The Sun. — London, England, 1868-03-26 00:00:00

OPIILIT OF THE PM3LIO jOnNALS. The Times calls attention to a pamphlet by M. Achille fdercier, who denounces the new Government loan, and charges the Emperor's policy with having burdened the country with debt by extravagant expenditure. Indepen dently of military necessities, the Times contends it would be impossible to clear the Imperial Government from the charge of extravagance. It is not in the nature of things that such a Government should be otherwise than extrava gant. The pamphlet of M. Mercier is intended as an appeal "aux 1,000,000 rentiers," or, as we might put it, to the million taxpayers of France. But the Imperial overnment is not the Government of this upper million. There was a time when the taxpayers wielded the supreme rower, and we need not recall to mind how it was they suffered it to slip through their fingers. The present sovereign is the elect of all the other millions. Ire ;3tyles himself the " friend of the artisan, the Emperor of the peasant." The Empire is heir to the Republic; od bound in great measure to its socialistic and commu istic views. It takes upon itself the office of a minor rrovidence ; it makes itself answerable for rain and sun !nine; it sets limits to the price of bread; it keeps up an arti hcial balance between demand and supply; it acknowledges Cc rights of labour, and turns the country into a national workshop. What avails it to M. Horn to say in his pamphlet on "The Balance-sheet of the Empire," that nearly three-fourths of the £124,000,000 spent by the Empire have been absorbed either by fatally sterile 45. i• worse than sterile expenses, or by expenses of a very questionable usefulness ?" The uselessness of the expenditure lies in the expenditure itself; V is something in France to have a Government" r qui fait rouler les ecus." The art of reigning in that' :country consists in taxing the rich for the benefit of the xoor. Whether the result be the transformation of a town of brick into a city of marble, or the construction of a net of railways which may never prove remunerative, the result is that the many have lived at the expense of the few. There may be doubts as to the soundness and even as to the expediency of this policy; and M Mercier may have every reason to point out that it L. not beneficial to the poor, since there are " three millions of paupers still existing in France, of whom 'three hundred die of cold and hunger every 'ear." Such, however, is the policy that sprang from, 'and rests on, the plebiscite ; and no one would assert that a return to the government of the upper and middle classes, a re-establishment of the ascendancy of the " million of taxpayers," even if desirable, would be at all practicable in France. Nothing can be easier than for economists to find fault with the present state of ',things, but no good would come of going once more :round the revolutionary cycle. The Republic was: cheaper, and perhaps a better, Government than the Empire, and Constitutionalism is in every respect preferable to either. The great point is whether the transition from good to bad, or from bad to worse, is at all avoidable. There might be in this scheme the means for a reconciliation of hostile parties. A more even balance between the parties, less anxiety to throw the weight of the administration into the scales of the popular suffrage, a determination to allow fair play to friends and. foes, might prove to he the safest, no less than the most righteous, policy. It might be the means of bringing the intelligence, the wealth, the worth of the nation into co-operation with its mere brute force. It might enable the Government to lay aside the burden of undivided responsibility ; to disarm factious enmity by the organisation of legal opposition ; to combine the thrift of Constitutional Government and the energy of a Republic t with the splendour of Imperialism. Dealing with the impeachment of Mr. Johnson, the Post observes that there is no law to guide the United States Senate in their proceeding. The only precedents which can assist them in the discharge of their duty are those of Charles I. and Louis XVI., who were both accused of high crimes not defined by any particular laws, and were both convicted. But, even waiving the question of the legal right of the English or French nation to sit in judg ment on their kings, jurisprudence recognises no act, how ever wicked or immoral, as a crime unless the Legislature has declared it to be so, and therefore at strict law the articles of impeachment which have now been submitted to the Senate at Washington are one and all untenable. It is, however, agreed upon all hands that the extraordinary process of impeachment is intended to override technical objections of this kind, and that those who sit as judges may determine on purely moral grounds whether the accusation is sustained. Those who tried Charles I. and Louis XVI. simply asked them selves whether those monarchs had been good or bad kings, and found their issue according to their particular notions of what a good king should be. If Charles im posed taxes without his subjects' consent, such a proceed ing may have been wrong, and may have justly incensed his people, but it certainly could not be termed criminal, nor (what was much more to the purpose) unprecedented. In Mr. Johnson's case the acts complained of are certainly novel, but when their constitutional character is called in question it must not be forgotten by those -who determine this point that the circumstances out of which they arose are equally without a parallel. The Russian Minister of Fin^nce, being awakened to the principle of free trade, appointed last year a tariff commission to suggest such alterations in the tariff list as they might see fit. This commission, composed in part of officials, in part of representatives of the commercial and manufacturing interests of the empire, in the proportion of twelve of the former to ten of the latter, commenced its work in November last, and has by this time nearly completed the draft of a new tariff, which, however, has yet to be approved and perhaps altered, first by the Minister of Finance, and then by the Imperial Council. The Daily Hem asks the Russian Government what was meant by this preposterous commission. It gives the Russian officials every credit for good intentions, but says it is difficult to conceive a course more dangerous than that on which they unluckily blundered in the selection of the industrial delegates. A despotic Government, without representative institutions, is bad enough, but a despotism of self-interested traders is something too abominable t( be endured. Even the Russian peasant might revolt against this, and, taking it as a sign of weakness in the head of the State, might assert a dangerous independence Ilia life is wretched enough now ; though no longer a serf, he is still taillable et corn able iz mis.lricorde, and if his con• dition is to be still further degraded to satisfy the greed of a handful of merchants, his patience may not bear the strain. Who would have given over the settlement of the corn-law question to a dozen country gentlemen, and as many clerks from the Board of Trade ? Yet that is very nearly a parallel to this latest step towards Liberal insti tutions which Russia has taken, and on which, no doubt, she plumes herself not a little. The Herald declares that whether good or bad, the bankruptcy bill of the Lord Chancellor is a complete measure. It delivers us from the inconvenience of having to piece together some hundreds of sections, in old and new statutes which have been enacted, altered, repealed, and re-enacted, in whole or part, till it is hard to know where to look for the law on any particular head of an extensive and difficult subject. The bankruptcy law of the future will be contained in three, or rather two, Acts of Parliament. By one sweeping statute all former Acts are abrogated, and in their place we have two bills which may form an instalment of the code which philosophical lawyers so greatly desire to see established. To some extent, therefore, they do but remodel and systematise the existing law, bringing into shape and giving to it a con,gruity in which it is at present wofully deficient. It is the first duty of the nineteenth century not to be astonished by anything. Accordingly the Standard hears without amazement of the steam man now exhibiting in New York, and preparing for a promenade, at the rate of thirty miles an hour, down Broadway. This is, at least we