The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—Sir Robert Peel is the male Catherine de Medicis of modern Conservatism. There is a real duplicity, as Ranks has said of his female prototype, not in his words, or in his actions only, but in his mind. He has two strings to his bow; he is always for sitting on two stools. This dupli city of view andof conduct, as in the lady above-mentioned, so in the present gentleman, after attempting to play one party against the other, ends at last in a violent crisis. Catherine first leaned towards the Protestants—and ended by enacting the Saint Bartholomew. Peel's Protestantism seems drawing to its catastrophe in a similarly violent situation. Re has driven his own original party to bay—and it stands at bay. He has thrown himself on Whig sup port ; and he will have to take it, we surmise, on Whig terms. Consistency of principle demands that the party in Apposition should speak their whole mind on the whole extent of the Irish Church question. It is forced upon them ; they have not factiously forced it upon the Government. On the contrary, they have, thus far, given the Government the most unreserved support. The public, however, has spoken out, and shown itself strongly per suaded that (as we stated) what is proposed is one thing— what is argued for is another. The Minister's act indi cates intentions which are universally received with im mense distrust. And his argumentative supporters make the matter worse. They demonstrate that much more remains behind. Mr. Gladstone on Friday, Mr. Milnes yesterday, let the cat terribly out of the bag. The country sees clearly enough that this is only a beginning of new church policy. And they will have Sir Robert Peel begin nothing of which they don't see the end. As an Irish dealer, they will buy no pig in the poke from him. Now, in this natter, the Opposition leaders have embarked in the same 'boat with Sir R. Peel. Unless, however, they mean to commit party suicide for the sake of his beaux yeux (to say nothing of the sartorial " sacrifices to the graces" which Mr. Grant has attributed to him)—they must declare all they would do with the Irish Churches, and how they would do it. The widest ssossible unpopularity has been already incurred by both parties. The party in power may get out of it how they can —that is no concern of the party in Opposition. What they have to think of is simply to connect their present conduct with their past professions ; and set forth, in their full extent, the principles on which they have followed the Ministerial move. Those principles may not be less un popular than that move is—but, if true, they must make way. The unpopularity is incurred—toutest perdu fors rhon neter—it is for Opposition to take good care that honour, at least, shall be safe, and that the country shall know where to look for men—not to consult its momentary pleasure—bat to chalk out a clear future course. Sir R. Peel sits like Joe Miller's Jew at dinner, aghast at the sudden thunder-storm—" Here is a piece of work about one little bit of bacon ?" But the little bit of bacon leads the public to infer the whole hog. Even that little bit is more than the public will tolerate, without knowing what is to follow. Sir R. Peel has made the great mistake that he could keep Protestant zeal quiet by treating the thing as nothing new, while the Irish majority are to take it as something new. This is adding distrust and suspense to inevitable Protestant unpopu larity. The duplicity is perceived ; and if it had not, his supporters have taken good care to disclose it. Two such speeches as Mr. Gladstone's and Mr. Milnes' involve all that Mr. Ward's motion menaced, and something more. They involve the positive patronage of the Romish priesthood, as teachers of the people, while Mr. Ward's motion only went to deal with surplus eccle siastical funds (such as those Mr. Hume last night men tioned) for general educational purposes. Mr. Glad stone, therefore, and Mr. Milnes, go farther than Mr. Ward went towards directly superseding Protestant ministry as regards Roman Catholic masses. They would directly patronise another ministry, as effec tual, where the former is ineffectual—and unless they up hold the preposterous absurdity, that where that acknow ledged inefficacy exists, and where, on that very ground, they would erect State machinery to supply other agencies —the non-working wheels are to go on being oiled " for the look of the thing." and the public to be taxed for more oil for the working ones, as well as for putting them in gear " at first starting—unless this preposterous absurdity is asserted, Sir Robert Peel's argumentative adherents espouse the appropriation clause, and something more. Is it for the Whigs to dissemble that a new principle is involved here ; and to shrink from declaring that prin ciple, in the whole extent to which they would act upon it? This appears simply due to themselves on the part of the Opposition. Mr. Milnes stated it to b' " his opinion that the country was not at the present time susceptible of the arguments which had been adduced in favour of the Bill." But he was just as great a sinner himself in the way as Mr. Gladstone. The country is sus ceptible of alarm, at all events ; and such speeches have done all that could be done to alarm it. Nothing more will be lost by explicitness; there is nothing now to be saved by silence. We once hazarded a fabled illustration of the ostrich gait of Sir Robert Peel's policy. But now the ostrich would screen itself by sticking its head in the sand, and, because it will not see its way, thinks that nobody else sees its where abouts. STANDARD.—The Times this morning has a warm panegyric upon Mr. Macaulay's speech. At this we cannot wonder ; the speech was characterised by duplicity and rancour, self-seeking and spite, clothed in coarse and offen sive language, the very qualities by which the Times itself is so disgracefully distinguished. Mr. Macaulay's position is no doubt a puzzling one ; he and his party think that by voting against the Bill before the House they would ruin the Ministry (we trust that they are mis taken), but they know that they would at the same time utterly destroy themselves. What, then, was Mr. Macaulay to do ? To vote for the Bill, and even to speak for it, but at the same time to damage the measure in the eyes of all good men, by fallacious and un-Christian arguments in its support, and to throw upon its authors all the dirt that even his practised industry could collect. An article which we have copied from this day's Morning Herald, fairly we think (by a reference to facts and dates) demonstrates the perfect harmopy and consistency of Sir Robert Peel's conduct towards the Church in Ireland, from the day in which he can be said to have been a political leader, whether as head of a party in opposition, or as head of a government. For fifteen years, he has steadily and constantly fought the battles of the Church against Mr. Macaulay and his faction, and never, as we firmly believe, did the Right Hon. Baronet propose any measure better calculated to fortify the temporal esta blishment of the Church, or to accelerate the completion of its sacred purpose, than the measure now before the House of Commons. What inconsistency is there here? But, says Mr. Macaulay, Sir Robert Peel has taken his party by surprise ; if, however, there be a surprise, it is a surprise with twelve months' warning, and a surprise of which Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Colquhoun, Mr. Plumptre, or Col. Verner, makes no complaint. But, then asks Mr. Macaulay, with an air of triumph, where is Lord Stanley's Registration Bill ? The reproach of not introducing the Bill since 1841 must, however, be divided with Lord Stanley and Sir Robert Peel by every one of the Conservative Members who voted for it five years ago. It was as competent for any one of the number to revive the measure, as it was to Lord Stanley, or Sir Robert Peel ; for we may remind Mr. Macaulay that it was not introduced as a Government measure, but introduced by a private Member of Parliament. No reproach is, however, due to any one in the matter. The Registration Bill was a practical remedy for an existing practical evil, the fraudulent composition of the Irish registry five years ago. It was the duty of the Parlia ment to prevent future Houses of Commons being elected by a fraudulently-composed registry, and therefore it was right and necessary to introduce such a Bill as was introduced by Lord Stanley in 1840. Time has, however, done the work of the Bill to some extent—we believe to a sufficient extent to preclude the necessity of legislation upon the subject. The attention of the people has been di rected to the frauds practised with facility in the novelty of the new constitution given by the Reform Bill, and no Registration Bill seems to be now called for. If, however, Mr. Macaulay thinks one is necessary, it is as com petent to him to introduce one now, as it was to Lord Stanley to introduce one in 1840. Let us take leave of Mr. Macau lay's speech with an acknowledgment that it is in every way worthy the commendation of the Times. IRELAND. REPEAL ASSOCIATION. DUBLIN, Aram 14.—The usual weekly meeting of the As sociation took place to- day in the Conciliation Hall, Mr. E. Clements in the chair. Mr. O'CONNELL read a letter from Mr. D. Callaghan M.P., in which he stated himself to be an unflinching re pealer, and promised to join the Association upon his arrive in Dublin. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that on a former day he had an• nounced that the Committee of the Association were consi• dering the best method of celebrating the 30th of May, the anniversary of the incarceration of himself and his friends, and on that occasion he had stated his own opinion to be, that a renewal of the Clontarf meeting would be the most satisfactory step that could be taken for that purpose. On reflection, however, he feared, that at a meeting so near town as Clouted would be, they might not have the same control over a large number of persons as in the country. In town there were a lar , e number of active persons who differed so widely from them in political opinion that it was possible confusion might be created on such an occasion. He, there fore, thought that it was best to postpone the meeting at Clontarf to the 16th of September next, the day of their discharge from prison.