The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-15 00:00:00

bou t to like the hie to 0 It Ritb if w hicb pit 0 - se tbtj v oile bad been five "Y. , 1 " 1. A rq sig h ' ,k, the --- Cog nizance of th e authorities, under the cslebrated ceneordat entered into with Francis I. • Th e t) `"°ltlati Catholics knew no t the P o pe in a temporal Dint o f . , View, he was looked upon only as a spiritual TZ e er nigt l , and as such submitted to. (Hear.) _ . Catholics as such did not recognize the Pope iu his ca ...., ;41.eriittyuaolf a temporal sovereign. Tney regarded him as the head of their Church. He had temporal authority i i ~, !!‘luiEngland ; D r. D oyle gave evidence to that e ff ect, an d D r. e , Curtis, at th e t i me Archbishop of Armagh, i n h i s ev id ence , stated that he had no other authority than spiritual exercised s, .., .... 'within the 1 , i t we. , e canons of the Church. Many Catholics thought s e ' es i tt ` i ' l 'd have been better if the Popes had never interfered se temporal authority. It was true that at one period of •' exercise of this country some of the Popes attempted to l e ... en "ci e temporal authority for their own aggrandiser „ eent.— r! iii ..„ :-..., hear.) Such an individual was Alexander 1I , who ~,.., , wag a disgrace to the Popedom. It was also to be observed . i' e get out o f 2 60 Popes who had presided at Rome, not more te en t e ,teeir twenty or thirty had failed to act up to the principles of • . their religion. Gregory VII. and Innocent 111. had used I‘, '• . 8• • • . tt ;_ mrstual authority for their own aggrandisement and e t. ' h 'e!',of their families, and disgraced the cloth they wore; i irt,,, , LL, it could not be denied that the great part of them e BPru te from • 1 pen i . Pie, and that la * I ti t/ to the people, and . acted with and for the they exercised their spiritual autho „, : oirie put an end to the vices of the time, in oppo• le ' ' .. , 'II to despotism, and in support of the people. He con . 14 , 44 e,necurred with what had been said by the Noble Lord the se s. •. 1 0 7 411 10 4 e ry for Foreign Affairs, that the Pope of Rome should h eoe r , Independent Prince. There was no religion of t e tof Rollie and the Church of Rome. Ile repudiated a ,,,, , u _ch a notion ; the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church , i " the same everywhere. The question of a divided alle ;fiance was raised when the question of Catholic emaneipa -4,11 was discussed, but the Catholics recognised the Pope 0 1 ,,Z as the spir Irelandad of their Church. The Catholics • l 'ugland and did no more than the two thousand e ere, to . te e ce en, with the Bishop of Exeter at their head, when 0 .. asserted that the Queen had not supremacy in the h 4 9 i n i rch of England in matters ecclesiastical. Catholics ' - dive, an caber doctrine, that the hierarchy was a e: Th ee inatitution, and in its normal and ordinary t - ution, the bishops must have territorial titles in order loee ° e,: l e e rcise episcopal jurisdiction. The vicars-apostolic ne fr e t ut a temporary substitution. The Bishop of Rome, , with the system of vicars-apostolic, is the Bishop ea h . • England with the vicars-apostolic acting under , him e s se i s substitute. Under the vicars-apostolic the country • . t ie , Parcelled out into districts; the only difference be are' them and bishops with local titles is, that the former had delegates of the Pope. He might be asked why they ale net sought an hierarchy before. The Catholics had been a, i i /s anxious for the restoration of the hierarchy, as an purl ication had been made to Queen Elizabeth for that ~ ~e ° r a r ' e il which was postponed, as it was though she would i t , e ° e rne to the Roman Catholic Church ; but afterwards, in , one hundred priests were drawn and quartered 1 17 i. . • I f a 4 "ercising their ministry. That was not a time to ask k oo t hierarchy In the reign of James the First, after the ee.:t. tithing to With which the Catholics as a body had le • to do, the prejudice was too great to think of getting I b li: 4 p revi „? t , he reign of Charles the Sec . ond the same prejudice eleee tea"'tele arising from the conspiracy of Titus Oates. 41/ ; t, .4krileS 11. came to the throne, and toleration of , al/ ',• was permitted, an application was made to him ' 4 l, , ' eat the' establishment of an hierarchy. He, although a ee - ;" ° lic, inquired what was the difference between the two •• nee tents, and it was from the document presented to that ' le Coign in explanation that he (Mr. Fagan) himself ' e eee - "ed• what the difference was. The Catholics were not •••.ICg ui sed until the reign of George 111. The Catholics h ot th at time were few, and did not require it, ~,,, .there • numbers were increased by the immi . ~ eeetion sseth ,,, of . the Irish. The case was now different, for the '' , entire"es in London were a greater number than the population of Rome. The Hon. Gentleman then .quoted,, a Passage from Mr. Macaulay, which stated the revo , 0 - ' 3ll in the nineteenth century, which put an end to the • , oo vernnient of one nation ever another, and that which put „ te _end to the property of man in man, was effected through • o 'a f e Catholic religion. The promulgation of the sovereignty nee the People was first promulgated by the Jesuits, and that ' = , ee the divine rights of kings by Protestants. The provisions • t , .• ~ , LPli 3 Bill were extended to Ireland because the Government e''s ~. -`"‘ offence that the Synod of Thurles had condemned ler th e . t ik d i lle : a Lull colleges. He had defended the colleges more than `calf a n o Y man its Ireland, but the bishops had a right to express •, e a teiie -id °Pinion upon them as the guardians of religion, and le e . .- ~ eeation Willi nothing without reliion, and had a right to ei metierthem e - e • nandmorals." The Bill • e. e " eangerous to fait • te ."aa to '. , a t , Paralyse the Episcopal,, and would make every act of - ete ene T e hoP With a territorial title invalid ; the consequence e 41 • 1, be that such a bishop ordaining a priest the ordination j'sw would be invalid, and marriages solemnized by bins ~B °_ , would be invalid. All such priests by law were lay . e"ete and therefore if the constituencies in Ireland returned ene • , hundred and five priests the Noble Lord would not e oh to their taking their seats in the House. Ile warned th e Government against endangering the 600,0001. paid to ~.. , . fo e clergy of the minority of the people of Ireland, and lie • ' . ' Cassell); i t e his duty also to state to the Noble Lord (Lord J. the m and to his Government, that though he voted with . i ' 00 ;7 : On last evening under the influence of conscientious ' ear - e" yet a question might arise which would neces _ "Y induce him and many other Irish Members to oppose, . . ; I nd thereby to jeopardise the present Government.