The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE ,PUBLIO JOURNALS. The Times, after calling attention to the overwhelming majority which Mr. Gladstone has obtained, declares that >lr. Disraeli will not die easy. Nobody (it continues) can be surprised at this, since nobody expected he would suffer himself to be snuffed out by a single adverse divi sion. Early last night he warned the House of Commons of the course he intended to pursue, and his speech at the close of the debate breathed the frankest spirit of defiance. The House has resolved upon going into committee. So much has been accomplished ; but a Minister is at liberty to assert that the next step will be in his favour, and that in the last resort the constituencies will be found on his side. Mr. Disraeli will not let his privileges expire through want of use. He still challenges the Commons to agree with Mr. Gladstone in his declaration that the Irish Establishment must, as an Establishment, " cease to exist." He knows as well as any of us that the House will assent to this declaration, but some days or weeks must expire after the Easter recess before a decision can be taken upon it. When it has been done ho will challenge Parliament to meet the country next Feb ruary upon this issue, although again conscious that the nation will with augmented force repeat the declaration, of the present Parliament. Are there not many con stituencies in the kingdom, and has not each its proper variety of candidate? There will be an election next February, and the Irish Church will be the question on the hustings. One man, seeking to win the suffrages of a Protestant constituency, will appeal with pious fervour to the declarations of the Home Secretary. A second, who woos a commercial city, will swear by the good sense of Lord Stanley, and asltwhether the Church in Ireland is more than a phrase. A third, addressing rural voters, not very well conscious of what they desire, will find / immense relief in the repetition of the Indian Secretary's parliamentary sentences. Mr. Disraeli, as the " medicine tnan " supreme over all, may be invoked, when all others Sail, as the tutelary deity of his party. The opinion of the Post is that the result of the division on the main question that i the House of Commons should resolve itself into a committee to consider Mr. Gladstone's resolutions on the Irish Church will take no one by sur prise. The victory is significant in more senses than one. It proves that the majority of the representatives of the British nation:are prepared, irrespective of sectarian preju dices, to do a great act of justice and wipe out a blot which has for centuries disfigured the imperial escutcheon. It pFON . Cti that the Imperial Parliament is ready, not as some contended, to violate the Act of Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, but to give that enactment effect by adopting those measures which are indispensable to place the Irish people on the same footing as their English fallow-subjects. It proves that there are not only men, but that they are a powerful majority, in the councils of the nation who are ready to pursue a just and wise and humane policy towards millions of their fellow-citizens who until now have been constantly re. minded, in the most offensive of all ways, of their civil and religious inferiority. Finally, it proves that a Govern. went ,which habitually lets " I dare not wait upon I would" is not a fitting one to direct the destinies of this great nation. The Daily News . observes that notwithstanding his decisive defeat, LorlpStanley's rejected amendment has probably effected all that its real author expected it to accomplish. Its discussion has occupied a week, and made impossible the practical discussion of Mr. Gladstone's resolutions before the Easter holidays. Mr. Disraeli will now have the recess in which to devise new tactics suitable to his singular position. The strength of the current of public opinion, and the certainty that members will soon be brought into cl.;se contact with their con stituents, diminishes the importance of merely Parlia mentary manoeuvres. The great fact which is before the Tory party is that the disestablishment of the Irish Church is now inevitable, and as soon as this is acknow ledged it must be plain that no easier terms can be proposed than those which have been proposed by Mr. Gladstone. More generous consideration was never extended to the adherents of a condemned institution than the Liberal leader has shewn for the clergy of the Irish Establishment in the very moment of declaring that that institution must cease to exist. They mays.) further and fare worse ; under the conditions of the case they cannot fare better. The Herald says a majority of the House of Common! has pronounced in favour of considering the question of the Irish Church with a view to its disestablishment. But there is a long way from the resolution to take this ques tion into consideration with such a purpose to the desired destruction. The battle will be renewed when the first resolution is proposed on the 27th April, and it will be re- newed under other conditions. The country will have had time to acquaint its representatives with its opinions. It will have the opportunity to tell the honourable gentlemen who have voted for the destruction of the Irish Church— that is, for the promotion of the Papal supremacy in Ireland—that they have utterly mistaken the spirit of their constituents, and we shall find the majorities of GC and 5G will dwindle, when this intimation reaches their members, and the hopelessness of the merely personal and factious object of the attack upon the Church is clear, into powerless minorities. The ,Stancicn•d comments on the enormity of the task which lie before - Mr. Gladstone. The gain of the remaining five months of the session is not worth counting so far as the completion of so gigantic a task is concerned, but it is of immense importance in regard to the Scotch and Irish Reform Bills and other measures now before Parliament. The simple effect of Mr. Gladstone's pertinacity will be, if successful, to fritter away the session and render the Ministerial programme of legislation abortive, without advancing by a single day the consummation of the pros- pect which represents the conviction of his life, and which never saw the light of day until some three weeks back. It is needless to criticise his motives for taking this mis• chievous course when his own followers make them the text for public irony in the House of Commons. The Telegraph remarks that until the outrageous eccle• siastical outpost was seriously attacked its own garrison did not know how defenceless it was. In the same way the Government has gradually discovered the intensity of Parliamentary and public feeling, and the amendment would never have been made if the Ministers had known that the whole country was so sick of " modifications." Justice, frank equalisation of rights, generous resolve to .satisfy and conciliate, sisterly goodwill—these, and not "modifications," are the things which must govern all we do if we want to preserve Ireland, let alone churches and endowments. What Mr. Cardwell described, to the shame of us all, is a conquered, not a kindred land ; and kindred we must make it, or lose it. Mr. Disraeli could not pre. tend to face such facts, nor did it need the renewed elo. quence and fidelity of Mr. Gladstone to recapitulate them ; and, long before the debate was finished, ite inevitable issue was seen. There is, the Star lays down, no gainsaying the meaning of the triumph which has placed the cause of justice to Ireland out of danger ; there is no reason to doubt that soon after Easter a decision will be arrived at on the mai; question ; and there is no room for disputing that we owe the auspicious result which will assure Irishmen all over the world that a happier day has dawned for their country, chiefly to the fact that in the official ranks, long doomed to sterile hesitation and enfeebling compromise, has arisen a man, not only capable of action, but incapable of ab- staining from it when the hour has