ‘*rea/ No ..... .. . 0 .• ... ..... 2 ..... . 23/ 4 t l 3O. A„ I L f France.. 4 .... • ........ e at r• Altosamel's) 2 totivrnaaris ana Lyons 2 ~.... 2 ••• y o n4l a nd Jetneppe... 2 ... • 4 1 4% 110ri!aosanadroAt.voignon ...... 2 3 ... & , u z rde ii x ... 2 ...... 12 3 / 4 1 / 4 1 % .... •. 6 • pant arlons, Laflitte's .1. ...... 3 1 / 8 3.. tnem , u Lyons, Gan axis 8, 11 1 8, ... ........ ...... 2 ...... 23/4 ,san, 'Yon; (Caloies) 2 ...... p an s all dßotien Paris " ( I St ". : ..... 2 0 •Quentin ... 2 ... 21‘ 4, ••• ........ ••• b 8 and Strasb '' S,Z a l Xorth (nu g *** 2 b r of Spain ... 2 straabe and Meuse .. .2 . 9 EP. ........... T Our, ll rg and Bale .:. 14 L and and Ma .................. • , enzi e ,„. , C. a ................ 2 Coin nl . JOINT STOCK. BANKS. m ._,rcial of Lond0n... 20 lirj',..zrEaTEß STOCK EXCHANGE. APRIL 15.—The sales am u iriningham and Gloucester, .New Shares, 4; Chester C.arlisieelnea...,(l London ; Eastern Counties 20 3 / 4 ; Lancaster and ~ ,lanebe ' s : `,.'_; nl,. Birmingham and So uth - Western, New Shares, 15 1 / 2 ; .glr, qua`rt'rears,a6Bicininghatn, Quarter Shares, 10 Ditto, ; Midland Railway Consols, 401. a nd 20 ; Sou th 4- E i Z e t ill ecn . . J AN o. 3, 9 ; Arrnagh, Coleraine, In ert °rtrusb, 3 t • Ba Ch a, and Carrie? rns 1 Junc ion 8% 9 ; Belfast, Bally- L.,_esite j o „,, er_gu_s, 5 3 ; Birkenhead, Manchester, and ;'`,' 91z . ', i ,%' a i e n_ ll _, 1 4% ; lackburn, Burnley, and Accring• „n_'iganq; 11 .. kburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 5%; Bolton, sdi. an. Liverpool, 144 ii -/ ; Cambridge and Lincoln, an'd _. ; Clitheroe Junction,B 41/A premium ; Coventry N,‘ eicester 3 97/ 3C l lier ti, 41 , -/s ; Churriet Valley, 10% %; Direct 1 1 4 ; % el , 's 4 ; Dublin, Mullingar, and Athlone, , .11;ivideersfieled' Preston doncaster Sheffield,. and Manchester, 11 5 4 teckhod rsfield and Man'chester Railway and Canal, 47 8 ; i,a nd ',res.__ ..irtlield Junction, 8%; Liverpool, Onus tlier and )r u , ,, 3 A 16 ; London and York, 44 vs el d, l a nd, 10 ; N' °n ' 5 it. 9.16 ; Manchester Sheffield, and ;ivy_4 z . „ es 0, ewark and Sheffield, 6% 7 ; ? North Western, iiairan(tl u and Wyre Extension, 3 1-16 1 4 prem. ; Scot 1108' 6 d• ; Tran't 172 ; Sheffield and Linc.hishire Jun ction, ibritrdeau; „, 0 . alley, 19% ; Whitehaven and Furness, 3 1 4 ; I, twe „n....us.touse, and Cette, 2% ; Great Northern of ilo lin lib ), 5% ; Ditto, %; Great (French), 2% 'Ion; Gannerou's (French), 2%. 6FR 2 3 / 4 103% 22 23 235 46 64% 8% 81% 4% 3 v s 60 149 159 19% 119 32% 15:j4 2% 2 1 / 8 44 2 1 4 2: 1 / 4 3% s 8 1 A 13 B sub p Ist i 50 b un ison ,ely t° , first i tional might beau' ,V oods age to other s, and !el hi s f Trr 10011 done► .f trio by the nigh' - Con' is nth . the It i° 'o eon' cesei, f ; ° whic b to in.' TUE SUN, Loynow, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 16. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The Birmingham and Staffordshire Gas Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, the Kirwrlly Inclosure Bill was read a second time. Mr. GREENE brought up the report on the London Orphan Aqh.na Bill. On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the Man chester Division Stipendary Magistrate Bill was read a third time and passed. RAILWAYS. Mr. R. COLI3OIINE moved that it be an instruction to the Committee on the Harrogate and Ripon Junction Railway Pill that they have power to make provision by a separate Bill for the proposed branch railway to Rich mond, with the bridge and approaches thereto.— Agreed to. On the motion of Lord COURTENAY, the Amicable Society Assurance Bill was read a third time and passed. The Hardwvll and Streadly Road Bill was read a second time. Mr. B. BALDWIN prosentA a petition from Newark in favour of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction Railway. THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. Lord C. MANNERS presented a petition from a Wesleyan Methodist congregation in the county of Lin coln against the grant to Maynooth., Mr. BROADLEY presented petitions from the county of Gloucester, and from the East Riding of York, against the proposed grant to Maynooth. Mr. MUNDY presented a petition from the county of Derby to the same effect. Colonel WYNDHAM presented a petition from West Sussex, and also a petition from South-Kirk against intemperance. Lord DALMENY presented a petition against the grant to Maynooth. Colonel ROLLESTON presented petitions from the counties of York, Huntingdon, and several other places, against the Parochial Settlement Bill. Sir G. STRICKLAND presented petitions from seve ral Independent congregations, praying the House to , pass some Bill for the total prohibition of the sale of in toxicating liquors on the Sabbath day ; and also peti tions against the grant to Ma) nooth. Mr. THOP.NELY presented petitions praying for some Bill to abolish some of the Jewish disabilities. Petitions against the grant to Maynooth were pre sented by Mr. Duncan, from Scotland ; Mr. Kemble, from Walworth ; Mr. Busfeild, from Bradford ; Mr. Trotter and Lord Pollington, from Yorkshire ; Mr. Christopher, from Lindsay, and other places in Lincslnshire ; Colonel Sibthorp, from Essex ; Mr. Ha milton, from Dublin ; Mr. Plumptre, from various parts of the country ; and Mr. Spooner, from Birmingham. Lord CLIVE presented a petition from Manchester against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor, and in favour of the appointment of a Bishop of Manchester. Also petitions to the same effect from various parts of the country. Mr. LAW presented a petition from the bachelors and under graduates of Cambridge, stating their exceed ing regret at the grant which had hitherto been made to the College of Maynooth. The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to make several observations, when he was interrupted by the Speaker as being out of order, but on stating that he was only condensing the substance of the petition, he was suffered to say that the petitioners im plored the House not to accede to the grant. POOR-LAW IN IRELAND _ _ _ Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON presented petitions from several places in Ireland, stating the mismanage ment of the Poor• law Commissioners, their ignorance of their duty, and their errors, in applying to the Court of Queen's Bench for a mandamus for enforcing their au thority, which had been refused. He also presented pe titions against the Educational Board, and from the Wesleyan Society against the Church Education Society. Mr. LABOUCHERE presented a petition from the Caledonian Railway Company, complaining of a clause which had been introduced into the Scotch Railway Clauses Consolidation Bill, indemnifying the landholders of that country against any loss of tolls on gates which they might sustain through the course of a railway de stroying a public highway. THE MIDLAND RAILWAYS AND MR. BURKE. Sir J. Y. BULLER brought up the report of the Se lect Committee appointed to investigate the matter. Mr. STRUTT complained of a reflection which had been cast upon a Committee of which he had the honour of being chairman, and to whom wits referred the conside ration of the Midland Railways Bill. It had been asserted that the investigations of the Committee had been conducted in a very improper and slovenly manner, inasmuch as in going through this Bill they did not read the whole of it, but merely glanced over the marginal notes. Now it was hardly fair to state this, because he believed the real duty of the Committee was only to examine the petition of the promoters and the objects for which they proposed to bring in a Bill, and then to ascertain if they had complied with the standing orders of the House. It was then the duty of the promoters, should it be decided that they had complied with the standing orders, to introduce a Bill properly drawn up, and in conformity with the objects set forth in the petition. He did not see, therefore, how any blame could attach to the Committee. The report was then received. THE GRANT TO MAYNOOTH. _ _ --• Mr. GROG AN presented a petition from Dublin against the grant to Maynooth. Similar petitions were presented by Colonel Acton from Wicklow ; by Mr. Stafford O'Bri e n f rom pl aces i n Northamptonshi re ; and by Colonel Fox from Bethnal green. - Mr. PROTHERO presented a petition from a place, :he name of which we could not catch, against the grant :o Maynooth. Mr. W. PATTEN presented petitions from places in ;he West Riding of Yorkshire, to the same effect. MAGISTRATES' CLERKS BILL. Mr. CRIPPS presented — a petition against several ,he provisions of the Magistrates' Clerks Bill. THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. Mr. MORGAN presented Live petitions from places in Wal's against the grant to Maynooth. Mr. RAIKES CURRIE presented a petition from Northampton against the same grant. THE MEDICAL BILL. Lord DUNCAN presented ;Petitio;Eom Bath agains ;he proposed Medical Bill. MAYNOOTH GRANT. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented three peti tions from places in Derbyshire against the proposed grant to Afaynooth. Mr. OWEN STANLEY said that, on Friday, he should ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel)—whether it was the intention of the Govern ment still to repeal the Act of the 6th and 7th of William IV., and if it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Crown for the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor ; and, in the event of such consent being requisite, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was prepared to advise the Crown to give such consent? MAYNOOTH. Sir J. HANMER said that on the Maynooth Bill going into Committee, he should move that the second clause, which gave the power of bequests to the College, be omitted. SU :MAU OF NEWS AND Vitblit Opinion. "II a rhuy cud." POTR-7.IIIGAT. Two royal decrees have been issued at Madrid. The one sanctioning the marriage of Queen Christina with Munoz, and the other re toting the unsold church lands to the clergy. On Sunday the Commander.in.Chief of the National Guards of the Seine reviewed the Ist and 2d legions of the banlieue of Paris, on the St Denis road. near La Chapelle, and the glacis of the fortifications at the Porte Maillet of the Bois de Boulogne. The number of National Guards assembled at these'wo points amounted together to 12,000. The King, on the proposition of the Minister of Justice, has granted commutations of punishment to eight convicts in the de. partment of the Seine, as a reward for good conduct, and the service which they have rendered by disclosures which have led to the ap prehension and conviction of several dangerous offenders. M. Garnaud, the architect, who is known as the author of a cel lular system, has just been sent, it is said, to visit all the depart. mental houses of detention, to see if they can be converted into col. lular prisons. On Friday the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies on the Bill for the grant for the restoration of the Roman Theatre at Arles, and the Church of St. Ouen, at Rouen, went to inspect these historical monuments, accompanied by M. P. Ilferim6e, the Inspector. They were conveyed to Rouen by a special train, and brought back in time for dinner. Mademoiselle Monter, the dancer, to whom M. Dujarrier, who was killed lately in a duel, bequeathed 18 shares of the Palais Royal Theatre, brought before the Tribunal of Premiere Instance on Saturday an action again ,t the executors for the immediate delivery of then/ ; but as the law allows a delay of 40 days, the Court ordered that they should be delivered within a month from that day . . The Rhine Observer states that the Diet of Westphalia has re. jected the motion for the emancipation of the Jews. Only sixteen Members voted in favour of the motion. The King and Queen and the Royal Family of Sweden have de. ferred their departure from Christiana, and are not expected to arrive at Stockholm before the 22d instant. The Crown Prince has been seriously indisposed during the sojourn of the Court at Christiana, but the Prince is now convalescent. 11.111f73 IPOLiatts The recently appointed Queen's Counsel took their feats within the bar on the first day of term. In the case of Clowcs o. Clowes, in the Arches Court, which was a suit for divorce by a husband against a wife, on the ground ofadultery, the Court gave judgment in favour of the divorce Mr. Commissioner Fane suspended the issue of the certificate of Charles Moore Mottram, the bankrupt linen.draper, of Friday. street, for five years, A man, named Sedgwick, who keeps a lodging house in Stepney, had a verdict given against him for 351. damages in the Sheriff's Court, for making an excessive distress on the goods of one of his tenants. Mademoiselle Lucile Grahn has appeared in a new character as defendant in the Westminster Court of Requests. A Mr. Mattison summoned the fair danseuse for 31., the value of a dress supplied her twelve months since. The defence was that it was worth only 14s. The Court, however, ordered her to pay 21. 10s. and the costs. At the Central Criminal Court, Michael Lee, (indicted for fe. loniously demanding from Patrick O'Connor a Bank of England note for 51, with threats and menaces, and with intent to cheat and defraud. him thereof, vas convicted and sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. He had threatened to accuse the prose. cutor of misconduct as an officer of customs. The jury in acquitting two children of twelve years of age named Callow and Mountjoy, who had been committed from Epping on a charge of horse stealing, unanimously expressed their regret that such a case should have been sent for trial, and Mr. Ballantine, who defended the boys, described their committal as a mockcry of justice. Mr. H. G. Gridley, a solicitor, of Southampton-street, Blooms. bury, who had sent a hostile message to Mr. Rooke, a barrister, of Serle-street, was bound over at Bow.street to keep the peace. A girl named Hobbs was charged at Southwark with robbing her master, Mr. W King, and the mother of the girl with receiv ing the proceeds of the plunder, knowing the property to have been stolen. The girl had been taken into Mr. King's service out of charity. They were both remanded. At Woolwich William Grace was charged with stealing a bay gelding, value Si., the property of Mr. William Newit, of Shooter's-hill-road. Mr. Traill said it was a very clear case, and he should fully commit the prisoner to Newgate for trial. Richard Freeman, a carpenter, who has been long known to the police, and Eliza Mitchell, a young woman with whom he has for some time cohabited, appeared at the Thames Felice-court, the former charged with being concerned in burglariously entering several dwelling-houses and plundering them, and the woman with receiving the property, knowing it to be stolen. Mr. Broderip committed the prisoner Freeman on three charges of burglary, and committed Mitchell for trial for receiving the property, knowing it to be stolen in two of the cases. COURT - FASHIONABLE. The contemplated visit of her Majesty and Prince Albert to the Great Britain has been postponed in consequence of the unfavour able state of the weather. Her Majesty having signified her intention of standing sponsor for the infant daughter of the Duke aid Duchess of Buccleuch, the ceremony of " christening" is appointed to take place to-day, and a distinguished party are invited to meet her Majesty and het Royal Consort at Montagu House. The Duchess of Kent's grand banquet, at Clarence House, on Friday next, will be given to her Highness the Grand Duchess Dowager Stephanie of Baden, and a disc i , ignished circle. The Duke and Duchess of Hamilton will entertain a select party at dinner on Sunday next, in Portman-square, to meet her High ness the Grand Lhichess Stephanie of Baden. The Grand Duchess dines with her Majesty and Prince Albert this evening, previous to the party honouring the Concerts of Ancient Music with their presence. The Duke and Duchess of Norfolk and family have arrived in town from Arundel Castle. The Marquis and Marchioness of Westminster and family are expected to arrive in Grosvenor.square on Friday next front Eaton Hall. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland entertained at dinner on Sa. turday at the Castle the Earl of Roden, Earl and Countess Beau champ, Lord Clements, Lord and Lady Kilmaine and others. Earl Howe is again suffering from a severe attack of gout. The Earl and Countess of Harrington and Lady Jane Stanhope have left Pembroke House, Privy-gateltbs, for Elvaston Hall, Derbyshire. The Earl and Countess Clanwilliam and family have left their residence in Belgrave.square, for their seat, Gifford Castle, Ireland. IVIISCEr..I.4I.2IT7EOUS. The youthful violinist, Master Day, has, since his return to town, performed in private before several professors, who unani mously pronounce his ta!ents to be of the highest order. The t. untain decided upon by the Board of Green Cloth to be placed in the new Royal Gardens at Windsor ;a now complete, and was played for the first time on Friday last, before Sir Thomas Marrable, who attended on the part of the Board, and approved of the same. On Tuesday evening, Mrs. John Darcus, teacher of elocution, gave an interesting lecture upon poetry, at the Western Literary and Scientific Institution, describing its origin, aim, end, and progress through the Greek and Latin ages, down to the " gulden days" of Elizabeth, "when the germs of song were scattered abroad with the profusion of autumnal leaves." The third meeting of the Musical Union took place yesterday, and was honoured by a visit from its Royal President, the Duke of Cambridge; the Lord Steward, the Eirls of Cawdor and Fal mouth; the Viscounts Templetown and Adare; the Hon. Major Legge, sirs George Clerk, As.drew Barnard, and above one hun. dred ladies and gentlemen amateurs in the higher circles. The admirable quartet playing of Messrs. Sainton, Goffrie, Hill, and Rousse ot, awakened the liven, at enthusiasm , On Thursday last the Rev. J. S. Wilkins, of St. Paul's, Islington, accidentially slipped, and fell down 15 or 16 steps at the National Gallery. He was taken home in a cab, and his surgeon was sent for, who, on examination, found that Mr. Wilkins had suffered severe, contusions, but happily no fracture. He is now going on favourably. An eminent house in the neighbourhood of the Custom House has received an order from the Government to supply the Admi ralty Department with 3,000 gallons of extra strong West India rum, thirty-five per cent. over proof, for the use of her Majesty's ships Erebus and Terror, about to proceed on a voyage of dis. covery, and the Lords of the Treasury have issued directions to the proper authorities to permit the said rum to be removed from the bonded vaults of the docks to the victualling stores at Deptford without payment of the accustomed duty. PORTUGAL. SOUTHAMPTON, APRIL 16 —The Peninsular and Oriental Com pany's steamer Montrose, Captain G. Wilson, arrived this morn ing, at half-past two o'clock, from the Peninsula, bringing the fol lowing mails :—From Gibraltar, Cadiz, Lisbon, and Vigo; the Oporto mail could net be got off. Her dates of departure are as follow :—From Gibraltar, April fith ; Cadiz, 7th ; Lisbon, 9th ; and Vigo, 11th. At Lisbon the Chamber of De puties had been engaged for some days in discussing the following measures brought forward by the Government :- Ist. The approbation of one contract entered into with the " Com pany of Public Works." 2d. The alteration of the law of July, 1643, for the formation and improvement of roads. 3d. The establishment of the system of direct contributions. 4th, The fixing of the amount of the new industrial, predial, and personal contributions for the financial year 1845.1848. sth. l'he granting of more ample powers to the Commie. sioners for the assessment of the decima tax. Gth. The ap. prove' of the contract for the conversion of the foreign debt to a permanent Four per Cent. Stock. 