The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT be absolutely useless to examine the real grounds of tesentment which was never anticipated or wilfully pro voked. Appeals to reason may not improbably fail in their effect, but humble deprecation of a revenge which is assu med to be just will only invite aggression. Recent history fades so rapidly f rom the memory in stirring times that the conduct of the English Covernment and people at the commencement of the civil war is perhaps but imperfectly understood. On a future occasion it may perhaps appear that the moral justification of the national proceedings was even more complete than the diplomatic apology. In the opinion of the Spectator, Mr. Fawcett is a little too vague and a little too premature on the land laws. The real point for statesmen to decide, and to decide after careful scientific inquiry, pursued with caution, but with out preconceived determination to uphold a particular system, is whether the advantages derived from the legal privileges attaching to real estate are greater than the disadvantages. To deny those advantages seems to us at once unfair and unphilosophical. It is from many points of view an advantage to a State that there should exist within it some mode of investment so perfect that a proprietor can protect his children, or widow, or bene ficiaries of any kind against their own extravagance and imbecility, or against fraud, some one security which, in a commercial sense, may be considered absolute ; on the other hand, it is a great disadvantage that the most im portant manufacture of the country should be forced into the bands of middlemen, that the tenant farmer should supersede the yeoman, that the labourer shiuld never have • a chance of working on his own soil—of carrying out the " allotment system," so to speak, to its logical conclusion —that in one important industry ownership and mance should never go together. It is also a disadvantage that we should artificially create a system under which less than 8,000 persons are believed to hold a third of the :calised property of the kingdom, thus confining that in tense patriotism which springs of self-interest, that healthy pride which comes of independence, awl that ex treme sedulousness of industry which is developed by ownership to a limited class. It is the balance of these t ngs which has to be struck, and we believe the balance II lines to the free system, that the great benefits derived lerivable from the existence of one perfect security for I estment are derived by a class at the expense of the sole community. That is our belief, formed after care tsl investigation of many tenures, and we are prepared to justify it; but we have no patience with men who argue as if the opposite belief had no foundation whatever, or as if the matter could be decided off-hand by a resolution in the House of Commons. The House might as well decree that a new system of logarithms was sounder than the old, and should be adopted by all men. All we contend for is, that the subject shall be investigated by men who are not pledged to the conclusion most favourable to aris tocracy, who 'tan see that agriculture is a great business as well as an agreeable and useful pursuit, who, in fact, bring scientific minds to one of the most complicated problems in political science. The John Bull can only compare the mischances of the Caledonian and other railways, financially speaking, to the strange oblivion that living within one's income and regular accounts means success ; extravagance and confu sion of accounts the reverse. When Pitt offered a reward for the discovery of the best method to defray the national debt, it has been remarked that of the multiplied proposals he received he never had one which cut down expenses to below income. Now in the matters of the Caledonian Railway it is clear that they have been brought to contro versy by a pursuance of no direct plan or standard on the questions of Maintenance and of renewals, and of distinc tions between revenue and capital. Nor have they been alone in this, for the Brighton and other boards found themselves in the same dilemma, so that the former has been forced to advocate the system of biased capital accounts. But whatever be the issue of such adoption, the necessity being immediate, the remedy must be so likewise, so that we, after all, come to the same point, viz., that the strictest arrangement must be adopted by which so much is put down to incense, ss much to expen diture, it being remembered that the increase of the former under good management is actually the sole meansof extri cating the concern from its present difficulties under bad. To meet debts already incurred it is presumed stock must be issued at a depreciated price; after that the capital account must be closed, and interest, revenue, working expenses at per cent., must be placed under separate items, so that, as in the ease of the Brighton statement, the shareholders may at once see what surplus remains for profit. When this common-sense plan is fol lowed difficulties will vanish, and that it must be followed is evident—why it has not hitherto been is amazing. Doubtless, the basis of railway law was obscure, but Lord Cairns has removed that evil, or most of it, by his recent judgment ; moreover, the culpable neglect, or more than culpable chicanery of parties interested, has been difficult to eradicate, but the sufferings of the public, and coercive legislation, have much restricted these. Nay, even these board explosions, like others, clear the air, and we see after them much clearer than we did before. The special accountants, Messrs. Allot and Fletcher, in the Caledonian investigation have; had much unmerited odium to incur; and the directors have also behaved in a manner utterly indefensible, but the sequel has been a revelation of reck lessness in passing accounts wl:leh it will be the pro pretors' own fault ever to be subjected to hereafter. So far, therefore, good has been achieved, yet, after all, where management is concerned in any way, the physician must heal himself. THE VACANT LORD JUSTICE SHIP. Lord Justice bolt, we are glad to say, continues to strengthen. His convalescence, in fact; progresses as well • as could possibly be, and his enforced idleness is not very much to his taste. Meanwhile, some of our contemporaries have been . secluously appointing as his lordship's successors various members of the bench and the bar. The fact simply is that the question of Sir John bolt's retiring from office depends upon the length of time which must elapse before he can safely resume work. The matter is there fore in the hands of the Lord Chancellor. In a short tiwe, probably, it will be determined within what space Sir john bolt can, with safety, resume working ; mean - while, it *must be .at least some Months before his lordshiy ought, in justice to himself, t© recommence his labours, thoaeh in all probability he would, if left to him self ; shorten the perioJ. of his inactivity. If, therefore the public service admits of the business of the Court of Appeal in Chancery being transacted by the Lord Chan cellor- and Lord Cairns for the requisite period, Lord Justice bolt will continue his convalescence until he can reappear upon the bench. If, on the contrary, the Lord Chancellor should colislder that the public service cannot, in point of fact, writ, the Lord Justice's resignation is in the Lord Chancellor's hands. This being so, the minds of most members of the profession will be divided between the desire of again seeing Lord Justice bolt upon the tench, and anxiety lest he should permit himself to restun work too hastly.- -Sol;e;lor's Journal. vpp.