arrived. The real leadership of Mr. Gladstone will date from this division, and the new hopes of Ireland will render its inauguration doubly memorable in the history of the country. The Imperial Review observes : The duty that devolves upon the Tory party is such as easily admits of definition. The course they will pursue is one with regard to which no doubt or hesitation can be possible. Mr. Gladstone and his I adical followers have formally identified themselves with the cause of spoliation, and they must he resisted by every constitutional means. The contest will not improbablyhave to be carried from St. Stephen's into every parish in the kingdom. The Tories may be defeated in the present House of Commons, but their appeal will necessarily be to a higher authority, that of the nation. At a general election the decision will be given, not with reference to the trifling and transitory aims of party, but rather to the great principles that are hound up with the question which Mr. Gladstone has forced into notice. Mr. Bright doubtless believes that the Tories will be driven from the Treasury benches. It is necessary to assure him that not even this success will prove destructive to the Irish Church. Whether in office or in opposition the Tory party will neither relax in its exertions on behalf of the- cause of the Church, nor doubt as to ultimate success. Mr. Osborne thinks that what he terms " this business" " will last our lifetinie." He is too sanguine. Unless, indeed, the Liberal leaders, true to their traditions, deter- mine to withdraw from the course that they have entered on, when their immediate object is gained, or when they find that they have sacrificed honour only to forfeit pot es laxity. But if the boast that, Navin;; put the hand to the plough they will not witlelraw it, i.s true, and if the decision of the constituencies is not so distinctly adverse to their p liey as to render their party powerless for all purposes of offence, it is clear that a long and snstained national alel parliamentary contest is inevitable. Her Majesty, attended ty Lady Churchill and the Equerries in Waiting, visited the Earl awl Countess of Derby on Friday afternoon at their residence in St. James's-square. The Earl of Derby was able to take car riage airing the day before, and on Friday afternoon was so much improved as to take a drive as far as Richmond Park. The noble earl is daily regaining his strength, Ind in all probability will be found in the House of Lords with recruited health soon after the Easter recess.— Pot. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAsT EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The London and North Western, and Knighton and Central Wales Extension Railway Company's Bill, Weedon and Daventry Railway Bill, Wey and Arum Junction Bill, and Bristol and North Somerset Railway Bill, were ready third time. PETITION. Lord WESTBURY presented a petition praying for an alteration in Courts of Justice in Scotland, and stated that he quite concurred in it, and should after the Easter recess call attention to the matter. THE LAW OF PARTITION. The LORD CHANCELLOR would request their lord ships to bring in a bill which should contain a law to bo called the Law of Partition. He did not at that stage intend to enter into any details, but observations concerning it would be printed and circulated. The bill was read a first time. AFFAIRS IN CRETE. Lord STRATHEDEN rose and called the attention of the house to the correspondence with regard to the dis turbances in Crete. The Earl of MALMESBURY said if he had heard aright the points were what was the state of the rebellion in Crete, and what was the policy of the Government with regard to the Cretans. Now the question had been whether it ever was the endeavour to adjust matters amicably, without inter fering with the rights of another Power, though there had been so much cruelty, but not so much as had been stated. According to the statement of Mr. Elliott, the insurrection had died, and that of late there had only been a few skirmishes. The fact was that the Cretan war was a religious one, and they were ruled over by a Pasha who was a most worthy man, and he thought he might say that the amiable weakness of that gentleman was that when the insurrection broke out he allowed them to go so far that they thought they could go farther. The Turkish Government had now appointed two Christian governors. They also felt, delicacy about interfering with the operations of foreign" Governments, and it would be long before they would be induced to interfere in any way actively. After a few remarks frcm the Duke of ARGYLL, Their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING, The SPEAKER took the Chair at 4 o'clock. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR, a new writ was ordered to issue for Launceston, in the room of Alexander Henry Campbell, who had accepted the office of steward of the Manor of Northstead. THE IRISH CHURCH.-THE ADJOURN. MENT FOR THE HOLIDAYS. Mr. DISRAELI said he thought it would be better, at the present opportunity, to state the course the Govern ment intended to pursue with regard to gle adjournment of the house fcr the Easter holidays. Although he had for merly stated that he could make no announcement on the subject until the division had been taken on the motion now under the consideration of the house, he thought it would be for the general convenience of the house if he stated that it was his intention to move that the house, at its rising, adjourn until Monday, the 20th April. There was, he thought, no doubt that the house would divide to-night—there certainly might be some difficulty in the matter, but ho thought under any circumstances there would be a division, and the right honour able gentleman opposite would either find himself in a minority or majority on the question that the house go into committee. If the motion of the hon. gentleman was defeated then the arrangement he had to propose would of course altogether alter ; but supposing for a moment it was found to have a majority —(loud laughter, and cries of " hear, hear")—the course the Government would pursue had been indicated by more than one of his hon. colleagues. What, therefore, he proposed was to offer no further opposition to the next stage, but to consent to the house going into committee on the resolutions pro forma, and then to report progress; and after Easter he should be happy to give the right honourable gentleman opposite every facility for proceeding with his motion. (Hear.) There was certain business always fixed for the Monday and Tuesday after the recess, and the Budget was set down for Thursday, beyond which day it would be most inconvenient to postpone it. As it was for the conve nience cf the house that the debate should be carried on during consecutive evenings, therefore he should propose to the right hon. gentleman to proceed with his com mittee on Monday, the 27th. He bad to inform the right hon. gentleman that he should give his resolutions his most unequivocal opposition. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the house.) Mr. GLADSTONE said he had to make a protest upon ono ground only, and that was that it was inconvenient to alter that day, which had been settled last evening, as many members might not be in the house. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman had stated that if any objection was made to his proposed arrange ment he should not feel bound to sustain it, but as far as he was concerned ho (Mr. Gladstone) thought all had been done as far as was convenient, and it would be most convenient that the debate should proceed uninterruptedly, and therefore some parties must be prepared to make sacrifices. (Hear, hear, hear.) He did not wish that the country should see any evidences of hurry in the matter. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear" from the Ministerial side of the house.) Monday and Tuesday having been appropriated, and Thursday having been already fixed for the Budget, and supposing that which the right hon. gentleman thought impossible—(hear, hear) — Mr. DlSRAELl—Unreasonable. Mr. GLADSTONE—WeII, we all see so many things that are strange—(loud laughter)—but under all the circumstances he was not at all inclined to ob ject to his taking the first day after that fixed for the financial statement for the bringing forward his resolutions, which he shOuld be prepared to do on the 27th of April. (Loud cheers.) GOVERNMENT PATRONAGE. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked the First Lord of the Trea sury whether it was the intention of the Government to advise the Crown to confer a title of dignity on one of the members for the borough of Thetford ; and whether this honour is due to any arrangements with the Government as to the representation of that borough. Mr. DISRAELI said the hon. member was in the habit of asking questions which did not comply with the habits of social life, and, as far as his experience led him, at variance with political life. On reading the question ho was at a loss to know what was the meaning of it. He thought at first somebody had been telling the hon. gentleman something—that somebody had been practising on his frank intelligence. (Loud laughter.) Ile then thought that he had been made the amiable vehicle of bringing forward some particular claim. (Loud laughter.) He must ask the house to grant him its sympathy whilst he endeavoured to grapple with the question, which he considered was not put either in a personal or delicate style. Re could not say who " the one member for Thetford" was. Neither the Lord Advocate nor the other hon. gentle man who sat for the borough had made any application, and therefore it had never occurred to him that it was his duty to suggest to her Majesty to confer distinction upon either of the hon. gentlemen. Mr. lIORSMAN said it seemed to him that the arrange ments of the Government made the great subject at pre sent under the consideration of the house a matter of in difference and contempt by their not making it the subject of the slightest consideration. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CRAWFORD asked whether it was proposed to take the second reading of the Irish Reform Bill as at pre sent arranged. Mr. DISRAELI, in reply, said he did not propose to make any alterations in arrangements already made. The second reading of the Irish bill would be taken before that for Scotland. The motion that the house at its rising stand adjourned until the 20th April was then agreed to. THE REGITJM DONUM. In reply to Mr. VANcE, Mr. GLADSTONE said he thought such questions as those that had been of late put with respect:to withholding certain votes that it would be the duty of Parliament to agree to a plan for the further destribution of the ecclesiastical endowments of the Irish Church, if it was agreed that endowments should cease, all other en dowments and grants would also have to be considered. STAGE PLAYS. Dr. BRADY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if his attention had been directed to a para graph which had -appeared in several of the daily papers to the effect that the Lord Chamberlain had re fused to license a play dramatised by Mr. Oxenford from Mr. Dickens' celebrated work of " Oliver T wist ;" and that all plays from the same work were in terdicted in London as being offensive to parish beadles ; and whether he approved of the Lord Chamberlain's con sideration for the feelings of the parish authorities? Mr. HARDY said it was altogether a mistake, as Mr. Oxenford's play had been licensed. THE IRISH CHURCH-THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. COLERIDGE resumed the adjourned debate, and strongly supported the disendowment of the Irish Church from an English Churchman's point of view. The resolutions were supported by Colonel Greville and Sir Thomss Lloyd, while Sir Charles Lanyon and Lord Hamilton defended the Establishment. Mr. CARDWELL appealed to Mr. Disraeli to state whether the issue to be laid before the country was to be found in the speeches of Lord Stanley, of Mr. Hardy, or cf Lord Mayo, and to explain distinctly whether he adhered to his speech of 1844, or to his recent letter. Mr. DISRAELI rose just at half-past 10, in a crowded house, and was loudly cheered by the Ministerial benches. He began by stating his views of Mr. Gladstone's mean ing —that he proposed to terminate the connection between Church and State as far as the Irish Church is concerned; that he intended a disestablishment, which must lead to a disendowment. This question having suddenly been brought before Parliament, the Government had to con sider how they would meet it. Considering that it was brought forward by the leader of the Opposition, and the other circumstances attending it, the "previous ques tion" was impossible— a direct negative would have led to an inference that the Government did not admit any modification to be necessary, which was not their opinion. The third course open to them was an amendment, and in defending Lord Stanley's amendment Mr. Disraeli quoted a dictum of Sir R. Peel, "Never attempt in your amend ment to express your policy. In that amendment there were two points taken on which the Government were prepared to stand; and, commenting on the second of them, Mr. Disraeli declared that by his phrase " denying the moral competence of Parliament" ho had meant that when a fundamental law of the country was in ques tion, a House of Commons could not decide upon it, elected by a constituency which had never had an intima tion that such an attack was contemplated. That this house was not elected with any view to deciding the Irish Church question was shown by Lord Palmerston's mani festo at the last election and Mr. Gladstone's letter quoted the other night, and though he had never hold the Act of Union to be irreversible, it certainly was preposterous to ask Parliament to reverse such a solemn muniment at eight days' notice. After replying, in his happiest and l i most effective vein of repartee, to the attacks of Lord Cranborne and Mr. Lowe, he went on to examine the cir cumstances under which Mr. Gladstone had proposed what he described as a "vast and violent" change. Ad mitting that Ireland was not in a satisfactory condition, though the people were better off socially and politically than at any other time, he ridiculed Mr Gladstone's pic ture of a "crisis" gathered from the dark reminiscences of seven centuries, and refused to argue the Irish question on this fallacious assumption. Vindicating the Irish policy of the Government, he claimed for him self and his party, in or out of office, always to have acted on the principle of reconciling races in Ireland, and strengthening Protestant interests by doing justice to the Roman Catholics, and of putting both creeds on a footing of perfect equality. But the policy now recommended by Mr. Gladstone was in complete antagonism to a policy of conciliation ; it would foster anomalies and indefinitely defer the restoration of political tranquillity. His attack on the Irish Church involved a violation of the rights of property never suggested before in Parliament by any statesman in a position of responsibility —and though recognising a difference between public and private property as far as the State is concerned, he pressed upon the House to weigh well what effect upon private rights this attack upon Church property might have. To deprive the Church of her property and to in dicate no mode of disposing of it was sheer confisca tion, but, above all, he protested strongly against the application of it to secular purposes. In the latter part of his speech Mr. Disraeli, responding to Mr. Cardwell's request to have a clear and definite issue submitted to the House, dilated on the importance, not so much to the Church as the State, of maintaining the connexion between political authority and the religious principle; and the only mode of securing that connexion was by an Establishment. If that con nexion were terminated in Ireland whore would you stop? Why should it not be terminated in Scotland and Wales, and even in Eugland. It was the ulterior consequences of this attack on the Irish Church which he wished to im