presume, the individual with the " iron frame " so popular among the muscular novelists—an obedient Frankenstein, a soulless slave, ready, if not willing, tc pull a phaeton containing four passengers along flu, streets at a cost of tenpence a day. A citizen of New Jersey invented him, but a spec eatui in New York is bringing him out." He is rather... treight than Chang, the Chinese gi an t , and rather lesS in tea than Daniel Lambert. His stomach is for ever fiery hot, and his breast boiling over ; his limbs are dive with a rattling mechanism ; •his head is perpetuely full of fumes ; his hat is a chimney-pot ; his mouth is a whistle the region o f hi s brain contains a safety-valve, and a knapsack at his back hides all deformities, such as those of working handles, taps, gauges, and so forth. Add to this that the Colossus has a benignant countenance, wears a military moustache, and always lifts his feet when he walks, and the stranger oug h t not to be unwelcome. And so he is to go tugging about the thoroughfares of Manhattan, with a speed of half a mile a minute, starting, turning, stopping, steppingover all ob s t ac l es, and taking a yard at a stride with his hollow grasping feet ; and he is nit very dear after all. The inventor offers to manufac ture him by the score for sixty pounds a head. This is not a great sum to pay [QA. a ra.Au wbo is as strong as four horses; who can be feo. &' a cost cf six shillings a week, who can earn a hundreefcld that amount, whose v o i ce and very groans are subject to his owner's will, who ca n b e taken to pieces and put togetheragain, and who, when not wanted, can be locked up in a shed. The St charges Orangeism with disloyalty, and quotes from the speeches made at a soiree of the Newbliss Orange Institute in proof the grave charge. Especially the speech of the Rev. John Flanagan is mentioned. " Protestant loyalty," he said, " must inake itself understood. People will say, Oh ! your loyalty is conditional.' I sly it is conditional, and must be explained as such. Will you, Orangemen of Ireland, endorse the doctrine of uncon ditional loyalty ?" The audience, of course, responded with shouts of No, never !" The speaker then took his stand on the Coronation Oath, and declared that the Queen "should be reminded that one of her ancestors, who swore to maintain the Protestant religion, forgot his oath, and his crown was kick e d i n t o th e B oyne ." Finally, after A strongly personal application of this eminently loyal senti ment, Mr. Flanagan wound up his bellicose_speech by de claring that " if there were a thousand Mr. Cogan in Parliament, they should be told it is by 'blood they must acquire the blood-bought rights of the Protestants of Ireland.' MRS. DIS.RAELPS RECEPTION. The new Foreign Office, which forms part of the group of buildings in Downing-street, designed by Mr. George Silbert Scott, was thrown open on Wednesday night .;o the friends of the Premier ; this reception being the first since Mrs. Disraeli's recovery from her severe end dangerous illness, and since the accession of her husband to the highest post of the Ministry. Though hastened for the occasion, the work of the builder shelved few signs of incompleteness. The term decided for the giving up of the edifice will not have expired till next month ; yet, by great exer tions on the part of Mr. Sheffield, Mr. Scott's clerk of the works, and of all subordinates engaged in bringing the palatial pile to completion, the rooms were in tolerable readiness for the preliminary purpose to which they were gracefully and splendidly applied. The number of ladies and gentlemen who passed through the corridors and chambers—none so spacious as to supply at any time a de mand for dancing-room—was, we believe, about 800, many of whom must have felt their patience severely taxed by the unavoidable slowness of their progress along White hall, in the midst of extremely inclement weather. The sleet and snow gave dismal warrant to a fear that the Princess of Wales might relinquish her intention of honouring Mr. and Mrs. Disraeli with her presence ; but, after a delay which looked more and more discouraging with every minute of disappointed expectancy, their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess arrived at the entrance which was reserved for royalty, in the court-yard of the official range of buildings. Other members of the Royal Family had preceded them, the Duke of Cambridge arriving shortly after eleven o'clock, accompanied by the Prince of Teck. A little later, the Prince and Princess Christian came in one of the Queen's semi-state or " dress" carriages. It was half past eleven when the plainer equi page of the Prince and Princess of Wales drew up in front of the portico. Never since her illness—and, it may per haps be said, never even before it—has the Princess looked better than she looked last night. The rooms of the new building were thronged with a brilliant crowd of ladies and gentlemen in evening dress and in military uniform. There were, by-the-bye, no Court suits, the ordinary black attire for civilians being the rule adhered to by male visitors. The following is a list of the principal among those who attended :—Their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales, attended by the Marchioness of Carmarthen and Captain Ellis ; their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess Christian, attended by Colonel Du Plat, Colonel Gordon, and Lady Susan Melville; his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, attended by Colonel the Hon. James Macdonald, and accompanied by the Prince of Teck ; his Excellency the Austrian Ambassador, his Excellency the Russian Ambassador and Baroness Brunnow, his Excellency the Prussian Ambassador and Countess Bernstorff and Countess Theresa Bernstorff, his Excellency the French Ambassador, the Swedish Minister and Baroness Hochschild, the Danish Minister and Madame Bulow, the Portuguese Minister, the Netherlands Minister and Baroness Dujardin, the Hon duras Minister and Madame Gutierrez, the Minister of the Republic of Salvador (General P. R. Negrete), the United States Minister and Mrs. and Miss Adams, the Spanish Minister and Countess Vistahermosa, the Duke of Richmond, the Duke of Montrose, the Duchess of Sutherland, the Duchess of Somerset, the Earl of Shrews. bury and Ladies Talbot, the Earl and Countess Stanhope., the Countess of Jersey and Lady Caroline Villiers, the Earl Manvers, the Earl of Abingdon, the Earl of Bective and Ladies Taylour, and a numerous assemblage of mem. hers of the House of Commons, among whom were the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, the Right Hon. R. Lowe, the Right Hon. G. J. Goschen, and other prominent members of the Opposition. THE RECEPTION OF THE GUESTS. The following interesting description of the scene is taken from the Herald :—" At five minutes to eleven o'clock the Coldstream band, which had for some half-hour been discoursing the sweetest music, commenced the national anthem, and Mr. and Mrs. Disraeli went to meet his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief and Prince Teck, who, resting on the staircase, remained in con versation for some time with their friends. A few minutes later the national anthem announced the presence of the Princeand Princess Christian. The Prime Mini stercondue ted the Princess to the reception-room, while the Prince offered his arm to Mrs. Disraeli, who has as yet hardly recovered from the strain of her severe illness. Almost at the same moment came Mr. Gladstone, who wore his Windsor uniform, and Lord Halifax ; but it was with some diffi culty that they reached the upper corridor, and they engaged in conversation for some minutes on the staircase, at the top of which Mr. Gladstone was received by the Premier and Mrs. Disraeli. At half-past eleven Mr. Dis raeli went to the entrance from the quadrangle to receive the Prince and Princess of Wales, and Mrs. Disraeli was conducted to the first landing of the grand staircase by the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot. The national anthem was played as the Prince and Princess approached, the former wearing his Garter ribbon, and the latter looking as she used to look before her sad illness. The Princess wore white silk, looped up with bunches of violets, and trimmed with black velvet and black lace. A d.,zen rows of large pearls hung on her neck, tied with cerise ribbon, and a tiara of large diamonds was her simple headdress. Shaking hands cordially with Mrs. Disraeli, the Princess paused for a moment to enter