7th. The ways and means to meet the public expenditure up to the 30th of June next, and the extraordinary expenditure for the year 1845.6. Mr. Avila began by asking the Minister of Foreign Affairs whe ther it was intended to count as part of the four millions sterling to be converted in the first instance, the bonds to the amount of 548,9161., which had been deposited in pledge for a much smaller sum, which the Government had been obliged to raise on a former occasion; and, if so, whether the contractors, Barons Folgosa an,* Junqueira, would be allowed a commission of one per cent. on that amount too ; which he said would be a most barefaced job, since the interest paid was not upon the full sum of 548,9161., but only upon 70,0001. for which they were deposited as a security. The Minister, in reply, said that he was net prepared at that moment to satisfy the curiosity of the honourable d• puty, but that he might rest assured the questions should be answered in due time. Mr. Avila then entered into a long discourse,the drift of which was to prove that, If the Government, instead of effecting the proposed conversion, were to apply the amount of the additional interest which they would have to pay to the gradual redemption of the debt, the onus weighing upon the country by the time the ascending scale reached its highest point would be less than it would be by the plan in contemplation ; and that, if such measures were taken as should ensure the punctual payment of each half-year's divi dends up to the time when the rate of five per cent. is to cow. mence, the Portuguese funds could easily be worked up to par, and the Government would then be enabled to effect the conver sion of the whole debt without the necessity of making any sacrifice. In the sitting of the 3d instant the Minister of Finance said that when Mr. Florido went to London in 1843, he was instructed to broach the subject of a conversation to the bondholders, but that shortly after a , riving there, he wrote to say that such a proposal would then be p-emature. That, subsequently, similar instruc. Lions had been sent to the financial agency, who, however, never took any steps towards that end ; and that it was in this con. juncture that the contractors, Folgosa and Junqueira, had come forward and offered to undertake it. He (the Minister) had at first objected strongly to the contract, and only agreed to it on being fully convinrel of its great utility in saving the country fromt he crushing burden which the ascending scale of interest would, ere long, bring down upon it. The Minister of Foreign Affairs argued in support of the conversion, by means of which, he said, and of the sinking fund forming part of its plan, the whole debt would be cancelled at the end of sixty years. On Saturday the debate was resumed, and brought to a close rather abruptly. In answer to a question from Avila, the Minis. ter of Foreign Aftleirs said, that by the conversion plan, the Go vernment would only be obliged to redeem the cepital of the debt, and not 'he accumulated arrear of interest unpaid. Messrs. Azevedo, Mello, and Carvalho spoke against the projects, and Messrs. Ferrao and J. Cabral, the Minister of Marine, in sup. port of them; and on b e i ng put to the vote collectively they were carried by a large majority, In the course of the debate the Mi. nister said that Mr. Thornton, the principal holder of Portuguese stock, was opposed to the conversion, but that the Government had hopes that he would be brought to agree to it, which was an im portant object, as that gentleman had much influence over the smaller bondholders,—lierald, TEMPORAL PEERS OF IRELAND. Mr. FERRAND, seeing the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary for Ireland in his place, begged to ask, whe ther, at the late election of a temporal Peer of Ireland, one or more Noble Lords did not decline to vote on ac count of the Irish Bequests Act being a contravention of the oath of supremacy ; whether the Crown lawyers were consulted upon the validity of this objection ; and if so, whether he Rill lay a copy of their opinion on the table of the House? Sir THOMAS FRE M ANTLE had made every inquiry but could not ascertain that any such circumstance had occurred as that to which the lion. Member had alluded. JUSTICES' CLERKS BILL. Mr. JERVIS said that seeing the order for taking into consideration the Justices' Clerks Bill was on the paper, he begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, whether it was his: intention that it should supersede the adjourned debate, or whether he intended to postpone it? Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was his intention to move that the Bill go into Committee pro forma, but, as it was his intention simply to carry the Bill into Com mittee, he did not intend to make any further motion upon it. Several of the clauses required alteration, and the Government would therefore be obliged if the House would suffer the Bill to go into Committee, in order that it might be printed, and those alterations receive due consideration. PETITIONS ON MAYNOOTH. Colonel SIBTHORP begged to make the motion of which he had given notice, that there be laid before this House a return of the numbers of petitions that have been presented for and against the present proposal, on the part of her Majesty's Government, of an increased grant out of the Consolidated Fund to the College of Maynooth in Ireland, with the total number of signa tures annexed thereto—the above return to be made up to Friday the 18th day of April. The Right Honourable Gentleman expressed his respect for those who waited upon him, but he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman would show his sense of the respect he entertained for them, by consenting to the proposition so strongly recommended by them, that the number of those who signed the petitions should be specially printed, in order that they mi g ht, as soon as possible, be spread through the country. Mr. ROEBUCK rose to order. He believed the Hon. and Gallant Member was out of order in moving for the number of petitions, with the signatures attached to them, which might be presented up to Friday next. The SPEAKER said that the question before the House was, that the order of the day be now read. Colonel SIBTHORP would bow with profound re spect to the decision of the chair. Mr. HINDLEY said he wished to present 134 peti- tions against the grant to Maynooth.—(Order, order.) The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member was not in order. Neither could the Hon. and Gallant Officer make the motion he sought to make at present. What the Hon. and Gallant Officer sought for wou'd be laid on the table of the House in a few days, in the report of the Select Committee on Public Petitions.—(Hear.) MUSEUMS OF ART BILL. Mr. EWART would defer his motion on this mea sure until after the Maynooth Bill had been disposed of. CALICO PRINT-WORKS BILL. On the motion of Lord ASHLEY, the House went into Committee on this Bill pro forma, and it was for warded a stage. Petitions against any further grant to the College of Maynooth were presented by Dr. Bowring, Mr. Packe, Sir John Easthopc, ;sir C. .Napier, Colonel T. Wood, Mr. Godson, Mr. Caley, Sir G. Clerk, Mr. Craven Berkeley, Mr. Colvile, Mr. Pattison, Sir R. H. Inglis and Mr. Alderman Humphery. --- Mr. HINDLEY presented 134 petitions to the same effect, and similar petitions were presented by Mr. THritSDAY MORNING, AptuL 17, Mb. Turner, Mr. Hume, Mr. Fielding, Lord Ashley, and several other H4)O. Members. MAYNOOTII—ADJOURNED DEBATE. The order of the day for the adjourned debate was then read, and the Speaker called on Mr. HA MILTON , w h o said that h e must certa i n l y confess that it was w i th great reluctance, b ut un d er an imperative sense o f duty, he felt compelled to vote against the measur e . Whil st he opposed the measure lie thought, it right to stat e th at h e understood, an d hi g h' y appre ciated, the motives of the Government in proposing it— namely, their desire to indicate kind feelings towards the Catholics of Ireland, and to conciliate that body by that might be considered a liberal and suitable endowment fer their priesthood. No Member in the House felt more strongly than he did how desirable it was that the esteem and regard of the Catholic population of Ireland should he secured to the Government and Legislature of this empire. No Member of the House was more anxious than he was to see all causes of alienation removed, and the tNo great parties in Ireland holding out the right hand of brother hood and friendship to each other, and he would , with that feeling willingly concur in the present motion, if it. were nst, inconsistent with higher obligations. And if he really thought that the measure which was proposed by tlie Government w'ould have that elf et which the Government thought it would have, and it' he could reconcile it to his conscience to support this measure, no consideration of consistency, or of the pecu liar position which he held in this House, should induce him to oppose it.. He, therefore, felt com pelled to state unreservedly the reasons which compelled him to oppose this measure ; and he felt it the more incumbent on him to do so, because the same reasons had -been alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Member fcr Bath. not for the first time, and had, as he thought, been Misunderstood by that Hon and Learned Gentleman ; and because the speech of the Right Honourable Gentleman the late President of the Board of Trad seemed to have been intended to contravene them. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath had stated, and that not for the first time, his opinion that States had nothing to do with religion. The argument of the Right Honourable Gentleman the late Presi dent of the Board of Trade, and it was the first time the Right Honourable Gentleman had used that argument, appeared to him to amount to the same thing, for although he stated that a perfect agree ment in religious opinions between a State and every member of that State would be the consummation of poli tical happiness—a consummation, however, that we had no right to expect—yet the Right Hon. Gentleman stated, that if such were not the ease, that all sects of religion, without reference to the truth or falsehood of their doctrines, had equal claims upon the Government. He (Mr. Hamilton) was not ashamed or afraid to avow that he had always thought that the consideration of the truth of religious doctrines just as much as the considera tion of the truth of morality, or of the doctrines of trade or commerce, was within the scope and responsibility of Government. He considered that it was the paramount duty of every Christian State to affirm that prin ciple by recognising some intelligible principle of religious belief; and if religion was something true and something tangible, then the holding of certain religious doctrines was essential to the truth. It was the duty of the State certainly to protect and to tolerate every member of the State in the exercise of his t eligious opinions, whatever they might be ; but yet it was a gross inconsistency and a great dere liction from that homage which was due to a truth for a State to support two systems of religion incompatible with and contradictory to each other. It could not be denied that theiProtestant religion is the re ligion of the State, and that as such it was held to be true. The British empire and the British Constitution were an empire and a Constitution which provided against what were considered the errors of the Church of Rome, and if that be so he confessed that he was unable to discover how it was possible to make it con sistent for that State to countenance and encourage the Roman Catholic or any other religion differing the length of a thumb from the Stat e Church.' The Hon. Member for Bath said that the Constitution had nothing at all to do with religion; if that were true they ought to unprotestantise the empire, and to abo lish the coronation oath as being unconscientious, and it ought to be competent for the Sovereign to become a Roman Catholic. He would not recognise the distinc tion which had been drawn by the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Newark, and several other Gentle men in the course of the debate, between the duties that devolved on the Members of the House in their collective and individual capacity. It did appear to him (Mr. Hamil ton) that the same duty precisely which devolved on the State devolved upon every member of the State who en tertained the same opinions as those held by the State. Gentlemen of the Roman Catholic religion may justly ask for their religion to be encouraged and indulged—it would display no inconsistency on their part ; but, holding as be did that their tenets were not conformable with God's revealed truth, he should not think he was doing his duty if be were to vote for the encouragement of a religion which he held with the State to be erroneous. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath argued as if there were some great degree of arrogance and Pharisaical assumption on the part of those who held certain reli gious opinions in their public capacity, and should act on that belief. He (Mr. Hamilton) did not think that their opinions on religion differed in this respect from their opinions on any other subject. The Hon. Member for Bath held himself very strong opinions, and was never very sparing of those who presumed to differ with him. He was a great admirer of truth, both in politics and religion ; and he could sincerely say, that he had sought for truth in both, without reference either to creed or party. It was his firm belief that the great cause of truth was much more likely to be advanced by men conscientiously standing by their own opinions, either in religion or politics, than by exhibiting a false liberality, which was only calculated to confound truth, for the sake of pleasing certain parties who were allied to error.--(Hear, hear.) 'The observations he had taken the liberty of' making on this subject made it obvious that he thought the State was called upon to encourage and promote the Protestant system of religion in this country; but with respect to the colonies it appeared to him to be different. Each colony in itself had a separate constitution under separate legislatures, but, at the same time, he must confess that he thought it the duty of the State to establish, as fur as possible, a branch of the State Church in every one of the colonies. There were many other conside rations which compelled him to vote against the measure. He had already stated that it appeared to him to be an endowment of Maynooth, andto involve the abdication of Protestantism and the Constitution. It in volved the complete and whole principle of the endow ment of the . Roman Catholic priesthood, and that was a serious question, and one with reference to which this House and the country had a fair right to expect some statement from her Majesty's Ministry. The House ought also to consider the effect which this measure must have upon public opinion in Ireland, with reference to religious matters. The House ought to re- ( collect that at thi s moment i n Ire l an d a gr eat struggle was going on between two great antagonistic principles , sustained and supported by two rival countries. Now the effect of this measure must necessarily be to throw all the weight of the Legislature and the Government into the Roman Catholic scale, and that, in his opinion, was a matter of serious considera tion. It was a serious thing to consider that, whilst means were denied for the education of the children of members of the Established Church in Ireland, the Government were making provision for the education of the clergy of the Roman Catholic persua sion, and at the time, too, when the great body of these clergymen had declared themselves strong oppo nents of the British connexion, and while some of these clergy were endeavouring to arrest the free progress of religious opinion in Ireland. The last objection which he would take the liberty of stating against the proposed measure was, that the Le gislature wanted a sufficient control over the sys .l t t em h of education and principl e s which were inculcatedth in te College of Maynooth. He certainly approached sub ject with the greatest dislike and relucta nce, and he could assure Hon. Members professing the Roman Ca tholic religion that he had no inte ntion of offending could be more unfair than to impute error to others, who must be supposed t o be as their feelings. Nothing justly conscientious in exercising their own judgment, and just as anxious on this subject as he could possibly be ; and he could assure the House that be was far from depraved of all tastes—the taste of inheriting that most criminating the principles of his opponents. But in a question of this kind he thought it his duty to speak out—he thought the coun tr y had a right to know what the principles were wh ich were inculcated at the College of Maynooth. He was quite ready to admit, that if unfai c r a t ti o to i l n ie t s e . rfe i r , e he w ß it c h m t a h n e Parliament in its wisdom should determine to endow the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, it would be andloexmpaenet that their religious Roman to know whether their be respected. But he thought and . _ whether any political in fluences,°retehPquiCatholicsropinions doctrines iliynua ssl social oiapo in%. unreasonablee geo i r nuhoe o tl nt d r shr a ot jiao n gf ud t hts i tt . al, s e) o ' ants-social, were at work among them. her Majesty's and doctrines his s to the peace u ß h i l g in h t h H a o d n. a F ss r e i r e t n e d d thattOhne Memberac er of the country were at Lord, k inimicalh establishment It was, th f at lA t t h a e y p n o o l o it t i h e . al doctrines li of Maynooth. A Noble in replying to the speech of his Right Hon. Friend, had accused heimsthiaeojrfesietmyx,ppsiuotdintgdta former in nightfpeor political ti the o a f University theinfl influence e e n b e t e s of : to the Roman Catholics certain doctrines subversive of the Constitution, but what was the statement of his were at that very moment inculcated and Right Hon. Friend ? - e was aware that statements had been made to the which the Noble Lord tth s h a lae l t d hteh w acc e i p re roifnee l hit Go vernment, to taught within the walls 43 inculcated at Maynooth were ult ra - trarnontane ; if so, then he (Mr. Ilamilton).!sould -ay they were most objectionable, and should not Right Hon. B t a h r e on eff et ee a t t be supported by that House, because if they were, as a consequence the ecclesiastical law and principles of the Roman Catholics of Ireland would be dangerous to the best interests of the British Coe stitution. He would ask, why not make inuir i n t o this subject ? or was it right that the Parliament and the coun try should be kept in the dark upon it ?—(Hear, hear.) C 4 uld it be consistent that no inquiry should be had, when in quiry was so much called for, and to endow at a time wh en th e Government were a bou t College, thereby giving their c ountenance to the doc trines to be taught in that Collegse__Hear, hear.) He did think this inquiry was called For, and so thought those from whom he had presented petitions. He had that day presented a petition from the congregation of Harold's Cross, near Dublin, which was very strong, but still respectful, for if it were not, he would not pre sent it. The petitioners stated their objections and their grounds for them. The objections were not to the Roman Catholic religion or the doctrines of Maynooth, but to what was contained in their class-books, and they called for inquiry; and he could only say, if the charges contained in the petition were true, it was his firm belief that no :jambes of that House, be he Catholic, or be he Protestant, could get up in his place and de fend a measure for the maintenance of an esta blishment where such doctrines were inculcated. He appealed se those Hon. Gentlemen to take the matter into their own hands. Let them judge for them selves, and if they should find that the allegations which had been made were true, he called on them to have the existing system changed. Ile called on them to have the objectionable class-books removed from Maynooth, and to free the college from the imputa tion of inculcating tenets and doctrines they themselves abjured. Ile trusted that he had said nothing which could fairly be considered as calculated to wound the feelings of any Honourable Gentleman. He had endeavoured to compress within the least possible compass the observatiens which he had to make to the House. Ile knew that subject had been exhausted, and he felt, therefore, that it was only necessary f. r him to state the reasons which hsd actuated him to declare with great reluctance his del.