press on the public mind. Mr. Gladstone appeared here as the representative of a combination of the high Ritualistic party and the supporters of the Pope in Ireland, and, tinder the guise of legislating in the spirit of the age ; ',' an attack was made on some of the most precious privi leges of the subject, which he pledged himself as long as he remained First Minister he would resist to the utmost of his ability. Mr. GLADSTONE rose to reply just about 1 o'clock, and dismissing Mr. Disraeli's speech with the remark that most of it was irrelevant, and much of it due to a heated imagination, he explained the figures by which he made out that his scheme would leave the Protestants in pos session of three-fifths of the present value of the Church property. Answering the various arguments urged in the course of the debate, and acknowledging its general fair ness towards himself, he ridiculed the fears expressed of the irritating effects of this change on the minds of the Protestants, and pointed to the numerous successful in stances of disestablisment. Mr. Disraeli's argument that a fundamental law of the country could not be dealt with by Parliament without reference to the constituencies, he de scribed as ultra-democratic, if not anarchical. He did not conceal his intention to separate Church from State in Ire land, and that he argued was the most effectual mode of preserving what Mr. Disraeli called the connexion between Government and the religious principle. And to the ob jection that this would lead t) the destruction of the English Church, Mr. Gladstone replied that each establish ment must stand on its own merits, and the Irish Establish ment could not be maintained by its applicability to Eng land. Examining the varying declarations of the Premier, the Home Secretary, and the Irish Secretary, and extract ing from it the conclusion that their plan was to endow the .Catholic Church. ho emphatically condemned it as too late, and contrary to the sense of England and Scotland, and repudiated by the Irish Catholics themselves. Reply ing to Mr. Roebuck's inquiry whether ho was prepared with a bill, he disclaimed heartily the idea of " huddling the question up in an abstract resolution," and he pointed to the second and third resolutions as a proof that it was not intended once again to mock the people of Ireland with idle words. But, while no unrea sonable demand was made on the time of an expiring Parliament, he asked it to pronounce an opinion which would clear the way for its successors. The division was called at 20 minutes past 2, and the numbers wero— For Lord Stanley'samendment 270 Against it ... ... 330 Majority against the Government 60 The result was received with loud cheering from the Opposition benches. There was a second division on the question that the house go into Committee, and the numbers on this wore— For the motion ... •.. ... 328 Against it 272 Majority for the motion „, 56 The House then went into Committee, and after the first resolution had been formally put, the Chairman was ordered to report progress. At a quarter-past 3 o'clock the House adjourned until Monday, the 20th instant. lIIE POLITICS OF THE FUTURE. The debate on the Irish Church is not only a party contest, a life and death struggle between the Insand the Outs, but it is some thing far more—a discussion of rare occurrence involving principles of the most momentous consequence to the nation. Under the pro cess of this discussion men are learning to know their own minds, to define their political views as to the position of religion in political life, and as they formulate their conclusions, they will have to range the mse l ves i nto new combinations. Such a process—the natural result of an earnest attempt to discover a con sistent principle of action —cannot but have a disintegrating effect on existing political par ties, whose bond of union, until this question arose with its imperious demand of justice undelayed was a common view as to the fran chise, or free trade, or foreign policy. What ever the immediate effect of this debate may be, men, whose opinions influence the life and history of a nation, must declare themselves either for or against the religious principle in politics. No more momentous issue can be put to a nation. England has hitherto enjoyed, almost unconsciously, the happy heritage of Catholic principles in politics. Hers was a traditi o nal wisdom, far surpassing the actual statesmanship of many a Catholic nation which had passed through the furnace of the Revo lution or suffered from the desolating effects of a wide-spread irreligious Liberalism. Cus tom is nowhere stronger than in Conserva tive England, but custom has been on God's side. Now the traditional course, the principles of our Catholic Constitution, have to be squared with the principles of the age. The Irish Church question is forcing on a decision which could not anyhow have been long delayed in the presence of that other great question which awaits a solution—national education. We must make up our minds whether, as a nation, we are to uphold our traditional religious cha racter in politics, or sacrifice it to the irreli gious Liberalism of an influential and growing section of English society. England, indeed, has hitherto been better than her principles. Is the nation now, under the force of the new school of political philosophers, to square her old practice with the new principles of politi cal and religions thought Such are the re flections which the Irish Church question is forcing upon the public mind. The Radicals, the Manchester school, the philosophers and their allies and auxiliaries, in a greater or lesser degree, are opposed to the principle of Church Establishments And endowments, to the public recognition of religion, to the power and presence even of the Church in public life. In the present debate their course of action is clear ; they are against the Irish Church, not only or exclu siyely because it is not the national Church but an alien religion forced on an unwilling people by conquest and maintained in injus tice, but because it is a State Church. They would sever politics, taken in the widest sense of the word, from religion. The public life of the nation, the actions of the State, the aim and end of Government are, on the theory of the rising school, to have no public connec tion whatsoever with religion. Religion is to be to the State an unknown influence. Indi viduals in their private capacity may be open, if they:choose, to religious influences, but their private opinions are to have no public effect, and the religious association to which they be long no public recognition. Catholics have no principles in common with the Liberation Society and the philosophical secularists ; they are the enemies of the Irish Establish ment, but no friends of ours—non tali auxilio nee defensoribus At the present moment no policy would be more beneficial, indeed, nothing is more neces sary for the sake of the highest interests of the nation, than to challenge and defy the godless theory of Government, to put the Man chester school and the philosophers on their defence, to force them to avow before the face of the nation their real and ultimate designs. Were the Government to proclaim with one voice, if that be possible in a Cabinet divided against itself, that the public recognition of religion, the endowment of the Church, its union with the State, its control of every public matter affecting spiritual interests, were essen tial principles of the English constitution im bedded in the heart of the nation, and that it would be a treason to God, and a consummate injury to the highest interests of the nation to sacrifice the religious character of the State to the theories of modern Liberalism, such a distinct avowal of policy, such a challenge, we feel satisfied, would rally greater support round the Government than the " cross-fishing " tactics that have no higher aim than to catch stray votes. But what policy is more short sighted, or more disingenuous, than to con found the support of the Irish Establishment with the upholding of a State