into conversation, and then, taking the arm of the Premier, she mived towards the large reception room, returning, with that charming smile that is so well known, t h e warm gr eetings o f th ose grouped on the sides of the staircase and the corridors. Mrs. Disraeli took the arm of the Prince of Wales, and then came a suite not undistinguished, inasmuch as it included five past or present Cabinet Ministers, and many of the belles of the present season. When the Prince and Princess of Wales had rested for a time in the large recep tion-room, and had engaged in conversation with many of the noble guests who naturally formed the inner circle, the host's party began to make a tour of the rooms and the corridors ; but the throng was so great that at each step the crowd increased in density, and within five minutes the Royal guests were compelled to retrace their steps. At midnight supper was announced, and the proces sion was formed as follows :—The First Lord of the Treasury conducted the Princess of Wales, and Mrs. Disraeli leaned on the arm of the Prince. The Duke of Cambridge and the Princess Christian led the remainder of the Royal party, which consisted of the Prince Christian, Prince Teck, the Duke of Buckingham, and several other gentlemen, each leading a lady. The supper table boasted no gorgeous array of plate, but it was laid out with the most perfect taste ; and beautiful flowers shed their per fume over the table, which fairly blazed with the light of wax candles, and with the sheen of dia:nonds. POLITICAL DUTIES OF WORKING MEN. At the invitation of the London Trades' Council, which ras made arrangements for the delivery of a series of lec tures by eminent men for the benefit of the working classes of the metropolis, a lecture on the above subject has been given by Mr. Frederic Harrison, at the Cleveland Hall, Cleveland-street, Fitzroy-square, before a numerous audience, composed of artisans and their friends. Pro fessor Beesly, Mr. Howell, secretary of the Reform League), and others, occupied seats on the platform. The chair was occupied by Mr. Allen, secretary of the Amalgamated Engineers, and a leading member of the trades council. The lecturer indulged in severe strictures on what he termed the " parliamentaryism " which had characterised the public conduct of members of the Legislature, and designated the House of Commons as "a happy hunting-ground for lawyers, professional politi cians, and tacticians." In the hands of the working men now rested the task of purging the Government and Constitution of such abuses. The mystifying and dreary revision of detail by a talking crowd must end, and obstruction must give way to speedy and prompt action. In one word, the element which it was the duty of working men to introduce into English politics was the revolutionary element. Of course, in saying that he did not want it to be understood that the process involved H siolence, anarchy, or disorder of any kind, but merely the vigorous and rapid adaptation of old social elements to now conditions. The materials of our whole social fabric had long been getting more and more disorganised, and let it be their task not to ignore or de stroy, but to recast them. However, he wished to be candid, and to say that if the people were directly to manage their own concerns themselves they never could be worse managed. Their first duty was to select their leaders, and having done so they should exact from them unqualified responsibility. If they found their leaders worthy of trust they should strengthen their hands ; if they could not trust them they should sweep them away. The function of the people was not so much to rule as to supply the material to others to do so —not so much to enforce methods as to insist upon results. In conclusion, he referred to the necessity of their closely watching the home and f ore i gn pol i cy of the Government, and making the weight of their opinion act as a deterrent against aggressive wars, lavish expenditure, and abuses of all kinds. He dwelt with much warmth upon the Irish question, and asked them to ge t P ar li am e nt to devote an entire session to the interests of Ireland. If the result did not satisfy Irishmen, then let the task of remedying I r i s h grievances be left to Irishmen themselves. (This observation evoked loud cheering.) On the motion of Mr. Howell, a cordial vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Harrison, not only for his lecture, but for the interest he has taken in all that relates to the working classes. The Proceedings then terminated. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 26, 1868. PROGRESS OF IMPEACHMENT. On the 29th of February Mr. Howard, who on the preceding day reported a series of rules for con ducting the impeachment trial, read them to the Senate. A discussion followed on a motion of Mr. Davis to recommit the report to the Uounnitcoe, in structing them that the Senate could not sit as a High Court of Impeachment while Senators from the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Caro lina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and Mississippi were not present, and it appears that one of the States named has selected Senators to represent them iii the Senate of the United States. The rules were further discussed on March 2. During the debate Mr. Sherman ob served that a grave doubt existed as to whether the Chief Justice, who would preside at the trial, had the right to vote, or only to pronounce the decisions of the Court, and, as bearing on this Mr. Howard said when the House of Lords sat as a High Court of Impeachment the Lord Chancellor or Lord High Steward presided, but they had no vote, by virtue of being presiding officers, but could ouly vote if they were peers, and the rule was amended in ac cordance with this objection, all of them being finally settled, the House sitting till half-past ten that night for the purpose. On the 3d of March Mr. Macpherson, clerk of the House of Re presentatives, appeared to announce the passage by the House of the Articles of Impeachment, with the names of the Managers, who had directed these articles to be exhibited to the Senate in mainten ance of the Impeachment. The Secretary of the Senate was ordered to inform the Representatives that the Senate was ready to receive the Managers appointed to carry to the Senate the Articles of Impeachment against Andrew Johnson. On the4th March the President of the Senate pre sented the following communication from the Chief Justice of the United States, which, on Mr. Howard's motion, was ordered to be printed and referred to the Select Committee : To the Senate of the United States—lnasmuch as the sole power to try Impeachment is vested by the Constitu tion in the Senate, and it is made the duty of the Chief Justice to preside when the President is on trial, I take the liberty of submitting very respectfully some observa tions in respect to the proper mode of proceeding upon the Impeachment which has been preferred by the House of Representatives against the President now in office. That when the Senate sits for the trial of an Impeachment it sits as a Court, seems unquestionable. That for the trial of an Impeachment of the President this Court must be constituted of the members of the Senate, the Chief Justice presiding, seems equally unquestionable. The Federalist is regarded as the highest contemporary authority on the construction of the Constitution ; and in the sixty-fourth number the functions of the Senate sitting in their judicial capacity as a court for the trial of impeachment are examined. In a paragraph explaining the reasons for not uniting the Supreme Court with the Senate in the forma tion of the Court of Impeachment, it is observed that to a certain extent the benefits of that union will be ob tained by making the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court the President of the Court of Impeachment, as is proposed in tho plan of Convention, while the incon venience of an entire incorporation of tho former into the latter will be substantially avoided. This was perhaps the prudent mean. This authority seems to leave no doubt upon either of the propositions just stated ; and the statement of them will serve to introdtre the question upon which I think it my duty to state the result of my reflections to the Senate, namely. At what period of the case of the Impeachment of the President, should the Court of Impeachment be orga• nized under oath, as directed by the Constitution I It will readily suggest itself to any one who reflects