( rmination of giving his strenuous opposition to this. Bill in all its stages. When the lion. entleman sat down, at least a d, s. n Members rose ta address the House. The Speaker, however, called upon Mr. ELLICE (Coventry), who said that it was not his intention (contrary to his general usage), to give a silent vote on the present occasion. So much c xcitement had been got up, and he had received so many petitions from respectable bodies of his constituents against the opinion which he entertained on this subject, that he felt himself com pelled, with much reluctance, to state very shortly the reasons which would induce him without the least hesitation to give his cordial support to the second reading of this Bill. He might probably hereafter vote with his Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield on the motion of which he had given notice, with respect to the quarter from which all funds should be taken for the advancement of religion and religious education in Ireland ; but he (Mr. Eliiee) was prepared now to state, that if he should fail with his lion. Friend in carrying that proposition into effect, still he would give his support to the present measure, believing it to be an act of tardy justice, and a partial restitution to the Irish people.—(Hear and cheers.) Ile would not follow the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, in the religious objections which he had advanced to this motion. He did not think, after so many nights' debate, and with he prospect of as many more—(Laughter) —that he had any right to waste the time of the House in discussing that subject. He said this without the least want of respect to the Hon. Gentleman himself, or the manner in which he had stated his objections on this subject. But he (Mr. Ellice) felt himself called upon to give an opinion upon measures introduced for the benefit and advantage of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman into the ex pression of those opinions on the religious subjects which he had brought before Parliament. lie could not say that because his opinions happened to coincide with those of one-tenth of the people of' Ireland, that he should impose his opinions on the remainder. He could not conceive under what circumstances this country could persevere in a system which thus outraged the feelings of a great portion of the country. According to the view of the Hon. Gentle man, those who constituted four-fifths of the population were to receive this grant of money from the Government of this country because they differed in opinion with him. Why, the Ho nourable Gentleman had expressed his approbation of the reginat demon, and of all the other grants to the Church of Scotland, and he could not conceive on what principle it was that, while he approved of those grants, and of the approbation bestowed on some congregations in the north of Ireland, he was so opposed to any assistance to the Church of Rome, and the several parties were with respect to the Govern ment precisely in the same position.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no," from Mr. Hamilton.) What, did the Hon. Gentleman mean to say that there was a greater difference of opinion between the Church of England and the Socinians, than there was between the Church of Rome and the Church of this country? In giving his vote on this occasion, be should be guided by the same principles as those which had regulated his conduct during the whole of the time he had held a seat in that House—that principle was, that every man in the coun try was entitled to equal protection from the State, whatever might be his creed or opinion. He could as sert that the poor Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland were, in morality, general good conduct, and conscientious discharge of duty, behind no set of men in either country. And if they were accused— perhaps rightly accused—of being connected with the political agitation in Ireland, he would, in justification of the patriotic principles for which that body had ever been distinguished, ask to whom the fault was to be ascribed? It was well known that the Catholic priest hood were dependent upon their congregations—that they were inwrought with them in sympathy and interest ; and if they saw a sinecure rector in the posssession of those revenues which had been wrested from them by the violence of conquest, was it to be wondered at that they partook in that agita tion through which those revenues were to be recovered? He did not go back to those subjects, in order to recall the past ; but in order to assign good reasons why the Roman Catholic priests had very little cause to be at tached to their institution. The only difficulty which he felt on this subject, was his great objection to vote money out of the public taxes for any sectarian purpose. But he believed that this was a great case of exception. —(Hear, hear.) He thought that the funds applicable to ecclesiastical purposes in Ireland were those from which the wants of the Roman Catholic people ought to be supplied.—(Hear, hear.) There were large funds, and of all the complaints which he had ever heard in that House, the most senseless complaint was, that the Pro testant Church of Ireland was not amply provided for. He heard complaints of the want of funds for churches and schools for the Protestants of Ireland, but were not the funds which they possessed amply sufficient for those purposes? Why, the collection of tithes in Ireland was so odious that the clergy were obliged to give up 25 per cent. of their incomes. Whenever the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite wished, or was compelled to go forward in the course he had begun, he must look to those funds (Hear, hear.) The State owed a deep debt to the poor Roman Catholic people of Ireland, and he had heard with great pleasure the idea of restitution thrown out during the present debate. Looking to the necessities of the people of Ireland, to their poverty, to their actual inability to supply funds for the religious education of their priesthood, he thought it would be an act of unmitigated injustice if the House were to reject the parsimonious grant now asked from the public purse. In the north of Ireland there was, he admitted, a majority of Protestants, but look at the anomalous position of the Catholics there. On the one side, he saw the Church of England and the landed pro prietors ; on the other, the poor Catholic cottiers, whilst the Presbyterians held the middle position, being for the most part the tenantry. They had endowed the Church of England there with the plunder of Roman Catholics, .and they gave the Pres byterians the rcgium denim, and yet some would re fuse the Catholics this poor pittance.—(Hear, hear.) He asked the House whether after raising the hopes of the people of Ireland they would now disappoint them? He did not know what the intentions of the Government might be— their measures generally came unawares upon the House; but when he looked at the Bequest Bill of last year, then at Lord Devon's commission, and then at this Bill, he could not help thinking they were embarked in a new course.—(Hear, hear.) A course which he en tirely approved of, and, he had much greater objec tions to voting away this money, he should be very reluctant, under the present circumstances, to give any opposition to it. The former policy of this House towards Ireland was now about to be abandoned, and a more conciliatory and healing course adopted. The people of Ireland had wit nessed the disposition of the Legislature. But what would the consequence be if they were to retrace their steps, reject the present measure, and resume their former unfortunate course of policy towards Ireland ? Why the people of that country would be thrown into the 'Lost abject despair, and civil war would follow the return of this system. He had stated before, that the treatment of 111ahomet over the nations he had conquered was merciful compared to the treatment of Ireland by England. Mahomet only persecuted one generation, whilst England had persecuted several.----(Hear, hear.) He thought the policy pursued by the Government to wards Ireland was at present good. Much had been said about their motives, and certainly the propositions now laid before the House were very different from those which had hitherto emanated from a Tory Government. It was impossible any longer to continue Tory princi ples, and he was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site knew perfectly well the keen opposition of those benches if he continued or maintained those principles. The principle of the old Parliament was to grant money profusely to everybody. They for instance granted 700,0001. to the Protestant Church in Ireland for many years, for the purpose of building Protestant Churches. 'They granted one million of money to indemnify the same Church, for its loss of tithes. How then could Par liament refuse thiS paltry grant under present circum stances ? There had been a great amount of feeling expressed on this subject out of doors. Some of them according with the sentiments expressed by the Honourable Member for Dublin, but the largest portion of them depended solely upon one point—namely, the grant of money out of the public taxes for sectarian purposes. He concurred with that principle, and as a rule he would grant no money out of the public taxes for the purpose of any religion, either in this country or in Ireland, But it seemed to him, that an exception was established in the case of the poor Catholics. It appeared to him that after the enor mous grants made to the Protestants, that House could hardly refuse the small pittance now proposed to be made to them.