The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

i.. it s THE SALE OF BEER. In London no less than at Munich the grave attention . of the Legislature has been rscently drawn to the im portant subject of beer, nor will we do our readers the injustice to conceive Chet they cars be indifferent to aught concerning the manufacture, maintenance, and supply of this highly national and invigorating b e y er a n g e e d . Some twenty years ago Willi am , our King. sanctioned an Act so favourably intend e d towar ds the consumers of malt liquor, that he was ex t o ll e d as havinge practicallyatuillers taken off the tax thereon, and thus entitled actual ii The himself to the gratitude of Britons for operation of the law consisted, sale as : w h e e e o e n r eteod partieshardly w a h y o u , in extending licences for th could never have aspired un e der the old regime of corpo rations and quertersteseions, to the dignified vocatio n of Mas t er publicans, but who, by the simple process o f the new registratiosn, were enabled to start in this attractive and to offer to all their fri e n ds and supporters si t e h s e privilege of being drunk on their prem ises. Such was the measure which inaugu reforms of King William's ra ted the famous reign ; and it is now, in the twentieth year of its operation, that a Committee of the Lords have reported upon its discoverable effects as regards the con dition of the beershops, the morals of the population, and the steality of the article ordinarily supplied. As may reanily be supposed, shops multiplied rapidly in a trade requiring such moderate capital, possessing such intrinsic allurements, and dealing with a commodity in such steady demand. But the new beerhouses soon ac quired a peculiar character and position relatively to the old inn or " public." A lower rating was required for the house to be licensed, and a lower qualification as regarded property or interest in the applicant for the title. These provisions were intended to render the beerseller more independent of municipal and mercantile favours than the regular publican, and perhaps they had this effect, but they also called into being an entirely new class of dealers. The beershop could not, it is true, supply spirits, at least not openly; but it supplied what would pro duce intoxication, and many witnesses testified to the fact that in nine cases out of ten the frequenters of these establishments were attracted less by liquor than by the cotnpany or other incidental seductions of the rendezvous. In these points the beerhouses soon shot ahead. They furnished skittle-grounds, bagatelle• tables, and dominoes, and, what was more, their society was conveniently exclusive. The old public-house was the resort of travellers and visitors of all ranks, as chance might bring about, but in the beershop the labourer sel dom met any but those of his own class, from his own neighbourhood, and was not liable, therefore, to surprise or detection in a moment of idleness or excess. More over, the house had a kind of private look about it, and a companion might be induced to enter it with less diffi culty than a more professed place of entertainment. The result of all these circumstances has been the mul tiplication of beershops to an extent not always justifiable by the natural wants of the local population. Instead of being simply houses of refreshment brought closer to the doors of the working man, they are often places of meeting for the dissolute and ill-disposed, and have sometimes been found in districts where no legiti mate trade could possibly support them. As much, however, may of course be said of public-houses. Touching the quality of the beer thus consumed in such enormous quantities, we regret to say the evidence is anything but favourable. Indeed, we confess to some unpleasant misgivings on this subject in general. It is our impression that the beer generally procurable throughout the kingdom by ordinary consumers is mate rially worse than in past generations, as far as we can judge by tradition. M. Ledru Rollin has not, we believe, noticed the fact in his "Sketch of England's Decline," though it would have carried considerably more weight than many of his demonstrations, but we suspect there is little doubt in the case. Of course, good beer is still to be bad by painstaking and inquiry, but we allude to that general standard of our national beverage which affects the mass of consumers. Among the wealthier classes beer has been much superseded by light wines, and in the middle ranks the iniquitous compound termed "bitter beer" bids fair to drive out the old British drink as completely as the Hanoverian rat exterminated that in digenous breed which is now only visible in the Isle of Portland. The hopes of England might still, in exem plification of Mr. Disraeli's theory, have found a retreat amongst her peasantry, but the report informs us that in this quarter the deterioration of the produce is greater than ever. It appears, indeed, to have been generally imagined that an inferior article was brewed expressly for the beershops, as likely to be satisfied with a quality lower than that maintained by regular public-houses. This was denied by professional witnesses, hut it seems evident that the supply of beershops, es distinguished from the old inns, is confined in the main to a certain class of brewers, and that many of the large houses have no part in it. In fact there is a kind of rivalry subsisting between the new establishment and the old. The point, however, is one on which household experience will enable so many readers to judge for themselves that we subjoin the re quisite particulars. The beer is usually supplied to these shops in 36-gallon barrels, each of which has con sumed from 3 to 4 bushels of malt and 21b. of hops, and is purchased from the brewer at prices ranging from 30s. to 38s. It is retailed at 31. or 4d. a pot, it bought and carried off across the counter, but no less than 50 per cent. is charged if the consumption is effected on the premises. Altogether, t acing the price of a barrel de livered from the brewery at 365., it is computed that its prime cost to the brewer was about 315,, and that the odd is. represents his particular profit. The gross pro duce of its retail sale would be about 605., or a little more, so that the total profit upon the article is very nearly 100 per cent., of which a large share goes apparently to the retail dealer. A sale of two barrels a-week, it was deposed. would make a beer shop a remunerative concern. TIP, most successful speculator is this line was included among the witnesses examined. Ho began business in 1832 with a capital of one shilling, his first barrel being unpaid for at the time he tapped ie ; and in 1849 he was summoned before the Peers of England to enlighten the Legislature by his successful experience. " I stand," said he, "most pre eminent in the beet- trade." He was "doing," in fact, some 60 barrels a month, and his son was as fortunate as himself. He never allowed swearing or smoking, and drove a ready-money trade, with occasional indulgences to a- neighbour, clearing all scores with his brewers every, 28 days. Of Father Mathew and his doings he spoke -not lovingly, and with some remarkable conclu sions.- "I think," ho observel, "that since I came to London there has been mere drinking than previously; thereis a good -deal of nonsense about his preaching; temperance is good, but teetotalism is a great evil to the constitution; temperate people will drink a great deal of beer; beer is very strengthening." It was clearly the design of the witness to impress upon their Lordships that every- man's duty was to take a modest quart over his counter, and consume it, without profane language or tobacco. In conclusion, this Overetone of humble life communicated to his august hearers the approalhing reward of his industry ani merit. "I um going to leave off business next year. I shall have five ehillings a-day coreirg in independent ; and I mean to live in a little cottage in the country where there are no ill-conducted beerhouses." We fear, however, that Mr. Bouchls testimony and example are not sufficient to re deem the scandal contracted by his less scrupulous bre thren. it is CE.:f.ll:lo,74iftYl'ille - 1, ttild indeed scarcely needed eueh demoretretion, that the eche= of creating s. ekes of houses which should supply wholesome beer, and yet be free fr.= the drawbacks of public-bourns, has not been realised. Beershop.i aro certainly not better conducted places than inns ; it seems probable that they are much worse. The recommendations of their Lordships' report appeared in our columns on Ss turd iy, and are net likely to have escaped the reader's notice. Soil, in any legishoion upon this; subject, it must he recollected that there are many witnesses not likely to judge or speak ef beershops with any particular favour. Their establishment was a proclau.ation of free trade; which broke r!,,-en a monopoly long enjoyed and oppressively used. We will not ascribe the present complaints to Protectionist reaction, but we trust that in any revision of these memorable Acts the original spirit of King William's advisers may be preserved unimpaired. —'limes. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COUNT OF COMMON PLEAS, June 17. (Sittings at Nisi Priui before Lord Chief Justice WILDE and a Common Jury.) NEWIIIIAM V. SIUNDERS. This was an action for an exces,ive distress. The Proceedings were of great length, the examination of the tint witness taking up several hours. The case fur the Plaintiff WaS nut concluded when the Court rode. SUMMER CIRCUITS FOR. 1850 _ . ----- - July 10; Chelmsford, Monday, July 15; Lewes, Monday,i July 22 ; Maidstone, Monday, July 29 ; Guildford, Monday, August 5. NORTH WALES AND CHESTER. —Judge, Mr. Baron Rolfe.—Newtown, Tue,day, July 16; Dolgelly, Friday, July 19; Caernarvon, Tuesday, July 23; Beaumaris, Thursday, July 25; Ruthin, Monday, July 29; Mold, Friday, August 1; Chester and City, Monday, August 5. SOUTH WALES AND CHESTER.—Judge, Mr. Baron Parke. who will join Mr. Baron Rolte, at Chester. — Cardiff, Tuesday, July 9; Carmarthen, Saturday, July 13; Haverfordw , st and Town, Friday, July 19; Cardi gan, Tuesday, July 23; Brecon, Friday, July 26; Prea teign, Wednesday, July 31; Chester and City, Monday, August 5. VACATION JtatoE.