—(Hear, ' = Light, • -He admitted that he .might have, by his vote of last ,• • L !ght, run the Fisk of losing his popularity, yet, however ' e , h e t g , hlY he estimated the goodwill of the people of Ireland, 9 could not for any consideration vote contrary to his con ' viet 'o . , o• As a friend of the Noble Lord and of his Govern i e. • n ' w ent, he ear nes tl y i mp l ore d hi m to g i ve up a measure th a t a ould entail on hi s f ormer generous an d h ero i c ac hi evem ents thiTh3Be t infelicitous and disagreeable character; but should ilettNiotlaet L h or e d psevere, he was eterminedto vote against any ~, ~.... ramee .ur_e _ae. proposed by him or any member of his Govern• (Hear, h elm '''): " 3 "tverel Hon. Members rose together, but The SPEAKER called on Mr' l' • P EEDe (Leominster) who entirely concurred in seve ral sentiments expressed more than once in that discussion, tiat nelY, that it would be better to wait till the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) had developed the healing and details tf . , lil y measure. Su c h a li ne o f procedure he believed would b w carried on with great advantage, for then the House ' r ould be able to judge of the merits or demerits of the Bill rr Which he (Lord John Russell) had moved for leave to • ' l ltreduce. With the permission of the House, he would make a few remarks, though by those remarks he did not Bess e to establish his conduct with regard to the mea ''' r uts in its future discussion through the House. Ile should, ), s. ° " r ever say that there were, in his opinion, some matters ''• . '' ecenected w ith the subject, as it appeared at present, which ... 1 ' • w ere totally irr e levant to the manner in which the Bill '.' s ' ' 4l loald be framed.—(Cries of "Hear,hear.") He evidently ': l ,e' that th a t Bill o f the Noble Lord's (Lord John Russell) l ld not satisfy either aide of the House; for there were sev eral Ilon. Gentlemen on the opposite side who considered unit it went beyond what was necessary for the present emer nee,Y, while ethers on his side of the House considered that 4 h ,..‘. nOt by any means come up to their expectatiops cr ..,' Leen' wishes. 'Many Hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House .I,;te considered that the language used by the Noble Lord in ~ . • 's i ntroductory preface of the measure to be altogether at variance with •the spirit of his letter to the Bishop of Dur at°, and they therefore thanked him for the letter, but were hey at all satisfied. with his speech on the introduction of ' . tit e ß ill• He was not surprised that many Honourable Gen . C . " 1; who advocated this measure as an attack on the eM is titution, a violation of the prerogative, and an insult • '',!! the bishops of the Established Church, should have felt Is e, e,rsiderable disappointment that a measure, which engaged ' , '"e a ttention of Government and the country, should be red . 'lced to the narrow limits of only extending the 28th el "ellen t ''' that , of the Catholic Relief Bill of 1829. He considered '. e tha n vti l t e v i as their duty as legislators to do something more fly wad y motel nowwith tot rested the Government decide the .' Peeve e ue question implied in the Bill was whether any meti tu ntion had been given by the Court of Rome to the hasit et tt io ( ms and rights of this country ? And he had no flecte - e o n in asserting that such was the case when be_l e ei ' he did e' e n , the arrogance of the recent pastoral letter. Y . ena i e" think that there was any itte n e s —el l,te, and even though he should, for argu necessity for legislative ' * th e l iaae, admit that there was, he doubted whether ..e,' - w oop f tleasur e of the • Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) Il e - " maintain inviolate the sanctity of religious liberty. t o i,rsidered that there •was no great value or importance th„ attached to the system of attacking the Roman Ca , ' , this Church by the severity of legislation, but he believed ' ' te lt the spirit and disposition evinced by the majority t of ti 1 1 : ° °Ple of this country, by their meetings and protes a ''' ' ' ' . , le.; e' and every other symptom of their attachment to the ; ' . , e,,°testant Church of this country, were a sufficient safe ',me i . .:. l, p ro against any aggression from without. Were not the E ee t i; s te, tit Dissenters, in union with the Protestants of the . ' -f l orae Church, continually holding meetings under the in saso'lles o f their fears that the Roman Catholic Church was , th ilt to make rapid strides on their much-cherished faith? to the met to assure each other of their zeal and attachment • . hr me creed of their fathers, and thus by entering into a , . •, . i n .?;, ,bond of union, they were determined to stand by the always of the revolution. On those occasions they eao re t ys showed that the cause of their religion was indis e . •th` i 'dY bound up with the interests of the Protestant • , use reee_ . (Hear, hear.) 'He did not consider the present ' ne e l a i nte to be a sufficient one ; though the Attorney-Ge ov.i said it was intended to provide against a specific eo , l l ' and that he (the Attorney-General) in taking that .'• - th I le was acting on a sound maxim of policy. He thought .. th at it w ou l d be desirable that the R oman C a th o li c re li g i on , e - ,rC e nt el he.arranged in such a manner as would prevent the e wee tr ence otany such agitation that might again arouse the roistered feelings of the country. When he heard the i ' ' e riP . - Member for Meath (Mr. 11. Grattan) allude to the ' .' lof 1813, for the relief of the disabilities of Roman Ca tholics, 1 as being one that, if then passed, would remove the oir.eaitt-burnings and agitation which so virulently prevailed ' e ed some securities from the Protestant Church, yet there h ,:‘• . e iti et; other securities given by the Roman Catholic Church .. , ... 'letter those ; and such a course he thought to be much 'elser ' the Bill more judicious than any that could be effected by . tots -L.)I H of 1813 ; for the Act of 1829 sanctioned a commune. th .ton between the see of Rome and the,Roman Catholics of peZ e e Qu ntrY, and that communication was free and unim • ''' ,-, 'p ees i owing to the well-known loyalty of the • "'Yolks professing that creed, and in consquence of that to - 744 Y there was no interference' with the temporal con . ti "Is of•this country. He would next allude to the disposi . , s ~, .• jitt evinced by the Government relative to the appointment e ' t ' 'te, a w Roman Catholic bi s h op .- (H ear. ) Th e G over nment in ez„... owie s e tated it as their fixed resolve no t to interfere in the ..-., 0ht. ,,, of their bishops, but to leave all to the good sense of ei oe m ,e, who they knew would not sanction the consecra ,,•,, ~ disloyal persons who might be in any way suspected of He believed that . the Noble Lord "(Lord J . . Rus -0.,.; . 1 81 o 1 . 1 ) avowed that he had no intention to interfere with the , o e r i e i .;. r e I„ternal machinery of the Roman Catholic religion ; and with 1 1 e'f• ... o '"" e Pe ‘ , to that case, he should say that tbere *ere two points ! 