—(Hear.) If they refused the grant, it would not only be pregnant with danger_ to the country, but it would be an act of whichgr great injustice to Ireland, and widen the gap existed between the two countries. He therefore coun selled the Right Hon. Baronet to go on as he had com menced. He, however, did not wish to forca which him or the Government to prematurely intro a d m uc o e n measures amongst the Protes -1 might possibly create excitement g tent people of Ireland, but he was sure the Government, by preparing the public mind through calm reasoning, would at last succeed in reconciling the Protestant peo ple England to measures calcu l ated to do justice of the Catholic Church. He had to thank t h e to o louse fur giving him an opportunity of ex pressing his opinion on the subject , and he could as sure them that he never sat d own w ith a greater convic tion that he was doing right by the country and by his c onstituents in giving his cordial support to the motion before the House. Mr. GORING rose in Opposition to this measure, and said, in answer to the accusations made by Hon. Members against those Gentlemta on his side of the House who opposed the measure, he would only take the liberty of appealing to the Roman Catholic Gentle men on the opposite side whether, if r ut in their position, they could conscientiously bestow money for a college exclusively intended for the promulgation of dcetrines opposed to their own ? He would protest against the truth of the saying that encouragement and toleration were the same.—(hear, hear.) He n ould oppose this Bill, because he thought that it would be a se rious insult to the Protestant Church of this country. —(Hear.) It was said that this measure was intro duced to conciliate the people of Ireland. He d 'lied that such a Bill would produce such a result. lie was certain that it would be regarded with alarm by the agricultural interest of this country---(Laughter, and " hear, hear," from Colonel Sibthorp)—and it would be a deep insult to the Protestants of Ireland. Lord ASHLEY said that the position of those who voted for this Bill was far less difficult than that of those who opposed it. The former had not only to speak of what may be considered an evil, but had to speak to those Gentlemen here present who were deeply interested. The Litter had to urge what may be con sidered speculation, against that w }deli the others main. teined to be accurate. 'I hey had to speak to thie wishes and clesir, s of many gentlemen there, differing from them. but for many of a horn they entertained the greatest re sreet, and with n horn they lived on terms of close inti macy ; it was for these reasons that he felt a great re pugnance in opposing a the asure which did nit accord with his conscientious belief. The measure, boa ever, had been propounded by her Majesty's Government, and they must address themselves to the discussion of it with as much forbearance as they could. He was at all times unwilling to press himself upon the attention of the House, and if he could have found it possible to abstain altogether from addressing the House on a subject of such painful anxiety he would have withheld his observations. The question was one which ought to re ceive the most minute and full investigation.—(Heat.) In importance, it exceeded any measure that had ever been introduced into the House in his remembrance.—. (Hear, hear) For good or for evil to Ireland, a measure of more vast importance had never been introduced.— (Hear, hear.) It exceeded in importance the Re man Catholic Relief Bill. When they removed civil dis abilities from the Roman Catholics they removed re strictions, and gave those who had suffered from those restrictions full scope for free action. But in the pre sent case they not only removed restrictions but they joined in the free action which that removal gave.— (Hear, hear.) They gave all the support which they could confer to the activity of that free action which they had given by the measure of 1829. If the measure worked well, it would work the regeneration of Ireland. —(Opposition cheers.) It would conciliate the affections of the Irish people. He admitted that such would be the case if the measure worked well.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, if it worked ill, he verily believed that it would lead to the destruction of the Protestant Establishment.--(Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) And he felt that the perils of the measure were ten times more hazardous than those of any mea sure that had ever been submitted to the consideration of Parliament. In discussing this question they could not but consider the consequences—the natural, not the forced consequences—which might flow from the enact ment of this Bill. He would not enter into the consi deration of the theological question—he would not enter into the examination of the question, how far it was admissible to vote money for the fostering of a re ligion, from which those who voted that money might dissent. That was not necessary for the line of argument which he intended to adopt. But there was an objection that had been taken against this measure, both by the people at large and by all who opposed the grant in that House—that it would be an endowment of the Roman Catholic Church by Act of Parliament. This ob jection was common to all the memorialists and all the peti tioners who had appeared in that House. Whether they were members of Dissenting connexions, whether they were at tached to the moderate party in the Church of England, or whether they belonged to those high theologians who had of late obtained so much notice in the country, they agreed in this one respect, that they all objected to the grant. Now, it was very true that the original constitution of the College of Maynooth was based upon an Act of Parliament; but an Act of Parliament of that day was very different from an Act of Parliament in this. The Act of Parliament by which Maynooth was founded was a repeal of those penal Acts by which the statute-book was disfigured. With out the repeal, he believed it would have been impossible to have founded that College at all, and the Act which authorised the establishment of the College was only one in aid, and not one for an original endowment by the State. Now, the present Act was of a very different complexion. It gave this endow ment to trustees in perpetual succession. It was an endow ment in perpetuity by the Imperial Parliament, with the sum of 25,000/. The people of this country could net understand on what principle the Government could either rely on the pre vious Acts of Parliament, or justify the application of a sum of this amount to a :Roman Catholic College, or why, at the pre sent time, when there was no particular call for assistance, the whole of the expenses of the College should be provided by the State. The previous grants had been small sums, given in aid of contributions made for the education of the Roman Catholic students in this College. But now the Bill constituted the present grant a perpetual endowment. It placed that College on the same footing, but only in a more favour. able way, with the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, arid Dublin, and he believed that the people of this country would rather than this endowment should be carried into effect that the previous annual grant should have been increased threefold. They said that this was a perpetual recognition of the Roman Catholic Church as one of the standing institutions of this em pire.—( Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that this recognition by the State of the Church of Ireland, as one of the institutions of the country, had sunk deeper into the hearts of the people of this country than if they had increased the former grant. Why this measure amounted to this. It declared, on the part of the State, that as far as they could, the Roman Catholic religion would never cease to be the religion of Ireland, because, should there be at any time a disinclination on the part of the people to spend money in support of that Church, the State would step in fir the purpose of keeping up the College—by keeping up the supply which, if unas sisted by them, the people would also abandon. Now, this was certainly going beyond toleration.—(le Hear, hear," and cheers.) It was going to an extent such as he was cer tain no conscientious Catholic would himself go to. He did not see how it was possible, after the House had affirmed this measure, to refuse its assent at a future period to an endow merit of the Catholic Church, and the words which had dropped in the course of this debate from the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Member for Dungarvon would seem to justify the impression that ulterior concessions would be looked for. There was a large party in that House who were of opinion that this Bill was but the herald of other measures still more important. He would speak from his own conviction, that if he had made up his mind to vote for this grant, he should feel himself bound to vote for the endowment when that question came before the House. If the object of the Government was, as stated, to elevate the character of the Irish priesthood, and to improve the condition of the people. If they, by those collegiate advantages, raised the priests to a higher level, then he (Lord Ashley) contended they ought to keep them there. They ought not to say to the men who had been elevated in the scale of reason by this country, " Now, go imitate your predecessors, by travelling from house to house to earn a precarious livelihood." Why, would not that tend more to the degradation of the Irish priesthood, after the advantages they had received, than if they had left them in their former position. If they did not carry out their policy to this extent, he did not see how they could improve the priesthood. To make them independ en t i n pr i nciple, they should make them independent of the people; and how could they be independent of the people if the Government did not step in to their assistance by an endowment? Were they not told by an Hon. Gentleman that the sympathies of the Irish priest must be with the flock on whom he was dependent ? If they wished to make the priests draw their socks and not be led by them—if they wished to make them independent of their fl oc k s —for it had been admitted that that was necessary—they must endow the Irish