—Mr. Justice Maule will remain in town as the vacation judge. ABETTORS OF SUNDAY FANATICISM. In viewing the present Sunday agitation we have really more patience with the fanatics than with those who are giving them a negative support. The for mer have a sort of rough unenlightened sincerity in their constitution—the latter are moral cowards, who follow the " Video meliora proboque—deteriora sequor," in the belief that the hold exertions of more honest men will save them from the consequences of their dishonest compliances. The late vote in Parliament, with other symptoms, may possibly give them timely warning that they are in error; but should any pre posterous measures be actually carried, it will at least be some little grain of satisfaction that these men will suffer for their selfish ldxity. In Edinburgh one of the Sunday deliveries of letters has been stopped ; and this, to the majority of the inhabitants, is equivalent to the stoppage of both, as it was the oniy delivery which brought many applicants. It includes the whole Saturday's corre spondence from London and other places in the south, together with the afternoon newspapers. Saturday, towards the conclusion of the day, when the week's business and anxiety are over, is precisely the time when people are disposed to write friendly or domestic letters ; but the Londoner has now lost his inducement to address his friend or relative in Edin burgh, because the letter will not reach him in the quiet of a Sunday afternoon, but will be nsixed up with the bustle of re-begun business on Monday morning. Now, this "reform," which we do not think at all creditable to its authors, has not been conceded in conformity with the wishes of a majority, or even a decent minority, of the people of Edinburgh. A few individuals, it is true, may have made themselves conspicuous by proclaiming in the market-place that they never "sent for their letters on the Sabbath," though sometimes they might re quest a friend to ask for them along with his own. But instead of the privilege being generally abjured, the current complaint was against the enor mous crowd which attended the Sunday afternoon delivery. Yet unhappily, in the late thundering out cries against any, even the most moderate, post-office arid railway accommodation on Sunday, the people who use and wish to coetinue the use of such facili ties remained silent, or rather encouraged than op posed the movement. There was but one voice raised to tell how the country really felt, and that was the voice of our gallant, honest, and able contemporary, the Scotsman. market was 284 bolls; wheat at lts Od to 20s 9d per 1411. barley, 14s 6d to ISB Od ; oats, 133 9d to 16s Ud; beans, 13s tid to 14s 3d per boll ; oatmeal, Os to Os per load. HAWICK, Julia 13.—Wheat, new, 271 to 293 Od; barley, new, 15. to 163 Od ; ditto old, 008 to 00. ; potato oats, 003 Od to 00s Od ; common oats, 12. to 15s Od ; peas,' 20s d to 22s Od; beans, 201 Od to 22s Od per boll of six imperial bushels. In Scotland, as elsewhere, the Sabbatarians are a minority ; but they are loud, boisterous, unscrupulous, and malignant. Moral cowards are afraid of such a party, just as timid gentlemen slink away alarmed from the boisterous blacklegs at a fair,and well-dressed indivi duals circuitously avoid the streets where they are liable to he pelted with mud. But the timid class will find it in the end to their cost if they desert the arena where help is wanted for the preservation of urder and honesty. The time is come when they must speak out and de • fend themselves, or they will he swept before the general torrent of fanaticism. We know that many of them will be less able to put up with this, than the men who have boldly and honestly avowed their opinions on the proper line of Sunday duties and relaxations. Many of them are possibly restrained by a sort of guilty consciousness that they are not over •clean. Their own social and religious practice may not be well adapted for scrutiny, and they may consider silence, or a little open applause of the fanatics, to be their safest policy. It would be no unmeet punishment for such persons to be subject to domiciliary visitations, exacted attendance at church, and other stringent rules of old Puritanism. But in the mean time it is a lamentable evil, and a great discouragement of all moral and re ligious honesty, that they should allow their large number to be counted off on the side of their spiritual tyrants—not voting themselves, but putting as it were their proxies into such hands. We shall not cease to repeat our warnings on this subject. The time has now come when honest, mo derate, religious men ought to feel bound to take their position, and say what they really bold to be the true principle, with reference to the character of the population among whom they live, applicable to the observance of the first day of the week. It is a matter on which there must be a right and a wrong. If sensible men do not resolve upon their own course, they must in the mean time he hurried on by that of the extreme fanatics. But the latter movement will not long remain without an antago nist, and, we may depend on it, one of an irreli• gious, unsocial, demorali.ing tendency. The reac tive influence of the old Puritanical Sabbatarianism drove Archbishop Williams to have Midsummer Night's Dream performed in his palace on Sunday, that he might show his scorn of the innovators, who were actually charged by the High Church party with an attempt covertly to undermine Christianity and introduce Judaism. Bitawrcic, Jerma 13.—Wheat, 365 lid ; barley, 208 64d ; oats, 185 4d ; rye,' 00s Od ; beans, 008 Od ; peas, 00s Od average per imperial quarter. COAL MARKE' Bate's West Hartley 133 Od Chester Main 123 9d Davison'sWeetHartley 14s Od' East Adairs Main lls Od' Holywell North Percy Hartley l3s Od Urd's Redheugh RavenswortlfsW.Hart 14s Od cantield Moor Townley Walker's Primrose West Hartley West Wylam Wylam Wall's End, &c. Brown's Gas . l is Odd Gibson Hedley Northumberland Riddell Walker Eden Main deli Ships at ir .3.-YESTIRDAY. Belmont Braddyll Hetton 'Haswell l6s 3d Lambton Creswell Richmund.. ...... 13s 6d Scarborough l4s Od Russell's Hetton ...... 15s 6d Stewart's Whitwell Caradoc . . ,South Kelloe 145 Od ;West Kelloe ......... I Whitworth l2s Od iAdelaide Tees Seymour Tees Tees Cowpen Hartley Bartley Nixon's Merthyr and Cardiff .... 20s 0 Sidney's Hartley narks% 223. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. Already there are symptons of some such mis• chievous antagonism in this country ; but, in the mean time, let not those who countenance and en courage the fanatics flatter themselves with the notion of securing their gratitude and support. What sort Of gratitude and support has Mr. Rowland Hill been enjoying? The more he yields, the more will they charge him with black and wicked designs, which, by the blessing of the Deity, they have frus trated. 'llese men are the mouthpieces of the Al mighty. They dictate his will. They are the saints who are to inherit the earth and rule all things. Is it for them, forsooth, to express gratitude to poor human self-seekers, reluctantly giving way on one or tvco points where they should humbly obey in all things. Preposterous ! It would have been as rea onable to have expected the Emperor of China to extend gratitud e an d support to Comm i ss i oner Ell i ot fa v giving up tho opium stores.—Examirer. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 17. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before Four o'clock. PRIV ATE BILLS. The Lords' amendmeuts to the following private Bills were considered and agreed to:— Childwall Waterworks. London and Blackwell Railway. Waterford and Limerick Railway. The following Bills were road a third time and passed : Borough of Salford Waterworks and Improvement. Great Central Gas Consumers' Company (No. 2). Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway. The following Bills, as amended, were considered:— Merionethshire Turnpike Roads. Reading Union Waterworks. BRIGSTOCKE'S (OR PLAYER'S) ESTATE BILL, This Bill was read a second time. PETITIONS. Lord CHARLES MANNERS presented a petition from the Acton Rugby Savings Bank against certain clauses in the Savings Banks Bill. Colonel REID presented a petition from the trustees of the Now Windsor Savings Bank against the Savings Bank Bill. Mr. JOHN GEORGE SMYTHE presented a peti tion from the solicitors of York in favour of the pro position for separating the judicial and political tune tuns of the Lord Chancellor. Mr. FARRER preheated a petition from Stockton upon-Tees against the proposed alterations in the Post office. Mr. F. O'CONNOR presented a petition from the factory operatives of Smithy-Holme in favour of a Ten Hours Bill. Sir JOHN YARDE BULLER presented a petition from Hampste id (as was understood) against the Par liamentary Oaths Bill. Sir ROBERT INGLIS presented a petition from the vicar and churchwardens of Billington, in the East Riding of York, to the same effect. Mr. WYLD presented a petition from coal miners in Ayrshire praying for a better system of ventilation i❑ mines; also a petition from the congregation Ebenezer Chapel, St. Pancras, against the Metropolitan Interments Bill. On Saturday the Judges appointed to h o ld the ensu iug Summer Assizes throughout England and Wales signed the precepts, and finally appointed t h e days for holding such assizes. Some of the circuits have ahead been notified, but we are now enabled ts) give a complete list of them as f Jiows:— MIDLAND.—Judge-, - the Lord Chid Justice Si r Thomas Wilde and Nfr. Baron Platt—Oak ii h i a n m eo , l S n at , m i tn day, July 13; Northap . n ' a city, Wednesday, July 17; Nottingham ng . ham da a y n ; d town, Tues day, July 23; Derby, Thursday, coventr July2s; Lpicestec and borough, Tuesday, July 30 3. On this August 2; Warwick, Saturday, August circuit it is pr o p e r to mention that In the place of Mr. Lowndes, who held the appointment of clerk of the assize fur half a century, Lord Campbell, who went the last circuit on his elevation as Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, has in the most handsome manner, to the satisfaction of the members of the circuit, appointed Mr. Collisou (who acted as deputy for twenty-five years), clerk of the 'assize, relideted vacant by the demise of ML r. Lowndes. Orrotto.