0 ,; 1 4, te: '. h;', "'olds he felt very strong, and by which he was resolved to rit t t I', : 1' t , 4 4uided throughout that discussion. He meant the position ~, 1 , e 4 , • . lt holic.bishops in this country, and the constitution of `ss r mele user church discipline, and their spiritual authority over * anew' t-.,_:- ti n: a . /VA 'People. With regard to the former, he did not e ''" t` ley, ' O , look to mere abstract questions oflaw; but he should '44 '4 e .he eo lv ' t en he saw the Government declining to prosecute, ,?, teuo iee in z . th th e e t re were no legal precedents for such prose- Roman Catholics were justifiable in recognising ~ exe Jurisdiction of the Pope, and the Pope had a right to - eatlTotisie..:_spiritual and ecclesiastical authority over theltoman • - that CS of this countrye---(Hear, hear.) He was aware p eoro ° °,me persons would consider such an opinion as he then whi i . ligated to be at variance with the oath of supremacy, ob__,Je.ee.setultinate,oaasti: Protestant member, had taken, but to that • tak e - (141 he should reply, that he was prepared, as before, to with a clear and unsullied conscience, for, ho wet did not mean to take refuge in words, be should, p ow coLueird, idneuenyxplanation say, that he did not believe that the oi l Pe had any legal jurisdiction in this country, though no did exist. that his spiritual and ecclesiastical authority e was aware that many of his fellow -subjects, foraho dliffered from him in religious belief, had been proscribed o e ..f l iti but he was happy to say that those times '' were tthe c i : g rneg t h i e d . E 3 y. ear, hear.) It was a well-known fact that at that societ "le was an ecclesiastical Church, and who claimed:. socie t y placed under the government of men, e eted th e h iereee , el mission, and. that those men consti- Albitle e was sznq ve the Church of Rome. Then if a Offeredpro othese men in the discharge of ~; .'t. , Nm , 4s'k • • ~~~~, r 4 1 44 1 -7, 1 'hi 4- 4;1:, ~ ~'y, ~:~~ ~~~' ~ -~ . ~ 1( ~1~~. k. 'l , '_ y..~ S NI THE their episcopal functions, their office would be altogether in complete, and consequently the rites and ceremonies of the Catholic Church would be totally neglected. He was aware that it had been said, and would be again said, that there was no necessity for bishops, as vicars-apostolic had already, for the last 809 years, discharged the duty of bishops in this country; but it should be borne in mind that those bishops believe that they have by divine institution a power to go • vern their awn society— ( Heart— he therefore thought it better that the concerns of the Roman Catholic Church should be governed by the ecclesiastical power of bishops, which power actually exis s and cannot be denied, rather than to be administered as they have been for the last WO years, since the time of Benedict IV., under the guidance and control of a Pope of Rome. He did not see any reason why the canon law should not be administered by the Pope in matters relevant to the Roman Catholic Church, although the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) stated it as his opinion, after having examined the Acts by which the diocesan form of government had been exercised, thai the introduction of such forms and such canons was opposed to the rights and constitution of this country.—( Hear.) What had the Pope done ? As a foreign power, vet a spiritual head of the Roman Catholic Church, he had assumed the authority of erecting sees, of filling those sees with his own nomination, and of issuing authority by which diocesan bishops might exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction. But then the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) had said that, for a subject of the Crown of this country to assume a title, was opposed to the rights and prerogative of the Sovereign, who was solely in vested, by her authority, to make such a partition of this country. He should add, that the Noble Lord did not confine himself to the creation of ecclesiastical sees, but he went so far as to bring a charge against those prelates of parcel ling out the territorial districts of the country ; and in sup.; port of his (Lord John Russell's) assertion, he stated that the public law was on his side, and that that public law prohibited the Pope from divining the country with the Sovereign. But he (Mr. Peel) should say that that public law guaranteed the right of communication between the Pope, on the one side, and the priests and laity, on the other.—(Bear, hear.) He saw a very great and enormous evil in any legislation of that kind ; for it it proceeded a little farther, the act would be stigmatised as infamous. (Cheers.) Again, the Attorney-General stated that the consequences of that Bill would be to pre vent synodical action, which he inferred, from the address of Cardinal Wiseman. as likely to be introduced into this country, but he (Mr. Peel) for his part, doubted very much if the measure would have the effect of preventing synods, as the Roman Catholic prelates, priests, and laity, would evade the provisions of the Bill by every possible means. It had been also said that the feeling on the part of Ireland relative to that measure had been very strong, as being an attempt to deprive them of the long-enjoyed rights of canon law, and, on the other hand, the Noble Lord the Member for Bath (Lord Ashley) said that the avowed object of establishing diocesan divisions and episcopal jurisdiction was the introduction of the canon laws, and the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) had on that occasion brought to light a number of passages from that code of the most disparaging character, though Lord Stowell, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, while presiding in London, passed the highest eulogium on this code of canon laws. When the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) stated that the canon law was opposed to the common and statute law'of this country, he should recollect that there was a considerable difference between the canon law and the ecclesiastical law of this country. When the Hon. and Learned Member for Oxford (Mr. P. Weed) said that our Consuls-General exer cised a jurisdiction over the British subjects in Turkey, by virtue of the treaties with Turkey and the Levant Company, he should have considered that the Pope did not at any time give or receive diplomatic correspoudence, and that there fore there was no analogy whatever between the two cases, and he would add, moreover, that the code of canon law only prevailed over those Roman Catholics who paid vo luntary obedience to it, for there could be no coercion in a free country such as this.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He deeply regretted thst the bishops of the Roman Ca tholic Church in Ireland should have assembled for the purpose of depriving the children of their diocese of that beneficent education which a paternal Government afforded them. If it were the wish of the Government to prevent synodical action, he considered that some other means should be adopted besides the present measure, and he should also add, that he did not wish to trust the security of the Protestant religion to a mere Act of Parlia ment, but he relied on the power of controversy, on the good sense of the people, and on the belief that the tenets of the Church of Rome cannot be upheld on the warranty of Scripture, and more especially on the attachment of the people to their creed and their clergy. as has been strongly exemplified in the building of churches, and the erection and endowment of schools, and other beneficent acts; and he felt assured that the Church could not only main tain her ground without artificial aid or support, but that she could even make way against her enemies. In his opinion the Church of England had nothing to fear from the Church of Rome, for every man had a right to judge by his own interpretation of the Scripture, which ever renders that Church unassailable and impregnable against any assault. He should, therefore say, that there was no reason not to grant toleration to all religious denominations.