Church such as that of England ? The conditions under which the Irish and English Establishments exist are, as we endeavoured to show last week, totally different in character. To defend the Irish Establishment is, indeed, to give strength to the enemies of State Churches, and to divest their designs in the public mind of their irreligious character. Inferences are quickly drawn. Men readily see that to attack so gross a violation of justice as the existence of the Irish Establishment is not an irreligious act, but a duty. The sympathy, therefore, of a people who love justice is on the side of State-Church abolitionists, at least in their. first step. To put the enemies of religious endowments in the right, even in one instance, is a grave folly. The Government, in supporting the Irish Establishment, is guilty of this irreparable folly. Every true friend and supporter of the principle of the public recognition of religion by the State ought now to declare : Let jus tice be done on the Irish Establishment = let a Church which is not the Church of the nation, but the Church of a small minority, an alien Church, repugnant to the faith and to the patriotism of the people, imposed upon them by force, be disestablished and disendowed— let the Church of the nation—since for good and sufficient reasons it declines to be be holden to the State—be at least publicly recog nized, give legal value to its acts, acknowledge officially the status of its episcopate and clergy, and treat it in every respect as a corporate body possessing rights and representing the religion of the nation. By so doing the Go vernment would proclaim a definite policy, would draw a line of marked distinction be tween itself and the irreligious Liberalism of the philosophers of the Manchester school and their disciples. Such a policy would remove from Ireland a long-standing injustice, would save the English Establishment, and would be a pledge that at least one powerful party in the State would uphold as a principle of its existence the recognition of religion in England in all its relations to public life. _ . In the new combinations of parties which the strife and collision of principles such as now stir the hearts of men, is sure to bring about, the statesman who is sagacious enough to take his stand on the religious principle in politics, would not only be a bl e t o h ea d a powerful party, united by a common and in creasing danger, but even by the attempt alone to stem the onsweep of irreligious Libe ralism, would confer an unspeakable benefit on his country, and earn for himself an hon ourable name in the annals of its history.— TVestminster Gazelle. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) The accounts of the Irish reception of the Heir Apparent and the New Zealand reception of his younger brother will simultaneously be presented to the public, and will form a pleasing contrast. While the Prince of Wales is surrounded by gor geous ceremonials, which the " bloated aristocrats" know so well how to make imposing, while an an cient Cathedral, rich in church decoration, and re sounding with the solemn swell of sacred music, witnesses an installation every effort of heraldry combines to make impressive —the Duke of Edin burgh will be the centre of a Maori circle with a before him, t b h a bas potatoes a o r f ments o ld a n b d l a n a k e s t u s c k w i g t h before hole in the middle ; the fretted aisles, smoke stained r afters, or better still, the canopy of heaven. But if civili zation gives to the elder brother the advantages of wealth and refinement in the hospitality extended, nature will do much to compensate the younger for these deficiencies. Through an atmosphere whose brilliancy and purity that of Italy but faintly re sembles, the Prince will look abroad from the mountain pah over a wild waste of towering moun tains and rushing water, of stupendous forests and distant snow-capped ranges, and feel the elasticity imparted by the pure untainted air of an unin habited country. The invitation has been extended to him by a Chief of the Society Islands, who, when asked how he intended to entertain his Royal Highness, replied, " I would give him a basket of sweet potatoes and taro and a sucking pig ; then, if he were not full, he should have a basket of oranges." If the Fenians have made Ireland fashionable in society, they have succeeded likewise in making Irish questions fashionable in the Legislature. Mr. Gladstone proposes to disendow and dis establish the Irish Church, and the wild Irish howl that followed the resolution has been caught up in England, and from the row it might be conjectured that the greatest " wake" yet known in the Emerald Isle was taking place. It does not follow that the Irish Church is dead and going to be buried, even though it should be dis endowed and divorced from the State. Many such measures have been adopted amidst the most con fident predictions of ruin, but instead of ruin the thing that has real energy and vitality, freed from degrading trammels and spurred by the necessity for exertion, has thriven beyond the expectation of the most sanguine promoter of the measure. As it exists the Irish Church is simply hateful to the mass of the Irish people. It is a badge of conquest, a clanking chain of servitude ; and to expect an en thusiastic and imaginative race to hug these fetters, is to look for an absurdity. A more useless establishment has never been maintained for a more lengthened period. It was founded to Protestantiz3 Ireland ; and it has male Ireland the most Catholic country of Europa ; it was founded to maintain English ascendancy, and it has male the very name of England hateful to every Celt in every part o f the worl 1. It was founded to pacify the island, and the latest crop it has produced is Fenianisin. All principles of jus tice being outraged by this establishment, it could not offer any strenuous opposition to the measure that swept it from it existence, were it not re garded as the outer bulwark of the establishment in England. There the case is wholly different, for the Church finds its hold in the hearts of the people. It, is the Church of their fathers for long genera tions, and is so intimately associated with their lives that it would be impossible to wrench the Church of England from England, although this might be accomplished by the slow growth of changing habits and opinions. An edifying scene followed the public reprimand administered to the Rev. Stephen 11. Tyng in the Church of the Transfiguration at New York, March 14. That gentleman, as we announced in our issue March 7, was tried and convicted by an ecclesiastical court for preaching in a Methodist Church. The rector of New Brunswick brought the charge, as it was there that Mr. Tyng had con ducted the services according to the Methodist forms of worship, though in episcopal orders. The bishop addressed to the culprit a long admonition, which was received in silence, and the rector com menced reading the prayers. Dr. Tyng, senior, at the same moment rose to deliver a written protest, and both were speaking at the same time. The bishop ordered the rector to go on, and Dr. 'Tyng„ who remained standing, ceased to read. On the conclusion of the service Dr. Tyng advanced to the altar, and handed his protest to the bishop. From all parts of the Church the friends of the Tyngs gathered around and urged them to ascend the pulpit, while the supporters of orthodoxy vigorously hissed and groaned. The growing dimensions of the ecclesiastical dispute were cut short by the en trance of the police, and a bitter feeling has been generated by the occurrence. It is with great pleasure we record a sequel to the above scene, which tells highly in the Rev. S. Tyng's favour. The Holy Trinity Church was crowded, the aisles being occupied, and no standing room anywhere left. It was expected that Mr. Tyng would allude in his sermon to his trial, and to the admonition he had lately received from Bishop Potter, and it was this that had caused the rush of religious sensationalists. After the service, Mr. Tyng approached the desk in the pulpit, and while eager eyes were fixed, and listening ears ex pecting, said, " It is hardly necessary for me to say to my own people, and others accustomed to wor ship here, that this pulpit is never degraded by per sonal vindications, nor made the place to pander to partizan feelings, but from it only can be heard the simplest vindication of the Gospel. Those among you that have come for any other purpose will be disappointed, but it may be good that you are here, as some of the simplest truths of the Gospel may find a resting place in your hearts, helping you to eternal salvation." The rumour gains ground that Chief Justice Chase is to be the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The Washington Rep/Wean gives this as the platform upon which the Chief Justice will stand:—" Ist. Manhood suffrage. 