-ipments should not be governed entirely by political conAdcrations. Something is due to party clams, but these sirJuld not ho preferred to others more weighty. We here many times applauded norninatior by Whig Mini tries of (iisting&shed lawyers pc'`' opposed to them to jmjgcships for which there e. great professi , inal claims. TliereforJ, we canuot but c mend the reported ,:fer of the vacant Lord Justices 7, .Apptial to Sir Du:iv:1011 rainier, who will he auknowl by the whole profet:sion to possess pre-cmim - nt qr Eons for the high office racat , A by Sir John :no! The resignation of Sir John Milt is now confirmed. It had hoped•that, in consequence of the great difficulty of adequately replacing the learned Lord Justice, his lordship might have been induced, at least, to attempt to resume his judicial functions. The state of his health having, however, r•recluded this, his lordship's resignation has been finally accepted. Rumour says that the Lord 3 usticeship thus vacated has be?n offered to Sir Roundel' Palmer, and declined by him. Although many names have been mentioned, it is most probable that the ap },ointment will be conferred upon Sir Char:es Selwyn, who will, in that case, be succeeded in the Solicitor-Generalship by Mr. Ba Brett, Q C., M.P. for llebston.—lmperial .Yevicw. AIR. TRAM'S PROTEST. Mr. George Francis Train, " a native-born American citizen," has addresse(l the following protest to the Right Hon. Gathorne Haply, Secretary Home Department, cr Major-General Sir Thomas Larcom, Dublin : " Police Barracks, Queenstown, Jan. 18, 1868. ritOTEST. "As American citizens under our naturalisation laws of 1802 are not acknowledged to be Amerlean citizens by British law, I ben. to state that I am a native-born American citizen ; that while on my way on important .msiness to Paris I landed, with Thomas C. Durant, the Vice-President cf the Union Paciiic Rail road, from the Scotia, at Queenstown, to take the special mail express, via Dublin, to Liverpool and London; ' that I was arrested on the tugboat, and passed the night on the floor of the police barracks ; that 1 spoke no wori wrote no letter, male no observations to anyone, had intention of interfering with the laws ; therefore --- -iroteet iu the nanieof the Aincrican people--as th can Governs ent are powerle3s to protect their eitiz , against this outrage, the offence being wor is spok( America or on the high seas, and of having Irish-Ame Can newspapers in my trunk, t ogether with other late papers and copies of my speeches made five or six years ago in London. I deny the right at all times of the Government of Great Britain arresting and detaining American citizens for words spoken in America, and hereby hold the British Government responsible for this unwarrantable delay. My only object in passing through Ireland was to ascertain the position of my concession for street railways In Cork and Dublin. "Against these acts of arrest and detention I hereby solemnly and publicly protest. • " GEORGE PUNCH} TRAM -1 1 Witatiti s 4§AA I :3, CR.DPINI., tereby OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS rot several years past the Times has heard complaints and remonstrances from India of a nature to affect very disastrously the reputation of cotton goods manufacturers in this country. For their own credit's sake, no lees than for their own future interests,which are greatly jeopardised by the system they seem to hive adopted, it might have been suppoaed they would have striven to avoid giving occasion for a repetition of these charges. The agents of the manufacturers themselves repeatedly wrote, from Calcutta, Madras, or Bombay, to warn their princi pals that their reputation for fair dealing was being destroyed, that the native buyers no longer bought an English bale in the full assurance that it was what it pretended to be, that in the Bazaar the English guarantee had ceased to be respected, and that business was crippled and injured through the avarice and folly of manufacturers at home. They nevertheless persisted in adulterating cotton goods in every stage of their manu facture at which adulteration was possible. Frequently bale after bale was found to be mildewed long even before they left the " godowns" of the firms to whom they were directly assigned. No wonder that the goods would net keep until they were transported to up-country stations for distribution among local buyers. English houses com plained to English manufacturers, the junior partners to the senior partners, the clerk to Lis employer, so that there could be no doubt as to the facts ; but the temptation to make an exorbitant profit prevailed against these argil 's:lents and appeals. Some manufacturers may have aban doned a course which must eventually result in driving away their customers, but the practice of adulteration still goes on. The old complaints come home- by every mail, and are duly answered ; and other bales are sent out to rot almost before they are passed over the sides of the ship. The native merchant in India is too great an expert in sharp dealing not to readily detect all the forms of imposition which the home manufacturer chooses to adopt. When he buys a hale of cotton goods of a long established and respectable house, and pays the price de manded, he does not expect to find the contents disco. loured and rotten ; and this is the appearance that cotton goods sometimes present within a few hours of their being stored in the merchants' " godowns." That the native growers adulterate cotton before it is despatched to the home markets we all know, but the fraud was checked when they found they received so little for the false good° that they actually lost by tampering with them. The English manufacturers do not appear to have learnt wisdom from the same lesson. In the end they must lose by wholesale adulteration, and they know it. A ruined reputation is not easily built up again. It may be that other competitors will enter the market, and gain that credit which once the English merchant possessed. The circumstance of the Prussian Minister at the Court of St. James's being duly accredited as representative of the North German Confederation is regarded by the Post as the official declaration of the political demise of the several States, with the exception of Prussia, which constitute that Bund. It will be in the recollection of all that her Majesty's Government, with something approaching to haste, withdrew their representative from Dresden immediately after the formation of the new Con federation ; hut, though they might have been open to an imputation of bad taste, the justice of their policy cannot reasonably be questioned. It was distinctly declared by the Prussian Government that, under the new regime, the external relations of the several States constituting the Northern Bund should be regulated exclusively by the Cabinet of Berlin, and her Majesty's advisers simply re corded their adhesion to an accomplished fact. Their example was practically followed by the other European States, and now Prussia has formally declared that her envoy is alone authorised to arrange all matters of diplo matic intercourse between foreign Powers and the various States which are north of the Maine. A superstitious fear of Mr. Disraeli, an unreasoning belief in his magical power of uniting his own ranks ancl dividing those of his opponents, is, in the opinion of the Daily News, a source; of Conservative strength and of Liberal weakness. A little reflection, however, will dispel this alarm. The trick of last session is one which, in the nature of things, cannot be often repeated. Mr. Disraeli. waited his opportunity for years ; and when it did come, he used it with astonishing skill and boldness. But such occasions occur only once in a generation. The settle ment, in principle, of the Reform question has removed the grounds of dissension between the various sections of the Liberal party, and once more allows the line to be drawn sharp and clear between the party of movement and the party of resistance. On particular points there will be, as there ought to be, divergent opinion and inde pendent voting ; but bold, judicious, and conciliatory leadership is all that is needed to embody substantially accordant sentiment in united action. What is the pros pect of such leadership ? This is a question which Liberals are everywhere asking and variously answering ; and it would be false delicacy to ignore it. ilhe party treason of imagining or contriving the deposition of the present leader, or even of speculating on a premature succession, cannot, we believe, be fairly imputed t 3 even the most disaffected of his followers. But there is irslis putably a certain amount of discontent, and a still larger amount of misgiving, though a loyal and hopeful spirit prevails over both. The most remarkable similarity seems to the Standara to exist between the occurrence at Duncannon and that at Cork, and suggests the idea that the actors on both occa.