—(Cheers.) Sir J. DUKE felt under great disadvantage in addressing the House at all times; and that disadvantage was certainly not lessened on the present occasion by his rising as he did immediately after the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down. Indeed, had he consulted merely his own feelings he would gladly have contented himself with giving a silent vote on the present question; but, having the honour to represent au important constituency, which had been referred to by the Hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright), he felt it necessary to say a few words with which he hoped the House would indulge him. But, before he referred to the observations of the Hon. Member for Manchester, he begged to say that something like an unfair censure had been cast upon the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment for the letter which he had addressed to the Bishop of Durham. It had been said that that letter bad been the means of occasioning the meetings which had taken place in London and throughout the country, and that the Noble Lord, being in want of "political capital," found it necessary to call upon the people to come forward and resist Papal aggression. It had also been . alleged that that letter was published on the day before the sth of November, in order to excite the city on the oc casion of the annual processions. Now, he (Sir J. Duke) happened to be abroad at the time that letter was published, but, on his return, he took the opportunity of going over the public papers to see what course the City of London and the public bad taken upon this important question in his ab s epee ; and he found that, so early as the 14th of October, nearly the whole of the newspapers of the capital had united in calling upon the public and the Government to resist the Papal aggression. He found articles to the same effect in those papers on the 21st and 22d of October. On the 23d appeared a letter from a gentleman at Exeter, desiring to know whether the Noble Lord and the Government sup ported the appointment of Dr. Wiseman. On the vsth the clergy of Westminster met, and addressed the Bishop of London. On the 30th the inhabitants of the important parish of St. George, in the metropolis, met for the sense object. On the 31st the London clergy also met, and ad dressed the Bishop. On the 28th a reply appeared to the Exeter letter, from the secretary of the Premier. to the effect that neither directly nor indirectly bad the Noble Lord sanc tioned the appointment of Dr. Wiseman. On the 2d of No vember he found that the great parish of Marylebone, in vestry assembled, protested against the Papal aggression. Ile found also that the parish of Stepney met about the same time, and that similar meetings were held at Gloucester, Canterbury, Dover, Deal, Southampton, Worcester, Reading, and other places—all before the appearance of the Noble Lord's letter.—(Hear, hear.) That letter appeared only on the 7th of November, so that it was an error to say that it was published on the 4th for the purpose of exciting the public on the following day.—( Hear, hear.) On the ith of November took place the meeting of the Corporation of London ; but he could assure the House that the Noble Lord's letter had nothing to do with that meeting, which was held on the usual day, and had been summoned a week before.— (Hear.) Being a member of thet corporation be was unwilling to say anything about its proceedings, except to re mind the House that they had the high honour of approach ing the Sovereign on great and important occasions; and, although he had been twenty years connected with the cor poration, he never remembered it availing itself of that privi- • lege except in the present instance—(llear, hear)—and he presumed that nothing but the consideration that it was a case of unusual importance would have induced then to do so. --(Hear, hear) But although he would say nothing more of the proceedings of the corporation, he might be allowed to refer to the great and importaut meeting of bankers, mer chants, and traders of the city of London.—(Hear, hear.) Among other meetings which bad taken place throughout the country, there was one, he believed, of the enlightened constituents of the Hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. Roe buck), who had not only addreseed the Queen, but had passed a vote of thanks to the Noble Lord. (Hear, hear.) Now, those meetings had been destribed as the result of in tolerance, ignorance, and bigotry. He (Sir J. Duke) did not know whether that was the case or not ; but he believed that if those addresses to the Queen had been petitions to the House of Commons in support of some favourite scheme of free-trade policy, certain Hon. Members wouid have talked loudly enough of the dignity of the ancient corporation of London, the great weight of the merchants, bankers, and traders of the first commercial city in the world, and the in telligent and irresistible voice of the country.— (Hear.) He did not know what might be the result of this debate; but he was quite certain, that by whatever combination of parties the measure might ultimately be defeated, the feeling of the country would rally round the Noble Lord and his Govern ment, and, in the language of the magnificent speech with which he had introduced the measure, would show them that they were ready to resist the Papal aggression " in all points and with all their power."—(hear, hear.) With re gard to the remarks which the Hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) had made respecting the Rev. Dr. Russell, he begged to say that he had known that Rev. Gentleman for many years, and that a more upright, exemplary, and pious clergyman could not be found in the Church or country —and, when he found his name mentioned as having had recourse to or sanctioned the exactions which had taken place in a meeting-house in his parish, he felt it due to him to say, that he had no more to do with that transaction than the Hon. Member himself; and that the persons who were alone responsible for it were the parochial authorities acting under a warrant from one of the. magistrates of the city of London, than whom he would venture to say there was no set of men more kind or considerate in, the discharge of such delicate and difficult duties.