upon the abilities and the learning in the law which distinguish so many Senators, that, besides the reason assigned in the Federalist, there must have been still another for the pro vision requiring the Chief Justice to preside in the Court of Impeachment. Under the Constitution, in the case of a vacancy in the office of President, the Vice-President suc ceeds, audit was doubtless thought prudent and befitting that the next in succession should not preside in a proceed ing through which a vacancy might ho created. It is not doubted that the Senate, while sitting in its ordinary ca pacity, must necessarily receive from the House of Repre sentatives some notice of its intention to impeach the Pre sident at its Bar; but it does not seem to me an un warranted opinion, in view of this constitutional provision, that the organization of the Senate as a Court of Impeach ment, under the Constitution, should precede the actual announcement of the impeachment on the part of the House ; and it may perhaps be thought a still less unwar rantable opinion, that Articles of Impeachment, that no summons or other process should issue except from the organized court; and that rules for the government of the proceedings of such a court should be framed only by the Court itself. I have found myself unable to come to any other conclusions than these. I can assign no reason fur requiring the Senate to organize as a court under any other than its ordinary presiding officer, for the later pro ceeding upon an impeachment of the President, which does not seem to me to apply equally to the earlier. lam informed that the Senate proceeded upon other views ; and it is not my purpose to contest what its superior wis dom may have directed. All good citizens will fervently pray that no occasion may ever arise when the grave pro ceedings now in progress will be cited as a precedent ; but it is not impossible that such an occasion may come. In asmuch, therefore, as the Constitution charged the Chief Justice with important functions in the trial of an im peachment of the President, it does seem to me fitting and obligatory, where he is unable to concur in the views of the Senate concerning matters essential to the trial, that hi s respectful dissent should appear. S. P. CHAS; Chief Justice of the United States. Washington, March 4, JB6B. At ten o'clock the Sergeant-at-Arms announced the managers of Impeachment from the House of Representatives, who, by direction of the President, advanced within the bar and took the seats pro vided for them in front of the President's desk. The Representatives who accompanied them ranged themselves in a semi-circle behind the outer row of seats, and a chair was assigned to Speaker Colfax by the side of the President of the Senate. Mr. Thornton, accompanied by Mr. Ford, was among the spectators in the gallery of the Senate Chamber, which was filled with Foreign Ministers and Consuls. The House was deserted. The Re presentatives being grouped in a body under the gallery of the Chamber. Mr. Bingham, chair man of the managers, said—The managers of the House of Representatives, by order of the House, are ready at the bar of the Senate to present Articles of Impeachment in support of the impeachment against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. The President pro tem. said— “ The Sergeant-at-Arms will make proclamation." The Sergeant-at-Arms—" Hear ye l Hear ye I Hear ye All persons are commanded to keep silence, on pain of imprisonment, while the House of Representatives is exhibiting to the Se nate of the United States Articles of Impeachment against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States." Mr. Bingham, unrolling his scroll, then proceeded—" Mr. President : Articles of Impeach ment exhibited to the House of Representa tives of the United States, in the name of themselves and of all the people of the United States, in main tenance of the impeachment against Andrew John son, President of the United States." The Articles were then read by Mr. Bingham, the managers all standing with the exception of Mr. Stevens, on account of ill health, which, shorn of legal technicalities, are as follows :—" Art. 1. That the President on the 21st of February issued an order for the removal of Edwin M. Stan ton from the War-office, in violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act' and the Constitution. Art. 2. That on the same day he appointed Lorenzo Thomas, Secretary of War, ad interim, in violation of the same law. Art. 3. That he appointed Lo renzo Thomas, Secretary of War, ad interim, while the Senate was in Session, and without its advice and consent in violation of the Constitution, no vacancy having occurred in said office during the recess of the Senate, and there being no vacancy existing at that time. Art. 4. That the President conspired with one Lorenzo 'Thomas, and with other persons unknown to the House, to hinder Edwin M. Stanton from holding the office of Secretary of War, in violation of the Conspiracy Act,' passed July 31, 1861. Art. 5. That the President conspired with one Lorenzo Thomas and others to hinder and prevent the execution of Tenure-of-Office Act,' and in pursuance of this conspiracy attempted to prevent Edwin M. Stanton from holding the office of Secretary of War. Art. 6. That the President conspired with one Lorenzo Thomas to seize, take, and possess by force the property of the United States in the War llepartment,in violation of the 'Con spiracy Act' and the Tenure-of-Office Act.' Art. 7. This is the same as Article 6, but the phrase ology is changed, and the offence is charged as a violation of the ' Tenure-of-Office Act' only. Art. 8. That the President, with the intent unlawfully to control the disbursements of money appropriated for the military service, and in violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act' and the Constitution, ap pointed Lorenzo Thomas Secretary of War, ad interim. Art. 9. That the President, on February 22, in disregard of the Constitution and laws, as Commander-in-Chief of the army, instructed Gene ral Emory, in command of Washington, that the part of the law of March 2, 1867, which provides that all orders and instructions relating to mili tary operations issued by the President or Secretary of War shall be issued through the General of the Army (Grant), and, in case of his inability, through the next in rank,' was unconstitutional, and not binding on Emory as an army officer, with intent to induce him to violate the said law, and obey such orders as the President might give, without issuing them through the General of the Army." Art. 10. Moved by General Butler, and at first re jected but afterwards adopted, charges the Presi dent with the escopades of his celebrated tour in 1866, alleging that at various times he did " make and declare with a loud voice certain intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces, as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby, amid the cries, jeers, and laughter of the multitudes then assembled in hearing." Art. 11 was offered by Mr. Bingham, which charges the President with having, on the the 18th August, 1866, publicly declared that the 39th Congress of the United States was not lawful, being only a Congress of a part of the States, and that, in pursuance of this opinion, had endetvoured to prevent the execution of the Tenure-of-Office Act. Art. 12, for we learn by the cable that the Articles have been increased to twelve, was pro bably one proposed ineffectually by Mr. Jenckes, of Rhode Island, but after mature reflection adopted by the Representatives, as Reverdy Johnson and other lawyers of note considered it essential, as it charges the President with criminal intent in his operations a charge not embraced in the Articles as they stood. The President said " The Senate will take due order on the subject, of which notice will be given to the House of Representatives," when the managers and mem bers retired. Oa the following day, after the expiry of morning hour, Chief Justice Chase, in full robes, and with the dignity he is so well qualified to assume, entered the Cham ber on the arm of Mr. Pomeroy, followed by Messrs. Wilson and Buckalew, and other mem bers of the House. Mr. Wade announced that business would be suspended toproceed with the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, and for the purpose the Chair would be vacated. On this, the Chief Justice, advancing, took the chair and said—" Senators, I am here in obedience to your notice for the purpose of pro ceeding with