—J udgectW-le r ampbell and Mr. Justice Williams.—Abingdoe;, Wednesday, July 10; Oxford, Saturday, July 13; Worcester and City, Wednesday, July 17; Stafford, Satu r da y, July 20; Shrewsbury, Sa turday, J uly 27; Hereford; Wednesday, July 31; Mon mouth, Saturday, August 3; Gloucester and City, Wednesday, August 7. NORTHERN.—Judges, Mr. Justice Virig,httnan and Mr. Justice Creswell.—York and City, Wednesday, July 10; Durham, Wednesday, July 24; Newcastle and Town, Monday, July 29; Carlisle, Thursday, A ugust 1; Ap pleby, Monday, Au gus t 5 ; Lancaster, Wednesday, August 7 .; Li verpool, Saturday, August 10, WEsT Ea.u.—Judges, Mr. Justice Coleridge and Mr. Justice Tal fourd—lleviz??, Wednesday, July 10; Win chester, Saturday, J u ly 1 3; D orc h ester, F r i day, July 19; Bodmin, Thursday, J u ly 25; Exeter an d City, Wednesday„Thly 31; W e l ls, W e d nes d ay , A ugust 73 Bristol, Tuesday, August 13. NORFOLK.—Judges, Baron Alderson and Mr. Justice Patteson. —A Y iesb urY, Saturday. July 13 ; Bed ford, Tuesday, July 16 ; Huntingdon, Thursday, July 18; Cambridge, Saturday, J uly 20; Norwich and City, Saturday, July 27; Ipswich, Friday, August 2. HuME: —Judges, The Lord Chief Baron (Sir F. rellock) and Mr. Justice Eric . — liertlord, Wednesday, \ Mr. LOCKE KING presented a petition from Barnes, in Surrey, to the same i , ffct: Mr. AIASTERMAN presented a petition from inha bitants of the city of London against the Parliamentary Oaths Bill. GERMANY. The Rolni.iche Zeitung has it telegra. , , - ,shic dispatch of the following bulletin, dated Berlin, June 15th Kijesty the King has passed a night of perfect tranquil slier. The healing of the w oun d i s a l most thoroughly effected. His Majesty has bean pleased to command that henceforward no further communications relative to the state of his Majest}'s health shall be published. " VON MANTEUFFEL." Captain BERKELEY presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce at Gloucester in favour of the MPrcantilP Marine Bill. Mr. FELLOWES presented petitions from Bradford and Bury, in Lancashire, against the Jews Bill. Lord HARRY VANE presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of St9ckton-upon-Tees, under their corporate seal, praying for the continued trans mission of letters by the mails on Sundays. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL presented several pe titions in tavour of the Marriage Bill. Sir J. W ALSEI presented a petition from tenant farmers complaining of agricultural distress, and praying for some remedial measures. Sir B. HALL presented petitions from the St. Pancras and the Camden-town Savings Banks against certain clauses in the Government Savings Bank Bill. THE NATIONAL LAND SOCIETY. Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, in consequence of the late decision of the Queen's Bench, which did not allow the National Land Society to be registered, the Government would feel disposed to offer every facility to the doing justice to the 70,000 shareholders who had invested their all in this company. Sir G. GREY avid that Government would not throw the &lightest obstacle in the way of any steps which the Hon. Gentleman might take for this purpose. If it were a legislative remedy which the Hon. Gentleman meant apply, he must reserve the opinion of the Government until the Bill was before the House. REMOVAL OF SMITHFIELD-MARKET. Mr. FITZROY asked Lord John Russell whether, in consequence of the report of the Commission appointed to make inquiries relating to Smithfield-market, he was prepared during the present session of Parliament to propose any measure for removing the market for the sale of live cattle from that locality? Lord J. RUSSELL replied that the Government had agreed on removing Smithfield-market—(Cheers)—but he was not prepared, without further consideration, to state whether he would be enabled to bring in a Bill on the subject this session, In reply to another question from Mr. FITZROY, Lord J. RUSSELL said on Friday next he would state whether the Government would be enabled to introduce a Bill this session. --(Hear.) CLERKS OF ASSIZE. Mr. BOUVERIE iuquired whether any intimation had been conveyed to the judges having the appointments to the Clerkships of Assize of the North Wales and Midland Circuits, that the fees of those officers form a branch of the inquiry before a Committee of that House, anti that the persons appointed to those clerkships must take them subject to any alterations or regulations of Parliament affecting the same. Lord J. RUSSELL thought it would Le very objec tionable for the Government to interfere with respect to appointments in the hands of the judges ; be was of opinion, however, that the remuneration of these ap pointments should be subject to the opinion of the Cotn mittee to which the Hon. Member referred. MERCANTILE MARINE BILL AND MERCHANT ! : r; A • i • '4 • 4 .14 .4 " el .1-.. ,:), ~ g el l , e! , ' --• 4 :71 •c) A A' '''' 1 _ Colchester 49 510 1 ? 20 15 570 i Harwich Leigh 675 _ 32! 33 Maldon 642 103 ! 29 4011008 HADDINGTON, JUNK 14.—The following are the prices of grain at our market tn..d..., • grnVT-7-----at .IZrnMejtutoN-Edaly4;----T ...... 433 as . Wheat. o 5 ad 2,...,, 8 5183 ar1e 01 y dd . 222.512 36 dd 32 8 95 e a .: n l 0 : Bean,, T S F e h ir c i s o r t n d d ......... 36s :53 in .. 1 5 1 : rk 9 et d 17s Od 283 Od Total quantity 0 i ~ io n: 43 :346 3 8: q , 1 the orr 3 ss .a .. , :c It 1 4 11:9 2 7 7 :stsg s i000 0 noli l dad d s Do. Barley Do. do. Oats Do. Beans do. KIaKALDY, Jings 15...... Th d o. 62 qrs., 44 sold up to this date:— ° 110 Wheat. Barley. () ate . Fir5t......... 423 Od 22z Od 21a 61 Beans. Peas.' Second...... 403 Od 203 6d 21s Third ......353 Od 173 Od 17, 61 -- 5 3 Od ...... „ a Od Oatmeal, Der bag of 2801 bs imperial, 263 o P t u o 0 ‘ Od ' GLasaow, JUNK 12.—Provisions—Chees e , 37 s t: W. d per cwt ; retail, 5 d to 6d p er lb. Skim mil k , 20 ; Od to 4 01 1 1°4 cwt. Country fresh butter, 9id to Od per lb. Irish p6 w _ dered, in lumps, Eid to Od; country powdered, wholesale, 8d to 81jd. Country eggs, 8d per dozen ; carried hen ditto, 418 d per .20, or 6d per dozen. Hens, 3s 6d per pair; Dacks, 2s 6d. PERTH, JUNE 14.—Wheat, 36s Od to 41s Od; barley, 18 4 Od to •.:03 Od ; oats, 16s to 19s • peas and beans, 22s Od to 25s per quarter. Oatmeal, per sack, 22; to 245. KiLso, JUNE 14.—Wheat, old, Os to Os ; ditto, new, 26s to 30s Od ; barley, new, 153 Od to 17s Od ; ditto old, Os to Os ; potato oats, 00s to 00s ; ditto new, 14s to 16; Od ; common oats OA to 001 Od ; ditto new, 13; to 14; 6d ; peas, Os Od to Os Od ; beans, Os to Os per boll of six imperial bushels. STIRLING, Jutin 14.—Wheat, foreign, 20s to 235; ditto, home, Os to Os; ditto ditto new, 19s Od to 22s Od; barley, per boll of 6 bushels, Os Od to Os Od; ditto new, 15s Gd to 16s Cd. Oats, common, Os Od to Os Od ' • ditto new, 10; Od to 12 s 6 d; ditto, Flemish, Os Od to 03 Od; ditto ditto new, Os Od; malt, distillers, 32s Od to 34s ; ditto brewers, 34s Od to 35s ; beans per boll, Os Od to Os Od ; ditto new, I Is 9d to 14s Od ; pease 13s to 00s od; sour, new p e r s ac k, 31s Od to 33s Od; ditto common ditto, 18s ad to 20s Od; oatmeal, p er load, Os Od to Os Od ; ditto new 27 s Od to 29s Od ; ditto pe r peck of 7lbs, 80 to 9d ; hfraeysFhApejbxutioßttnxe, Or,iz 3. per y 0 1b 5 , 1. 7d to 9d; eggs per dozen, 7d to 9d; —The supply of grain in this day's THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, _JUNE is, 1.850 Bill, which related to the abolition of the Vietereyulty it self, would not bo prepared to agree to the principle ot the second object of the Bill, commencing at clause 11 This Bill would transter di power, which the Act o Union had coefet ree on the Irish Privy Council, to th hands of the Home Secretary. He - aeticipsted that when this Bill came into Committee they woule have a long debate, well contested on all sides. Every Member of that House, unless he was prepared to consign every species of power to that devouring monster, centralization, must record his vote against this Bill. Every species or influence of every conceivable kind was to be transferred to the hands of a secretary in England ; wheth er it were i n matters relating to the public health, in the managemete of the constabulary force, everthing was tt pass through the hands of this official. Nu thing was more important than a good system of prison discipline in a country. Now in Ireland the prisons were under the management of the Lord- Lieute nant, who had the power to snake bye laws for their government, as well as to provide for the religious instruction of the inmates ; and this im portant prerogative was to be placed at th. unfettered discretion of a Secretary of State in this country.—(Hear.) But that was not all he had to complain ot; the Secret ary of State might stop all the foreign commerce of Ir e l an d by e-ta blishing quarantine regulations at every pert. , Passing from the health and prisons departmewo •a e found that this Bill gave p ower to the English secretaryr) of State to change the place s at which assiz .s ape qu a sessions should be held ;and the police force, which was met little inferior to a standing ar my, titan. in or numbers, was now placed at tho `sole disposal of one ki:iveuastenant in council, to be placed take n b y t hi t i Bill from the Minister. The appointment, its training too, of the Commissioners o ua f tio t n ho o t f o l r a d n . d . the hands of a Secretary s i tting in London; thus o . of va s i n giving a single official power over the whole scheme of Irish taxation. Every Official too was removable at pleasure from the highest to the lowest, and then the whole machi nery of Irish local govern ment was placed in the hands of a London official. He agreed that the Viceroyalty was an idle pageant. His Hon. and Learned F r i end the Member for Sheffield thought the L. in Irel an d ; would be substituted by municipal action lreland; but every one ac qua i n t e d with municipal insti tutions in Irela n d k new h ow weak their action was. E very step which the Bill took was in a w rong di rect i on. Ile took occasion to guard himself from it s b e i ng sup posed that ho participated in the objections to this Bill which were drawn from the condiOon of Dublin. This was not the'cause of Dublln alone but of all Ireland He quite approved of Sa e abolition of the vain pageantry of a Viceroy in Ireland; but for what purpose? To replace him by a reality, a somet hi ng w i t h more real power, and more accessible to the people of Ireland ? But, on the contrary, they were pursuing still further th a t pernicious system of centralization, an d f or t h at reason he should give his vote against the Bill. Sir H. PEEL—Sir, ccnsidering that this Bill is brought forward by her Majesty's Government, and that the undoubted object of it is to promote the good government of Ireland, it is entitled on these accounts to at least the most respectful consideration of this House. I consider the main question to be, will the arrangement proposed by the Bill conduce to tho good and satisfactory government of Ireland ? All other con siderations are, I apprehend, subordinate to that. The withdrawal of the Lord-Lieutenant from Ireland may or may not affect acme local and partial interests, but still, if the result of the measure shall be to promote the end of good government in Ireland, all other considera tions of partial and local injury are, in my opinion, to bo regarded as subordinate. —(Hear.) I wish I could see with the same confidence with which some gentle. men see the unequivocal advantages of this Bill ; but I own that, while upon the whole I am perfectly willing to consent that the e x p er i men t s h ou ld b e ma d e , I am bound, in giving that conseat, to say that I do so with much hesitation and doubt as to the advantages which, in the estimation of many gentlemen, are likely to re suit from it.