- slow; were the same. The result was very different, for in the Cork case the authorities were taken by surprise ; in the affair of Monday night they were thoroughly prepared and seem to have been able to give their assailants such a reception as will probably lead to the identification of some of the party. If it should prove that the fire of the military took effect, it is hardly possible to suppose that in a country swarming with informers the police will be un able to track out some of the assailants. When, f :or the contemptible failure of the rising at Tallaght in March last, the police were rather anxious to avoid than to hunt down the wretched boys who participatel in the assembly, .they yet had several instances of wounded fugitives in the purlieus of Dublin forced upon their notice by the officious zeal of informers. In the present conjuncture of course it will be the most anxiously desired object to trace out and identify the perpetrators of the outrage. The report speaks of the party of assailants as well armed ; and this was also the report of the performers in the several ex ploits at Cork. It would be a rash inference to attribute these exploits at Cork, at Newport, or at Duncannon, to the energies of the local circles of the brotherhoood. Our • contemporary has no doubt it will turn out, when the police can get a clue to the perpetrators, that these acts have been all committed by the same, or nearly the same, parties—a few Irish-Americans of a peculiarly bold and adventurous disposition. But however that may be, as regards the diagnosis of Fenianism, either them occurences mean action on the bart of the Brotherhood — and may look upon them as promising us a more speedy eradication of the conspiracy than we bad hoped for— or they are only austher cycle of Fenian bids for popularity with Irish disaffection, and they are symptoms which the public have made up their mind long since to regard with equanimity. The Saturday Ike kill has an article on the feeling be tween England and the United States. It draws attention to the fact that while the controversy has kindled in America feelings of animosity, the feeling in England has hardly been unfriendly. There is a certain class of poli ticians in America who would welcome any rupture be tween the two countries. And yet a war with England • would involve an enormous addition to the army, to the navy, and to the National Debt of the United States. When the maintenance of the Union was at stake, the' American Government surprised the world by the un - limited resources in men and money which were available for the struggle. Recruits were always forthcoming, although in the latter part of the war each soldier cost, in addition to his pay and rations, about fifteen hundred dollars iu the shape of bounties ; and loans and taxes were voted by Congress as fast as they were demanded by the President. If the same issue were once more raised, former sacrifices would be repeated or exceeded ; but the evils of war and of debt have been better understood since the peace, and it is scarcely probable that new burdens would be readily assumed for the purpose of wreaking an irrational vengeance, or even of accomplishing an unjust conquest. The weight of taxation is severely felt, and all attempts to discharge the principal of the debt will for the present probably be abandoned. The revenue which Congress will consent to levy will only be sufficient to provide for the expenses of administration, and fir the interest of the debt- A war with England would deprive the Government of the greater part of its customs receipts, while it would render a large addition to the revenue indispensable. The credit of the United States will always be negotiable on more or less onerous terms ; but at present American secu rities pay about 8 per cent. to a purchaser, and the gr ow i ng popularity of repudiation will not increase the confidence of the money market. If the honour or interest of the a esettry were engaged in a quarrel, the people of the 171,i„ ,1 States would not wait to count the cost; but I i Haan:4 will consider the consequences before w.,ntonly ceuuneuring a mere war of spite. Canada N add net be surrendered without a struggle which would tax even the und-nbted energies of the invader ; and if llriti North America were ultimately wrested from the Crown, England would have in turn become invulnerable to American attacks. It would be imprudent to taunt a great and high-spirited nation with the limits which are imposed by circumstances on its means of offence, but it, is not unnecessary to reassure a peac eful communi ty ' against the vague fear which has been inspired in some quarters by American menacee. The unfortunate ani• I•"°itY which prevails may perhaps be incurable . ; yet it "WI 1 ; 4 4 just to Eiiiiio4o that there are some i4inde 19 ArfArici w_l4c.ll_ 9 ll 0 1:14 kiViY Act THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEB RUARY 1, 1868. FENIAN ARRESTS A 7 IMP7FORD. ferred to on the last examination, and which con tained the paper upon which certain verses were written, which we have already published.] Cross-examined—I was a chorister of Ely Cathe dral before I joined the police, and have been in the force since 1861, and most of that time I have been engaged as a detective in plain clothes. I first began to watch Lyttleton on the 22d of December. I was about four or five yards from Lyttleton when I heard the observations I have stated between Lyttleton and the other man about his being a Fenian. When the men separated out side the Rodney public-house, they appeared to kiss each other. You, sir, may call it " fraternal greet. ing," but 1 can only say some of the men kissed, each other—(laughter)—and did a great quantity,- of shaking of hands. (Laughter.) The in' mi when I was watching be hind the bricks, to ; e ked about Government, but it was not until they had talked about blowing up some thing or somebody. I know they said a monarchy would never do, a republic was what was wanted, and that they were determined to have it. I did not hear the word " democracy." I know the meaning of the word monarchy. I :first heard of the word at school. (Laughter.) I received my direction to watch the prisoners Lyttleton from my superior officer, but I had been watching M'Carthy long before that. Boutell is now stop ping at my house u nder m y p rotection. I first saw Boutell, my relative , i n L y ttleton ' s company on the 10th of January, and I was very much surprised. When he told me what he and Lyttleton had been talking about, I told him I had been w atchingLyttle ton for some time as a suspected person, and I last saw Lyttleton on the Saturday previous to my ap prehending him on the following Monday morning. I had some conversation with Boutell abriut what had taken place on the Sunday night, and it was after Boutell had been at the police station I re ceived orders to apprehend Lyttleton from Inspec tor Griffin. I went on duty before I apprehended Lyttleton. Mr. Willis--What do you mean bfduty—Ty ing ? Witness—Police duty. Mr. Wontner—Such an observation is scanda lous, and ought not to be made use of by a profes sional man. I cannot allow it to pass. Mr. Willes (very excitedly)—But I will. It is an English word, and I have a right to use it. Mr. Wontner —Oh, you may disgrace yourself if you please. The witness then went on to detail various other circumstances connected with the apprehension of Lyttleton. The case was then again remanded for a week. GREENWICH POLICE-COURT. The following appeared in our Latest Edition of yesterday evening:— James Richardson, Florence M'Carthy, and Maurice Lyttleton, were placed before Mr. Maude for further examination at the above police-court, charged with treason-felony. The men were charged with attempting to ad minister the Fenian oath to a young man named James Bendall, an American, with the view of in ducing him to commit treason-felony. Mr. Wontner, jun., appeared on the part of the Crown for the