—(hear, hear.) Mr. B. WALL wished to state to the Hotise the reason why he was about to take the unusual course of opposing the introduction of a Government measure. A great deal had been said about the unanimity of feeling prevailing in the country. Doubtless the meetings had been numerous, and the public mind had been much excited, but the chief advantage gained by the demonstration was that it had' elicited from all parts of the country the value which was a ttached to the rights "of private Judgment, and showed i Royal supremacy or P rero g a ti ve being invaded. It ough t not to be for g ot ten that, in dealing with the remotest r eady the i e dea of the people were to wri t e f orwar d when t h ere wa s Protestant states which had ne concordat the Pope could only proceed in two ways—either by excommunicating 'or i gno ring them ; and of t hese , two courses the Pope had gracious towards the Noble L or d. H e h a d is Bill would have embodied the minimum of adopted gracious this intereference ; but after listening to the speech of the Ate torney-General he was convinced that it amounted to the • maximum of persecution.—(An ironical cheer from Lord J. Russell.) The more bold and honest, the more true and faithful the Catholic, the more bitter would the per - aecution he. It was the first aggressive Parliamentary mea sure since 1829, and was opposed to all the declarations made by the First Minister. The Noble Lord, it „„ red, had changed his mind. Why, then, did he not say as much to his'old friend and ally the Pope ? (Cheers and laughter.) The Pope certainly could not, by any possibility, c once i ve from what had already been permitted in Ireland that hie appointment of bishops and archbishops and the establish ment of an hierarchy would cause so much surprise and in dignation to the Government. Ile felt bound to say that the bishops of the Established Church in this country had not in any way interfered improperly with the expression of public opinion. The Member for Ayrshire had told theta that his county had not petitioned in favour of these measures of the Noble Lord ' • but the Hon. Gentleman might have added the important fa ct, that scarcely any of: the Scottish counties had petitioned Parliament upon the subject; and with , re gard:to Tractarianism he might have stated also, that though there were cues in Scotland in which those opinions were LONDON, held, and where public worship was carried on in the same manner as that with which the Noble Lord had been so well acquainted, yet not an instance was known of a Presbyterian in that country having been converted to those opinions. The reasons which had been put forward for the present Bill were, that there had been great public d"monstrations with reference to the act of the Pope, that the Archbishop of Canterbury had stated that he desired such a measure, that Archbishop Cullen had been selected instead of archbishop somebody else, and that the Synod of Thurles had met and considered the quest - on of the occupancy of land and the system of education; but, in his (Mr. Wall's) judgment, these reasons were not sufficient to justify the Noble Lord in changing the line of conduct which he had hitherto uni formly pursued, or in introducing a Bill which would prac tically have the effect of making every man (Roman Catholic) a Jesuit, and every priest a spy!—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Loi d had tried the experiment how far he could govern this country without any Bills of pains and penal ties, and in that course he had been eminently successful. But now, to his (Mr. Wall's) deep regret, he was about to swerve from the principles which had heretofore guided him, and proceed in an opposite direction. When the. Noble Lord came to put the measure into operation in Iseland, he believed he would experience extreme difficulty in the at tempt to do so. The Irish Members were not at all inclined to support the views which the Noble Lord had taken, and unless a law of this sort were passed, not by a bare majority, but with something of unanimity of feeling in this House, the Noble Lord would find that he had embarked upon a dan gerous experiment, which would redound neither to the safety of the state nor the peace of the country. Mr. G. A. HAMILTON said, before he entered on the subject before the House, he had to refer to some animad versions which had been passed on the speech of his lion. and Learned Friend and colleague (Mr. Napier) by the Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone (Mr. Keogh). The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had accused his Hon. Friend and colleague of being secretary to the Brunswick Club in Ire land, which had for its object the opposing the Emancipa tion Act of IL9. Now, his Hon. Friend had no recollection of being so. Mr. KEOGH—Dees he deny it ? (Hear.) Mr. HAMILTON—However that might be, it could not be said that the club was instituted for the purpose of vio lating or resisting the law, and it was dissolved immediately after the passing of the Act. His Hon. Friend, in 1832, was secretary to a party, which bad for its object the ameliora tion of the condition of the Irish people, but he had no re collection of being secretary to the one alluded to. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman also stated that his lion. Friend had said that Catholics were admissible to the ho nours of the University of Dublin, and that he (Mr. Keogh) would show the hypocrisy which dictated that statement. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Keogh) had adverted to a state ment made by his Hon. Friend (Mr. Napier) that in the offices connected with the law courts of Ireland, a preference had been shown by the present Government in favour of Ro man Catholics over their Protestant fellow-countrymen. Now he, on his own part, could fairly say that since the passing of the Emancipation Act no difference should be made between Roman Catholics and Protestants in their appointment to offices in the gift of the State, and, the only question was, whether the best men should be appointed.—(Hear, hear.) But at the same time lie would ask why, in the Irish ap pointments to judicial offices, such men as Mr. Henn and Mr. Bennett had been overlooked in these appointments, except that they were Protestants? The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Meath (Mr. Grattan), had made a statement to the effect, that the late Chancellor of Ireland, Sir Edward Sugden, had recognised Dr. Croly as Archbishop of Ar magh and Primate of all Ireland. Now, being anxious to set the Hon. Gentleman right, he was able to 'state 'that although Br. Croly was thus designated in a report in Chancery, it had never received the sanction of the Chan cellor, the report never having come under his cognisance. However, the real question before the House was, whether her Majesty's Government had shown sufficient grounds to call on the House to grant them permission to introduce this Bill. It appeared to him that the recent act of the Pope was a violation of the law of nations, and certainly of the laws of Europe. that those who had carried out the Pope's brief had violated the spirit, if . not the letter of the law, and that an indignity had been cast on the Sovereign of these realms.