—(Hear, hear.) The Committee in the mean time would confer together and consider the best way of celebrating the 30th of May, because they could not allow that day to pass over without marking it with white. — (Cheers,) The Hon. Gentleman next brought forward and read a report on the Bill for the perpetual endowment of May nooth. The Committee, after giving an abstract of the Bill, stated their opinion to be, that it was framed in a just and conciliatory spirit, and offered no matter of doubt or diffi culty to any Roman Catholic, however suspicious he might have been made by the conduct of the present or any former Government. They also expressed their belief that, circumstanced as the country is with its ecclesiastical re, State revenues, originally granted for Roman Catholic Posos,it was no infringement of the voluntary principle t ca o re tho cei ne ve_ i l7 way of restitution the means of educating the and emso rgY, especially' when tendered in so satisfactory most anxiteorthananner. Mr. O'Connell said that he was stood, to onabisem have this Bill universally read and under enactment which he:3,ra%. a. ra cat an h to oli j e t:dge whether it was an also whether it contained a nyt ought to accept, and hing derogatory to civil or re ligious freedom. Ilererea to him that it contained no thing of the kind. ase College be no interference of Pro testants with education in rh and this was exactly what he desired. He conceded llege Protestants ' the right of pursuing their own course of education , and he asked the same permission for Catholics for —(Hear, hear.) He had been asked elr children and clergy. that he did not advise . ready with his that petitions in favour of the Bill should be got n • was deemed so good a measure. was P, as it answer, which was this—that they had n t o asked for the Bill, it was entirely the voluntary act of the (Hear, hear.) The Irish Oople would not stoo ask o ov p ern toreenti; such a trifle.—(Hear, hear.) When millions were owing to them, they would not beg for a penny in the pound.-. - ... (Hear, hear.) They had not, therefore, for this Bill, but they would cheerfully a c c e pt it if it w e repeated that he was very grateful for the Bill,pand ed he had H no notion of being stingy of his thanks, as he certainly was not of vituperation of those who deserv e d censure. The Bill had its use too in another respect—namely, the enabling ' them to ascertain what the real disposition of the people of England towards this country was.—(Hear, hear.) He had a species of, unpleasant gratification in seeing verified what he had often stated—that the people of England had • not the heart in the right place when they came to deal with Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He was once in the habit of using the term " Saxon," when speaking of the English people, and he had often accused them of illiberality and bad feeling towards the people of this country, but he was told that it was the Government, and not the people of England, which was adverse to Ireland. He had abandoned the use of the obnoxious phrase, and tried the language of conciliation, but what did they now see ? They saw the Government acting in a friendly , manner towards this coun try, and the people of England rising in masses against them.—(Hear.) A friend who had jest returned from Lon don told him he never remembered to have witnessed so much excitement there as at present. "No Popery" pla cards and advertisements were encountered at every turn, and the abuse of Irish Catholics which they contained was read with applause by Yes, the of people attracted by them.—(Hear, hear.) Yes, the people of England were THE S UN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 17, 1845. taking a strong part against this country. Who was not aware, that if they had not been always hostile to Ire land, she could not have been left so long in her present abject condition ; but, proud and bigoted as were their Eng lish neighbours (and they might well be proud of having such a people as the Irish for their slaves), they would not continue to be their slaves.—(Loud cheers.) He had been told that he ought not to accept money from Eng lish Protestants for Catholic purposes, and had been called on to assert the principle of every denomination of Chris tians paving its own ministers. He was quite ready to adopt the principle to the fullest extent, but he wanted others to do so likewise.. The Protestant clergy who opposed the present Bill on the pretext of its being a violation of principle, forgot that they were silent respecting the grant of 9,0001. a year, which they had not opposed, and that they continue silent respecting the Regium donum of the Presby terians, and the grants to religious communities in Scotland. Why were not these grants opposed, and why had such an outcry been raised against the grant of a suitable endowment for Maynooth ? The truth was, they hated them as Irish men, and were bigoted against them as Catholics.—(Hear, hear.) The Times spent three years in abusing the Catholic clergy and people, and raised the people of England to such a pitch of exasperation against the Ministry for favouring the Irish people, that they rose at length and turned out the Whigs. It was idle, therefore, to talk of favour to this coun• try from England, and he was not sorry for their hate. He would run no race of petitions with them—if necessary, he could have millions of signatures to one. He would ask nothing, but he would take the boon gratefully as it was given graciously.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman next proceeded to repel the charges recently made against the College of Maynooth, and asserted that out of 15,000 students who since its foundation had been edu cated there, not a single one had been charged with an offence of any kind. He next eulogised the presidents and professors of the College, and enumerated several distin guished Roman Catholic clergymen who had filled those situations. When there was no stain either on the students or the professors it was too bad that the provision of a suit able maintenance for them should be the signal for an exhi bition of fiendish bigotry on the part of the English people. Shame on them for envying Ireland sixpence in the pound of her just debt ! There was their conscience, their honour, their honesty ! He was glad that he himself had taken the offer in the spirit he had met it with. Of course, if the Catholic clergy had condemned it, or refused it, he would have joined them ; but as they had been silent he took it for granted that they approved of it. Had they objected to the Bill, he himself would have moved that it be kicked out of the House; but he was most happy in stating that Sir Robert Peel had consulted the Catholic authorities in the most open and generous manner on the subject. He had been accused of a factious disposition to refuse everything from the present Government, no matter how good the mea sure offered might be ; but he rejoiced that the present Bill gave them an opportunity of showing what their true spirit was. He hoped it would be well received throughout Ire land ; but as to its being a bribe to the clergy, he defied those who thought so, and equally so those who believed it would have the eftbct of making them relax in their efforts to regain national independence.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentle man concluded by moving that the report be adopted and printed for circulation. • Mr. T. STEELE addressed the meeting on the same subject. Mr. H. GRATTAN, M.P., said, that the people of England had declared war on the Irish people by their conduct in re • ference to the Maynooth grant, and he had learnt a lesson within the last forty-eight hours which be might forgive but would never forget. He took his leave of the "gentlemen of England ;" he wished them no ill, but so help him God he would never willingly draw a sword in their behalf or give them a guinea of his money.—(Loud cheers.) They had covered their country, their cause, and their Parliament with a disgrace which they could never remove.—(Cheers.) The motion was then adopted, after a few remarks from Mr. J. O'Connell, M.P. Mr. O'CONNELL announced the receipt of 2501. from Bos ton, from Philadelphia 45/., and from Illinois 1001. Mr. G. PORTER addressed the meeting at considerable length in support of his peculiar views, and strongly recom mended the establishment of a national militia in this country. Mr. O'CONNELL agreed with Mr. Porter that a national militia would be extremely advantageous, if sanctioned by Parliament and constructed according to constitutional prin ciples. He then brought forward a long report on the sub ject of the tenant-right in Ulster, upon which he commented at considerable length. The rent for the week was stated to be 7001. 4s. 11d. DUBLIN STOCK AND SHARE MARKET. There was again a great deal of business in the scrip of the new railways, with a decided advance in the Great Southern and Western Extension. The following are the closing prices :—Three per Cent. Consols, 98 1 4 4 ; Three and a-Quarter per Cent. Stock, 10 1 4 a; Three-and-a-Half per Cent. Debentures, 934 ; Grand Canal Debentures, 4/. sterling per annum, 71 /-; Mining Company of Ireland, 13A ; Royal Bank, 144 4 ; City of Dublin Steam of 1836, 52. Railways : —Great Southern and Western, 174 ; Ditto Extension, 114 12.4 ; Dublin and Belfast Junction, 10* ; Irish Great Western, Dublin to Mullingar and Athlone, 3 ; Irish Great Western, Dublin to Galway, 5 4 ; Belfast and Ballymena, 54 ; Dun dalk and Enniskillen, 44 4 • Waterford and Limerick, 64 ; Wexford and Carlow, 4L, ; Kingstown and Bray, 104 ; Cork and Bandon, 6 ; Londonderry and Enniskillen, 4 k. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD, APRIL 12.—BRASENOSE COLLEGE.—A Fel lowship on the original foundation of this college is now vacant, and will be filled up in the course of the present term. Natives of the ancient diocese of Lichfield and Coventry (which comprised the present diocebe of Lich field together with the county of Chester, the county of W ar wick, except the deaneries of Kineton sad Warwick, and the county of Lancaster south of the Ribble), being gra duates of the University of Oxford under eight years standing, are eligible; the electors having regard in their choice to the preference given by the statutes in the first instance to natives of Prescot awl Prestbury, and in the second to natives of the counties of Lancaster and Chester. Candidates are required to exhibit to the Principal, on or before Saturday, the 26th inst., certi ficates of the locality of their birth, together with the ususl college testimonials, and the certificates of their matriculation. _ TRINITY COLLEGE ELECTION.—There will be an elec tion of two scholars on Monday, May 19th. Candidates must be above 16 and under 20 years of age ; and will be required to present, in person, to the President, certi ficates of baptism and testimonials of conduct, together with a Latin epistle to request permission to offer them selves, at nine o'clock on Wednesday morning, May 14th, when the examination will begin. EXETER COLLEGE.—There will be an election to a Scholarship in this College on Friday, May 9, open to all persons above the age of 16, and who (if members of the University) have not exceeded two years from their matriculation. Candidates are required to call on the Rector, with the necessary certificates, on or before Saturday, May 3. QUEEN'S COLLEGE.