priesthood, and recognise the Irish Church. Where would they end if they once admitted this princi ple? They would have two co-existing Established Churches. They would have the Roman Catholic Church established by statute, and they would have the Established Church of Eng land. What would be the result? They would have a popu lation of 7,000,000 receiving for their establishment 500,e001., and a population of one million receiving double that amount. —(Loud Opposition cheers.) The very instant they brought themselves to regard Rom an Catholic principles as not dan gerous or subversive to the interests of the State, that very instant a re-construction appeared to be inevitable. But even before that, what would they require to do? They would have to take from the Church as now established the jurisdiction which they gave to the other, and thus render altogether nugatory the means which they had considered as best ealculatod to advance the interests of civilisation and of good government. They would have two Establishments dis proportioned in numbers, and animated by an unquenchable spirit of rivalry. He wished to observe that in objecting to his measure he was not acting from any illiberal principles. He acted as a friend of Ireland had done before in that House— he meant Lord Monteagle, then Mr. Spring Rice, who ob jected to the removal of the grant from the annual estimates, beeause he thought that Parliament should have the supervision of the grant year after year. As he (Lord Ashley) had said before, so he would say again, that there had be en n o p ar t o f the question whi c h h a d exc it e d more displeasure than the idea of making this a perpetual endowment. He did hope that in opposing such a Bill he should riot be considered actuated by any feeling of hostility towards the people of Ireland. He thought that the people of Ireland deserved not sympathy alone at their hands, but reparation also.—( Hear, hear.) He never could read the records of that unfortunate country without a feeling of shame for the injuries she had suffered.—( Hear.) If he thought that this concession would really content the people of Ireland, he should hesitate before he opposed it. But he never yet saw any good come of what were generally consi dered concessions. There fell, the other evening, from a Right Hon. Gentleman, one of the more important of the Irish Mem t bers in that House, he meant the Member h f l o e r o D p u a n id ga a r t v t o h n e , some remarkable words, to which he (Lord As He warned the Right flon. Barone time marked attention. upon an equality with the an Protestants d wanted to be placed oflrel told him that if the at the head of the Government that the Catholics of that country, and he . present system of exclusion from Trinity College were conti nued, that ifthis measure d there was at least another that must be measure were came an swered the desired end. So that it appeared even also carried before the Catholics of Ireland could be in any degree satisfied. Had these expressions come from a n y ordi nary person he (Lord Ashley) should not have paid the same attention to them, but coming from the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Dungarvon he was bound to respect them. He thought the Right Mon. Gentleman was perfectly justified in these expressions, for when the Catholic Relief Bill was passed it was well understood on all sides that it was but the forerunner of still greater concessions. If the promoters of that measure had said that concession had not reached its limit, then he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman was per. fectly justified in stating what his demands were. Still more would he make that concession, if he thought it was conferring a lasting benefit upon Ireland, but they should recollect that disappointment in a matter of this kind brought increased hs misery vot e and p dismayon ththat question, upon the people.eH e was c a ll e d on t o g i ve and he could not assent to a mea sure that, so f ar from conferring feelings ring peace, would, he was con vinced, engender most ho eot to in the people of bath countries. Neither cou ld he con a measure that would, advance in any d egree, suppress or retard the of that Protes tant faith, which he believed had been a main instrument in bringing about the present state of civilisation and religious freedom. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was aware that he was about to take a course which he felt was at variance with the opinions expressed by many of his friends in and out of that House. It. had been said by a Noble Lord that they were about to make an enormous grant for the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland ; but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that 17,0001. could be considered by any means an enormous in. crease, when the purposes for which it was required were taken into consideration. He should rather be inclined to say, that the satisfaction with which this measure had been received, the - t t y satisfaction which had already beens s ewpwe' teieby those whir were best able to judge of its importaitnief he meant the in struction of the people, proved that the 'best results might be anticipated from the improved feelings which the sister coun try would bear towards England. The measure was the more satisfactory, that while they granted this boon to the Roman Catholics, they did not in any degree injure the Protestant El. already effected much good with the Catholics tablishment,—( Hear, hear.) The proposed o m f e l a r s e u la i n e d bad already effected much good with the CatholiCs of Ireland , for ctifenfrysrlyoe, ~n k i ein terms the m tbis boon, of th f e o l r ibe a r t a , l hearts, he m e ant th e education that House did not hesitate frequently to bestow on objects for object of this country, which priests, the a dearest sum t o which ec their their own gra tifi ca ti on merely. They of T li t e h y :i had the strongest assu rancesalbe that the forebodings of certain Honourable !Members, with regard to the evils resulting from this grant, would be doomed to disappointment.—( Hear. ) He believed that this grant would produce the effects which d itsiffere support ers withhis R anticipated.oinan CatholicHe v points of f a ith, h e was conv i nce d t h ey were move d b y f ee lings which ani ma t e d every Ch r i st i an man , an d were gra t e ful fellow-countrymen so because tthough e g u h p o tae for the kindness of England. They were grateful, above all, f. r those boons which were given in a disin terested spirit, because they were calculated to contribute ma'erially to the comforts and education of those parties in whom they took the deepest interest. Thinking these were the effects likely to follow the measure, be was not to be de. tensed from prosecuting it by any casual expression which might have fallen in the course of the debate from Hon. Mem bers, however distinguished they might be for learning and ability, and still less by any speech which had been a ade in that House at any antecedent period. :He entertained the highest respect for the Hon. Member for Dungarvon. Hie talent and ability for discussing subjects of this nature were uniformly great, but nevertheless he was constrained to differ from one part of a speech made by that Honourable Gentleman upon this Bill. But perhaps he ought not to fix upon a man whose poetic imagery was at once an excuse for the indiscretion he fell inter, when he stated that the Bill would Lot give satisfaction unless it lid to some ulterior measure ; nor did he concur with Lord Mont eagle, who in an accidental moment said the grant ought to be made annually, and ought to be under the supervision of Par liament. That expression was used some fourteen or fifteen years ago. It was an expression. accidentally used, and not meant for the guidance of Parliament at the time even when it was delivered. Surely, then, it ought not to controul Parliament is dis cussing, fourteen years afterwards, a measure of such im. portance as the one they were discussing. In the course of the debate attempts had been made to enter upon poin s extremely important in themselves, but which had little to do with the subject of discussion, and therefore they did not necessarily enter into the consideration of this question. He did not think it necessary now to discuss whether it be proper that the State should extend favour to all religions. He did not deem it necessary to ascertain whether they were bound now to take into consideration the general endowment of every sect that might exist in the country, because that was a question which had no reference to the one immediately under discussion. But at all events, if that question was connected with the grant to May nooth, the time to have considered it was when the grant was decided upon in the year 1795. All they had to decide now was, whether, the principle having been adopted, they should make such an augmentation to the grant as to make it effective for the objects which induced Parliament originally to estab lish it. Allusion had freely been made to the petitions which had been presented on this subject. He admitted that they had been extremely numerous, but the generality of them differed very much from the speeches which had been made against the grant. The petitioners pursued a very different course to the line of argument used by Hon. Gentlemen who resisted the grant. The petitions uniformly proceeded upon the principle that the grant was established for maintaining a Roman Catholic establishment, and they called upon the House not to vote a reasonable grant, but to do away with it altogether. Now, with the exception of two Hon. Gentlemen, he meant the Hon. Members for the University of Oxford and Dublin, no Hon. Member who had spoke in the course of the debate argued against the augmentation of it, but they did not object to the smaller amount. But the petitioners looked upon the grant as preposterous ; and let Hon. Gentlemen, therefore, not think that if they succeeded in rejecting the Bill, it would stop there —no, they would have to proceed a step further. They must announce to the Roman Catholic body of Ireland that the time had now come when, instead of their res. sonably considering their wants and demands, Parliament must withdraw from them the grant which they had enjoyed for a period of fifty years. It had been said that Par liament was new for the first time going to establish a Roman Catholic endowment ; but for his part he differed from those Hon. Members who held this opinion. What were the words of the preamble to the Act which first made this grant Why, they were these :—" Whereas, by the law now in force in this kingdom, it is not lawful to endow any Roman Cathelic seminary or college." Then came the enactment part, which said, " It shall be henceforth lawful to establish, endow, and maintain any such college," and the same words were used in a subsequent clause, which he did not think it was necessary to read. Yes, it was the distinct intention of Par.