—(Hear.) Of this I am confident, that it you are o have local authorities who, without the responsibility of the Lord-Lieutenant, will assume the executive functions of government, Ireland will derive no advantage whatever from the measure.—(Hear, hear.) I am quite aware of the difficulties which men, even of high character and gloat acquirements, have in admi nistering the government of Ireland; but these difficul ties are not, I apprehend, so much felt on account either of their personal qualities or on account of the constitu tion of the office of Lord-Lieutenant itself, as on account of difficulties inherent in the state of society in Ireland —(Hear, hear)—which difficulties will, to a very consi derable extent, continue to operate, even if this office is removed.—(Hear.) I fear that there are some difficul ties inherent in the constitution as regards this matter. When there was a local Parliament in Ireland the rela tion of the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant was a natural and constitutional relation. The Chief Secre tary was then iu immediate connexion with the Lord- Lieutenant. He stood in a subordinate capacity, all he did emanated from the authority of the Lord-Lieute nant, and his relation to bins corresponded in all mate rial respects to the relation in which a Minister of State ordinarily stands with reference to the Crown.—(Hear.) When you abolished the local Legislature, and trans. ferred the Secretary's Parliamentary functions to this side of the water, you altered materially the relations between the two parties. You put the office of Secretary aside from that of the Lord-Lieutenant; you made him a Minister responsible for the administration of justice in Ireland,—a Minister necessarily possessing great power, and exercising that power sometimes without communication with his chief, however desirous he might be of doing so.—(Hear, hear.) You thus placed him in a position in which it was very difficult for any man with the very best intentions to carry on the public business without the ride of occasional embarrassment. —(Hear, hear.) I speak from experience as to the diffi culties that have resulted from the position in which the Chief Secretary stands with regard to th e Lord-Lieu tenant. At the same time, what may be the effect of removing from Dublin the authority of a nobleman of such high acquirements as the nobleman now adminis tering the functions of Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland, and what encouragement it may give to the revival of local agitation and to the struggles of party, I canno t p re t en d to predict; but I certainly do not view without appre hension the risk that if you are to have a local Com mander-in-Chief, a local Lord Chancellor, a separate bar, and altogether a separate administrasion of justice, the removal of an authority like that of the Lord-Lieutenant —acting independently, animated by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of the people, free from all local prejudices, and from all personal partialities—may be attended with an injurious effect.—(Hear, hear.) You have attempted to counteract and remedy the difficulty that arises from this peculiar relation to the Lord-Lieu tenant, by giving to the Secretary for Ireland necessary additional powers. You have occasionally found it neces sary, or considered it necessary, to give to the Chief Se cretary the authority of a Cabinet Minister.—(Hear.) That I conceive to be a most clumsy device for remedy ing a difficulty inherent in the constitution.—(llear.) . It is a device not only disturbi ng t h e re l at i ons o f a c h ie f to his subordinate, but ono positively inverting those re bition3,—(Heer.) When you ;ire to the Chief Secretary ell the authority of a Cabinet Minister, and leave the Lord-Licutenent without that authority, you encourage the Chief Secretary still more to asserec for himself the exercise of independent powers.— (Hear, hear.) On that ground alone, then, from the difficulties that are expe rienced in maintaining the relations between these two authorities—there being at the same time grave cejec tions to the remedy occasionally employed, that of con ferring the dignity of a Cabinet Minister on the Secre tary—it is, in short, from a reference to the difficulties inherent in the constitution, and the employment of that occasional remedy, that I am inclined favourably to re ceive the proposal for an alteration in these arrange ments.—(Hear, hear.) I am bound, also, to admit that the increased facilities of communication between the two countries gives increased means of conducting the government of Irel ind without the intervention of a Lord-Lieutenant; and probably no period could be bet ter selected than the present f or ma ki ng t h a t e xperiment. But, then, I must say that that which will bolt reconcile me to the working of the experiment will be that you have unity of system in the form of government which you are to substitute.—(H ear , h ear .) I did express strong doubts—not in 1846, as the Hon. Member for Portarlington (Colonel D unne ) state d t he otherniucht— but in 1844—1 then stated the apprehensions which I felt as to the result of the appointment of a fourth Secre tary of State for the administration of Irish affairs; and I am bound to say that those apprehensions have continued till now.--(Hear.) The advantages compen sating for other risks and inconveniences are, in my ?pi nion, a system of unity —a system of unity of legislation, so far as legislation can be uniform respecting two coun tries like England and Ireland, and unity in the way of appointing o ne man to administer t h e w h o le affairs of the Secretary o f S tate.—(Hear.) IP you h a ve two Se cretaries of State for exercising the same or nearly the same duties, the quest i on must ar i se , whether you are not forfeiting a great part of the .advantage you hope to obtain from t h e ext i nction o f t h e high office . of Lord- Lieutenant.—(Hear, hear.) You are, in fact, by this proposal, recedi ng f rom t h e pr i n ciple on which you acted in 1816. In that year you found the advantage of consolidating the two Exchequers, and you resolved that the finan c ial arrangements of the two countries would be better carr i e d on by abolishing entirely the office of' Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, and vesting the wh o l e f unct i ons of the o ff i ce in the English Chan cellor of the Exchequer. Every argument that could apply to that case will be equally applicable to the ad ministration of justice and the exercise ot the executive functions.—(Hear, hear.) If you are to have two Se cretaries of State I earnestly entreat you to consider the reruns of such an arrangement as this—to put Wales and Scotland ender one of them, and England and Ire land under the other.—(A laugh-) You laugh at the idea of such an arrangement, but there is no reason why you should laugh at a proposal of that kind any more than at a proposal for one ' • g gtvin Secretary to Ireland and another Secretary for the rest of the kingdom.-- (Hear.) There might be good reason for separating Scotland from England in this respect, for there a sepa rate system of law and administration exists; but I really do think it would be a better a rrangement to have W a l es and Scotland und er one secretary , a nd England and Ire land under another, than to melte the distinction you propose by this Bill.— (Hear, bear.) If you are to hav e an officer residi ng i n E nglan d , an d occasionally perhaps in Ireland, with all the authority of the Lord-Lieutenant, then I must s a y I f oresee more c h anc es of difference of opinion with regar d to the adm i n i stra tion of affairs in Ireland than at present exist.—(Hear, hear.) If the times be tranquil, and no danger of popular commotion arise, then the Irish Secretary of State may very easily administer the affairs of the G . overt?. went, so far as t h e emp l oyment o f the soldiery in connexion with the civil power is concerned; but, sup pose there m a y b e ser i ous trou bl es in Scotland, and dis turbances also in England and Wales, and at the same time popular esietltteaiee in Ireetrl, wi l i. n J , be of the slightest eilvaetaee to see one civil oilier wen b e e t o emanunicate with the Commauder of Perees ie aler efr slly t) euppseee the otitileee thso hitee rise Cl—to have one marl tsentle to OM With the eat eencies ofevery pate cd the empire, then to have tee :nee both respoheitfle for the mainteeuuce of the public eeec-' aryl Isoldin e r. may be, different and eonfl.cting views on a matter of such importance rs ate leseeretion ft the public peace through the e‘is‘plication of military ;orce?