2d. Resump tion of specie payment as soon as possible. 3d. A tariff for revenue. 4th. Reconstruction on the basis of the legislation of Congress. If, therefore, the Democratic party choose to take him upon these conditions he will doubtless accept." Of course among the rumours are " authentic" lists of Ben Wade's Cabinet, but the most authentic ap pears to be the following :—" For Secretary of State, Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts ; for Sec retary of the Treasury, Jay Cooke, of Ohio—with an understanding that he shall thereupon resign his present interest in the banking business, and cut himself loose from his partners ; for Secretary of War, Major-General John A. Logan, of Illinois ; for Attorney-General, Congressman Wilson, of lowa ; for Secretary of the Navy, Judge William Kelly, of Pennsylvania ; for Postmaster-General, Horace Greely, of New York ; and for Secretary of the Interior, Senator Drake, of Missouri." It is unfortunate for the country that American politicians, even in elevated places, carry their party animosity into their domestic relations, and the system tends to add a bitterness and venom to political contests they ought not to be permitted to possess. The person who holds the highest legal position perhaps in the world is Chief Justice Chase. Ile presides over the Supreme Court of the United States, and at this moment he sits in the chair of the Court engaged in the trial of a Presi dent. Yet the decisions of this great dignitary have brought upon him unmeasured, and in some instances unmeaning, abuse. He is supposed to act from political motives when he rules in favour of the President. Immediately what he says and does, what he thinks and dreams is can vassed. The Anti-Slavery Standard denounces him as the ally of the President, pointing to the fact that on a Wednesday, not a month since, the doors of the Chief Justice's drawing-room were flung open, and the usher announced the President of the United States and daughter. " The man," it says, "is mad with the Presidential fever, despe rate in the consciousness of baffled plans, meanly jealous of Wade, perhaps cherishing the forlorn hope of a Democratic nomination, joins forces with the enemy." He is " a serious obstacle, whose evil intentions are only limited by his cou rage, which, fortunately, is not great." Butler lately brought shameful charges against the Presi dent, for which he had not an atom of proof. General Logan created a sensation by alleging that Treasury officials had professed to burn Bonds which they in truth issued, substituting blank paper, and when this was shown to be false, with out changing a muscle, he asserted that if they did not cheat in that way they did in others, and " that all the committees in earth or heaven were not going to scare him off." The other day, at Mr. Gladstone's party, the most favoured guest was Mr. Disraeli ; it was noticed that the host took the guest aside to tell him a good story, and for a quarter of an hour the rival chiefs had all the laughing to themselves. Yet Gladstone, by a party shuffle of which Disraeli was aware, was about to try to bowl out the new-made Premier. People should fairly fight out their public battles in the public arena, but carry the " shop" as little as possible into the intercourse of private life. Mr. M'Cullach's letter on the bill repealing the inland revenue duties on manufactures was read in the Senate during the debate. The Secretary urged that the decrease in the revenues would be very heavy, that already by the repeal of the cotton tax an annual loss would be incurred of $20,000,000 ; that not only would the present bill add to this loss $60,000,000, but by lowering the prices of domestic goods less would be received from abroad, and the customs' returns would be like wise affected. He estimated all this in the aggregate at one hundred to one hundred and twenty millions, which made him apprehen sive that if the bill became law the re venues would be insufficient to meet both" the cur rent expenses of the Government and the interest on the public debt. Nothing, he says, would be more disastrous to the credit of the Government, as so reducing taxes that a necessity would arise to increase the public debt. The Senate, however, were not influenced by Mr. M'Culloch's reasoning, and the bill passed by 32 to 1.2, and goes to the President for signature. On the 9th March, in the House of Representa tives, an exciting scene came off. The discussion was on the Senate Amendment to the House Bill requiring the money from the abandoned cotton, now in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury, to be appropriated by the Treasury of the United States. Mr. Logan, of Illinois, asserted that many rebels had benefited by the sale of captured cotton ; and in answer to Mr. Chanler, of New York, he named Bruce, lately in the Confederate service, vc ho was enabled in this way to buy a large hotel on Broadway, New York, and who left it on his death to his heirs. " Mr. Chanler," he continued, " must have known Mr. Bruce, for he was a rebel and a traitor, and no doubt a friend of the gentleman's ;" on which Mr. (Mauler raised his voice aloud, but loud as it was, it did not drown that of the General, and above the din sounded the gavel of the Speaker. On silence being restored, Mr. Logan continued, "he was not at all disturbed by anything the gen tleman from Now York could possibly have said ; a wasp can buzz, and make a noise; an ant cau sting, and the smallest things may sometimes annoy." Here Mr. Chanler interrupted, "Yes," he cried, " and an ass can kick." We regret to see that Mr. Thornton's Note to Mr. Seward, referring to the British subject, Allan *Donald, who was arrested in Canada by a Mi chigan sheriff's officer for smuggling and counter feiting, has brought him into trouble with the Go vernment of the Dominion. Mr. Seward's Note to the Minister, at the same time that. it expressed disapproval and censured the act of the Michigan officer, announced that M'Donald was to be taken into Canada and there set at liberty. Mr. Thornton, in reply, expressed the appreciation of his Government of the course proposed; adding, as they had no sympathy with a malefactor, that on his own responsibility he declined to accept the offer to set M'Donald at liberty. On the 17th March, in the Parliament at Ottawa, Mr. Mackenzie moved for the correspondence, and called the attention of the Minister of Justice to the newspaper report of the circumstances. Sir John Macdonald acknow ledged the correctness of the newspapers, expressed his surprise that a person illegally abducted should be thus detained in the United States; adding was due to the House and to the country to have some explanation of the extraordinary and unprece dentel conduct of the British Minister at Washing ton. (llcar, hear.) We should not permit any British Minister to take upon himself to say he would surrender the rights and liberties of a British subject whom American authorities had no right to detain." This is not a bad sample of the manner in which England benefits by her connection witli Canada. At the sitting of the North German Parliament, on the 2d April, the treaty recently concluded with the United States, settling the nationality of emi grants, passed the final reading almost unani mously, the