• liament to give the grant for that particular purpose, and the same grant had been repeated for the same purpose every year since down to the present period. But supposing there was no intention to endow the institution at that time, it was in. tended to do so at some future period, and the Bill then before the House provided for the endowment of the institution. His Honourable Friend in the next place objected to the grant because lie said the Bill made it a permanent instead of an annual provision, and thus they laid down the principle that the Roman Catholic religion should never cease in Ireland. Now be very much doubted whether by any le gislative enactment they could cause either the cessation or the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland; and least of all did he think that its permanence could be prevented by provid,ng for the wants of the clergy in an indecent and unbecoming manner. A well educated person, in his opinion, was more likely to become a convert to Protestantism than one who had received indifferent instruction. He could not, therefore, agree with the principle which wished to keep the Roman Catholics in ignorance to induce them to adopt the purer faith—if he might he allowed the term—which he himself professed. No, he did not think that course would answer:their end, They would have a far:bette r chance of reaching the hearts of he Roman Catholic people, and rendering the purer doctrines of the Protestant Church more acceptable to them, by making every cor.cession, and giving their clergy a good education. It had been stated in the course of the debate that if they gave a better education to the Roman Catholics, it would endanger the Protestant religion, but he confessed he did not entertain any such fears, nor did he think either rea son or experience justified the opinion. He would ask his Noble Friend, who alluded to this subject, how it was that the Reformation itself was fist effected? Was it when ignorance prevailed, or when literature, science, and art began to ad vance in Europe? His Noble Friend knew full well that it was not until science and literature had begun to illuminate the e e hm s a , dse t i l i a be t st i t , h , teeod le a a th d pe e r r e s viwe o z f rsid t i h it e eraT ß rhy e e format ion p re . convents, and th e mon k s b egan extensively to cultivate the arts y char w ac e t r e e r, and tbe :th e s m a e n , n s d n t e d s w e i h e miHn ts that eedsatibd t e h t e hwe l nh ig e h tloe t pthene until bt t lb h ees e ms y i n,agesqaunoidrf e pt d br t eo h nt e e s s e ttba a ne t yt t i a si i m n l u m . en who had distinguish e d :th emselves in classical attainments. worldbj r ro w k ea n s ni not keep the Roman Catholics in ignorance was only to stop the progress of truth in Ireland, while by increasing their means of religious instruction and education, they would throw a blessing upon the land, and advance the civilization of its inhabitants.—( Hear. ) The Catholic priests had repeatedly declared that they would not accept an endowment from the State, and his Noble Friend therefore argued, that if they were to break faith with the people by whose contributions they were supported, they would be compelled to accept of a State allowance. But it was not part of the present measure to endow the Catholic clergy, or to make them independent of the voluntary contri butions of their flocks. It was altogether erroneous to say that the increase of the grant would increase the nurnier of the Roman Catholic priests in Ireland. The effect of the grant would be merely to improve the education of those who were destined to be priests —to supply the students with books and a decent maintenance, which they did not possess at pre sent, and thereby to resider them better men, and, he hoped, better Christians. He did not believe that many in the House could be found to concur in the proposition that the grant should be altogether done away with. The grant was confirmed at the time of the Union. For 14 years it was continued with out opposition, and every opposition which had since been raised had been defeated by a large majority. On no occasion had fifty Members of the House of Commons been found to vote against the grant. If they could not do away with the grant, what objection could there be to a measure which proposed no more than to make it effective for its purpose? Some objection had been made to the time when the increase was proposed. He thought that there could be no time more appropriate than the present, when the energy of the Government had eon trolled sedition, improved the finances of the country, and left to the Legislature the means of granting without danger a boon which the people of Ireland so much desired. There were other topics on which he would have desired to address the House, if the debate had not been already so much prolonged. He was sorry that it fell to his lot to address the House when so many Members were absent. He was sorry to be obliged to advert to the speech of any Member; but he was compelled, before he sat down, to allude to the speech of a Right Hon. Gentleman, who said that although the measure was a good one, it ought nut to have been brought forward by the present Government. But the late Ministers had been ten years in power and they had never ventured to propose any grant to the Catholic Church in Ireland. They had no right therefore to stigmatise those who under greater difficulties had the courage to propose it. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had accused the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government of inconsistency. This chu ge against an individual, if well founded, was not a valid charge against an entire Government. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macauley) said that his Right Hon. Friend (Sir IL Peel) hid made use of passions with which he did not sympa thise, and prejudices which he held in contempt. Let the House compare this allegation with the speech ma d e by the Hon. Member for Edinburgh in 1t340, wh en h e expressed approbation of Sir Robert Peel's conduct in abstaining any indulgence in the passions and prejudices of the majority of those who supported him. He thought there could be really no objection to the principle of the present measure d raised he hoped that the expectations w hi c h had been e w, an d would not be disappointed, because the measure w men who were liable to the charcre of • ' as proposed by Inconsistency.—(Heu.) lie concluded by imploring the House to pass the Bill, as slue calculated to promote good order and r e li g i on i n the sister Sir WILLIAM CLAY said that h • he did not thi n k t h at there could be another Member in the House who could have stronger personal reasons for opposing the measure now before them than himself. There existed in the large constituency which he had the honou of disap pro b ation of this t m o e r a e c p u resent and represent widely -spread f ee li ng whom lie was mo s t deeply indebt r eeci paanrticm.ipaanfedoifnhtihsaftrifeenedlis ng t. and he wa s consc i ous that in his supporting that measure be was risking the loss of their friendship. He could no t b ut t hi n k , and he pe r f ect l y agreed with many Honourable Gentlemen who addressed the House, that this measure had been greatly miss apprehended and misrepresented, and he believed that no in considerable portion of the excitement out of doors may have arisen out of that misapprehension. In the harangues at priblic meetings on the petitions presented to the House the measure was talked of either as an endowment to the Ronan Catholic Church, or as a necessary precursor to such an endow ment. He denied the accuracy of that description. He denied that it was in any other or greater degree an endowment to the R( man Catholic Church than the existing grant to Maynooth. It should be viewed as a grant for educational purposes ; it was merely a continuation of that grant made by a Protestant Iriah Parliament, and afterwards by an united Parliament, and eon• tinued for fifty years, and now they were merely about to in crease that grant, and to substitute a good system of education for a bad one. That was the only difference, and he distinctly denied that either one or the other could ever be described as an endowment to the Roman Catholic Church. If it were described as an ecclesiastical endowment, he did not see Way the same objection would not apply to those grants which they made year after year for educational purposes in this eonntrys which had been divided between the National, and British and Foreign School Societies. It could not be denied that many individuals educated by those grants might become non-con. formists. It was true that in Maynoeth only the students who intended for clergymen in the Roman Catholic Church were . educated, hut he did net see any difference, under the circumstances, between a sum of money given for the education of those belonging to several denominations, and several SUMS given to each. It had been found, by experience, that th ere ought to be separate schools for the education of those who were intended for the clergymen of a Church which enjoieed IWO i n the w hich s well lownst suselt real: ) send , dent 311. C OY pylike tjaelgt I,rtietr ce ; s