—An election of an exhibitioner on the Michel Foundation at Queen's College will take place on Thursday, the 23d day . of May next. Candi dates must be natives of the province of Canterbury, who have attained the full age of fifteen, and have not ex ceeded the age of twenty years ; and if members of the University, must not have been matriculated longer than twelve calendar months. Certificates of baptism and testi monials of good conduct must be delivered to the Pravost of the said college by the respective candidates on or before Saturday, the 7th of May. The examination will commence on Monday, the 9th, at ten o'clock in the morning. REGULATIONS OF LODGTNG-HOUSES. The keeper of a lodging-house is expected to make the following engagement to the head or other officer of the college, or hall, before any junior member of the same be permitted to occupy his lodgings :- 1. I will lock the door of my house at ten o'clock at night, and note down the hour af t er ten o'clock at which any junior member of the University lodging in my house shall enter or leave his lodgings. 2. I will deliver or send a list every morning to the porter of the college or hall to which any such lodger in my house belongs, in time to be by him inserted in his gate-bill. 3. I will report at the same time to the Dean or some other officer of the college or ball if any such lodger in my house shall pass the night out of his lodgings. 4. I will not allow on any account a key of an outer door of my house to any such member of tee University lodging therein. 5. I will not supply or, receive into my house, except from his own college or hall, a dinner or supper for any such lodger, without a written permission from some officer of his college or hall. The Vinerian Professor of Common Law will com mence a course of lectures on the common law of Eng land on Tuesday the 22d instant, at 12 o'clock, in the Vinerian school. • The Aldrichian Professor of Medicine proposes to commence his next course on the practice of physic on Wednesday, the 16th inst. Students of medicine de• sirous of attending the course are requested to call upon the Professor, at his residence, on or before Tuesday, the 15th inst. RAILWAY COMMUNICATION. SHROPSHIRE, CHESHIRE, IRELAND, BIRKEN HEAD, &c. &c. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Six,—Amidst all the great schemes afloat for the im provement of railway communication throughout the country, the public attention appears to have rather overlooked the vast changes which are going on in the important tract of country having Chester for its centre. A new and powerful community is establishing itself on the western shores of the river Mersey, whose rising city " Birkenhead" is at once the wonder of the age and the nucleus of a commercial revolution which has no parallel even amongst the enterprising people of the United States. Birkenhead now comprises more popu lation, more wealth, and more elements of grandeur, than most of our oldest and most favoured cities. With all the advantages of Liverpool, as regards the commerce of the world, it also possesses the same comn3unicati. n with Manchester and Yorkshire, and a better comm. nication with Birmingham and all the south, being about 10 to 15 miles nearer, as far as land carriage is concerned. This rising community of giants will soon possess the most spacious docks in the kingdom, and it is idle to doubt their success—the very constitution of the company " ensures" success! Low charges, great accommodation and facility, and an ultimate emancipa tion of all charges whatever, will and must command an immense trade as long as the river Mersey bears on her waters the commercial navies of the world! This, thee, is the keystone of the vast structure of traffic to which your attention is called. This new port, and these new docks of Birkenhead will ere long possess some of the elements of the Liverpool greatness. The communica tion by the river is safer and more convenient than on the Liverpool side, as it is sheltered from the westerly gales, and possesses the best anchorages. An influential body of Manchester manufacturers is interested in the success of the scheme, and will transfer much of their business thither, to escape the great expenses of cartage, porterage, dock dues, and the exorbitant charges for tire insurances now prevalent in Liverpool. Not that the commerce of Liverpool is likely to be much affected by such transfer, since the accumulating trade of the Mersey is becoming more and more developed, and the greater the facilities offered on its shores, no matter whether on the eastern or western, must tend to the in crease and permanence of that flourishing commerce. From Birkenhead there is a railway to Chester, and the merchandise and passengers brought by the vessels and steamers which will find accommodation iu the docks will be conveyed by rail through a tunnel to the main line, without delay or expense, which is quite a new and a most promising feature, whether as affecting the pros perity of the docks or the railways concerned. Eight miles from Birkenhead (at Hooton) the Manchester railway will diverge from the Chester and Birkenhead line, and a little further on (at Sutton) it is probable that a short line will ere long be projected to Queen's Ferry for the Welsh traffic. At Chester this important little trunk joins a eollection of other railways whit h are destined in a few ycars to be the tributaries to it, and the natural channels for the great flow of traffic which this combination of facilities will create. On the west is the great Holy - head line, which under the foster ing patronage of Government will have a large convey. ance of troops, mails, passengers, &c., besides the pro bable accession of summer traffic by parties visiting the beauties of Wales er the sea coast. Next to the Holy head line, though not inferior in importance, is the North Wales Mineral Railway, which falls into the former at a mile or two from Chester, and will bring on the Bir kenhead line an immense quantity of coals, minerals, &c., the value of which is almost incalculable. In coal alone it is computed that an export trade will be rea lized, sufficient to pay a fair dividend on the different railways concerned. The next important railway bear ing on Chester is the projected Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Cheshire Junction, one of the most promising little lines in the kingdom. Its cost will be extremely small, and taking its rise at Shrewsbury with a branch at Os westry, it will join the Mineral Railway at or near Wrexham, and thus bring the districts south of Shrews bury into direct communication with Chester. The next line at Chester is the Chester and Crewe, a branch of the Grand Junction falling into the main trunk at Crewe. This line, however, is of secondary importance, it having hitherto been kept virtually closed by the con servative policy of the Grand Junction Company, whose desire has been to prevent any traffic leaving their main line on the Lancashire side to swell the receipts of the Cheshire Railways. It is said also that their policy has been to depreciate the Birkenhead Railway as much as possible, in order to acquire it on easy terms, but by a mere fortuitous circumstance this object has been de feated. Another line projected at Chester, is the Chester and Preston Brook, which is only in embryo, but bears a high premium in the market. Thus the converging of so many railways at Chester bids fair to make that city the keystone of the traffic with Ireland, North Wales, Birkenhead, Birmingham, &c., and from the great saving of distance; the cheapness of the lines, and the great natural advantages of the country, there can be no doubt that it will tend materially to the public advantage. Another similar knot of railways will, ere long, pro bably, converge at Shrewsbury, a town admirably situ ated for " through" traffic. The line already mentioned (the Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Cheshire Junction) con nects that town with the North Wales Mineral Railway, from which it will receive supplies of coal, &c., for the South, and by its means will bring the Birkenhead, North Wales, and Irish traffic, in a straight line to Shrewsbury. From thence, a railway, already pro jected, and approved by the Board of Trade, will con tinue this important line of communication to Dudley, Wolverhampton, and Birmingham. Thus a direct and cheap communication will be formed between Birming ham and Liverpool, via Shrewsbury, Chester, and Bir kenhead, the value of which can only be estimated by regarding the value cf the Grand Junction Railway. Another line from Shrewsbury is projected by the Grand Junction Company, but as it offers no public advan tages, and is evidently dictated by the spirit of Conser vatism, to preserve traffic which is seeking a more di rect and advantageous route, it is not likely to be per severed in, and is discountenanced by the Board of Trade. Other lines, however, will hereafter, no doubt, be made south of Shrewsbury, to connect the important traffic from Coalbrookdale, Shiffnell, Bridgnorth, Kid derminster, &c., with Ireland and Liverpool, and thus the districts which surround Shrewsbury and Chester will probably, ere long, acquire all the importance and development which their position and natural advantages are capable of. There is, perhaps, no feature in the present aspect of railway affairs of such paramount im portance as this one. A new state of things is dawning on these districts, and a very few years will elapse, pro bably, before these vast schemes and expectations are realised, in the creation of a new and lucrative traffic which will tend to enrich those parts of the country, be sides adding to the national wealth, as well as the public convenience. I am yours, respectfully, RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) SOUTH EASTERN LINE-WIDENING AND EXPAK SION OF THE LONDON AND GREENWICH RAIL WAY. There were three petitions against this line; one from Mr. S. James, one from Mr. Heywood, and one from Mr. Robinson Latten. HUNGERFORD-BRIDGE AND CHILHAM, WITH FIVE BRANCHES. Five petitions against—from Messrs. M. Carr, Robinson Latten , Sir Isaac L. Goldsmid, and two from the owners and occupiers ()I property. PADDOCK WOOD BRANCH. Three petitions against—from Messrs. J. Ingerstein, Sir Goldsmid, and the owners and occupiers of the land. LONDON AND CROYDON BRANCH. Messrs. Dyson and Hall represented the petitioners. The list having been gone through, the Committee adjourned, LLOYD'S SHIPPING. NOTICE TO MARINERS. VESSELS PROHIBITED ENTERING CARTHAGENA DURING THE NIGHT. British Consulate, Carthagena, April 2,1845. Stn,—An order having been issued by the Governors of this city, to prevent vessels from entering the port during the night, excepting when compelled through stress of wea ther, when they can anchor to the north of Fort Naindael, I beg to apprise you of the same, that it may be commu nicated to the authorities of those ports which clear for the Mediterranean. I am, &c., (Signed) C. W. TURNER, W. Dobson, Esq., Sec. Lloyd's. Agent for Lloyds. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 16 . The SrEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The Birmingham and Staffordshire Gas Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, the Kirwelly Inclosure Bill was read a second time. Mr. GREENE brought up the report on the London Orphan Asylum Bill. On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, the Man chester Division Stipendary Magistrate Bill was read a third time and passed. RAILWAYS. Mr. R. COLBORN E moved that it be an instruction to the Committee on the Harrogate and Ripon Junction Railway Bill that they have power to make provision by a separate Bill for the proposed branch railway to EMl mond, sith the bridge and approaches there" ° Agreed to. On the motion of Lord COURTENAY, the Amicable Society Assurance Bill was read a third time and passed. The Hardwcll and Streadly Road Bill was read a second time. Mr. B. BALDWIN presented a petition from Newark in favour of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction Railway. THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. Lord C. MANNERS presented a petition from a Wesleyan Methodist congregation in the county of Lin coln against the grant to Maynonth. Mr. BROADLEY presented petitions from the county of Gloucester, and from the East Riding of York, against the proposed grant to Maynooth. Mr. MUNDY presented a petition from the county of Derby to the same effect. Colonel WYNDHAM presented a petition from West Sussex, and also a petition from South-Kirk against intemperance. Lord DALMENY presented a petition against the grant to Maynooth. Colonel ROLLESTON presented petitions from the counties of York , Huntingdon , and several other places, against the Parochia l S ettl e m ent Bill. KcliAgreND presented petitions from seve gations, praying the House to for the total prohibition of the sale of in prt o aa x l: i si c lrs a no t Gd in em. p g eSe BTnliquorsint on C on the Sabbath day ; and also peti tions against the grant to Ma3nooth. Mr. THORNELY presented petitions praying fur some Bill to abolish some of the Jewish disabilities. Vv Petitions against the grant to Maynooth were pre sented by Mr. Duncan, from Scotland ; Mr. Kemble, from Walworth ; Mr. Busfsild, from Bradford ; Mr. Trotter and Lord Pollington, from Yorkshire ; Mr. Christopher, from Lindsay, and other places in Linct4mhire ; Colonel Sibthorp, from Essex ; Mr. Ha milton, from Dublin ; Mr. Plumptre, from various parts of the country ; and Mr. Spooner, from Birmingham. Lord CLIVE presented a petition from Manchester against the union of the sees of St. A saph and Bangor, and in favour of the appointment of a Bishop of Manchester. Also petitions to the same effect from various parts of the country. Mr. LAW presented a petition from the bachelors and under graduates of Cambridge, stating their exceed ing regret at the grant which had hitherto been made to the College of Maynooth. The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to make several observations, when he was interrupted by the Speaker as being out of order, but on stating that he was only condensing the substance of the petition, he was suffered to say that the petitioners im plored the House not to accede to the grant. POOR-LAW IN IRELAND. _ _ . Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON presented petitions from several places in Ireland, stating the mismanage ment of the I'oor• law Commissioners, their ignorance of their duty, and their errors, in applying to the Court of Queen's Bench for a mandamus for enforcing their au thority, which bad been refused. He also presented pe titions against the Educational Board, and from the Wesleyan Society against the Church Education Society. Mr. LABOUCHERE presented a petition from the Caledonian Railway Company, complaining of a clause which had been introduced into the Scotch Railway Clauses Consolidation Bill, indemnifying the landholders of that country against any loss of tolls on gates which they might sustain through the course of a railway de stroying, a public highway. THE MIDLAND RAILWAYS AND MR. BURKE. Sir J. Y. BULLER brought up the report of the Se lect Committee appointed to investigate the matter. Mr. STRUTT complained of a reflection which had been cast upon a Committee of which he had the honour of being chairman, and to whom was referred the conside ration of the Midland Railways Bill. It had been asserted that the investigations of the Committee had been conducted in a very improper and slovenly manner, inasmuch as in going through this Bill they did not read the whole of it, but merely glanced over the marginal notes. Now it was hardly fair to state this, because be believed the real duty of the Committee was only to examine the petition of the promoters and the objects for which they proposed to bring in a Bill, and then to ascertain if they had complied with the standing orders of the House. It was then the duty of the promoters, should it be decided that they had complied with the standing orders, to introduce a Bill properly drawn up, and in conformity with the objects set forth in the petition. He did not see, therefore, how any blame could attach to the Committee. The report was then received. THE GRANT TO MAYNOOTH. Mr. GROGAN presented a petition from Dublin against the grant to Maynooth. Similar petitions were presented by Colonel Acton from 'Wicklow ; by Mr. Stafford O'Brien from places in Northamptonshre ; and by Coloutl Fox from Bethnal green. Mr. PROTHERO presented a petition from a place, the name of which we could not catch, against the grant to Maynooth. Mr. W. PATTEN presented petitions from places in the West Riding of Yorkshire, to the same effect. MAGISTRATES' CLERKS BILL. presented a petition against several of the provisions CilTi'P S of the Magistrates' Clerks Bill. THE 'MAYNOOTH GRANT. Mr. MORGAN presented Live petitions from places in Wales against the grant to Maynooth. Mr. RAIKES CURRIE presented a petition from Northampton a gainst the same grant. THE MEDICAL BILL. Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Bath again& ,he proposed Medical Bill. MAYNOOTII GRANT. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented three pel . . 'ions from places in Derbyshire against the proposed grant to Maynooth. Mr. OWEN STANLEY said that, on Friday, he should ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) —whether it was the intention of the Govern ment still to repeal the Act of the 6th and 7th of William IV., and if it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Crown for the uni on o f th e sees o f S t . Asaph and Bangor ; and, in the event of such consent being requisite, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was prepared to advise the Crown to give such consent? Sir J. lIANMEt said that on the Maynooth B going into Committee, he should move that the second clause, which gave the power of bequests to the College, place, begged to ask, whe ther, omitted. TEMP ORAL PEERS OF IRELAND. ()i n t o h f is rs temporal P eer o f I re l an d, Noble Lords l ti ords did not de c li ne t o vo t e on Mr. FERRAND, seeing . the Right H on . B arone t t h e ot S hn e ee c r r ,o e ra t at more the er f for late aNt eo Irelandbo ac count of the Irish Bequests Act being a contravention of the oath of supremacy ; whether the Crown lawyers were consulted upon the validity of this objection ; and if so, whether be will lay a copy of their opinion on the table of the House? Sir THOMAS FRE M ANTLE had made every inquiry but could not ascertain that any such circumstance had occurred as that to which the Hon. Member had alluded. JU STICES' CLERKS BILL. Mr. JERVIS said that seeing the order for taking into consideration t he Justices' Clerks Bill was on the paper, he begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, whether it was his intention that it should supersede the adjourned debate, or whether he intended to postpone it? Sir J. GRAHAM said that it was his intention to move that the Bill go into Committee pro . formd, hut, as it was his intention simply to carry the Bill into Com mittee, he did not intend to snake any further motion upon it. Several of the clauses required alteration, and the Government would therefore be obliged if the House would suffer the Bill to go into Committee, in order that it right be printed, and those alterations receive due consideration. PETITIONS ON MAYNOOTH. Colonel SIBTEIORPbegged to make the motion of which he had given notice, that there be laid before this House a return of the numbers of petitions that have been presented for and against the present proposal, on the part of her Majesty's Government, of an increased grant out of the C onso lid a t e d Fund to the College of Maynooth in Ireland, with the total number of signa tures annexed thereto the above return to be so strongly recommended by them, made up to Friday the 18th day of April. The Right Honourabl e Gentleman expressed his respect for those who waited upon him, but he thought the Right llon. Gentleman would show his sense of the respect he entertained for them, by consenting to the proposition Mr. ROEBUCK that the number of those who signed the petitions should be specially printed, in order that they might, as soon as possible, be spread through the country. The SPEAKER and Gallant Member was out of order in moving for the number of petitions, with the signatures attached to them, which might be resented up to Friday next. rose to-Order. He believed the Hon. house was, that the order of the day be now read. Colonel SIBTHORP would bow with profound The SPEAKER re spect to the decision of the chair. said that the question before the Mr. HINDLEy said he wished to present 134 peti tions against the grant to Maynooth.—(Order, order.) in order. Neither coul.l the Hon. and Gallant Officer make the motion he sought to make at present. What the Hon. and Gallant Officer sought for would be laid said that the Hon. Member was not on the table of the House in a few days, in the report of the Select Committee on Public PetitiODS.