Polish members dissenting. It has been semi-officially declared that the Treaty re ceived the sanction of the American Senate, at Washington, March 26. It is, therefore, complete ; and Count Bismarck has announced that it will always be carried into effect in a conciliatory spirit. It provides that citizens of one country who have become naturalized in the other, and resided there for five years uninterruptedly, shall be held and treated as citizens of such country ; but he cannot be relieved from trial and punishment for crimes previously committed against the laws of his ori ginal country by thus becoming a citizen of the other. The declaration of an intention to be come a citizen of one or the other country can not have the effect of naturalization. A person naturalized in either country, who shall re turn to his original or native country, with the in tent to remain, is to be held as having renounced his naturaliaatiou. A residence of two years is to be taken as such intent. case has just occurred in France which proves the value of such a treaty. A Frenchman emigrated to Louisiana at the age of 17, where be quickly became the head of a great commercial house, and amassed . a fortune. His father died, and he returned to France at the age of 27 to settle family affairs, when he was arrested as a deserter, having been drawn in the conscrip tion in his absence. He has just been tried by the military tribunal of Bordeaux, and it is probable that the present agitation in the United States on naturalization has taught the tribunal the necessity of a mild sentence, for it was limited to six days' imprisonment. The elections in Connecticut are now eagerly looked forward to, the campaign having been opened by both parties. Two score of Republican Con gressmen are to " stu mp" the State, but report does not say how many stump orators the Democrats will furnish. Until last year the State was Radical, but it was then carried for the Democrats by a ma jority of 800. Although highly elated with the result of the New Hampshire elections, the Republi cans will not consider their victory complete unless they triumph in Connecticut. It is even said that the decision there this month will foreshadow the elections in November. Although somewhat shaken in confidence by their defeat in New Hampshire, the Democrats are still sanguine of again succeed ing in Connecticut. Strong efforts will be made ; every absent citizen who has a right to vote will be forwarded to the State ; every doubtful one open to a bribe will be bought, and no stone left un turned by either party to secure the victory. Port land, Maine, has at last succeeded in electing a Re publican Mayor, by a majority of eleven in a total vote of 5,500. The Reconstruction Committee have•introduced another bill for the re-admission of Alabama so soon as her Legislature shall have complied with the 14th Amendment of the Constitution proposed in 1866. The members returned by Alabama for Congress are in Washington, but there is little chance of their admission this Session. The Repre sentatives of the rival Reconstruction Conventions of Florida are also in Washington, each party with a different Constitution, to puzzle Congress. Several of the Reconstruction Conventions have finished their work and adjourned, that of North Carolina going out in a characteristic way, though one any thing but to the satisfaction of the planters of that proud State. The scene is described by telegrams from Raleigh, March 17, the day of the adjournment. The Conservatives refused to sign the Constitution and withdraw ; the floor was cleared, black and white jcined hands and danced in a circle to the ringing of the Capitol bell and such songs as " Old John Brown," " Hang Jefferson Javis on a sour apple tree," which was responded to from the gallery by the rebel cry, "Three cheers for Jefferson Davis"—given with a will. A telegram also an nounced in New York, just prior to the departure of the mail, that the Arkansas Constitution had been defeated by a majority of 15,000 votes. In Texas the election was very nearly a failure, the 50,000 votes polled being less than 4,000 above the necessary half of the registry. the Convention consists of 81 white and 9 negro delegates, the ma jority of voters being white, and it is believed that no Conservatives have been elected. The news from Rio Janeiro to March 9th is to the effect, that on the 17th of February three monitors paged Curupaity, and on the 19th six ironclads succeeded in forcing the passage of Hu maita. The ships were much battered, but none lost ; ten men were wounded. On the same day the Marquis de Caxias stormed a work north of Humaita, taking fifteen cannon and a quantity of stores. The loss on each side was about 600 men. On the 21st three iron-clads steamed on to Assompcion, and found that place and all the river towns abandoned. A corps of 11,000 men was about to march thither. The Brazilian account is that on the 19th of Febru ary six Brazilian armour-plated ships forced the passage of Humaita, which was defended by 180 pieces of artillery. Three ships remained before Tagi, which was occupied by the Brazilians ; the others ascended the river as far as Assumpcion, which they found had been evacuated. On the same day Marshal de Caxias, with 6,000 men, car ried at the point of the bayonet a redoubt situated to the north of Humaita, capturing fifteen cannon. The losses in killed, wounded, and prisoners amounted to 1,600 men.. This news sent up Brazilian stocks, but it by no means follows that because the capital of Paraguay has been captured that Lopez is brought to the end of his resources, or that the country has been con quered. As a matter of course, when the ironclads passed the fortress, Assumpcion was at their mercy, and being evacuated fell into the bands of the Allies ; but not a soldier of the Allied army has as yet moved, and powerful as the fleet may be along the river it is helpless beyond. It may turn out that the Allies have but gained a barren tri umph; the rest of the news is as follows:-- " A revolution broke out at Montevideo on the 19th of February, caused by a rising of the Blanco party under Berro. General Flores was murdered, receiving 11 stabs. Manoel Flores and 20 of his friends died suddenly, and were supposed to have been poisoned. Reprisals were made by the popu lation and the troops that remained faithful to the Government. Berro, the leader of the revolution, was shot, and order restored. General Battle was elected President, and all was quiet when the mail left. La Plata was tranquil, and the cholera had disappeared from Brazil. Great rejoicing took place in Rio on the 14th of March in celebration of the news from the seat of %var. The Minister for Foreign Affairs was dead. Alagoas bad been pacified." By way of Alexandria intelligence is telegraphed from Japan that Hiogo had been tranquillised, and that the war was over. No fears were entertained for the safety of foreigners. Satsuma, Choshiu, and Zoza had assumed the government under the Mikado. Mr. Burlingame was to leave by th Pacific mail of the 25th of February, on her mis sion from the Chinese Government to the United States and Europe. The Congressional interference with the Supreme Court causes great suspicion and fear throughout the country. If it be desirable to alter the Con stitution, all unprejudiced men desire it to be done in a constitutional way. The result of the patching by Congress has hitherto been anything but satisi factory, resembling the sewing of new cloth on old garments. If the Legislature had left the Recon struction Acts alone there would not now be so many rents in the Constitution ; and to save the Reconstruction Acts they rush into other illegalities, just as an original lie enforces a dozen to maintain it. The majority of the Justices are Democrats, and the Republican Congress made a law to reduce the num ber from 9 to 7, hoping that a couple of the very old Judges who were Conservatives would, in the natural order of things, die first, and that thus the Republi can minority would be strengthened. The Conser vatives, however, will not die, and