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, thought her Ma jesty's Government were quite justified in introducing the present Bill, which it was inconvenient to discuss until it was brought before the House. He would, however, admit that all legislation on this matter should be framed so as not to be insulting, while, at the same time it was not inoperative, and that it should in no wise trench on that settled principle of the Constitution, that they should not infringe on the free and religious exercise of the Roman Catholic religion. If he, as a humble individual, might be permitted to make a defence of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), he would say that when the Noble Lord admitted his confidence in Roman Catholics had been mistimed, it did not occur to him that no such defence was necessary, and that he might be fully jus tified in resisting Papal aggression, while he advocated mea sures in favour of civil and religious liberty.—(Hear.) Mr. SADLEIR challenged Mr. Napier to deny that he had been either secretary to, or a member of, the Brunswick Club in Ireland; and, in answer to Mr. Hamilton's state ment, said he had no hesitation in asserting that these clubs were illegal associations, and that they were regarded by every statesman as subjecting their members to the penalties which the law justly assigned to illegal associations. With respect to what the Noble Lord had said on the subject of the proportion of Roman Catholics to Protestants employed iu public offices in Ireland, he (Mr. Sadleir) had always ab stained from noticing that painful and invidious topic;: but the Noble Lord attached great importance to what he had done for Roman Catholics, and he had no doubt, without intend ing it, lent his countenance to the fallacy which the Hon. and Learned Member for the University of 'Dublin (Mr. Napier) would have them believe, that Protestantism was a disqualifi cation for office in Ireland. In refutation of that statement he ( Mr. Sadleir) boldly asserted, what must be well known to the Noble Lord, that the heads of every public department were all Protestants. The Hon. Gentleman here read a list of the law officers, judges, assistant barristers, masters in Chancery, and others employed in the public service in Ireland, together with the amount paid in public salaries, tor the purpose of showing that the proportion of Roman Catholics to Protestants to whom Government patronage was extended was exceedingly small, and that notwith standing the declaration of the present Viceroy, that in con (erring the patronage of the Crown he would be guided solely bi professional merit. He would not dwell on that painful and invidious subject. It was not the Roman Catholics who had courted the introduction of it in connexion with the unfortunate project of the Government; but, as it had been introduced, be had been desirous of removing and erroneous impressions on the matter. IVith respect to the proposed Bill of the Noble Lord, and the cry of "No Popery," with which they had hounded on the scum of the people against their countrymen, he reminded them of the opinion of one of the greatest patriots of their country, as to the inutility of such factitious aids to repress the free development and per fect organisation of a rival creed. And to his Roman Ca tholic countrymen and fellow-subjects and believers lie would say, that at the present critical juncture they ought to be vigilant and firm. He felt an honest and a national pride in belonging to that body, so loyal and so faithful, notwithstanding the slanders that had been heaped upon their doctrines and their religion. He felt an honest pride in belonging to that body, always distinguished for its allegiance to their Sove reign and for its love of peace. To the denunciations from the platform which had been directed against his religion, his reply was, that one of the most distinguished of' their own divines had paid a just tribute to all that was admirable and holy in the faith he professed, and showed how the mission. aries of the Roman Catholic Church were to be found in every clime, scaling the steepest rampart of infidelity, and triumphantly planting upon its highest citadel the banner of faith. As for the boasted efforts of the Noble Lord in favour of Roman Catholic freedom, he had to say that it was not to the isolated efforts of any individual —it was not to the Noble Lord that they owed the legitimate advantages they pos sessed ; no, they had overcome the spirit of religious intole rance by subduing and controlling their own passions, by their dignified resignation, by their firmness and fortitude under years of persecution and oppression, guided by the energies and unrelaxing efforts, by the towering genius, by the constitutional knowledge, by the legal acumen, by theun deviating allegiance and fidelity of their own O'Connell. Thus it was that they had worked out their own emancipa tion and the gradual resurrection of their country. Ile caked HOD. Gentlemen to bear in mind before they gave their sup port to the proposed measure, that the moment might be nearer at hand than they imagined when they might be called on to decide whether they would gradually sink into an insignificance more obscure than any from which they bad emerged, or should he triumphantly conducted to na- tional concord and peace. Mr. M. GIBSON observed that he was in Parliament since 1837 with a short interval of absence, and the present was the first occasion on which he had been invited to em bark in a policy involving principles which he considered were embodied in the proposition of the Noble Lord, and he was justified, therefore, in hesitating before he took the first step in the matter, and in satisfying himself that the course he took was founded on pure considerations. He had been frequently asked to oppose the removal of disabilities from various portions of his fellow-countrymen who had dis• abilities laid upon them in consequence of their religions tenets. But the present was the first time, he repeated, that he had been invited to impose disabilities upon men on account of their religious opinions. The proposal before the House was one calling on them to go out and impose penalties a men for merely carrying out those religious arrangements which they considered best adapted to the ends they had in view in the practice of their religion. He (Mr. Gibson) could scarcely suppose the measure was a serious one, such were the reports that had been circulated. In the Times newspaper, which was supposed to shadow the views of Government, it was hinted that Ireland was to be left out of the Bill. If that was to be the case, It would be better for the Government to be open and fair in the matter, and not introduce Ireland at all unless they intended to include it bond fide. But it seemed to him a thing most strange to place the Roman Catholics of Eng land and Ireland in a worse position than the Rinnan Catholics of the other parts of her Majesty's dominions. If it was the duty of the Legislature to prevent episcopal organisation in England, it was equally their duty to prevent it in Australia and in the North American colonies.