prosecution, and Mr. Pulling de fended M'Carthy and Richardson. Mr. Wontner said he proposed to press for com mittal of the prisoners, unchr the 52d Geo. 3, c. 104, which made every person convicted of admi nistering an oath binding any person to commit treason or murder shall be held guilty of felony, and suffer death, without benefit of clergy, and any person who should take that oath, not being compelled, should be adjudged guilty of treason, and be transported for life, or for any such term of years as the court should adjudge. Same discussion then took place between the legal gentlemen attending for the prisoners, but Mr. Maude said it would be better to proceed with evidence. The following - witnesses were then examined : James Mitchell, potman at the William IV., said he was acquainted with the prisoner M'Carthy for the last ten years whilst he was working at the docks. He had known Lyttleton for about two months. On Sunday week he saw some men in the passage, and they afterwards went into the parlour, but did not see who they were. A short time after the bell was rung, and on his going into the parlour he saw Lyttleton, the other two prisoners, and some other persons whom he did not see in court. Bou tell and O'Leary were there. They ordered some beer, and then O'Leary came out and told Lyttleton to go in as he was wanted. He made a mistake when he said Lyttleton was alre'aly in the room. He (Lyttleton) went into the parlour, and then the door was locked. Six persons were then in the mom. About four minutes after he went to the door of the room and told the people they must leave the house. Some one inside said they should not be three minutes before they were out. He did not see any person leave, but he went to the back gate to let the people out of the house. Lyttleton came out first; three others were behind him— viz., M'Carthy, O'Leary, and Boutell. They left the house just as the church bells were going. A very few minutes afterwards he saw Boutell in custody, as he expected. ne of the men took hold of his collar and went i O n the direction of the station-house. Mr. Willes, for M'Carthy, sa id if the magistrate would say whether he intended to dispose of the case, instead of sending it for trial, he shou exa ld know how to act with respect to his cross- CONGRESS. - -41. --------". SENATE. WASHINGTON, Jan. 6.—The memorial of the National Convention of Massachusetts was referred to Finance Committee. A Bill to amend the Judi ciary Act of 1789 was read twice, and Mr. Sher man's bill on the coinage of gold and silver was referred to Committee on Finance. Mr. Johnson mination. Mr. Maude said he could g ive no answer to such an inquiry. He (N l r. W ines) knew quite as much about the case as he did. Mr.lVille.s replied that under these circumstances he should reserve his defence and refrain from cross examining any of the witnesses. Charles Shave, assistant bailiff at the Greenwich County Court, said he knew M'Carthy, and also that he was engaged at Deptford dockyard. In September, 1865, the witness issued a judgment summons against John M'Carthy. Mr. Wontner was about to put certain questions to the witness relative to expressions used by M'Carthy on that occasion, when Mr. Maude said he had no right to put questions to raise a prejudice against the prisoner. Mr. Wontner said the prisoner was in fact charged with being a Fenian. Mr. Willes objected to such a term being used, the prisoners were not so charged. There was no offence called Fenianism, so it could not be charged against the prisoners. Mr. Wontner—The prisoners were charged with obtaining converts to the Fenian cause, and that ug h‘o l l e i tu in elreland. had a set fbrth that the person taking the oath was bound r was sai ahe to further the objects of the Fe nian Brotherhood, which asto Maudetheoverthrowtiichhotßritishi r. v rule right to put the question under certain restric ti•ms. rose to a privilege question, and asked to take up the resolution providing for the admission to his seat in the Senate, of the Hon. Philip F. Thomas. Mr. Johnson pointed out that the charge of con spiring with his successor, to depreciate the Go vernment credit, had, after investigation by the committee, been proved to be without foundation. He reviewed the circumstances of the loan nego tiated by Mr. Thomas while Secretary to the Trea sury, and those which led to his resignation, show ing the allegations to be untrue. Finally, he gave a detailed account of the charge that Mr. Johnson's son had entered the rebel army, showing that it was opposed to his father's wish and in spite of his oppo sition, and that Mr. Thomas had advanced him $lOO to guard the boy against starvation on the road. In the course of the debate which followed Mr. Howe contended that Maryland was a State in the Union as much as New York, Massachusetts, or his own State. Wisconsin. One of her rights was to be re presented on that floor by two Senators. The Con stitution prescribed their qnalifications, and if they possessed these qualifications, they had the right to -be admitted. Mr. Howard asked—Were the State of Kentucky to elect Jefferson Davis to a seat, would the Senate admit him? Mr. Thayer, from Nebraska, exclaimed, " Not au impos sible case !" and Timothy 0 : Howe, himself a Republican, replied, "If the Legislature of Kentucky were to send Jefferson Davis here, or John C. Breckinridge, rankling as they have been in treason for the last six years, he could not refuse to admit them. They had no right to try before ad mittance. After admittance the y mi g ht ex p el him on a motion f or treason. If the y could try thing before admission they could for disloyalty, or even for mur ifhad no right to add to the Con stitutional requirements." Mr. Stewart supposed Breckinridge to be elected by the Legislature of Kentucky while acting as Confederate Secretary of War, to which Mr Howe replied that in such a case Mr. Breckinridge would have been hanged before he got to the door of the Chamber. Mr. Trumbull introduced a joint resolution appointing Th eo dore Woolsey, of Connecticut, William A. Astor, of New York, John McLane, of New Jersey, and Peter Parker, of Washington, regents n the Smithsonian Institute • to fill vacancies.— Mr. Willes remarked that, as his objection had been overruled, he was glad he should have the op portunity of raising it before another tribunal. 'l'h6 expression " Fenian " could only have been used to prejudice the prisoners in the present ex cited state of the public mind. He thought two years and nine months was rather too long a time to make the prisoner responsible for opinions then expressed. After some further observations from Mr. Maude Mr. Wontner said he would defer putting the ques tion until another opportunity. Samuel Long said—l am a detective, and I have known Lyttleton since the 22d December last. He was pointed out to me, and I watched him oa that occasion. Constable Yardley and Inspector Ebbs were with me. I watched Lyttleton that night from the Noah's Ark publichouse, and three other men also, who are not now present were with him. Two of the men that were with Lyttleton advanced some few yards in front of him. He (Lyttleton) then put his hand on one of these men's shoulder and said, " You know what you are, and what you've got to do." I will not, however, swear that these were the exact words. The man said " Yes, Maurice, I know now I am a Fenian, and I will stand by you," or 'be with you,' I don't know which. The two went down to the Rodney publichouse and found the other two men in whose company they had formerly been. They then met another man, and then I crouched behind some bricks in order to hear their conversation. I distinctly heard Lyttleton sty, " It will not want half of that ; that will blow it to the -- ; that will blow it to shivereens." I think that was the — After the introduction of a f ew resolu t P io ajs n sa s en , d.. 7 1r . . Sumner sail, that on making inquiry at the desk, he found that the bill for the further security of equal rights in the district of Columbia had been presented to the President on December 10, and, as it had not been returned, he now would ask leave to introduce it again. The bill was read, when Mr. Sherman said there were strong reasons for believing that the action of the President had and he thought the proper course the would c n ot endangered this b i ll. In his opinion it was n the Secretary of S tate, who se duty it will then be to p ro mulgate it officially. H e sugges t e d th a t the of theto land, eirty the fa c t s o f th e case to law b e subject be referred to the Judiciary Committee. Mr. Sumner thought that perhaps it would be better to have the opinion of the Judiciary Com mittee, and had no objection to the reference. Mr. Johnson alluded to the law of New Hampshire as being similar to the law of the United States, ex cept that three days only were allowel to the Exe cutive of that State to return a bill, and the Supreme Court of New Hampshire ha i decided that an adjournment was not an adjournment in the sense in which it seems to have been taken by the President. If that decision was correct, then this bill was now the law of the land. Mr. Sumner.