you in forming a Court of Impeach ment for the trial of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. I am now ready to take the oath." Associate Justice Nelson then adminis tered the following oath to the Chief Justice :,-- " I do solemnly swear that in all things appertain ing to the trial of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, now pending, I will do impartial justice according to the Constitution and the laws, so help me God." The Chief Justice—" The oath will now be administered to the Senators iu succession." The roll was then called by the clerk, and the Senators came forward and were sworn before the Chief Justice, the same oath being taken by all except Mr. Wade. They repeated the words of the oath after the Chief Justice, the Bible, lying on the table between, not being used. Some Senators leant forward and spoke with great earnestness, others stood erect and pronounced the oath flippantly. Among the former was Senator Fessenden, who repeated the words with great solemnity. The manner of all was eagerly watched, as indicative of their leaning. When Mr. Wade's name was called, and that gentleman was advancing to take the oath, Mr. Hendricks rose and said he would submit to the presiding officer of the Senate a question." The Senator just called is the presiding officer of this body, and will, under the Constitution and the laws, become the President of the United States should the impeach ment to be tried be sustained. The Constitution pro vides that in case of the trial of the President of the United States, the Vice-President shall not be qua lified to preside over the trial. I now submit to the consideration of the presiding officer a n d th e S enate, whether, by being a Senator and representing a State, it is competent for him to take the oath and to become a part of the court. The Constitution does not allow the Vice-President to participate in the proceedings similar to this, by reason of the fact of his becoming the successor of the President, and, therefore, having a direct interest in the result. The point is whether the Senator from Ohio, who now holds the same position relatively as the Vice-President, and has the same interest in the result, as would naturally be felt by that officer, is now competent to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution, and to sit on this trial." Mr. Sherman considered the question answered by the Constitution, which entitles every State to two Senators. After further discussion, the Chief Jus tice (rising) said, " The Senator from Ohio had pre sented himself to take the oath, when he was met by an objection of the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Hendricks), that it was not competent for him to sit in judgment upon this case. Pending that ob jection the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Johnson) moved that the question be temporarily set aside, and that the other Senators following the name of the Senator from Ohio be sworn in. That was the question now before the Court." On the motion of Mr. Greaves the Court was adjourned, but not without the question arising whether the adjourn ment of the Court carried with it that of the Senate, which was finally settled by the Court adjourning, the Chief Justice retiring, and Mr. Wade resuming the chair and calling the Senate to order, but without transacting any business, it adjourned. The House of Representatives on the 2d March adopted the Articles of Impeachment, each Article being read seperately, and on each the vote was taken. Nearly all the Articles were - passed votes as follows :—Yeas—Messrs. Allison, Ames, Ander son, Arnell, Ashley, of Nevada; Ashley, of Ohio ; Bailey, Baldwin, Banks, Beaman, Beatty, Ben ton, Bingham, Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Brom - well, Broomall, Buckland, Butler, Churchill, Clarke, of Ohio; Clarke, of Kansas ; Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell, Covode, Cullum, Dawes, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Briggs, Eggleston, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferries, Ferry, Fields, Garfield, Gravely, Griswold, Halsey, Par ding, Rigby, Hill, Hooper, Hopkins, Hub bard, Western Virginia ; Hulburd, Hunter, In gersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Juhan, Kelley, Kelsey, Ketcham, Kitchen, Koontz, Laffin, Lawrence, Pennsylvania ; Lawrence, of Ohio ; Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Longridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, M'Carthy, M'Clure, Mercur, Miller, Moore, Mor rell, Mulllins, Myers, Newcomb, Nunn, ONeill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters, Pike, Plants, Poland, Poleley, Pomeroy, Price, Baum, Ro bertson, Sawyer, Shenck, Scofield, Shanks, Smith, Spalding, Starkweather, Stevens, Stokes, Taffe, Taylor, Thomas, Trimble, of Tennessee ; Trow bridge, Twichell, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Horn of New York ; Van Horn, Mo. ; Van Wyck, Ward, Washburn, of Wisconsin ; Washburn, of Illinois; Washburn, of Mass. ; Welker, Williams, of Pa. ; Wilson, of Iowa; Wilson, of Ohio; Wil son, of Pa. ; Windom, Wocdbridge- 125 . Nays—. Messrs. Adams, Archer, Axtell, Barnum, Beck, Boyer, Brooks, Burr, Cary, Chanler, Eldridge, Fox, Getz, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Grover, Haight, Hol man, Hotchkiss, Hubbard, of Connecticut ; Hum phrey, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Marshal, McCormick, Morgan, Mungen, Niblack, Nicholson, Pruyn, Randall, Ross, Stewart, Stone, Taber, Trimble, Van Auken, Van Trump, and Wood ward-41. The ninth (formerly the tenth) was adopted by 108 to 46, but no vote was taken on the Articles as a whole. The Speaker then called for the election of Managers, and Poland, of Vermont, nominated the seven. The tellers, being appointed by the Speaker, took their station in front of the clerk's desk, and, as each Republican's name was called, he came forward and deposited his ballot. The Democratic members asked to be excused from voting, but though objection was raised, they una nimously refused to cast their ballots. Whole num ber of votes cast, 118 ; necessary to a choice, 60. For Mr. Bingham, 114 ; Mr. Boutwell, 113 ; Mr. Butler, 108 ; Mr. Wilson, 112 ; Mr. Logan, 106 ; Mr. Williams, 107 ; Mr. Stevens, 105 ; and they were declared elected Managers. On the 3d Mr. Butler brought forward an Article which he had failed to carry on the previous day, charging the Presi dent with the speeches abusive of Congress ; and Mr. Bingham offered another Article to be known as the eleventh, alleging further disrespectful speeches of the President, which were adopted without a debate. THE DESPATCHES OF MI?. C. F. ADAMS. (No. II.) (Front the Anglo-American Times.) One of the most difficult questions with which Mr. Adams had to deal was the use made of British territory by the insurgents for hostile enterprises against the United States. The settled purpose of the Southern emissaries was to involve Great Britain in the war. They had abundance of agents daring to a reckless degree, who by fomenting a bitter feeling in the States bordering on Canada hoped to provoke a retaliation which might pre cipitate Great Britain into the struggle. The people of the United States were exasperated to the highest degree by the losses their commerce had sustained from the depredations of cruisers fitted out in England, and the inhabitants of the border cities and villages were kept in a similar state of alarm by the machinations of the Confederates in Canada, as the Canadians have lately been by the Fenians in the United States. The Government at Washington naturally brought a great pressare to bear, through Mr. Adams, on the British Go vernment. It became the Minister's duty to re monstrate with all the strength he could judiciously use, yet so to accomplish this as not to hazard a rupture, which would have been to the last degree prejudicial to the interests of his country. In a despatch to Lord Russell, dated Nov. 23, 1864, the events that had lately occurred along !he border are given in a clear and consecutive narrative. The steamer Philo Parsons sailed for Detroit on the 19th September, with 40 passengers. At MaLion, on the Canada side twenty men came on board with a trunk, containing as afterwards ascertained re volvers and hatchets. She was subsequently joined by four more. In the afternoon the vessel was seized and headed eastward, until it was ascer tained there was not sufficient fuel, when she put back to Middle Bass Island, where the steamer Island Queen came