—(Hear, beer.? We see the Secretary of State for the Home Department already overburdened with 'mit/seen, and my whole experience tends to show that the conflict of co-equal authority will only add to his difficulties. Now with respect to unity of legislation. Ne all know that it le of the utmost advantage that our Irish legislation should, as nearly as possible, con form in principle and in details with our legislation 'or England. It is easy to say that; but, when we come to the practical application of the prin eiple, how many difficulties do we not find in the way? --(Hear, hear.) Must the ono Secretary, before he proceeds to legislate, hold frequent communications with eis brother Secretary on those points that are to form the groundwork of proceeding for that part of the king lom under his jurisdiction? If, on the other hand, there is te be no such communication—if one is to legis• late: rot Ireland and the other for the rest of the empire, ?without communication, then you undergo the risk of causing such material differences as must disturb the oarmony of the whole. I assume there will be com munication between the Secretaries; and I only say, chat however pressing the amount of business might be, I would rather be responsible for the whole of the legislation of the country than for all the unsatisfactory details which would be inevitable under such a system. —(Hear, hear,) With respect to the administration .f criminal justice in Ireland, if there be a separate Secretary of State for that country what will be the consequence? There will be communications carried on by the judges and by the Attorney- General and Solicitor-General with the Secretary of State, and thus you will be keeping up a distinction in the Irish administration of justice which it is your ob j'ct to avoid. Whereas, if there were but one Secretary ,f State for the united empire, who should be respon sible for the advice given to the Crown in respect to the exercise of the prerogative of mercy for all parts of the United Kingdom, my opinion is, that the burden it would cast on the shoulders of that one Secretary would not be more onerous than it is at present, while the satisfac tion it would give would be much greater, from the con s viction which the people of Ireland would teel that the same principle in the administration of the law and in the exercise of the prerogative of mercy was applied to ell parts of the kingdom. I do not wish to deny the pact as to the extent of the business which presses upon the Ministers; and there is no effort I would not make to relieve the Secretary of State for the Home Department from many of the functions which he now performs, in order to make him respon sible for the administration of the criminal law both in England and in Ireland. For instance, it it be true that the superintending the adminstration of the criminal law be too heavy a duty for the Secretary of State to perform, why not, if you are going to alter the consti tution of the office of Lord Chancellor, by appointing two judges to discharge the duties which the Lord Chancellor now performs—why not transfer the ad ministration of the details of criminal justice to those new officers, in order that the Secretary of State might be able to apply his undivided attention to legislation for the united empire, and to the duties of tee executive government? Depend upon it, if Sou make the change proposed by this Bill, what you will want in Ireland will be the moral influence of a man of the highest au thority. I consider that authority will be much higher if it be exercised by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, possessed of all the authority which the Crown can confer upon him for the administration of the whole connected effairs of the united empire. That au thority will be much greater than if you constitute a dis tinct Secretary of State for administering those separate functions in one pare only of the United Kingdom. But I do net at present understand how it is proposed that the Secretary of State is to discharge his duties. Is he co be resident in Ireland during that period of the year when his Parliamentary duties may not require his pr 7 sence in England? and, if he be resident in Ireland, will ne have full power, which a Secretary of State ought to have in times of emergency, of acting, not only with formal authority, but with a known, patent, and unques tioned authority, which free access to the Sovereign ne cessarily confers? Will he be enabled to suggest the Queen's commands as the ground for those acts of au thority he may at any time exercise? But, if lie be re cident in Ireland, I don't see why the objection which has been made to the applications that are frequently forwarded by the magistrates of Ireland to the Lord- Lieutenant for advice in the execution of their magiste rial duties, should not be equally applicable to the case of the Secretary of State, to whom, no doubt, the magis trate would be as ready to apply for advice as to the Lord-Lieutenant. If, however, the new Secretary of State is to reside in this country, then I do not see why you should not make the experiment you are now about to make by calling upon the present Secretary of State for the Home Department to perform these united functions. I recollect, during the late war, that all the functions, and the whole of the administration of colo nial and foreign affairs, were performed by one Secretary of State. If the Right lion. Gentleman (Sir G. Grey) would only say " I will undertake to perform the Irish as well as the English affairs, only give me a proper number of subordinates," my opinion is he would find it perfectly practicable to accomplish the object desired. if he would take upon himself the sole control over the administration of criminal justice, and over the legisla tion on that branch et the government, he may depend upon it he would not have a greater demand upon his time than he would have if he were united with an Irish colleague who would be constantly telling him, what all Irish Members were ever telling us, that Englishmen knew nothing about Ireland—(Much laughter)—that no Englishman is at all fit to govern that country. It is true, when Irishmen came over here they heard Englishmen talk of certain principles of justice and of equity, and so forth; but still no Englishman could understand the mystery of Irish society.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This Irish Secretary would no doubt be followed by many of his Irish friends in this House, and the Right Honour able Gentleman would soon find the Irish Secretary, co-ordinate and co-equal with himself, a very disagree able colleague, and one not likely to relieve him from the burden of any portion of that business the discharge of which was the cause of great anxiety and uneasiness of mind to him on whom the responsibility of that de partment of the Executive Government devolved. I therefore most honestly and earnestly advise the Right Honourable Gentleman to take the administration of those functions upon himself, even though he should have another 10th of April to contend with. For it is of importance that the same mind which has to guard against any dangers that may threaten this metropolis should be equally called upon to take into consideration whether similar arrangements would be necessary in the event of the city of Dub lin or any other part of the United Kingdom being in danger of having its peace disturbed. A command of time, and less of change, a unity of system, and a pros pect of inspiring confidence, besides the facilities for cone dueling a joint administration of affairs, are in my opi nion idreetagee infinitely more likely to be enjoyed if the functions of this department are exercised by one Secretary of State than it' the duties should be performed by two. I wish to destroy the impression which ap pears always to rest in the minds of Irish gentlemen, that it is necessary for them constantly to refer to Go vernment for advice. I wish them also to see that the proposal for transferring a portion of the authority now held by the Lord-Lieutenant to the municipal corpora tions would not at all solve the difficulty. It may be quite right, for aught I know, to transfer some of those powers to the corporations, and considering that the successful result of the exercise of the municipal autho rity in the city of Dublin has been so great—( Muck laughter)—it may be the opinion of Honourable Gen ilernen that by increasing their powers we should be increasing the benefits arising from their exer cise. Still I do not apprehend that any increased powers given to the municipalities of Ireland would solve the difficulty created by taking away the govern ment of the Lord-Lieutenant. Let the corporations have additional powers, if it be necessary, but that is a separate question altogether; and let it therefore stand upon its own independent merits. Giving increased authority to the municipalities will not assist either one Secretary or two Secretaries in determining the princi ples of legislation, or aid them in conducting the ordi nary affairs of government. I do not, however, view with complete freedom from uneasiness and anxiety the change you are contemplating. I will not stop to con sider some questions which have been suggested in the course of the debate, but this I will say, that if you think the city of Dublin is likely to be injuriously af fected by the loss of the Lord-Lieutenant, I am of opinion that we shall be bound to consider, equitably and liberally, the claim which Dublin may have for compensation. I do not mean a claim in the shape of a grant, but a general claim, without pretending pre ! eisely to say what pecuniary compensation it should be. I do not entirely agree with the Noble Lord in the opi nion that all the sums which have hitherto been spent in Dublin would henceforth return to the different localities and be expended there. I am rather afraid that a single Court with increased splendour—fur the splendour of the British Court, splendid as it now is, would undoubti-dly be increased, and would be adorned by Irish gentlemen and Irish ladies—would have a tendency to increase ab aenteeism—(Hear, hear)—and that it would not be to the counties of Ireland that the benefit would accrue, but rather to England, by s concentration of society in this country. However, I am prepared to incur that risk, but that which I shall ask as a compensation for the risk I am willing to incur is, that we shall so make our arrangements for the legislation and