--That might be, but unortu nately the President and Congress entertained such different views that there seemed to be no choice of reconcilement of opinion, and it was probably best to have the whole matter considered by the com mittee. The bill was then referred to the Judiciary Committee. On motion of Mr. Davis the Com mittee on Commerce was instructed to inquire into the expediency of regulating the fares of the rail roads of the country, so as to make them uniform and just, particularly in reference to connecting ,railroads in two or more States. The unfinished .business, the bill exempting raw cotton from in ternal tax was taken up, the question being, on the motion of Mr. Conkling, to postpone it until the third Tuesday in February, and finally the amend ment of Mr. Conkling, exempting raw cotton from tax during the year 1868 only, was agreed to by a vote of 24 ayes to 21 nays. Mr. Drake offered an amendment that nothing herein contained shall be construed as preventing the levying again of the tax after the year 1868. —Adopted. Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, offerA an amendment suspending the duty on imported raw cotton from April 1, 1868, to April 1, 1869.—Adopte 1. The bill was then passed, and now goes back to the house for con currencc.,, and the Senate adjourned. Jan. S.—Mr. Trumbull reported in favour of the indefinite postponement of the bill amending the Bankrupt Act.—Agreed to. A resolution was passed instructing the Committee of Finance to inquire into the expediency of affixing a penalty upon any officer of the Government who shall au thorise a payment or appropriation of any money for any purpose not previously authorised by law. Mr. Edmunds, by unanimous consent, offered a tically xisted word. Lyttleton—l have never conceived that word Repeat it, sir. The constable did so, and then Mr. Willes objected against the reception of such evidence, as it prejudiced the other prisoners fof whom he appeared. Witness continued—A woman then joined the three men, and Lyttleton got very much excited. I could not understand what was said then, as they seemed to be speaking Irish. Lyttleton, some time after ; put up his hand and said, " It's high time," or " quite time that this Government was over thrown," and then I heard these words from one of the three, " A monarchy will ne ver do; we want a republic, and by God we'll have it," or " we must have it." They then left the place I bad been watching, and all three went to the Little Shamrock beer shop. This took place at about half-past 11, and they remained at the beer shop until a few minutes after 1. Lyt- , tl e ton,the woman, and the two men then separated, Lyttleton and one of the men going into a house in Dock-street. That is all that took place there. Lyttleton—lt's time you were tired. Witness—l know O'Leary. I have seen him in company with Lyttleton. I know Boutelland three ; he is a re l a tive of mine. On 20th January I other constables watched the house at which Lyttle ton lived, 103, New-street, Deptford. I afterwards knocked at his bed-room, and said, "Maurice, I want to speak to you," and a voice replied, " He's not at home ; he's been out all night." I said, " Open the door ?" but this not being done, I went to the front of the house, pulled open the shutters, and there I saw him in bed. I again demanded that the door might be opened, and Lyttleton said, All right." I went to the door again, leaving a con stable at the window. I then told Lyttleton h e must consider himself my prisoner, and he then told me to state the charge in his wife's hear ing. I said it was for treason-felony. He then dressed himself, and said to his wife, "You ought tobe gibetted, as it is you who have done this." Whe n he got oltaide the house Lyttleton said, " I ex pected this ; I suppose it's my Yankee friend has done this." I searched the prisoner at the station house, and found the memorandum book I now produce in his coat pocket. [This is the book re- resolution mof inquiry addressed to the President, Mr. Sumner repotted a joint resolution to provide reciting that the bill for the further security of equal for the representation of the United States at the rights in the district of Columbia had been repre- International Maritime Exhibition at Havre. Also sento Ito him, and not having been signed in the one to pay the $28,000 to the Spanish Government ten days allowed by the Constitution, whether it on account of the steamer Nuestra Senora de la had . been transferred to the office of the Secretary Rega, seized by General Sherman at Port Royal, of State to be published among the laws adopted. and afterwards taken for the use of the Navy De 'The Senate then went into Executive Session, and partment. The morning hour having expired, Mr. afterwards adjourned. Sprague, who was entitled to the floor, said the Jan,. 'O.—Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on present greenback circulation was the most power- Finance, reported the House Bill, to prevent fraud ful element of speculation now in the country. in the collection of the tax on distilled spirits, with There was no head of the financial system. The an amendment striking out the words "in bond," circulation was distributed among three hundred so as to make the provisions of the bill apply to all national banks. What would be thought of a man whisky, whether in bonded warehouses or otherwise. who, on the verge of bankruptcy, would send his The amendment was agreed to and the bill passed. money out through a hundred different agents? Mr. Williams, from the Committee on Finance, There is nobody in the world who depreciates the reported in favour of the indefinite postponement of paper of the United States as much as the Treasury the bill to authorize the conversion of common of the Government—there is no greater speculator bonds into registered bonds.—Agreed to. Mr. in gold than that Government. Mr. Sherman Raid Morton called up his resolution instructing the Ju- it was almost the unanimous opinion of both diciary Committee to report a bill abrogating the llouses that contraction should be suspended ; it existing State governments in the rebel States, and was the opinion also of the Secretary, and the ques providing proper governments in lieu thereof. After Von might therefore arise, Why pass the bill then ? some discussion, the House Bill to suspend the For the reason that the power to contract has been further contraction of the currency, was taken up. given by law ; that a new Secretary of the Trea- Mr Sherman said it was understood that this reso- sury might be appointed, and new contingencies lution contemplated further legislation during this arise, and therefore the contraction should be pro session, and some broader financial provisions would hibited by law. The only question is, Shall we yet be made. The passage of this bill was now withdraw from the Secretary the power to contract necessary to allay the anxiety in the public mind. the volume of United States notes, or shall we not ? There was great stagnation in business, and that all The question then recurred on the amendment of knew; many thought it was owing to the unparallel- Mr. Sherman, that the amount of United State; ed contraction of the currency, $140,000,000 