alongside, which was immediately seized. Several shots were fired, and the engineer of the island Queen was wounded, another of the crew was cut in the head, and several persons knocked down. After landing the passengers of both vessels, the Philo Parsons towed the island Queen into the lake, where she was scuttled by cutting her supply pipe, when she drifted on a shoal. The Philo Parsons arrived the next morning at Maldon, sending a few miles above that port a boat load of plunder to the Canadian shore. The crews of both steamers were landed at Fighting Island, six miles further up, and at Sand wich a pianoforte, some trunks, and cabin furni ture were conveyed to the dock. She was then sent tled and cast off, but before sinking she was taken possession of by the mate, who came up in the Pearl, and had her towed to Detroit. The primary object was to release the insurgent officers on Johnson Island. His Excellency alleges, his Go vernment had proof that Jacob Thomson was com missioned and provided with funds to organize and set in motion a body of insurgents in Canada to effect the object. Scarcely had the alarm occa sioned by this subsided, when a new and more atrocious outrage occurred. An armed band of 25 desperate men proceeded in small parties by stage coach to St. Albans, Vermont, from Canada, where at a concerted time they broke into banks and other offices, and carried off $225,000 with other valuable property The raiders, mounted on stolen horses, were pursued towards the frontier by the inhabi tants, and with the co-operation of the Canadian Municipal agents, twelve were taken into custody by the Canadian police, and stripped of their plunder, which was promptly restored to its owners. Mr. Adams then proceeds to inform the British Government that in view of these circumstances two steam propellers had been directed to be fitted out by his Government, one upoa Lake Erie, and the other on Lake Ontario, to check depredations on the trade cr attacks upon the population connected with those waters. In consequence of the further outrage at St. Albans, he is instructed to give formal notice that in conformity with the treaty reservation of April, 1817, of the right, at the expiration of six months from the date of this note—the United States will deem themselves at liberty to increase the Naval armament upon the Lakes, if, in their judgment, the condition of affairs in that quarter shall require it. "In taking this step," Mr. Adams writes, " I am desired to assure your lordship that it is resorted to only as an indispensable measure to the national defence, and so far from being in a spirit of hostility, that it springs from a wish no less earnest than heretofore to preserve the most friendly relations with Great Britain. I take pleasure in adding that it is the fixed purpose of my Government, in every case, to direct its energies to the prevention of all attempts to invade the British territory, whether b y way of retaliation or otherwise. The questions that grow out of the present anomalous state of things arc deemed of no less importance to the in terests of her Majesty's possessions than they are to the people of the United States. The failure to maintain a rigid neutrality on the Canadian border at this day may become a fruitful source of excuse for similar delinquency at some period or other on our side of the line, whenever the temptation may arise. It is not for my Government to indicate the precise means to be adopted by her Majesty's Government to insure a more perfect observance of that neutrality on her side. I may, however, be permitted to suggest on its behalf an opinion that a policy similar to that which was inau gurated under circumstances not altogether un like by the enactment of the law of the 10th March, 1838, might be followed with great advantage to Great Britain in the American provinces during the continuance of the present struggle." Mr. Adams conveys the sincere conviction of his Government that the neutrality policy of her Majesty had failed more conspicuously in the colonies than in British home ports, and must continue to fail as long as an asylum was given in those provinces to active emissaries of the enemies of the United States. He observes that there is one adequate remedy only, " a recognition by her Majesty's Government of the just and exclusive sovereignty of the United States in all the waters and all the territory hereto fore legally under the jurisdiction of the Govern ment." He points out that the welfare and pros perity of the British Provinces are sources of wealth and influence for the one country only in a less degree than for the other, and are as sincerely de sired by his Government as by that of Great Bri tain. This has been proved by the United States entering into relations of reciprocal free commerce with them almost as intimate as between the several States of the Union, but he shows that the amity must be reciprocated. He ends with the prediction to which we alluded in a former number, and which was realised by Canada in the Fenian invasions. There is something remarkable in the fact that after the treaty limiting the naval force on the Lakes had existed for just half a century it should have been interrupted by the Confederates, and that the first service of the gunboat placed on the water in consequence was, if we do not mistake, in defence not of the United States, but of the very Province from which these raids had emanated. What Mr. Adams then wrote received a marked confirmation by these events. General Dix stated on November 22d that rebels, armed with revolvers, belonging to John Morgan's corps were regularly drilling in Prince Edward's county, Canada, and Colonel Hill, commanding in Michigan, forwarded intelligence to General Rooker that very extensive preparations were being made in Canada, to burn Buffalo, Cleveland, and Detroit with Greek fire, then being prepared in Windsor. On December 14 Mr, Seward informed Mr. Adams that he had re ceived intelligence, by telegraph, that the felons arrested in Canada for the robbery, burglary, and murder at St. Albans had been set at liberty, and the stolen money restored to them. He desires to know what measures her Majesty's Government had taken to prevent a renewal of these invasions. In his despatch of = December 19 Mr. Seward adds, " Subsequent information confirms the fact, with the addition, that the money stolen, $90,000, was delivered to the felons bythe police under the direc tion of the judge, and thus, richly furnished with the spoils of our citizens, they were conveyed amid acclamations in sleighs, which had been prepared for their escap, from the court room beyond the reach of fresh pursuit. That the discharge of the prisoners was placed upon technical ground, now confessed to be erroneous equally in law and in fact--that when new warrants were issued the police were dilatory and treacherous in execu tion, and that all efforts for the recapture of the culprits have thus far been unsuccessful. It is believed that they have already escaped from Canada to find even more sure protection and favour in Nova Scotia. It is impossible to consi der these proceedings as either leg just, or friendly towards the Uuited States." He goes on to state that Congress has passed a law authorizing the building and equipment of six steam revenue cutters for service on the Lakes, and introduced a bill requesting the President to give the notice needful for bringing to an end the Reciprocity Treaty. He then writes, "In all your communi cations with Earl Russell you will assure him that this Government, while it steadily perseveres in seeking guarantees for our domestic peace and safety against the invasion of border enemies, never theless more earnestly desires and constantly aims to remain in peace, and friendship, and fraternal intercourse with the British Provinces and with the British Empire." Lord Russell's reply is certainly poor and weak, considering the gross provocation given. Writing on December 16, he says, "If it should appear that the persons concerned in such inroads are for any reason not subject to extradi tion, they and others, must, in some way, be effec tually prevented from committing similar offences against a neighbouring State. But I need scarcely point out to you that any invasion of the Canada territory from the United States would excite hostile feelings in Canada against the people of the United States, and might prove ex tremely injurious to the pacific relations between the two countries." Mr. Adams wrote on the 30th