—(Hear.) MUSEUMS OF ART B ILL. Mr. EWART would defer his motion on this mea sure until after the Maynooth Bill had been disposed of. CALICO PRINT-WORKS BILL. On the motion of Lord ASHLEY, the House went into Committee on this Bill pro former, and it was for warded a stage. Petitions again s t any furt h er gr ant to the College of Maynooth were p resente d b y Dr. Bowring , Mr. Puke, Sir John Eastho Mr. Godson, Mr. Caley, Sir G. Clerk, Mr. Craven Berkeley, Mr. C o l v il e , Mr. Pattison, Si r R. H. In g lis and Mr. Alderman H um ph er y. Pe, Sir C. Napier, Colonel T. Wood, Mr. HENDLEY presented 134 petitions to the same ' effect, and similar petitions were presented by Mr. Turner, Mr. Hume, Mr. Fielding, Lord Ashley, and several other Hon. Members. MAYNOOTH—ADJOURNED DEBATE. • The order of the' day for the adjourned debate was i ! then read, and the Speaker called on Mr. HAMILTON, who said that be must certainly I confess that it was with great reluctance, but under an imperative sense of duty, he felt compelled to vote against the measure. Whilst he opposed the measure he thought it right to state that he understood, and highly appre ciated, the motives of the Government in proposing it— namely, their desire to indicate kind feelings towards the Catholics of Ireland, and to conciliate that body by what might he considered a liberal and suitable endowment for their priesthood. No Member in the House felt more strongly than he did how desirable it was that the esteem and regard of the Catholic population of Ireland should be secured to the Government and Legislature of this empire. No Member of the House was more anxious than he was to see all causes of alienation removed, and the two great parties in Ireland holding out the right hand of brother hood and friendship to each other, and he would with that feeling willingly concur in the present motion, if it were net inconsistent with higher obligations. And if he really thought that the measure which was proposed by the Government would have that eff, ct which the Govt rnment thought it would have, and if he could reconcile it to his conscience to support this measure, no consideration of consistency, or of the pecu liar position which he held in this House, should induce him to oppose it. He, therefore, felt com pelled to state unreservedly the reasons which compelled him to oppose this measure ; and he felt it the more incumbent on him to do so, because the same reasons had been alluded to by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, not for the first time, end had, as he thought, been misunderstood by that Hon. and Learned Gentleman ; and because the speech of the Right Honourable Gentleman the late President of the Board of Trade seemed to have been intended to contravene them. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath had stated, and that not for the first time, his opinion that States had nothing to do with religion. The argument of the Right Honourable Gentleman the late Presi dent of the Board of Trade, and it was the first time the Right Honourable Gentleman had used that argument, appeared to him to amount to the same thing, for although he stated that a perfect agree ment in relieieus opinions between a State and every member of that State would be the coe,tiruFem.ti , u Of 1, .4- tied happiness—a consummation, however, that we had no right to expect—yet the Right Hon. Gentleman stated, that if such were not the case, that all sects of religion, without reference to the truth or falsehood of their doctrines, had equal claims upon the Government. He (Mr. Hamilton) was not ashamed or afraid to avow that he had always thought that the consideration of the truth of religious doctrines just as much as the considera tion of the truth of morality, or of the doctrines of trade or commerce, was within the scope and responsibility of Government. He considered that it was the paramount cinty of every Christian State to affirm that prin ciple by recognising some intelligible principle of religious belief; and if religion was something true and something tangible, then the holding of certain religious doctrines was essential to the truth. It was the duty of the State certainly to protect and to tolerate every member of the State in the exercise of his i eligious opinions, whatever they might be ; .but yet it was a gross inconsistency and a great dere liction from that homage which was due to a truth for a State to support two systems of religion incompatible with and contradictory to each other. It could not be denied that theiProtestant religion is the re ligion of the State, and that as such it was held to be true. The British empire and the British Constitution were an empire and a Constitution which provided against what were considered the errors of the Church of Rome, and if that be so he confessed that he was unable to di-cover how it was possible to make it con sistent for that State to countenance and encourage the Roman Catholic or any other religion differing the length of a thumb from the State Church. The Hon. Member for Bath said that the Constitution had nothing at all to du with religion; if that were true they ought to unprotestantise the empire, and to abo lish the coronation oath as being unconscientious, and it ought to be competent for the Sovereign to become a Roman Catholic. He would not recognise the distinc tion which had been drawn by the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Newark, and several other Gentle men in the course of the debate, between the duties that devolved on the Members of the House in their collective and individual capacity. It did appear to him (Mr. Hamil • ton) that the same duty precisely which devolved on the State devolved upon every member of the State who en tertained the same opinions as those held by the State. Gentlemen of the Roman Catholic religion may justly ask for their religion to be encouraged and indulged—it would display no inconsistency on their part ; but, holding as he did that their tenets were not conformable with God's revealed truth, he should not think he was doing his duty if he were to vote for the encouragement of a religion which he held with the State to be erroneous. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath argued as if there were some great degree of arrogance and Pharisaical assumption on the part of those who held certain reli gious opinions in their public capacity, and should act on that belief. He (Mr. Hamilton) did not think that their opinions on religion differed in thiS respect from their opinions on any other subject. The Hon. Member for Bath held himself very strong opinions, and was never very sparing of those who presumed to differ with him. He was a great admirer of truth, both in politics and religion ; and he could sincerely say, that he had sought for truth in both, without reference either to creed or party. It was his firm belief that the great cause of truth was much more likely to be advanced by men conscientiously standing by their own opinions, either in religion or politics, than by exhibiting a false liberality, which was only calculated to confound truth, for the sake of pleasing certain parties who were allied to error.--(Hear, hear.) The observations he had taken the liberty of making on this subject made it obvious that he thought the State was called upon to encourage and promote the Protestant system of religion in this country; but with respect to the colonies it appeared to him to be different. Each colony in itself had a separate constitution under separate legislatures, but, at the same time, he must confess that he thought it the duty of the State to establish, as far as possible, a branch of the State Church in every one of the colonies. There were many other conside• ratisns which compelled him to vote against the measure. He had already stated that it appeared to him to be an endowment of Maynooth, and to involve the abdication of Protestantism and the Constitution. It in. volved the complete and whole principle of the endow ment of the Roman Catholic priesthood, and that was a serious question, and one with reference to which this House and the country had a fair right to expect some statement from her Majesty's Ministry. The House out ht also to consider the effect which this measure must have upon public opinion in Ireland, with, reference to religious matters. The House ought to re collect that at this moment in Ireland a great struggle was going on between two great antagonistic principles, sustained and supported by two rival countries. Now the effect of this measure must necessarily be to throw all the weight of the Legislature and the Government into the Roman Catholic scale, and that, in his opinion, was a matter of serious considera tion. It was a serious thing to consider that, whilst means were denied for the education of the children of members of the Established Church in Ireland, the Government were making provision for the education of the clergy of the Roman Catholic persua sion, and at the time, too, when the great body of these clergymen had declared themselves strong oppo nents of the British connexion, and while some of these clergy were endeavouring to arrest the free progress of religious opinion in Ireland. The last objection which he would take the liberty of stating against the proposed measure was, that the Le gislature wanted a sufficient control over the system of education and principles which were inculcated in the College of Maynooth. He certainly approached that sub ject with the greatest dislike and reluctance, and he could assure Hon. Members professing the Roman Ca tholic religion that he had no intention of offending their feelings. Nothing could be more unfair than to impute error to others, who must be supposed to be as justly conscientious in exercising their own judgment, and just as anxious on this subject as he could possibly be ; and he could assure the House that he was far from inheriting that most depraved of all tastes—the taste of criminating the principles of his opponents. But in a question of this kind he thought it his duty to speak out—he thought the country had a right to know what the principles were which were inculcated at the College of Maynooth. He was quite ready to admit, that if Parliament in its wisdom should determine to endow the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, it would be equally unreasonable and unfair to interfere with the religious opinions of the Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholics would justly expect that their religious opinions _ought to be respected. But he thought that Parliament had a right to know whether their doctrines were right, and whether any political in fluences, social or anti-social, were at work among them. On a former night of the debate his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Dublin had asserted that certain political influences inimical to the peace of the country were at work in the establishment of Maynooth. A Noble Lord, in replying to the speech of his Right Hon. Friend, had accused him of imputing to the Roman Catholics certain doctrines subversive of the Constitution, but what was the statement of his Right Hon. Friend ? It was, that the political doctrines which the Noble Lord said were altogether exploded were at that very moment inculcated and taught within the walls of Maynooth. He was aware that statements had .been made to the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Go vernment, to the effect that the principles and doctrines inculcated at Maynooth were ultra.