out notes now existing shall not be reduced until au of $7,000,000,000 in less than three years. Whether thorised by Congress, which was adopted. Mr. this opinion were wise or not, it was held by many, Conkling moved to amend that the amount of such and it was but right that this action should be taken notes shall not be increased until authorized by to relieve the apprehensions. Mr. Morrill, of Ver- Congress. Mr. Fessenden advocated the amendment mont, would say nothing, but that he was unwilling as having the effect to quiet the public mind as that it should go forth to the country that this to inflation. It would give the assurance that measure expressed the unanimous voice of the Se- Congress intended to go no further than to suspend nate. Mr. Corbett was of the opinion that the contraction. Mr. Sherman said the amendment was measure would be in the interest of the gold specu- of no possible account, as there was now no power lators, who were fattening upon the distress of the vested in the Secretary to increase the currency. country. Mr. Fessenden saw no good to result from Mr. Wilson was in favour of taxing the Govern the passage of this bill. In his opinion, it was only ment bonds, and there was not a bondholder in by a reduction of the currency that the country Massachusetts, as far as he knew, who was not in would be in a condition to resume specie payments. favour of a just taxation upon them. The bill was Mr. Sprague said it was generally understood further discussed by Messrs. Cameron and Conk among business men that the Secretary had retired ling, both in opposition, and the latter modified his at one time twenty millions, thus destroying at one amendment so as to provide that nothing herein fell blow this amount of the property of the coun- contained shall be construed to affect the power of try. Mr. H e nderson argued in favour of the pas- the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain the re sage of the bill. The bill was further discussed serve authorised by section 4 of the Act of June by Mr. Howe and others. The Senate at 3.45 30, 1864. Mr. Doolittle protested that any infer went into Executive Session and then adjourned. ence should be drawn here or elsewhere that be- January M.—After some business, the following cause of the passage of this bill the Senate was in resolution w as introduced by Mr. Henderson, and favour of an increase of the greenback circulation. referred to the Committee on Finance :—Resolved, Mr. Morton alluded to the necessity of a return to &c., &c., that the Committee on Finance is in- specie payments, but it could not be done in lent strutted to inquire into the expediency of reporting than three years. Considerable further debate took to the Senate, for its consideration at an early day, place, but of an uninteresting nature. The amend a bill containing the following provisions, to wit: ment of Mr. Conkling was rejected. The bill was The consolidation of all the national indebtedness into then passed, as follows :—Yeas—Messrs. Anthony, long bonds bearing not more than three and a half Buckalew, Conness, Cattell, Cole, Cragin, Doo per cent. interest per annum, but payable semi- little Drake, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, annually. Principal and interest of the bonds to Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Howe, Morrill of be paid in gold, and to be secured against taxation Maine, Morton, Norton, Nye, Patterson of Tenne by State authority. The repeal of the provision in see, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Ross, Sherman, Stewart, the national banking laws, limiting the amount of Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wil the national currency to three hundred millions of liams, Wilson, and Yates —33. Nays—Messrs. dollars, so that any person or p ersons depositing Conkling, Ferry, Morgan, and Patterson, of New the mew bonds, and otherwise co m p l y in g with the Hamphshire-4. The Senate then, at 6 . 30 p.m. , law, may receive national currency for the purpose adjourned. of circulation, to the extent of seventy-five per Jan. 16.—The bill suspending the tax on cotton, a cent. of the par value of the bon ds, such an amend- as received from the House, with the refusal of the ment to the banking laws as sha ll re q uire the banks House to agree to the Senate amendments, was read. already established to deposit within a g iven time Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on S'inance, re theported in favour of the Senate * receding from its new bonds, or surrender t he circulation now secured by deposit of G overnment securities. amendments, but inserting the proviso that imported In case the banks surrender any p art of their circa- raw cotton shall be exempt from duty on and after Wien already issued so as to reduce the amount July 1, 1868. He asked for an immediate vote, but , it was postponed till 1 o'clock, on the motion of Mr. outstanding, that the Secret ar y of the Treasury be authorised to issue a similar am ount of United States Trumbull. Mr. Chandler called up the bill providing legal tender notes, and to use the same in the pur- for the appointment of line officers of the navy to chase or ayment of bonds wh ich at the time ma y consular positions, and asked for a vote on his mo p be redeemable by law. The creation of a financial ton to refer it to the Committee on Commerce. board tom posed in part of the Secreta r y of the Mr. Grimes said since the discussion of yesterday , he had further looked into this matter, and had Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency, who found that numbers of our consuls and commercial shall have power, in case t he national bank currency agents were in the receipt of from six to sixteen shall not be materially diminished, to cause the thousand dollars per annum. Mr. Sumner asked United States now outstanding gradually to be for the names. Mr. Grimes said the names could funded or cancelled until the resumption of specie be found by a reference to the list. Mr. Sumner payments be authorised, in times of commercial dis said if such was the fact these officers were acting tress or money panic, to cause to be issued and de in direct and palpable violation of the law in retain livered to the banks, in proportion to their circula ing such amounts. Mr. Grimes said the Sena or lion on the deposit of bonds herein provided for, United States legal te nder notes to an amount not was wandering from the subject. Some further discussion then took place, when Mr. Stewart exceeding $50,000,000. The house bill to sus moved to postpone the pending business on the pend the further contraction of the currency was Bill to " Establish a National School of Mines" taken up. being proceeded with. Mr. Stewart took the Jan. 11. Several petitions were presented, and floor in advocacy of the bill, reading from printed other business transacted. Mr. Sumner introduced a joint resolution dec larin g the ad option of the slips, and first discussed at some le n g th the immense wealth of the mineral amendment to the Constitution known as Article 14. regions of the United States, which ivere Th e resolution sets forth that the amendment pro- superior to those of any Constitution by the 39th Congress, to country in the world, and it was a re p roach to the posed to the be known as Article 14, has been ratified by the Le- country that it depended upon fo rei g ners for the number—and proper management and developme nt of its minin g gislatures of 22 States — a sufficient interests. After a considerab l e amount of business that it is now valid, and a part of the Constitution. Mr. Sumner said there was no doubt in his mind of in supplying Sherman aMr. the validity of the amendment, and moved that the yinskgedde c i en cies and appropriations, to fi take up the Cotton Bil l, w hich led to some discussion, b u t without action the Senate r esolution be referred to the Judiciary Committee, went into Executive Session, and after some time which he appealed to to make an early report. It spent therein adjourned until Monday. had been the custom heretofore, he knew, to leave such matters in the hands of the Secretary of State. bat he thought it was peculiarly the province of Congress to pass upon it. The bill was then re ferred to the Judiciary Committee. Jan. 13. —Among the resolutions offered was one by Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, requesting the Com mittee on Post-offices and Roads to inquire whether in the postal convention recently concluded with foreign countries privileges have not been granted to citizens of those countries which are denied to our own citizens.