December, giving Mr. Seward an ac count of an interview he had just had with Lord Russell. His lordship then explained the nature of the legal difficulty which had led to the release of the St. Albans raiders. He remarked that if the action in Canada was under instructions from Richmond the law officers of the Crown were cle kr that they were guilty of a high offence against her Majesty's authority and the peace of the kingdom. Mr. Adams, however, put it in its true light : "If these people were not acting under belligerent authority, they were liable as criminals to the claim of extradiction under the treaty ; if, on the other hand, they could prove that they were so acting, then they were liable as vio lators of the neutrality of her Majesty's territory." On January 5, 1865, Mr. Adams thus wrote to Washington :—" The action of Judge Coursal upon the question submitted to him has led not only to a very general expression of disapprobation here, but it has also prompted a most unequivocal condemna tion of the outrage itself. There appears to be little difference of opinion in the public press on this subject. lam convinced that if any repetition of it should be attempted, it will go far to stop all further open sympathy with the rebel cause. Any penalty which may be inflicted 'upon the perpe trators will be approved and justified. I have di rected a copy of the Times to be sent to you, con taining a leader on the subject, bearing evident marks of authority. A similar leader, even more decided in tone, appeared simultaneously in the evening paper, the Globe. I may say that public sentiment has been more nearly right on this question than upon any since I held this post." A letter from Mr. Seward, dated Jan. 26, shows the loyal feeling of the United States towards England, and how easily a cordial friendship might have been established, but for the constant inter ruption of the evilly disposed and the folly of a large class in permitting themselves to be made the tools of such persons. "It is freely confessed that the proceedings that her Majesty's Government have taken in relation to the Canadian outrages seem to us just and fair. It is to be hoped that the instruc tions of the Home Government will so strengthen the hands of the provincial authorities in Canada as to secure to us a surrender of the St. Albans and Philo Parsons felons, in compliance with our requi sition, and also a restoration of the treasure which they purloined from the citizens of the United States and placed in the hands of the Canadian police. It is with sincere satisfaction we observe that the provincial authorities have begun to act with energy in the spirit of the instructions before mentioned. lam charged by the President to ex press to you his special satisfaction with the discreet manner in which thus far you have conducted the proceedings in question. Congress will be favour ably impressed by the proceedings of her Majesty's Government and those of the provincial authorities. If now the issuing of piratical vessels from Liver pool could be arrested, we might hope for a speedy restoration of good feeling between the people of the two nations." This was written two days after Mr. Seward had learned that the capricious Judge Coursal had been removed from office by the Governor-General. On Feb. 9, 1865, the joint resolution of Congress to terminate the treaty of 1817 regulating the naval forces ou the L a k es was approved and forwarded to Mr. Adams. On the 17th of March, 1865, a certified copy of a joint resolution of Congress, approved by the President on the 18th of January, 1865, was de livered by Mr. Adams at the Foreign office in Lon don, terminating the treaty concluded between the United States and her Britannic Majesty on the sth June, 1854, commonly known as the Reciprocity Treaty. Thus ended the Philo Parsons affair, and the St. Albans' raid, aided by an idiotic judge and an insano mob. The extremes of folly to which people can reach was never better illustrated. Even but touching, as we have, on some of the main points, the judicious handling of the question by Mr. Adams is shown. On the one hand the imbecile judge, cheered by the Montreal mob, exasperated to a frenzy the border citizens of the United States, whose pressure prior even to this had extracted from General Dix an order to pursue such raiders across the frontier, and to capture them wherever found ; which order in turn exasperated the people of England ; and thus we drifted on, and would have drifted into actual hos tilities, but for the arresting hand of Mr. Seward on the one side and Mr. Adams and Earl Russell on the other. Canada reaped the effects of its unwise course in these legislative measures of Congrese, and afterwards in the hostile proceedings of the Fenians ; both so clearly to have bten foreseen, that it is absolutely incredible men could, with their eyes open, have invited such a retaliation. Next week we will touch on the Despatches bearing on the violated neutrality of English ports. CRYSTAL PALACE. ONE SHILLING DAY. WEDNESDAY.—Admission on payment, 992 ; ditto, by season tickets, 1,533. Total visitors, 2,525. LADVEaT(SMIENT.)—Avoid Medicines: they always aggravate chronic complaints: but Du Barry's delicious health-restoring Revalenta Arabica, Food, which yields three times the nourish ment of the best meat, saves 50 times its cost in other remedies, and invariably restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled. Wo extract a few out of 68,000 cures;—" The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 63,413.—"R0me, July 21, 1866. —The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food. of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly bene ficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excel lent food too highly." From the "Gazette du Midi, July 25 Cure No. 53,216, of the Marchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver 00uctplaint, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and the most intolerable nervous agitation.." Cure No. 1,771; Lord Stuart do Decies, Lord Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia. No. 49,832: " Fifty years' indescribable agopy from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Joly."—Ca re N o. 46,270: Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years , diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness. Important Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liehig's name is most audaciously attached. In tins at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 48. 6d,; 5 lbs. 11s1• 12 lbs., 225.; 21 lbs., 40s.—BAaav Du BARRY .and Co., No. 77' Itegent-street, Loudon; &leo Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadilly and at 61, 11r i t eee h urc h-street; 4, Uheapsido ; 63, 150, a n d 298 , 010 ml-street; 880, Strand; and all grocers 9aut chemists, SILVER MINING 1N NEVADA. The Wall Street Journal of the 29th February says : " Mining stocks have generally declined at the Board, and Consolidated Gregory and Quartz Hill show a very heavy fall. A large business is doing outside in Nevada silver stocks, and at no former period have we seen so much anxiety to take hold of these securities as at present. We look for these stocks before long as being almost the only stocks which will be dealt in in this market." We print elsewhere a letter from Nevada, in which the writer gives some wholesome advice. No doubt Nevada opens the very finest field i for enterprise, and those now cautiously and with judgment availing themselves of it will reap a prodigious return. But, unfortunately, it is in the nature of such en terprises that either they are the object of unbounded speculation, and the preserve of unscrupulous job bers, or of aversion and fear. Capital judiciously in vested in Nevada would produce astounding results, but when a few realize these results, others jump headlong into the traps everywhere laid for them by schemers, and the howl of the hurt frightens off those who might have benefited largely by invest ing in the mines. Tie Georgetown Miner, of Colorado, on the 30th January, remarked on " the invariable practice among Eastern companies ope rating there to place the reduction works in charge of men who knew no more of the treatment of ore than a hog does of parlour etiquette." Ignorant of the knowledge others had gained by experience, they are the victims of plausible inventions, and they act on their proprietors, who are even more ignorant, so as to induce them to authorize some new-fangled process which is sure to save all the precious