government of Ireland as shall insure as much uniformity and as much unity as it is possible for legislation to effect —(Hear.) Mr. ROCHE was greatly surprised and much pained at the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was a speech that would revive feelings for a repeal of the union in breasts where those feelings were gradually dying away. The Right Hon. Gentleman was of opinion that the Bill did not go far enough, because it still maintained in Ireland a separate bar and a separate Lord Chancellor. He, however, derived one consolation from the Right Hon. Baronet's speech. Though, if its principle were carried out, it would be injurious to Ire land, still it was a speech altogether against this Bill. He warned the Government against making a change for the worse, and making that change at a wrong time. They told them they were not self-dependent enough, and then they brought in this Bill to make them depend still more upon them. As far as he was concerned, they might take away the Lord-Lieutenant altogether, but do not take with him every valuable and useful in stitution they still had left in Ireland. But he did not think the Government would succeed in carrying the measure. The Ides of March were come, but they were not passed. The Irish Members were few and weak in that House, but they possessed the confidence of Ireland, and were strong out, of cliors. The Bill wmfd be do,ined. The ell of ti,tiotial redenip , ion ffn idrth toznighti fir the p , •iple of Ireland that ills WAS not a meri- a t , opt to remove the L hilt it w , :s a e..mbineil attempt to crit-,11 rl wi donal feelin-4 and it - Id,, pendent spiriA in !hat euuntr;'. §ir R. PEEL explained that he had no detorc to in ierfere widi the Irish bar, the Attorney or Solicitor- General, or the members of the Irish judicial hetich, and any observations on that topic left the question quite untouchet Mr. NAPIER said he had to oppose the second read ing of this Bill, and that it was not wh bout much and anxious consideration that he had arrived at the conclu sion that it was his duty to do so. Having formed the opinion that this Bill ought not to pass, he felt bound to state to the House the reasons which had influeeced him to come to that conclusion, The Noble Lerd said there ought to be one administration for the two Kingdom s. lie concurred in that sentiment, and if this Bill effected that object he would not oppose it, but it did no such thing. Instead of establishing a single administration for the two countries, on the contrary, it preserved a se parate administration, it they could not get rid of the abuses that grew up under the present system without dispensing with the Lord-Lieutenant, he would at once yield that office. The Noble Lord said he would not inter fere with the judicial authorities, and he had no suspicion that he would do so. Then they left the judges, the com mander of the forces, and a royal residence, so that they left many separate institutions, notwith-tauding that the object of this Bill was professed to effect a single administration for both countries. The advantages stated to be derived from this Bill were of two classes. First, the facility of communication with the British Cabinet, which was to be effected by the appointment of a Secretary for Ireland. The great difficulty with re gard to Irish affairs was, to ascertain tee real state of the fact in any controverted case. Now, was this likely to be effected by an officer residing in London? They could never have such means of arriving at the truth by as officer in this country as by one upon the spot. Ano ther disadvantage which would arise from this Bill would be, the conferences between the Executive and the law officers of the Crown in Ireland, which alone would give the necessary advice and information to guide them. Before they adopted this Bill they ought to be assured that Ireland was in possession of the local means of esta blishing a firm executive power in that country. Much had been said of the party spirit that prevailed in Ire land, as if there was none in this country. For his part, he should be sorry to see piety spirit destroyed. It , was the price they had to pay for free institu tions. What they should correct was the abuse of it. It was said that by this Bill the executive secretary would be brought more under Parliamentary control. That object might be attained, but it was not quite so clear that Parliament always understood the affairs of Ireland, that they could implicitly rely upon its legis lation without the iutormation they could obtain from parties in Ireland competent to afford it. What they mainly required for Ireland was security for life and pro perty, which could only be effected by a firm and vigor ous executive. He would ask, was this a time to try an experiment which would hold out speculative advan tages, and en ail certain evils. What was their physical condition? Look at the depressed state of Dublin. The metropolis was in a state of poverty gene rally. Look through the country generally. Were net the gentry crushed? Had the people generally the means of existence? Was this a time to try those ex periments?—(Hear, hear.) He had a heart for the feel ings of others, and many of them might have feelings of irritation and insult a: being dealt with in this way. He implored them not to break up the executive system. They should begin a new policy, and bring the people up out of their low condition. Then they might carry out what they caded the purity of their views. With regard to the present Lord-Lieutenant, although he could not concur in the whole of his policy, he had found him kind, courteous, and conciliatory; and he had never made a suggestion which was nut attended to. He believed that Noble Lord capable, if supplied with right policy and controlled by the instructions of a right and capable Cabinet, of governing effectually and well any country in the world.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. SAI)LEIR said they had heard three long speeches that evening; but most of the objections urged against the measure were objections of detail, rather than against its principle. He was happy to say that the opponents of the Bill in that House were few.—(No, no.) He maintained that they were hut few compared with the gross number of the Irish Members. He con tended that there were very powerful and convincing arguments that might be urged in favour of the measure proposed by the Noble Lord. For the last half a cen tury only two Irishmen had filled the office of Irish Viceroy. A system was in progress by which the an cient nobility of Ireland was becoming gradually extinct. Ni) Member of the Commons was qualified to fill that office, which had been described as one of such im portance. He did not think the trade, and commerce, and commercial prospects of a great metropolis like the city of Dublin depended upon the continuance of such a system as the Irish Viceregal Court. But, looking upon the question in a Parliamentary point of view, he would ask the representatives of Ireland whether or not they were satisfied with the system upon which the Cabinets of this country were constructed? Did they think local wants and feelings were represented in that system? Then, again, since the union of the two countries, no Viceroy in Ireland had the power to do mischief ; and now he had as little power to do good. He had always opposed the Repeal agitation, but he would never rest satisfied until he saw the business of the United Kingdom conducted in such a manner as to confer upon every portion of the empire equal and impartial justice. IF the Ministry of the day wanted a political agent in Ireland they might have one at a has expense than that furnished by the viceregal system of that country. Ever since the time of Spenser it had been admitted as a great evil in the Government of Ireland that the Viceroys should be so often changed. They had seen magistrates advocating a repeal of the union deprived of the commission of the peace by one Lord-Lieutenant and re-instated by another.—(dear, hear.) The lion. Member concluded by announcing his intention of supporting the second reading of the present Bill as the first step towards a largo and comprehensive system of legislation for Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MOORE confessed he had never heard a more inconsequent speech than that of the Hon. Member who spoke last. lie,had complained that Irishmen were nut appointed to the office of Lord-Lieutenant, yet the remedy he had promised was to make the office English altogether. He confessed he had great difficulty in coming to any conclusion upon the present important question, but while he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckingham, that the time was inop portune for the introduction of such a measure, he had heard no sufficient reasoa stated by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in favour of the proposed measure. lie thought he might show fri m the histories of former Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland strong arguments in favour of the sontinuence of that office, instead of its abolition. The only argument they had heard in favour of the Bill was that put by the Hon. and Learned Mere ber for Sheffield; namely, the advantages which would be derived from having an additional responsible Minis. ter iu that House to answer and give them information upon all Irish affairs. But the present Irish Govern ment representatives, he conceived, afforded every ne cessary satisfaction on the subject to Parliament. He would ask them to consider hoe, far the asiministretion of justice might be cheaper supposing there were scenes of insubordination or insurrection. Were they to place the Executive Government of the country under the control of a Lord-Lieutenant to be immediately sent over there, or in the hands of a military dictator, who would receive his instructions from this country, and whose mode of communication with the English Go vernment was liable to interruption. That was a portion of the question which it behoved them to consider with much seriousness, and it was one which, to his mind, contained a vast responsibility.