—Adopted. Another by Mr. Ed monds was referred to the Judiciary Committee, to inquire into the expediency of regulating by law trials in cases of impeachment, and in case the public safety should require it, providing for the suspension of officers who are under trial of impeach ment. Mr. Howard moved to go into Executive Session, upon which Mr. Sherman demanded the ayes and nays, when the motion was agreed to, and the Senate accordingly went into Executive Session, and then adjourned. Jau. 14.—Mr. Thayer introduced a bill to reduce the number of major and brigadier generals in the army. Referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. Frelinghuysen introduced a bill to restore the possession of lands confiscated by the States lately in rebellion.--Referred to the Com mittee on Judiciary. The resolution of Mr. Davis relating to the appointment of a tribunal to deter mine constitutional questions was then taken up . , and Mr. Davis continued his argument in its favour. Without action on the bill, the House Bill suspend ing the further contraction of the currency was taken up, the question being on th e amendment limiting the suspension to t he Ist of July next. Mr. Freli ng h u ysen thought it would be a lack of judg ment for Congress to attempt to fix a day when contraction could be resumed. The amendment of Mr. Buckalew was then disagr eed to. • Mr. Corbett in this act moved an amendment , that noth ing should be so constructe d as to prev ent the Secre tarys pay of the Treasury f rom s üb in tit pla ut ce g notes, of an equal able in gold on dem and, amount of legal tender n o tes, in such manner and at such time as he may deem be st, w hich was re jected by nays 40 , ayes I—Mr. Corbett. Mr. Morrill, o f Vermont, moved an amendment, that the suspension shall c ease when the price of gold rises to 140 in Unite d States notes, or to 100 in coin.—The amendment was re jecte 1. Mr. Sherman Cie amount of moved to amend by providing th at United states notes now existing s h all not be re (laced until Congress otherwise provides. At 4 . 30 Mr. Sprague rose and moved to adjourn, stating that he was too feeb le to remain l o nger. The Chair, by unanimous consent , before putting the motion , laid before the Senat e the Report of the Indian Peace Commission. The motion of Mr. Sprague to ad journisagreed to. Mr. Sprague was then put a nd d argue against then took the floor , a nd p roceeded to measure of porary the pending bil b las eing a tem conclusion of Mr. Sprague's relief only. After the remarks the Senate adjourned. Jan. 15.—Several p etitions were presented, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Sp ea ker called the House to order at j l a 2 n o . 'c 6 l ' o — ck T . he Ater the call of States and Terri tories for bills and joint resolutions, Mr. Upson, of Michigan, introduced a resolution directing the Committee on Reconstruction to inquire into the expediency of authorizing by law the several Consti tutional Conventions elected under the Reconstruc tion Acts in the State lately in rebellion, to appoint all civil officers, whether State or county, in said States, to act temporarily and until State Consti tutions shall be adopted therein, and officers shall be chosen and qualified to fill said offices ; and that for this purpose the said Conventions may remove all civil officers now acting in said States, &c. Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, moved to amend the resolution, by adding, to instruct the Reconstruc tion Committee to inquire into the expediency of authorizing the General of the army to detail offi cers for service in said States ; also to inquire into the expediency of constituting said States each a separate military district under the command of the General of the Army ; and also as to the expe diency of providing additional legislation to secure the elective franchise to all, and also to declare by Act of Congress that the Provisional Governments set up in said States by order of the acting Presi dent are not Republican forms of government. Mr. Upson accepted the amendment, and Mr. Chanter, of New York, moved to lay the whole subject on the table. Not agreed to—yeas 28, nays 66. The re solutions were then adopted. Mr. Eldridge offered a resolution declaring that the thanks of Congress are due, and are hereby tendered, to Major-General W. S. Hancock for his wise, patriotic, and kindly recognition of the first rights of the citizen, and for the patriotic order issued by him upon assuming command of the so-called fifth military district, and for his determination promptly expressed to enforce the supremacy of the civil law within his command. Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, desired to amend by a re solution condemning the President for removal of Stanton and Sheridan, and approvalof Gen. Grant's course in relation tosuch removals. Mr. Eldridge de clined to allow such an amendment. The resolution was laid on the table by a vote of 85 yeas to 28 nays. Mr. Washburne, of Wisconsin, offered a resolution declaring that this House utterly condemns the con duct of Andrew Johnson, acting President of the United States, for his action in removing the gallant soldier Major-Gen. P. H. Sheridan from the coin - mand of the fifth military district., and that the thanks of the House are due to General U. S. Grant, the General Commanding t he armies of the United States, for his letter of August last, condemning th e act of said acting President for his removal of Secre tary Stanton, as well as for his indorsement of Gen. Sheridan in relation to affairs in the State of Texas. The resolution was divided on the demand of Mr. Chauler, of New York, and the first part was agreed to by a vote of 79 yeas to 28 nays, and the second part by 82 yeas to 23 nays. Mr. Wood, of New York, sent to the clerk's desk and had read a number of letters from American citizens who had suffered from arrest by the autho rities of Great Britain • while on visits to England or Ireland. After a few remarks, he observed, it seemed to be impossible for American citizens to obtain justice from the blood-thirsty country of Great Britain. Mr. Ward closed by offering a re- solution directing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to inquire into the circumstances attending the arrest of Daniel Fitzgerald, and others, and that the committee have power to send for persons and papers, and to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, offered a bill declaring eight hours a legal day's work in the navy yards and in all Government workshops of the United States. (The bill is the same as that which passed the House at the last session of Congress.) Mr. Carey, of Ohio, presented the petition of the em ployes of the Washington navy yard in this con nection, and urged the passage of the bill imme- diately. Mr. Washburne's Bill to facilitate the payment of soldiers' bounties mas then discussed, and the Ilouse adjourned. • Jan. 7.—The House resumed "consideration of the bill to facilitate the payment of soldiers' boun ties, which was finally amended. Mr. Arnell, of Tennessee, offered an amendment that all claims of coloured soldiers for bounty and back pay shall be ,ransferred for examination and settlement to ;he Commissioner of Freedmen's Affairs. The amendment was accepted, and the bill as amended was passed. Mr. Pike, of Maine, from Committee on Naval Affairs, reported back a substitute for the joint resolution authorising the Secretary of the Navy to dispose of iron-clad vessels. (The Secre tary is authorised to dispose of all vessels not needed for the service, at a price to be fixed by a board 'of five naval officers.) Which was passed ; ayes, 90 ; nays, 29. The Speaker announced as the Regents of the Smithsonian Institute on the part of the House. Messrs. Garfield, of Ohio, Poland, of Ver mont, and Pruyn of New York ; and on the motion of Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, Senate joint resolution in relation to the Regents of the Smithsonian Insti tute was taken and considered and passed. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, from the Committee of - Ways and Means, reported a bill to prevent frauds in the collection of the tax on distilled spirits shall be withdrawn from a warehouse for redistillation or any other purpose, until the whole tax is paid upon it.) By unanimous consent the bill was taken up, and Mr. Schenck proceeded to address the House upon the subjects of the frauds perpetrated in the collection of the tax on spirits. Mr. Hunter, of Indiana, was not opposed to the bill, but he did not think it would remedy all the evils complained of, and he then proceeded to explain a bill he bad some time ago introduced, which he thought was preferable to that of Mr. Schenck. The bill was then passed. Mr. Logan, of Illinois, offered a re solution, which was objected to by Mr. Kerr, di recting the Committee on Retrenchment to re port at an early day a bill to provide for a bureau of civil service, to be composed of three examiners, and to prescribe the duties, qualifications, salary, and term of Office of such examiners. 2d. To de signate the number of clerks that shall be employed in each of the departments, and to provide for their apportionment of said clerks among the several States and Territories, and in the District of Colum bia. 3. By whom recommendations shall be made of clerks for examination. 4th. To provide that such appointments shall be given to honourably discharged soldiers and sailors when found to be otherwise qualified. sth. To designate the time and mode of supplying the places vacated under the operation of the law. 6th. To designate when a complete change shall be made under the law in all the offices. 7th. To provide that the law shall not apply to any department of the Government except those located in Washington and the District of Columbia. On the motion of Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union ; Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, in the chair. Mr. Carey, of Ohio, addressed the House upon the subject of the finances and-the payment of the national debt. He advo cated at length the repeal of the act creating the national banks, and argued that legal tender notes were as good a medium of circulation as could be de sired. Mr. Carey concluded his speech at 4.15 ; and the committee then rose, and the House ad learned. Jan. B.—Mr. Orth, Indiana, from Committee on Foreign Affairs, submitted a report, which was laid upon the table, and a joint resolution requesting the President of the United States to intercede with the Queen of Great Britain for the release of the Rev. John M'Mahon, who was arrested as a u Fenian raider in 1866, and is now confined in gaol ill Kingston, Canada West. Mr. Paine, of Wiscon sin, moved to amend the resolution by inserting the name of John Lynch, of Milwaukie, after that Of Father M'Mahon. Mr. Lynch, he said, was arrested at the time of M'Mahon's arrest, and it could do no harm to have both interceded for. Mr- Orth declined to accept the amendment. The case of Father M'Mahon waa a peculiar one. no preferred that Mr. Lynch's and every other case shoull stand upon its merits. Mr. Cullom, of Illi nois, spoke in advocacy of the joint resolution, and demanded that the House express its opinion against the doctrine of perpetual allegiance, and declare that all citizens, native and naturalized, shall be protect:d. Pending discussion the morning hour expired, and the bill went over under the rule. The Senate's amendments to the Cotton Tax Bill were referred to the Committee on Ways and Means• On the motion of Mr. Broomall, of Pennsylvania , be Committee of Ways and Means was directed o inquire into the expediency of exempting from nternal tax all manufactures from cotton, wool; or iron. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Consumption, and all nervous, bilionai stomach and liver complaints in every stage are only aggravat e ' . and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectli curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food; as proved by thousands of cases which had been considere d hopeless; such as indigestion (dyspepsia), cough, asthma, eo n ' gumption, habitual constipation, diarrhoea , all gastric derang e : meuts, hcemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousne ss ' biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, in" fluenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, in 2 P ° ,: rities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessn eeP acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, d ro p s 92 cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy o r sea, a: sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the chest pains at the pit of the stomach, and between the shoulders, &I', We quote a few.—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry_, Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" Rome, July 21 , 1866.—Tide health 91 the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning n ;„ other I emeclies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barn.' , Revalenta Arabia', Food, of which he consumes a platef.a: at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly bend:l9l_li; effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot prais e excellent food too highly." From the "Gazette du 5 11 "'„ July 25. Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts timber tee% chant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lung° spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafnessi Cure No. 1,771.. Lord Stuart de Dccies, Lord Lieutenal.lV„, Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. " years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousfa s ep_ A asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness f ‘ , vomiting.—MariaJoly: Important Caution.—Beware of the pla ci V t unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, Walla. authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously att ache In tins at is. Itd.; 1 lb., 2s 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d,; 5 lbs. 1 -7 7 , 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 405.— BARRY Du BARRY and Co., duly'l4 Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Picca,,s9, and at 61, Gracochurch-street; 4, Cheapside ; 63, 150, a nd ` Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers and chemists. • Births. CASTOR —On the 30th ult., at 20, Brunswick-square, Vi•°" Mrs. S. M. Cantor, of a daughter. HYDE—On the 31st ult., at 55, Portland-place, the wife' 01 F. Colville Hyde, Esq., of a son. 4. lb° NOTLEY —On the 29th ult., at New Brompton, Nen9 wife of A. Franke Notley, Esq., Royal Engineer Del's' ment, of a son. Marriages. CLARKE —AusTIK—On the 30th ult., at All S o uls', a l: ham-place, Percy Carmichael Clarke, Esq ., of 1)0,n1.°,7i. shire-place, Portland-place, to Sophia, relict of 0"1 Austin, Esq., of Sydney, N.S.W. WHITTLE —DRAKE —On the 30th ult., at St. Paul's .). DeP o i ford, Harry Stevenson, son of Henry Whittle, 14 84 1 Now Cross, to Alicia Charlotte, daughter of the it"' Drake, Esq., of Boulogne-sur-Mer. Deaths. HUNTER —On the 29th ult., at 26, Carlton-villas, .."-"raicia • v, vale, Archibald Hunter, and of 10 , Cannon-street, 3'. L orden. Nei' NELSON —On the 28th ult., at Cannes, France, 11 Dr.' il k son, Esq., of 11, Lancaster-gate, W., and 71, Old 130" street, aged 48. PowELL—On the 30th alt. et No. 8, Beaufort-leuildite Strand, George Powell, aged 81. Feta RALLI—On the 30th ult., at 14, Hyde-park-place, Pautia Ball% Esq., aged 31. ce nt, WIIITE—On the 27th ult., at 15, Pembridge-erv.eso 13., Bayswater, Lieut.-General Sir Michael White, • Colonel of the 7th Dragoon Guards, aged 76. A N ENV ° ' London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.SI No llg% of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan Sul Oface, t.. Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy , in the O°Wl ididdlesex.—Saturday, February 1, 1868. 4 11 . ; If \l i , j i