metal contained in the ore. When the money that should be expended in developing the mine has been eaten up in experiments by these infatuated agents, the company stops, financially ruined, with their useless mills and plant, and the lodes unworked. The scheme is then pronounced a swindle, and the reports, humbug, and the State or territory is regarded as one to be avoided. The Central Herald says : " The time was, and not very far in the past either, when a man who happened to have the courage to acknow ledge that he was from Colorado, might calculate on Wing shunned as a rogue. Our territory is not to blame for the ❑umerous frauds which were perpetrated on the Eastern people during a season of unusual excitement. The same thing was done with, the oil lands of Pennsylvania, and the same thing will continue to be done until the end of time : provided the multitude of speculators continue to lose their wits at stated periods. Colorado is not so far away from the great commercial centre as it used to be, and men can have no excuse now for allowing themselves to be swindled out of hundreds of thousands of dollars. They can now come to Colorado and see for themselves be fore they pay a dollar. Those who invest in ' wild cat' Colorado preperty hereafter, deserve to lose their money• We occasionally hear of wild-cat' scheme which is con cocted with the deliberate intention of swindling, and we feel it a duty to expose such rascality, and in tend to do so on all occasions. A man can buy up tea thousand feet of worthless property which will cost but little more than the fees paid to the recorder and notary. With this worthless trash and a large stock of brass he appears before the Eastern public. There he takes unto himself other kindred spirits who are willing to join him in any swindling operation by which they are likely to realise a few thousands. A few transactions of this kind have made for Colorado a great many enemies, and has benefited only a few disreputable characters who have always been a curse to whatever community they may happen to live in." The Central Herald declares that whenever it hears of a " wild-cat" scheme it will expose it without hesitation or remorse, and it warns certain men who are preparing such schemes, that, if they persist in their dishonest attempts to make fortunes at the expense of Colorado's character as a mining country, it will take pleasure in exposing them : "There is really no necessity for people being swindled in this way, and it never could occur if the purchasers of Colorado property would only make use of ordinary dis cretion. Our really valuable property is as well known to the public here as any kind of real estate in the East Ili known to the public there. A telegraphic despatch to a county or territorial officer would make the transaction safe, or show it to bo a swindle. Parties buying mining property, who have not time to come out here and see for themselves, ought by all means to take this course." The course here recommended might safely be adopted. as it is ruinous to the interest of the State or territory when the schemes of swindlers are suc cessfully carried out. It is, therefore, in the highest degree advisable for the local Press to denounce such schemes the moment they become known. Any person desirous of ascertaining the value of property offered for sale should address the pro spectus to the Editor of a local paper, whose com ments are sure to find their way back. Even in London, such a plan could be adopted with advan tage. "While on the subject of mining we may mention that theS weetwater gold fields have aroused a furore, and caused a rush to that region. They are said to throw into the shade Pike's Peak or the glittering temptations of Montana and Idaho. A special correspondent of the Chicago Repnblicau sends a glowing report of the district. The Union Pacific Railroad can convey passengers to within a hundred miles of these diggings, exceeding in richness of ore, extent, and permanency of mines, and ease with which the rock can be worked all yob known. Those who take an interest in the Mining States should visit the office of Colonel BUEL, late Commissioner from Nevada to the Paris Exhibition , and inspect his collection of specimens at 1081 Palmerston-buildings, Old Broad-street, London.' Anglo-American Times. Foreign Mail Packet List, MAILS DUE. amstralla and New Zealand, via Sonthampton.....Marell 241 Ditto, via Marseilles .............April 9. Ditto, via Panama March 3 ) . Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video .... April 6. Ditto, by French packet . ..... . April 2z. Cape Verde, by Brazil paotet ...... . . °ape of Good Hope. Aeoenaion. and St. Helena Aare' 22 China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton March 23 * Ditto, via Marseilles ... ..... April 5. Falkland Islands ... April II .iibraltar, via Southampton . • March 2 3 India, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles March 25 ' Malta, Egypt, tite. .. ......... ....... Ditto, Marseilles... March 2) Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton ew Ditto, M iouhdland arseilies Portugal ••• ..... Apr il 18. N • • • • — April 8 April 6 Ditto, by private ship to Oporto Ditto t .tto to Lisbon United States, Lanada, California, &c., by British packet Ditto, by L sited States packet Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditto 'New Yerk) Ditto dittt (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet ... • • ••• . • West Coast of AfriLa, Madeira, and Teneriffe April 16 ' West Indies and Pazitio (except Mexico and Baha mas) March 37 ' Cuba and Mexico Uarch 25. Bahamas, via New Y Bermuda, via Halifax Births. LONG—On the 22d inst., at Cannes, the wife of R. P. 14°P5 ' Esq., M.P., of a son. Pumurs —On the 25th inst, at Tenby, the wife of ...- -L-1 14. Phillips, Esq., of a daughter. ll' SUTTON—On the 23d inst., at Burleigh Hall, Lou.- borough, the wife of Charles Sutton, Esq., of a so' Marriages. BERRY—BEMAND On the 24th inst , at St. Ge or q Hanover-square, Zephaniah Augustine, eldest soh d D. Berry, Esq., of the Albion Works, Westminster. 0., - 18, Buckingham Palace-road, Pimlico, to Jessie Cli°'o.f lotte, second daughter of the late Wm. Bemand, Esq" Tottenham-court-road. Ir ish HARRISON—THOMAS—On the 24th inst , at the ~ie s t church of St. Margaret, Westminster, *Frederick, ei" rt , son of George Harrison, Esq., of Malpas, near No,_ "of MonnaGuthsture, to Fauny Louisa, eldest datie t °- Arthur Thomas, Esq., of Old Brompt,n. Deaths. et CORRY - On the 25th inst., at the Admiralty, Lady g arnet Corry. COMBER -On the 24th inst.,_at Stand House, near 11.15/1- chester, Andrew Comber, 'Esq., aged 68. ks olb CLARKSON - On the 25th inst., Esther, wife of T. Clar Esq., of 40, Avenue-road, Regent's-park. COLMORE -On the 23d inst., at Monkspatb, near Birrninr ham, Wm. S. Caner°, Esq., aged 55. IsT'. $. ,7 DAVISON-On the 23d inst., at St. Alban's, Berta, -• 0 ,0 Davison, Esq., M.A., 11. D., and Fellow of the College of Physichins, aged 72. HENRY-On the 23d inst., at Southport, John '- Lieut. R.N., and Naval Knight of Windsor. JACKSON-On the 23d inst., at Riseholme, fl 11 Jackson, only son of the Bishop of Lincoln. London : Printed and Published by WILLI:151 AND, ° l° 1 12. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan SuN Oliee, L' l ,., pi Strand, in the Precinct of the S avo y , in the Cou'v' Aliddief4X.—Thursiclay, Alexcla 26, 1868. LIINI Rig) &c. BENT Una p.m. to RE Prize 11 It is I Sold • the Age Obser han's L: ~1~,. In co. new Sol bleat; astonist Transfo SIDNEY Dancer. Bishol Miss Br, Full C the (ire; The ( the pric at Mitch and all ( the Hall Specie and will son, Joll Minstrel EL( CAN ENGA( BLONI the woi o'clock, JACK includiu Talking Fred. E Crystal with 1, Villars, Stalls Speci on his lc 31[A] A POl added to Admix: 60. extra Open ft A" This in, !laving b by Ilessr for the A 8010 Cori TUC N-7 P.ll Vented braces .'43ll;:g:3:nsael::rait7ll; a n-ai n dtll' Street, 021 FURI per number or unfura hoods of ntty._p a , square. ROUSES or PROF 1 3 D'' all descrll for outlay notnphrti Lions of b transterr. In?, Hong, PAN K- 1 AL Speedily p os. 6d, a sta mps. _ all Chad W 07.! This prey hours, rei for 60 st , Chemists. }JAIR Lo curls Ladt, Bold at 3s. and 144 st GREY AL colour imr feetly na t sd•; sent 'ueraists. IT AIR Lo Inoves Bur Without of S d• ; sent i VF skin GET A nalloxvness °4111 13q.-2 411 Cliemis ] a [ :1:1 1 4: I:Rh hea kVen or to re mains sc stamps. -9 tyst pul GUI I desi ...ng the ap I,N ‘rn -- d -........ 2 _2/1 Ii ALTH R 1)11 BA and A' At LOttdo