when Mr. Wade succeeds to the Presidency the object of the Re publican party will be better gained by allowing him the power of filling up Ow vacancies; for this reason a bill has been introduced to repeal the olcl law, and to return to the previous number. The infraction of the Constitution, and the infraction of the infraction because it was found not to answer the purpose, causes great uneasiness, and we doubt not will yet produce a strong expression of opinion from the country ; indeed, nothing saves the domi nant party from this condemnation but the extreme difficulty of the position and the urgent necessity by which it is driven. The Opposition in the House of Representatives to the payment for the Muscovite territory of Rus sian America has been stronger than anticipated. The Government acts as if the territory was its own, while the House exercises its constitutional right of making such appropriations as it considers ex pedient. Russia, between the Executive and Legislative branches at Washington, fares badly. The Foreign Committee has postponed the conside ration of the subject until next mouth, as it cannot agree about the appropriation. Considering that the period of payment is fixed by the treaty for the 20th April, this decision has caused some surprise. It is no wonder that men like General CLAY re sign in preference to explaining away such a breach of contract to Foreign Ministers. Mr. Adams is still kept by unavoidable circum stances from attending the Queen's Levees and Drawing Rooms. Mr. Sumner is said to wish to be his successor. We would advise that influential Senator, if he would establish himself at the Court of St. James's, to get the Senate to repeal the ridi culous rule by which they have lately hampered their diplomatic servants in the matter of dress. The most conspicuous individual is the one attired differently from all the others ; it matters not that his dress may be comfortable, appropriate, and be coming ; if it be totally different, it is outre. Many men dislike thus to attract attention ; they still more dislike infringing etiquette, and they most of all dislike the chance of being subjected to rebuff from officials. We would, therefore, remind Mr. Sumner that a rule applicable at the White House may be very inapplicable at St. James's or the Tuileries, and recommend him if he seeks Mr. Adams's post either to get the rule re pealed or himself made a Volunteer General, or at least to join a Fire Brigade —so that he may have some rag of uniform in which to appear. Our announcement some weeks ago that General Cassius M. Clay had resigned the mission to Russia is now confirmed, the President having ac cepted the resignation. No successor has as yet been nominated, and we presume the nomination will be made by Benjamin Wade. It is just pos sible that the incoming President may desire General Clay to retain the post ; Mr. Johnsoa seems to have " run amuck" through the most distinguished of the United States Representatives. State Conventions continue to assemble and choose delegates for the Presidential Nominating Con veation. The Republican one of New Jersey lately met and sustained Congress, applauded Impeach. anent, and nominated General Grant for the Pre sidency. Andrew Johnson is accused "of blas phemous vituperation of the co-ordinate branches of Government." The Republican Convention of Michigan declares Mr. Johnson to be " one of the greatest criminals of the age" —a phrase becoming quite a favourite with such assemblies. That one gathering of citizens should solemnly pronounce the Chief Magistrate to be one of the greatest criminals of the age, and that another gathering of citizens should with equal solemnity name him the mar tyred President, is incomprehensible to people on this side the Atlantic, who do not know the value of terms in the United states, and the boundless limits in the way of exaggeration permitted to political organizations and stump speeches. The Michigan Convention named Grant for President, Colfax, of Indiana, for Vice-President, and only alluded to the greenback question by affirming " that the preservation of the public faith depends upon the success of the Republican party." It also passed a resolution in favour of negro suffrage. A bill has been introduced by Sir John A. Mac donald, and read a second time, to extend the provisions of the Extradition Act of Canada to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. In those provinces the Imperial act only is in, operation, the Ashburton Treaty providing that act shall remain in force until acts giving effect to the treaty shall be passed by all the colonies. Canada has adopted an act meeting the United States law, giving effect to the Imperfal act. By the United States law provision is made for the immediate arrest, and the detention for two months, of a criminal fleeing from Canada. But a felon fleeing from Nova Scotia or New Brunswick could not be arrested until after application to the United States Go vernment, and elaborate and extensive correspondence. fADVERTISEMENT.]—Du Barry s Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and effectually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation, diarrhoea, hremorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous, ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, erup tions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, pal pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few out of 63,090 cures :—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food.—Cure No. 63,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban Boning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benefl vial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi," July 25. Cure No. 49,832.--" Of fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Joly, Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing. Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fandies. Important Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached In tins at Is. lAd.; 1 lb. 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4s. 6,1,; 5 lbs. lle. ; 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY DU BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadilly ; and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, and 293, Oxford-street; 330. Strand and all grocers and chemists. Births. DUNDAS—On the 30th ult., at Dundas Castle, the wife of Adam D. Duudas, Esq., R.N., of a son. HONETWOOD —On the Ist inst., at Evington Place, Kent, Lady Huney wood, of a daughter. SCOTT —On the 3d inst., at 1, Cavendish-square, the wifo of Edward H. Scott, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. GOLDSMID —PIIILIPSON—On the 31st ult., at Florence, Jliliau Goldsmid, Esq., of Portman-square, and Somer bill, Kent, M A., M.P., Fellow of University College, London, barrister-at-law, to Virginia, elder daughter of the late A. Philipson, Esq., of Florence. MAYOR—Plozcxxix—On the 2d inst , at St. Mary Abbotts, Kensington, Arthur, youngest son of Henry Mayer, Esq., of Palace-garden Villas, Kensington, to Fanny Harriette Ford, granddaughter of th e late Lambert Hotchkin, Esq., of Kensington. Deaths. BATEY—On:the 3d inst., Mr. William Batey, of the Kings land-road, aged 42. COLE—On the 2d inst., at 3, Albert-terrace, Dulwich-road, Brixton, Miss Mary Cole, aged BS. JOXES —On the Ist inst., Mr. William Jones, of 107, Cam den-road, N.W., aged 61. PAltlt —On the 2d inst., at 22, Buckland-crescent, South Hampstead, Mary, wife of John E. Parr, Esq., of the inner Temple. WooLNoucin—On the Ist inst., at Kingston-on-Thames Mr. William Wellnough, aged 64. WELCH—On the 2d inst., at Upper Tulsa-hill, Charles Welch, Esq., aged 69. London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.II ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Dia SUN 001ce, No 112, strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Oeuaty of Middlesex.—Saturday, April 4, 1868. i tr •N ac. ntxT o'n "P.m. IT& Pnlze th© A Obs ban's A. (fror Corn th e _DAv intrn the 7( miss Roy 10u Pe n , Peti WE of m Q Ind THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1868. F I I