-tramontane ; if so, then he (Mr. Hamilton) would say they were most objectionable, and should not be supported by that House, because if they were, as a consequence the ecclesiastical law and principles of the Roman Catholics of Ireland would be dangerous to the best interests of the British Cor stitution. He would ask, why not make inquiry into this subject ? or was it right that the Parliament and the country should be kept in the dark upon it ?—(Hear, hear.) Could it be consistent that no inquiry should be had, when in quiry was so much called for, and at a time when the Government were a b ou t to endow a Roman Catholic College, thereby giving their countenance to the doc trines to be ta ug ht i n that College.—Hear, hear.) He did think this inquiry was called for, and w thought 'those from whom he had presented petitions. He had that day presented a petition from the congregation of Harold's Cross, near Dublin, which was very strong, but still respectful, for if it were not, he would not pro sent it. The petitioners stated their objections and their grounds for them. The objections were not to the Roman Catholic religion or the doctrines of Maynooth, but to what was contained in their class-books, and they PREFERMENTS. Baker, Rev. Thomas Fielding, 8.A., to the rectory of Little Cressingham, Norfolk. , Barton, Rev. Thomas, to the rectory of St. Anne's, Sutton Bonnington, Nottinghamshire; also the perpetual curacy of Kingston-upon-Soar. Boyce, William, Esq., 8.A., has been appointed ono of the masters of the college at Cheltenham. Bryan., Rev. Guy, M.A., has been appointed chaplain to her Majesty's ship Melampus. Carroll, Rev. C. R., to the curacy of Folkestone. Forge, Rev. Christopher, for upwards of twenty-five years curate in that parish, to the incumbency of Goxhill. Havergall, Rev. W. H., M.A., rector of St. Nicholas, Worcester, has been appointed an honorary canon in the cathedral of that city. The Lord Bishop of St. David's has appointed his chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Melville, to the canonry in St. David's Cathedral, vacant by the death of the Rev. Dr. Hewson, Swansea. Sheepshanks, Rev. T., 8.A., to the incumbency of Christ Church, High Harrowgate. Spencer, Rev. Woolley, late rector of St. Michael's, _ iesl S is t p e e v r e t n e s n o , n y , Stamford, to the confratership of Brown's Hospital, in that town. Sympson, Rev. C R or e k v s . h H i.re . J., M.A., to the vicarage of Grim_ t y - eum-Hallow, Worcestershire. with St. Mary J., M.A., to the rectory of Kirkby CAMBRIIY—I'ca, Temple, Rev. W., B . North vicarage, of St. Alphege SATURDAY, Canterbury. Tunosir, APRIL 12. The Hon. FrMans:A a the las G t rl h so o n nor o a f ry th ' b e I A. Earl degree o f orev at congregation,mstOne,who took . an took a' andsimilar degree, is second Cornwallis Neville, who erulani • the Hon. Charles son of Lord Braybrooke. - KING'S CO LLEGE . Mr. Day, K.S., Captain o f the Collegers, Eton, i s th e new scholar. ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE. The Rev. Charles Easther, 8.A., Head-Master of Kirkby Ravensworth Grammar •school, has been elected Head-Master, of the Grammar-school, Beverley, York shire. THE CHURCH. The following appointments have just taken place:— The Rev. Henry Thomas Murdock Kirby, 8.A., of St. John's College, to the vicarage of Mayfield, Sussex. The Rev. John Hayne, M.A., of Trinity College, to the vicarage of Ruddington, Somerset GOAL 11,111.113 LET. Prices per ton at the close of the market :—Adair's Main, 15s ; Carr's Hartley, 16s ; Chester Main, 15s ; Clavering's Tanfield, 13s 6d ; Felling Main, 15s ; Hasting's Hartley, 16s ; Holywell Main, 15s 6d; Nelson's West Hartley, 16s; New Tanfield, 14s ; Old Pootop, 13s 6d ; Ord's Redheugh, 13s 6d ; Old Tantield, 14s ; Pontop Windsor, 14s 6d ; Townley, 15s ; West Hartley, 16s ; West Wylam, 15s 6d ; Wylam, 15s ; Wall's-end, Gosforth, 16s 6d ; Heaton, 16s 6d ; Killingworth, 15s 6d ; Newmarch, 14s 9d ; Northumberland, 15s 6d ; Walker, 15s 6d ; Wrickington, 14s 6d ; Braddyll's Hetton, 18s 9d ; Hetton, 18s 941; Hylton, 16s ; Lambton, 18s ; North Hetton, Lyons, 16s 6d ; Pemberton, 16s ; Russell's Hetton, 18s ; Stewart's, 18s 6d ; IlartlFpool, 18s 5d ; Kelloe, 17s 3d ; Sharp's Tanfield, 13s; Adelaide, ISs ; Barrett, 16s; Eden Hartlepool, 17s ; Evenwood, 15s ; Maclean's Tees and Witton Park, mixed, 15s; Richardson's Tees, 15s; Seymour Tees, 17s ; South Durham, 16s ; Tees, 17s 9d ; Tees Hetton,lss 3d ; Hartley, 15s 6d ; Llangennech, 21s ; Duffryn Steam, 225; West Hartley Netherton, 16s.—Ships arrived, 52. STATE OF TRADE.—The market continues ex tremely dull, and prices, both of goods and yarn, were rather lower than last week. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, APRIL 14.—We have had rather more business doing in the piece market to day, but no improvement in prices. The wool market remains steady, and prices firm.—Manchester Guardian. DANGER OF CHILDREN'S CHAISES.—On Monday a woman, named Williams, was drawing an infant son of Mr. Jones, the landlord of the Harrow public.house, Kingston, who was only ten months old, in a child's chaise, along the Fairfield.lane, Kingston, when, to get out of the way of a cart, which was coming up the road, she drew the chaise up the orchard bank, but in doing so upset it, and pitched the infant out into the road, when, in an instant, the wheel of the cart passed over the poor infant's neck, momentarily depriving it of life. The young man who drove the cart was not considered blameable. AUCTIONEERS. —The following new regulation re specting auctioneers appears in the Bill before the House of Corn. mons to repeal the auction duties :—" And be it enacted, that every auctioneer, before beginning any auction, shall fix or sus. Pend, or cause to be affixed or suspended, a ticket or board con taining his true and full Christian and surname and residence, painted or written in large letters, publicly visible and legible In time of su rt t o io r i b , oa be r i d ng eo he ar d x ; some held conspicuous part of the room or place where the auction is ticket or board keep' so that all persons may easily read the same; and shall also auction or acts as affixed andori f suspended anaucti o d n u e r e i r n g be t g h i e ns whole an any where k luni auctioneer at any auction, in any room or place United Kingdom is to Fended as aforesaid of 1001 .' eioand residence is not so painted or written on a xed or suspended, and kept affixed or sus. b u s ty on auctioneers' licenses throughout tke The new d uty he shall forfeit for every such offence the sum (on the passing of the Act) 101. a year. called for inquiry; and he could only say, if the charges contair.ed in the petition were true, it was his firm belief that no Member of that House, be he Catholic, or be he Protestant, could get up in his place and de- fend a measure for the maintenance of an esta blishment where such doctrines were inculcated. He appealed to these Hon. Gentlemen to take the matter into their own hands. Let them judge for them selves, and if they should find that the allegations which had been made were true, he called on them to have the existing system changed. He called on them to have the obyctionable class-books removed from Maynooth, and to free the college from th- , imputa tion et inculcating tenets and doctrines they themselves abjured. He trusted that ht had said nothing which could fairly be considered es calculated to wound the feelings of any Honourable Gentleman. He had endeavoured to Compress within the least possible compass the observations which he had to make to the House. He knew that subject had been exhausted, and he felt, therefore, that it was only necessary f r him to state the rcascns which had actuated him to declare with great reluctance his determination of giving his strenuous opposition to this Bill in all its stages. When the Hon. Gentleman sat down, at least _ _ a — dozen Members rose to address the House. The Speaker, however, called upon Mr. ELLICE (Coventry), rho said that it was not his intention (contrary to his general usage), to give a silebt vote on the present occasion. So much c xcitement had been got up, and he had received so many petitions from respectable bodies of his constituents against the opinion which he _ _ entertained on this subject, that he felt himself com- pelled, with much reluctance, to state very shortly the reasons which would induct; him without the lea;t hesitation to give his cordial support to the second reading of this Bill. He might probably hereafter vote with his Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield on the motion of which he had given notice, with respect to the quarter from which all funds should be taken for the advancement of religion _ and religious education in Ireland ; but he (Mr. Ellice) was prepared now to state, that if he should fail with his Hon. Friend in carrying that proposition into effect, still he would give his support to the present measure, believing it to be an act of tardy justice, and a partial restitution to the Irish people.—(Hear and cheers.) He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman who bad just sat down, in the religious objections which he had advanced to this motion not think, after so many rights' debate, and with he prospect of as many more—(Laughter)—that he had any right to waste the time of the House in discussing that subject. He said this without the least want of respect to the Hon. Gentleman himself, or the manner in which he had stated his objections on this subject. But he (Mr. Ellice) felt himself called upon to give an opinion upon measures introduced for - the benefit and advantage of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman into the ex pression of those opinions on the religious subjects which he had brought before Parliament. He could not say that because his opinions happened to eoincide with those of one-tenth of the people of Ireland, that he should impose his opinions on the remainder. He could not conceive under what circumstances this country could persevere in a system which thus outraged the feelings of a great portion of the country. According to the view of the Hon. Gentle man, those who constituted four-fifths of the population %ere to receive this grant of money from the Government of this country because they differed in opinion with him. Why, the Ho nourable Gentleman had expressed his approbation of the regium donum, and of all the other grants to the Church of Scotland, and he -could not conceive on what principle it was that, while he approved of those grants, and of the approbation bestowed on some congregations in the north of Ircland, he was so opposed to any assistance to the Church of Rome, and the several parties were with respect to the Govern ment precisely in the same position.