—(Hear.) Lord NAAS said, looking back at the history of Ire land, believing that the Government of that country had been eminently unsuccessful, and believing that the office of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had been a chief fea ture in that bad system, he could not refuse to vote for a Bill which proposed its abolition. He conceived the system possessed all the evils of a colonial Government, without its advantages. But although he would vote for the abolition of the office, he would hold himself at per fect liberty to vote as he pleased on the mode by which the Government proposed to institute another system in stead of that which existed. He regretted, however, that the Minister, in introducing that measure had indi cated no intention of showing that a new policy would be adopted towards Ireland. Lie should give his vote for the Bill, simply because he regarded it as a means of abolishing a bad mode of government in Ireland. Sir G. GREY said that there were two questions then under their consideration. The first was whether the office of Lord-Lieutenant ought to bo continued, or whether the time had arrived when it might be abolished with advantage to Ireland and to the empire at large. The other question was, by whom and in what manner should the duties at present performed by the Lord- Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary for Ireland be dis charged in case Parliament should consent to the aboli tion of the present system of governing that country. Now, with respect to the first question, he entirely agreed with the Noble Lord who had just addressed the House, that the tendency of the existing system was to treat Ireland as a province, and that the effect of the measure then before them would be to secure to the in terests of Ireland a greater share of the consideration of the united Government and of the united Parliament of this country. The Hon. and Learned Member for the University of Dublin had spoken of th e measure as one which would deprive Ireland of a valuable boon; and the Honourable and Learned Member had added, that such a change ought not to be made in what •he described to be the present most unfortunate and depressed condition of every interest in that country. But it should not be forgotten that it was under the present system of governing Ire land that she had been reduced to that unhappy post sition. The Hen. and Learned Gentleman seemed to think that the L ned-Lieutenant possessed a great ad vantage in being able to communicate directly with all these who were clearged with the administra'ion of affairs in Ireland, or who felt interested in her welfare. But he (Sir G. Grey) should remind the House and the don. end Learned Gentleman, that the Lord-Lis ute tient must necessarily be indebted ter the great mass of his information to the reports which he received from parties with whom he could not come personally into connection. The question they had then to consider was this—was there any reason which should induce them to continue a system which was necessarily expen sive, and which he believed was also inefficient and between un necessary the which sieTaodf brought t rii p c m a u t b y i n n within as easy reach of London as . Yorkeh o it'e an Irish many other parts of this country? The presence t attended with cretary of State would, in his opinion, c en on a s b i l t e le d ra to ble co ad a y su a i n t ta w ge a i i S c e o e l e , a t a g r u y , s o f upon e u mea suresall 1J b affecting Ireland, and ho would afterwards have in his place in arlieent, the opportunity of defending, ITALY. A letter from Milan, of the 11th instant, announces that Field-Marshal Radetzskv, Civil and Military Governor of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, left that city on the 9th on a military tour of inspection. After having visited Pavia, Magenta, and Gallarate, he returned to Mil On the 10th the Marshal was occupied with affairs of State, and at half-past three o'clock in the morning of the 11th he quitted Milan for his residence at Verona. THE COUNTRY MARKETS. The following is the official statement of the quantities of corn, &c., received in the port of London from the ports in Essex, from the 10th June, 1850, to the 15th June, 1840, both inclusive : SEAMEN'S BILL. In reply to Mr. CARDWELL, LABOUCLIERE said it was hi.; intention to more the second reading of the Mercantile Marine Bill on Thursday next. He could not fix a day for the second reading of the Merchant Seamen's Bill. OATEI OF ABJURATION BILL. In reply to Sir R. H. INGLIS, Lord J. RUSSELL said he intended, when the order of the day for the Oath f Abjuration Bill WAS read this evening, to move that it be fixed for the 4th of July. MISCELLANEOUS ESTIMATES. Colonel SIB CHORD wished to know when the miscellaneous estimates would be taken. Lird J. RUSSELL said the Government intended, on Friday next, the 21st, to take the miscellaneous esti mates, and to proceed with supply or stamps on Monday. COURT OF CHANCERY AND ADDRESSES TO HER MAJESTY. Lord JO [IN RUSSELL said that he meant to make his statement relative to the Court of Chancery on the 4th of July; and he also wished to make another state ment, upon which ho should not at present found any motion. It was in relation to an altera tion which he thought it was desirable should be made in the orders of the House respect ing addresses to the Crown. There was this difference between an address and a resolution, that if the House carried a resolution which might be in opposition to the spirit of the majority of the House, it was possible for it to reverse that on a subsequent occasion, but in the case of addresses to her Majesty, it was generally the custom for them to be carried up to her Majesty, and it became necessary for the advisers of the Crown to advise her Majesty on the course to be pursued. If they advised her Majesty not to comply with the address, there would be some fear lest this should lead to a breach between the Crown and the House of Commons. He thought it would be better if the orders of the House were altered so as to assimilate all addresses t o t h e a dd ress which was moved to her Majesty on the occasion of the speech from the Crown. LORD LIEUTENANCY ABOLITION (IRELAND) BILL-ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. ANSTEY resumed the adjourned debate on the second reading of this Bill. He said he objected to so much of this Bill as related to the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State. He must say, unless he re icnetievrepd reftrarion of some the m Nobleembero L f o t r li d e ,s G w ov o e r r d n s m a e t nt th a .e no h t e h a e d r of the Governme n t, us e d on the last occasion, he (Mr. Anstey) s h ou ld b e o bli g ed to give his vote against the second reading o f th e Bill an d o ppos e it until i ts last stage. The first two schedules in the Bill proposed to give the powers therein enumerated, and which were at present executed by th e L or d-Li eutenan t, t o th e Privy C rscti,heo o oco u nuou n n:lt c cdora i i l of Ireland alone. The second schedule Proposed to give such powers as were specified in it for three years, on condition that the Council loe n of d fis a ler t rs i tet o wl recommendation onb first schedules, de t t e h ailt P eo r fm i Ea y dnelgi C niea o ont u i: n n o, c au i inlgy rfht tas vohefe l r y r oi e ,b l rj a ic n cy d pro perly chargeable with the functions of the State, and therefore with such of them as were specified in the schedule to thi s B i ll . But in the last schedule (schedule Bec°udche C s he found that the powers conferred by no leas than 27 Acts of Parliament, some of them Irish Acts, and all of them local Acts, particularly applicable to Ireland, were by that schedule, and clause 11 of the Bill taken away from the Privy Council of Ireland altogether, and vested in the hands of one of the existing Secretaries of State, or of the new Secretary of State to be appointed by this Bill. Those who were acquainted with those statutes, and with the enormous powers which were by them vested in the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with or with out the Privy Council of Ireland, whether they were friendly or hostile to the pri nc i p l e o f t h e fi rs t p a rt o f the • 41 100."7i any nsea,ure winch he might think calculated to promote her is slfere, He could center with the other members of the Adwinistratten day by day, and he could erreit haree toe sugeestiens Miles) he might receive from ID+ m)) ra fth leseislasure. In his opinion Ireland was ua eatly visjudii ed ey the ab-anee from the Cabinet of :shy eieeneer anneedietely responsible for the governmen t of that country. It was said that the responsibility at present devolved on the Secretary of State for the Horn* Department. No doubt it did; but it would surely be more satisfactory that the public functionary ehargg d with the administration of Irish affairs should be en: abled to defend, or to explain in person to the House floso . to his colleagues, the measures which he might t hink best ealculat-d to promote the welfare of Ireland. ejeder the proposed arrangement there would be ample O PP'" tuuities for the new Secretary of State of listenie# the suggestions of Irish gentlemen waiting on its either individually or in deputations; and under the en' isting system such communications frequently took place between gentlemen connected with feelers' and members of the Government. But if the 4 1 1 of Lord-Lieutenant were abolished, the question d" arose to whose hands should the duties at present Pet' formed by the Lord-Lieutenant be confided. Now h e readily admitted that it was desirable that there should be as much unity of action as possible in administering the business of any department of the Government. 1 3 ° he felt at the same time that the questions with regard to Ireland which constantly arose at the present de,' were so numerous and important that they could not possibly be dealt with satisfactorily by any of the great officers of state who at present held places in the admi" niatration. He certainly felt convinced that such an Ad' dition could not be made to the duties of the Secretary of State for the Home Department without overwhelm' ing that functionary with a mass of business which 1; would be impossible for him properly to perform. IT: time might come when it would be possible to unite su,' duties of the Secretary for the Home Department in this country with the duties of a Secretary for Ireland, a ° he earnestly hoped that that time might not be distant:, That was precisely what had occurred in the case et Scotland. For some time after the union with Scotland there had been a Secretary of State for that countrYi and it had afterwards been found unnecessary to continue the existence of such a functionary. But he believ ed that in the present state of Irish business it would be impossible for the Secretary for the Home Department to manage satisfactorily that business in addition to lb° performance of his own multifarious duties. It aQ peered to him that the Right Hon. Baronet the Memue fer Tam worth had overrated some of the difficulti e° or inconveniences which would arise from the appoint ment of an additional Secretary of St a t e . The Righ t Hon. Baronet had stated that a difference of opinion might arise between that functionary and the Secretary for the Home Department in this country as to the Pla ce to which a regiment should be sent in case of disturb• antes in different parts of the kingdom. But, in his (Sir G. Grey's) belief, no such difference of opinion cou ld ever arise in a united cabinet; for the members of suc h a cabinet would necessarily be ready at any time t° adopt whatever arrangements they might on considers' Lion think to be on the whole most conducive to the ge neral welfare of the United Kingdom. An opinio n seemed to prevail in some quarters that the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy in Ireland might he followed by the removal of the law courts from Dublin. Now be (Sir G. Grey) could conceive no grounds whatever for any such opinion. Her Majesty's Government had car' tainly never entertained any idea of the kind. Th e courts of law had been retained in Scotland, notivitu' standing the union between Scotland and this countrY, and he could not see why the same course should not be pursued in Ireland. He should observe that the precise mode in which the duties at present devolving on the Lord-Lieutenant should hereafer be performed was " matter for the consideration of the House in Committee; He trusted that they would then consent to the second reading of the Bill—that they would agree to the prin ciple of an immediate transfer of the business of Irelan d to this country, and by that means enable the head of the Irish Administration to conduct the duties of his office as a member of the Executive Government. Mr. M'CULLAGH said that the question then a t issue was, how was the future government of Ireland to be carried on? That measure would involve, in P lO , English, the transfer of the Government of Irelan d from Ireland to England. He would entreat the Hese • to consider whether the present moment was an atisr cious one for that great, and, as he believed, most VT' foes experiment. He confessed he looked with the deepest anxiety to the future condition of Ireland. Iv old quarrel still raged there—the quarrel between the, great mass of the population and an aristocracy hostil e to them, but masters of the soil. He believed that n° care which could be bestowed ought to be spared in the government of a country so critically situated. It was all very well to talk about an identity of laws and insti tutions in the two countries. But it was idle to sW°' the possibility of such an identity in countries ti° dissimilarly circumstanced. And, accordingly, he foul that the system of education was different in Blight and in Ireland ; he found the police sYst e " - and the system of public works different to the two countries. Let them look at the Church estsh • lishments in England and Ireland, and in what wid e ', different circumstances they were placeu. In fact, 'es every thing that formed the political and social state of a country, the most striking difference prevailed in t ile . two kingdoms. He had certainly thought at one ti m e that was to have been a fin a l m easure f or th e se ttlemen t of that question ; but the Right Honourable Barone t the Secretary for the Home Department had just Oh" them that that was perhaps but th e comm enceme nt of system of centralisation, and th a t th e office of SecretarY °t State for Ireland might hereafter be abolished in the same way in which a similar office had been establish es* in the case of Scotland. He could not help apprehend ilig that under the new system the representatives for Ire; land would vainly attempt to influence the policy Of t il proposed Minister for Ireland, for they would necessa ril be greatly outnumbered in the Legislature. He did 11 care what name they might give to the head of the Ir is , administration; he merely wished to have the busi ne !,, of that department well done, and he believed tha t Ireland only could it be well done. He believed th; people of Ireland were entitled to equal laws, but it di d not follow that they desired to have the same laws, it was sufficient to refer to their legislation to be e ()0 ; vinced that such had never been the principle upon whit ed the Imperial Legislature had acted. He might be a s° , what plan he would propose to substitute. His en swe was, that he would propose a plan by which local sd' ministration should -be combined with ParliamentarY " 0 , tendance and Parliamentary responsibility. Th e , a i d ie fallible effect of this Bill would be to detach the au' classes in Ireland from the Government, and to prod an absentee gentry and an oppressed peasantry, w hie l d would help them not in the day of trouble, if it eb°"o come—as come it might—and their only resource w ee be in the barracks of the troops.—(gear, hear.) id, Mr. SHEIL could not help thinking that the f erv it a impassioned nationality of his Hon. Friend wh o e l just sat down had in this instance overcome his liabl e admirable sense. He had adverted to the details of t„,. r. Bill, but bad left its principle untouched. In bis (ese Spiel'.) opinion, the Secretary of State, no matter what name he was called, ought to have a tnev e t knowledge of Ireland. He did not think it neees7de, that he should be born there to have that knovsle, but ho ehould be acquainted with the habits, the fach7it: the prejudices, the passion-, the weaknesacs, and rll o ie ties, good and kid, and with that he ought cer!,,Tec; occasionally, not constantly, to visit the country. a s was a time when the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to f subservient to the policy by which the governme e _ oc d the country was carried on, when Ireland was goneinros through the Irish gentry, upon principles not more f t he testant than aristocratic, and th e patronage e t b e f Crown circulated in that restricted channel; w,h en asa erf virtually combatted th e re p resen t a tion' co:bora- cou. g b, county and the no m i na ti on t o every and when the Castle was the point of P. tical and social centralisation, the Lord - ut tenant then drew about him a sma ll ii,had powerful class composed of the most seeer u P rt glY men. But the foundation on which that exceedsooo artificial system rested gave way; Catholic ee l " ci e P sor o3 ' was carried, and was followed by ParliamentarY s od and power was transferred from the favoure" e ole manageable few to the multifarious and unman e g ou ce many.—(Hear, hear.) The Lord-Lieutenan t stbordi was stripped of his power and became virtually s en g ine t nate to the Secretary of State, and from a stateeke was changed into a mere scenic apparatus and 1 0 4 0co see representation of Royalty. The spectators bleu curta in weary of the exhibition, and it was time the, , e d that should drop.—(Hear, hear.) It must be ad mit 'a b e tter what was called the Irish Court was in reality,l 3 , h u e D ash than a colonial dependency.—(Hear, bear.) -",- I ffice- - " Government should not be married to the Home "'doubt, its duties were too onerous already. It was , sigh S extremely presumptuous for him to differ with tin_ t sight Hon. Baronet opposite, but he looked upon tirb,, Cr oed, Hon. Baronet as the worst witness that could othes for he would be apt to measure the capacities to t he by his own Aniatin powers. He had referren, t hings 10th of April.—(Hear. hear.) If that stet!, (sir should recur under which his Right Hon• r_i r n, b e ar) G. Grey) evinced so much promptitude—(s mode.: —so much firmness—(H. ST, near) —and 50,_T oting the ration—(Cheers)—he could not but help t° d would i g i ; the preservation of peace in Edgse e e tr ea s u s.; him enough to do, without being called aot bout press insurrection in Ireland. Let th e be dresa w f ri:sf o, their eyes. Ireland was passing throuirgabs t o ped. e i ; ordeal to which the name of transition 1 0 laud had not as yet accommodated he n ,tt e i but needful novelty—the poor-law. r w hi c h the l i t e f fl Vi ro t p ehartt Y te°r country was going through a tribunal ul•natiOn, bet Was divested of its proverbial proerasti, _ cd b u edre effect of which would be to cast hundreds „ g el; of well-born and well-educated men upell s the pr r (Hear, hear.) The liabilities of landlord _4,,,,,ebe..! rogatives of tenants were being defined' at . 0 3 73 6 NthO u ll e v were found Presbyterians mingling n wit c h snore, but air ° a clergy.—(Hear, hear.) He could say mu d req the Ire tha t had said enough to remind them that __, t _ undivided attention, though he would not eu o i 4tob b, b to e time might not come when it might In! P , t ; bon t govern her by an undivided Administrates ) ? _ a d bl,: moral aspect of Ireland should be wholly coins:, g oon, the ribi red, daring disaffection should be cold, whe process of social and political amelioration, wilu".-hts be resP e f; property and the rights of poverty should Tirana - 01 for poverty had its rights as well as n wou ld s e (Hear, hear.) When the Irish gentleman in the poet-house not a memorial of ? letsl'tt-" e e ecl exaction, but a monument of national set a c; (Loud cheering)—wh e n they had learned to t e their their institutions in Ireland, instead of Ireland to (13/10 eg iitr. " institutions—then, but not till,then — at anr t perhaps, in ref e r e nce to brief individual existenc e ' t. po r short in comparison with a nation's growth tb e haps, an amalgamation might be possible; but o f too urtben interval let them avoid adding to the b _ d eep and solicitude incidental to the administration oor:,epary office, which already demanded more than daft 0 . c',',,due combination of intellectual power and phyinc ranee.--(Loud cheers.) . .