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no," from Mr. Hamilton.) What, did the Hon. Gentleman mean to say that there was a greater difference of opinion between the Church of England and the Socinians, than there was between the Church of Rome and the Church of this country? In giving his vote on this occasion, he should be guided by the same principles as those which had regulated his cond uc t during the whole of the time he had held'a seat in that House—that principle was, that every man in the coun try was entitled to equal protection from the State, whatever might be his creed or opinion. He could as sert that the poor Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland were, in morality, general good conduct, and conscientious discharge of duty, behind no set of men in either country. And if they were accused— perhaps rightly accused—of being connected with the political agitation in Ireland, he would, in justification of the patriotic principles for which that body had ever been distinguished, ask to whom the fault was to be ascribed? It was well known that the Catholic priest hood were dependent upon their congregations—that they were inwrought with them in sympathy and interest ; and if they saw a sinecure rector in the posssession of those revenues which had been wrested from them by the violence of conquest, was it to be wondered at that they partook in that agita tion through which those revenues were to be recovered? He did not go back to those subjects, in order to recall the past ; but in order to assign good reasons why the Roman Catholic priests had very little cause to be at tached to their institution. The only difficulty which he felt on this subject, was his great objection to vote money out of the public taxes fur any sectarian purpose. But he believed that this was a great case of exception. —(Hear, hear.) He thought that the funds applicable to ecclesiastical purposes in Ireland were those from which the wants of the Roman Catholic people ought to be supplied.—(Hear, hear.) There were large funds, and of all the complaints which he had ever heard in that House, the most senseless complaint was, that the Pro testant Church of Ireland was not amply provided for. He heard complaints of the want of funds for churches and schools for the Protestants of Ireland, but were not the funds which they possessed amply sufficient for those purposes? Why, the collection of tithes in Ireland was so odious that the clergy were obliged to give up 25 per cent. of their incomes. Whenever the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite wished, or was compelled to go forward in the course he had begun, he must look to those funds.—(Hear, hear.) The State owed a deep debt to the poor Roman Catholic people of Ireland, and he had heard with great pleasure the idea of restitution thrown out during the present debate. Looking to the necessities of the people of Ireland, to their poverty, to their actual inability to supply funds for the religious education of their priesthood, he thought it would be an act of unmitigated injustice if the House were to reject the parsimonious grant now asked from the public purse. In the north of Ireland there was, be admitted, a majority of Protestants, but look at the anomalous position of the Catholics there. On the one side, he saw the Church of England and the landed pro prietors ; on the other, the poor Catholic cottiers, whilst the Presbyterians held the middle position, being for the most part the tenantry. They had - endowed the Church of England there with the plunder of Roman Catholics, and they gave the Pres byterians the regium donum, and yet some would re fuse the Catholics this poor pittance.—(Hear, hear.) He asked the House whether after raising the hopes of the people of Ireland they would now disappoint them? He did not know what the intentions of the Government might be—their measures generally came unawares upon the House; but when he looked at the Bequest 8.11 of last year, then at Lord Devon's commission, and then at this Bill, he could not help thinking they were embarked in a new course.—(Hear, hear.) A course which he en tirely approved of, and, he had much greater objec tions to veting away this money, he should b s very reluctant, under the present circumstances, to give any opposition to it. The former policy of this House towards Ireland w as now about to be abandoned, and a more conciliatory and healing course adopted. The people of Ireland had wit nessed the' disposition of the Legislature. But n hat, would the consequence be if they were to retrace their steps, reject the present measure, and resume their former unfortunate course of policy towards Ireland ? Why the people of that country would be thrown into the most abject despair, and civil war would follow the return of this system. He had stated before, that the treatment of Mahomet over the nations he bad conquered was merciful compared to the treatment of Ireland by England. Mahomet only persecuted one generation, whilst England had persecuted several.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the policy pursued by the Government to wards Ireland was at present good. Much had been said about their motives, and certainly the propositions now laid before the House were very different from those which had hitherto emanated from a Tory Government. It was impossible any longer to continue Tory princi ples, and he was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site knew perfectly we'l the keen opposition of those benches if he continued or maintained those principles. The principle of the old Parliament was to grant money profusely to everybody. They for instance granted 700,0001. to the Protestant Church in Ireland for many years, for the purpose of building Protestant Churches. they granted one million of money to indemnify the same Church, for its loss of tithes. How then could Par liament refuse this paltry grant under present circum stances ? There had been a great amount of feeling expressed on this subject out of doors. Some of them according with the sentiments expressed by the Honourable Member for Dublin, but the largest portion of them depended solely upon one point—namely, the grant of money out of the public taxes for sectarian purposes. He concurred with that principle, and as a rule he would grant no money out of the public taxes for the purpose of any religion, either in this country or in Ireland. But it seemed to him, that an exception was established in the case of the poor Catholics. It appeared to him that after the enor mous grants made to the Protestants, that House could hardly refuse the small pittance now proposed to be made to them.—(Hear.) If they refused the grant, it would not only be pregnant with danger to the country, but it would be an act of great injustice to Ireland, and widen the gap which existed between the two countries. He therefore coun ' selled the Right Hon. Baronet to go on as he had com menced. He, however, did not wish to force him or the Government to prematurely introduce measures which might possibly create excitement amongst the Protes tant people of Ireland, but he was sure the Government, by preparing the public mind through calm reasoning, would at last succeed in - reconciling the Protestant peo ple of England to measures calculated to do justice to the Catholic Church. He had to thank the House for giving him an opportunity of ex pressing his opinion on the subject, and he could as sure them that he never sat down with a greater convic tion that he was doing right by the country and by his constituents in giving his cordial eupport to the motion before the House. Mr. GORING rose in opposition to this measure, and said, in answer to the accusations made by Hon. Members against those Gentlemt s on his side of the House who opposed the measure, he would only take the liberty of appealing to the Roman Catholic Gentle men on She opposite side whether, if put in their position, they could conseieistiously bestow money for a college, exclusively intended for the promulgation of doctrines opposed to their own ? He would protest against the truth of the saying that encouragement and toleration were the same s --(llear, hoar.) Ile would oppose this Bill, because he thought that it would be a Se rious insult to the Pro'estant Church of this country. —(Hear.) It was said that this measure was i ntro: duced to conciliate the people of Ireland. He cb nied that such a Bill would produce such a result. Be was certain that it would be regarded with alarm by the j agricultural interest of this country—(Laughter, an; Hear, hear," from Colonel Sibthorp)—and it woule be a deep insult to the Protestants of Ireland. Lord ASHLEY said that the position of those I°, voted for this Bill was far it ss difficult than that or those who opposed it. The former had not only t() speak of what may be considered an evil, but had to speak to those Gentlemen here present who were deeply interested. The latter had to urge what may be c o , a ‘ sidered speculation, against that which the other s in n, tained to be accurate. They had to speak tothe wishe' and desires of many gentlemen there, differing from them' but for many o`.. whom they entertained the greatest r e . - - spect, and with whom they lived on terms of close inti macy ; it was for these reasons that he felt a great cre pugnance in opposing a measure which did n et aec or i . with his conscientious belief. The measure, howeve had been propounded by her Majesty's Government , v a !: h they must address themselves to the discussion o f it as much forbearance as they could. He was at a ll ti m es le unwilling to press himself upon the attention of ! House, and if he could have found it possible to abstat altogether from addressing the House on a setti e of such painful anxiety he would have withheld subject observations. 'The question was one which ought to re; ceive the most minute and full investigation .—( tsar In importance, it exceeded any measure that had eve been introduced into the House in his remembrancei (Hear, hear) For good or for evil to Ireland, a m ess° of more vast importance had never been introduce d. 1 ' (Hear, hear.) It exceeded in importance the Rori;tl Catholic Relief Bill. When they removed civil W' abilities from the Roman Catholics they remo ved re: strictions, and gave those who had suffered from those restrictions full scope for free action. But in the Pre; sent case they not only removed restrictions but th u ..... 1 joined in the free action which that removal ga ve ,' (Hear, hear.) They gave all the support which tell could confer to the activity of that free action wb c ro they had given by the measure of 1829. If the niees a d, • worked well, it would work the regeneration of Rebel —(Opposition cheers.) It would conciliate the affectioe of the Irish people. He admitted that such would be case if the measure worked well.—(Hear, hear.) 13a e d on the other hand, if it worked ill, he verily heli el ' that it would lead to the destruction of the Protestaeof Establishment.—(Cheers from the Ministerial sid e ss o the House.) And he felt that the perils of the Wes'. were ten times more hazardous than those of any Ille.8; sure that had ever been submitted to the consideratla of Parliament. In discussing this question they code not but consider the consequences—the natural, no t t t. forced consequences—which might flow from the ee ss s i, merit of this Bill. He would not enter into the COs of deration of the theological question—he would el enter into the examination of the question, how 61 l e , was admissible to vote money for the fostering of r ef ligion, from which those who voted that m on i a s might dissent. That was not necessary fur t line of argument which he intended to ad qa; But there was an objection that had been taken against tea measure, both by the people at large and by all who O PP' t o f the grant in that House—that it would be an endowlef f or the Roman Catholic Church by Act of Parliament. Th'neti, jection was common to all the memorialists and all the roe tioners who had appeared in that House. Whether they members of Dissenting connexions, whether they were or tached to the moderate party in the Church of Englee,nof whether they belonged to those high theologians who 1 ( 0 late obtained so much notice in the country, they af„,C F , l it this one respect, that they all Objected to the grant. . o °4 was very true that the original constitution of the Colleibep Mavnooth was based upon an Act of Parliament; but s o of 'Parliament of that day was very different frogs eo t Act of Parliament in this. The Act of Pone. by which Maynooth was founded was a repeal of ii t h• penal Acts by which the statute-book was disfigured. a thlet e out the repeal, he believed it would have been irapos t ee have founded that College atall, and the Act which authenot the establishment of the College was only one in aid, en!det one for an original endowment by the State. Now, the Pet ' ' Act was of a very different complexion. It gave this or e resent to trustees in perpetual succession. It was an en Os meat in perpetuity by the Imperial Parliament, with the tai of 2'3,000/. The people of this country could not undf s e, on what principle the Government could either rely on toe; et vious Acts of Parliament, or justify the application of al ° re this amount to a 'Roman Catholic College, or why, at tat, the sent time, when there was no particular call for assistance,: t o whole of the expenses of the College should be provided SO State. The previous grants had been small surestrthe, in aid of contributions made for the education t. Roman Catholic students in this College. But now tho le constituted the present grant a perpetual endowment. It e r o sir that College on the same footing, but only in a more l a AO able way, with the Universities of Oxford, Cambridg e t : l sold Dublin, and he believed that the people of this count!, t bst rather than this endowment should be carried into entefol, the previous annual grant should have been increased th"„ c osO They said that this was a perpetual recognition of the 1 ! e ar Catholic Church as one of the standing institutions of th n os pire.—( Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that this reCegilt":oo/ by the State of the Church of Ireland, as one of the instita ;e d of the country, had sunk deeper into the hearts of the reqvill this country than if they had increased the former grant.of ( be this measure amounted to this. It declared, en the Per t A d• State, that as far as they could, the Roman Catholic rvi6 l . would never cease to be the religion of Ireland, becaugh there be at any time a disinclination on the part of the 5,0 to spend money in support of that Church, the,, would step in for the purpose of keeping ?r u se College—by keeping up the supply which, if slated by them, the people would also abandon- . Beset this was certainly going beyond toleration..—(.‘ Heart ser j and cheer , .) It was going to an extent such as be tain no conscientious Catholic would himself go to. ea ibis not see how it was possible, after the House had afar te , n de°,i measure, to refuse its assent at a future period to en " 1 , So' meat of the Catholic Church, and the words wh it Geo' dropped in the course of this debate from the Right 1 1 ° P. i fy tlernan the Member for Dungarvon would seem t fo r ; impression that ulterior concessions would be li ked a la'', There was a large party in that House who were 01,firer,f that this Bill was but the herald of other measures important. He would speak from his own conviction, oi o fee he had made up his mind to vote for this grant, he eb„ a g esti °l : himself bound to vote for the endowment when tha t came before the House. If the object of the Governtne" as stated, to elevate the character of th e f t b priesthood, and to improve the condition j o t ° e e l, people. If they, by- those collegiate a d v a n tages, re' d eou o priests to a higher level, then he (L or d Ashley) lobed, they ought to keep them there. They ought not to say . o se'; who had been elevated in the scale of reason by th is bo o " Now. go imitate your predecessors, by travelling 0 7, 0 0 13° ,‘ to house to earn a precarious livelihood." Why, Was , `', that tend more to the degradation of the Irish priestbTtai; the advantages they had received, than if they ha I F p olt, e) , in their former position. If they did not carry out h e ir tre t y l to this extent, he did not see how they could loll s , t b i'o priesthood. To make them independent in prilic i r tf - sit' o t should make them independent of the people; and It° , t io o f they be independent of the people if the Governme nt bef 'i4ll step in to their assistance by an endowment? Were the lr I f told by an Hon. Gentleman that the sympathies o f d t eu t l hi, priest must be with the flock on whom he was depee A 00 t they wished to make the priests draw their fl oc ks en,"„f it",/ led by them—if they wished to make them independeo';...wip, flocks—for it had been admitted that that was neceste'tlei f must endow the Irish priesthood, and recognise the Irish pri o‘ e f, Where would they end if they once admitted t h a ' s stire, t) Di pie? They would have twoco-existing Established -,; lobe d They would have the Roman Catholic Church e stabn f' l ,r; statute, and they would have the Established sftn land. What would be the result? They would 1 011 ; 0 '0C° t , lation of 7.000,000 receiving for their establishment o 'o° ,o and a population of one million receiving double tha t br ot i s —(Loud Opposition cheers.) The very instant th e y, t ',rl themselves to regard Reman Catholic principles 0 - t gitot , gerous or subversive to the interests of the State , put e o lJ instant a re-construction appeared to be inevitable,,,• 0 0 , i d before that, what would they require to do? I",e' tab de have ;to take from the Church as now gel ti the jurisdiction which they gave to the other, and hijderei 0' altogether nugatory the means which they had c 0) sreie best calculated to advance the interests of civiliss u ";pts b ls good government. They would have two Establieh le Lsrl ° to proportioned in numbers, and animated by an 11 10 1,: ;s til*tle 9 spirit of rivalry. He wished to observe that in 0 , - ie s s his measure he was not actin g f ro m a n y illiberal prin,e'lloc' o b' acted as a friend of Ireland had done before in tha t 0 .11°,0 ,1 4 he meant Lord Monteagle, then Mr. Spring Rief , ,,iti 97 o o l jetted to the removal of the grant from the annUe l because he thought that Parliament should have the oerliscl t of of the grant year after year. As he (Lord Ashley) 0 ',try before, before, so he would say again, that there had bee n 1) „ t he the question which had excited more displeasure O th B ; A t of making this a perpetual endowment. He did loPt-uste"oo opposing such a Bill he should not be considered eV lo ot arty feeling of hostility towards the people of Ire tayae,so thought that the people of Ireland deserved not ar n ille ' j o t at their hands, but reparation also.—:( Hear, bear.) w ith ° ,r;' could read the records of that unfortunate coun tr y (tie oe feeling of shame for the injuries she had sufferek;so If he thought that this concession would really people of Ireland, he should hesitate before he opPo s r ai he never yet saw any good come of what were gen! S i je o dared concessions. There fell, the other evening, i s ll'o ol ' Hon. Gentleman, one of the more important of the ,I f o go t , ti t bees in that House, he meant the Member for x%iP„se, some remarkable words, to which he (Lord Ashley ) V - $l O l / time marked attention. He warned the Right 1 0° 41 0 t it' at the head of the Government that the Catholic! i .,.. o tte l be wanted to be placed upon an equality with the r if p ti' of that country, and he told him th e t ore c e present system of exclusion from Trinity Colleg e ot b o fli' l nued, the measure now brought forward would n e ,, e o l o l / swered the desired end. So that it appeared that t Ol d measure were carried there was at least another th be atodt; also carried before the Catholics of Ireland e o ° l „, i , , degree satisfied. Had these expressions come 10 ' 7 ,10 o r , i nary person he (Lord Ashley) should not have L0,. 0 , attention to them, but-coming from the Right P," to r` ` fe el, , , man the Member for Dungarvon he was hen nu o them. He thought the Right Lion. Gentleman rßel ie bo justified in these expressions, for when the Cath olic it ne o n was passed it was well understood on all sides that probed the forerunner of still greater concessions. If the r r o by, of that measure bad said that concession had 0 .. 1 we 0 0 4 limit, then he thought the Right Hon. Gentle o "'"St 3 ,,P f ft,t fectly justified in stating what his demands were ono') would he make that concession, if he thought it *"" ec alle c c es-,0 a lasting benefit upon Ireland, but they should 1 1. 3 t O to !P s , disappointment in a matter of this kind broil e d ety s o , misery and dismay upon the people. He was ca oot toss c°o his vote upon that question, and be could not as s he of sure that, so far from conferring , peace, w ould , _ o oe 00 0,,, vinced, engender most hostile feelings in the r Nst r ot`os countries. Neither could he consent to a measor f e t eat to se t e e in any degree , suppress or retard the advance. ° ;00 0,11$ i tant faith, which he believed had been a Main • ss a s ts bringing about the present state of civilisation , 0,00 freedom. „rot, oielt i Dio The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQ'tj, he eDlo that he was about to take a course vilor i ssci Te'pf at variance with the opinions expressed 0101 W friends in and out of that House. It had bee° s l o tte,bte, Lord that they were about to make an eorb;it o f . o lt the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthe t 0 outd but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did rs' ev erO re 1/ 17,0001. could be considered by any means re d I V crease, when the purposes for which it was retied to ?id, into consideration. He should rather be inoll°,,,recel the satisfaction with which this measure hackbt e ,- - 1