—(Hear, hear.) The interference of foreign potentates was equally to be resisted in the colonies as in the United Kingdom. If it had lbeen a matter of local or municipal arrangement, he admitted it might be left to any particular colony; and that, perhaps, in such circumstances, it would not be wise for Parliament to interfere ; but if it were the fact, as stated by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, that the ap • pointment of bishops by the Pope was an outrage on the Queen's supremacy—a violation of the law of nations— then it was the duty of the Government not to shrink from defending her Majesty's rights in all her Majesty's posses sions as well as in the United Kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) This fact made him (Mr. M. Gibson) conclude, that those who proposed this Bill were not sincere when they stated that it was based upon secular and merely political considerations, and on those considerations alone it was applied to this country. The House was invited to come to a decision on the insolent and indignant aggres sion. He (Mr. Gibson) did not see any insult ; and he agreed with the Bishop of St. David's that there was no in sult in the matter. They were constantly told that those who supported the measure were the strongest adiocates for religious liberty ; and they were asked not to be alarmed, for the statute was not a penal one beyond the face of it, as those gentlemen would never impose a penal law on the exercise of religious liberty. Nothing, however, was more common in former periods than for men who opposed the removal of the disabilities from Catholics to designate themselves as the advocates of religious liberty, and even to assert that it was because they were so that they opposed all concession to men whom they professed to believe held a divided allegiance. Lord Eldon and other great authorities of that c l ass m i g ht be quoted as instances. H e (Mr. Gibson) would not, there fore, be deterred from scrutinising the measure because its pro moters said that they were not adverse to religious liberty, and because their friends insisted on it that they were its ad vocates. They were told that the country had taken up the question in a similar ' spirit, and that the proceed ings that had taken place had nothing whatever to do with the religion of the Roman Catholics. Looking, however, at the proceedings at these meetings, he found that in the great majority of thern religion was' the only reason which w as urged for the enactment of this penal law. Dr. Cumming, a great authority, said in his lecture on Papal aggression, that " the teaching of Cardinal-Wiseman was'the best reason for the protest against his intrusion." It was the teaching of EVENIINTG, SAtTLTRDA Cardinal 'Wiseman that did not suit Dr. Cumming, not the temporal aggression which the Bill professed to deal with. Again, he (Mr. M. Gibson) would take the letter of the Noble Lord himself, dated Downing-street, November, 1850, and printed for distribution at ss. per 1,000 on unstamped paper—(Laughter)—contrary to the Act of Parliament in that case made and provided—(Laughter)—whereby every one selling or buying a copy was subjected to a penalty of 201. The Noble Lord said that the aggression of the Pope was on the Protestantism of England—on an ism, on an opinion, it would be remarked, not on the temporal power or authority of the Queen. That warranted him (Mr. M. Gibson) in . coMing to the conclusion that the -real desire of the promoters of the measure was to keep the Ro man Catholic religion from spreading in the country by means of penal laws. Another authority he should quote was the Rev. Dr. APNeile's speech at a meeting in St. Mar tin's Hall, the Duke of Manchester in the chair— an autho rity which the Hon. Member for the University of Oxford would-admit to be unimpeachable on his side of the question. That Reverend Gentleman "had - 'denounced domestic inter course as between British Christians and Roman Catholics, and said that if their sons and daughters should touch the unclean thing - (Laughter) —their parents would be alone to blame. They should deny, therefore, all domestic inter course between them, otherwise they would go on with the unclean thing ( Laughter) - and take it to their breasts, until at length it turned round and stung them.— (Loud laughter.) That was, however, a speech against Papal ag gression. The Noble Lord did not in the slightest degree meet the objections of the Reverend Gentleman, who was a member of that State Church whose rights were to be vin dicated, and a sort of attachment to it got up by villitying the Roman Catholic religion—a mode of proceeding which tallied exactly .with the recommendation of a late Noble Viscount; at the head of a certain party, to his friends, "Don't praise us, but abuse our enemies—that's the wet , to create an attachment to us."ss (Laughter.) In the letter of the Noble Lord, which began the movement, a movement however which had not reached the- working classes, that Noble Lord had himself committed an aggression on the Protestantism of the country, by propounding a code of Downing-street divinity.--( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord, while contending fur the invaluable privilege of private judgment in matters of conscience, took upon-him self to point out what was superstition and what was not, in the practice of the Established Church of the country, al though the competent. tribunal only the other day had de clined deciding the question of infant baptism and prevenient grace., But supposing the Noble Lord had a right to lay down that doctrine, the policy of doing so could not be a ques tion. For it might so happen that a Roman Catholic Prime Minister might do the same; and that a Unitarian Premier would, with equal right, condemn the Trinity. Still, as suming it to be not alone right, but expedient, 'for the Noble Lord to settle the difference", that existed among many. conscientious members of. the Church in this, mat ter, was the existence of those . differences any reason why he should bring in a Bill to impose pains and penalties upon the Roman Catholics, who had nothing whatever to do with them ?—(Hear.) Indeed, he (Mr. Gibson) could not for the life of him conceive why what was called.Puseyism was pressed into the question of Papal aggression at all. The House was called on, however, to pass a law a ga i ns t R om a n C at h o li cs b ecause the Pope ap pointed these bishops • but the Noble Lord had made an un worthy use of the w or d " govern,"" to be found in the pas toral of one of these bishops, seeing that it could obviously mean nothing except the spiritual government of the Roman Catholics. It was agreed on all . hands that the intercourse of the Roman Catholics with Rome should be unrestricted, and that. the Pope had a right to appoint their bishops. The Government, however, was going now to narrow and lessen the relgious.liberty conceded by the Emancipation Act. It was urged that the proceeding of the Pope was an act of aggression on the rights of this country and the supremacy of the Queen; but in his (Mr. Gibson's) opinion such an ars gument was mere clap-trap. He regretted that the speech of the Noble Lord was calculated to prejudice the House as against the Roman Catholic hierarchy, and he maintained that in respect . -to secular ed uca ti on no suc h to l erance was to b e found among the bishops of the Church of England as had been manifested - at the Synod' of 'nudes, when 13 bishops of the Roman Catholic Church voted against it, and 12 for it. The Noble Lord had quoted M. Dupin as against the Church of Rome. He (Mr. G.) would in return quote M. Guisot, a great Protestant authority, on the Church of England. That writer said " the English Church is 'as corrupt as ever was the Church Cf Rome, and far More selfi s h."— ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Me m b er then proceeded to argue that.the,Church of England had committed aggression in other countries of a far more serious character than that imputed to the Church of Rome in this •, and he instanced the case of some missionaries at Fow Choo Fow in China, who, according to the Overland Mail of the 28th November, 1850, had forcibly taken possession of a temple, and held it us against the townsfolk. He also instanced the case of the Rev. Dr. Brittelheim, a ,Hungarian Jew by birth, but a converted Christian, and a naturalised or adopted En glishman, in the island of Loo Choo, who had had a steam-slqop dispatched specially to ascertain hew he was getting, on; and on whose account the Government at Hong-Kong remonstrated with the local authorities when he was assaulted by the police, in the same manner as another European state demanded this country should in terfere in a recent riot in the vicinity of the river. Now that was a description of oppression which the British Go vernment ought not to authorise ; and he for one should be prepared to advocate resistance to it, it it were attempted -in this co .ntry. He complimented the Noble Lord on his statement that he did not like the interference' of ectle siast notwithstandingcsinsechl arandte that mpora nt I isntaattetemrse. that .Butb theer egretted to find, i Noble Lord, in the course of the speech with which he had favoured the House 'had quoted but two au thorities that bore on the matter in hand, and those two were ecclesiastics. The Noble Lord had told them that the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury had expressed to .bini their belief that there ought not to be any persecution in that case, but 'that legislative measures ought to 'be passed for preventing the assumption of titles by Roman Catholic bishops. Now he (Mr. AI. Gibson) did nut think that those two prelates were the proper persons to consult in such a matter as that. lie certainly should not expect much impartiality from. Dr. Blomfield while surrounded by the pomps and vanities of the world, and not altogether exempt from the infirmities of our nature—he should not expect much impartiality from him, anxious, as he must naturally be, to " stand alone in his glory " upon a point relating to the claims and met,- n sions of. a rival churchman. He did not think that Dr. Blomneld, or even Dr. Sumner, was the most fitting guide on such a subject. For his part; he would deal with that matter, not on the advice of ecclesiastics of the Established Church, but he would deal with it as a national question, and he would base his legislation on - purely secular considera tions, looking only to - its fitness for promoting the peace, happiness, and harmony of all classes of her Majesty's sub jects.--(Hear, hear.) 'lt he understood rightly the tendency of the measure as explained by theHonSand'Lcarned Gen tleman the Attorney-General, he hoped there would yet be inserted in the Bill a clause to the following effect: - " And be it enacted, that this Act may be broken with impunity during the present session and all future sessions of Parlia ment."—(Hear, hear, and laughtero He was persuaded that the measure then before the House would be entirely mtge.. tory for any good purpose, and would' only produce great ir ritation, for, as had been well obserued by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, -it was but a piece of petty persecution. To such a measure he, for one, should not give his support, but would, on the contrary, use his utmost efforts to ensure it rejection. s- (Cheers.) Mr. C. BRUCE said that, however opposed he might be to the' general polioy of her Majesty's Government, he should never have thought of offering any opposition to the introduction of such a measure as that then under their. consideration; and neither should he have attempted for a moment to have delayed the decision of the House upon the subject. had' it not been that he felt most anxious to notice a statement which had fallen from his Hon. Friend the Mem ber for Ayrshire (Mr. Oswald) on Wednesday last, to the effect that the opinion of the people of Scotland was op posed to any interference with the recent'acts of the Papal aggression. He (Mr. C. Nlco) believed that his Hon. Friend, in making that statement, had completely misrepre sented the feeling of the people of Scotland upon that question ; and he felt it his duty to protest against any allegation so monstrous as that the people of that country— the people perhaps the most opposed in all Christen dom to the errors of the Church of Rome should be indifferent to the attempt of their brethren in this country to resist the assumptions of Romanism. But it was said that the p eop l e o f S co tl an d h a d taken no active steps in that matter. The fact was that the people of that country were not Very apt to volunteer their services when they knew that those services were not wanted. -They had such reliance on the firmness, energy, love of truth, and attachment to the principles of civil and religious liberty principles to which the Church of Rome had ever been opposed—they had such reliance on those qualities of Eng lish character, that they felt assured the people of England would be able, without an extrinsic aid, successfully to resist that aggression. He would venture to say, on behalf 'of the great majority of the people of Scotland, that if their brethren at this side-of the Tweed required their assistance -to prevent that unjust, ill-timed,- and most unwarrantable aggression, such assistance would at once be forthcoming,— (Hear.) His Hon. Friend the Member for Ayrshire had said that the Government had not interfered with the Free Church Establishment jet Scotland But there was the greatest difference between that establishment and the new Roman Hon. me proved,Another relay. In the one case they had the actof CatholicaProtest hierarchy, ttoalerant Church for spiritual objects, while in the other they had the act of a Church which, as the ex perience up temporal had statedralwithits that the of a sp i r i tua l pretensions. prelates ages es of the Epi scopa l Ch urc h o f S co tl an d h a d aasumed the titles of anci en t sees .w i thout any o bj ect i on on the part of the Government B u t b e t ween th a t case a l so and the' o ne then under th e cons id erat i on o f t h e H ouse there was no real analogy. Th e S cott i sh P re l ates assumed the titles of sees for which there were no other claimants, and there was nothing in the proceeding that could be con sidered of an aggressive character, With respect to the speech by which the Noble Lord had introduced that mea sure, be should observe that the people of Scotland would in his belief consider that speech as worthy of the Protestant Minister of a Protestant Sov ereign —(Hear)—addressing a Parliament which the'. liberal spirit of Protestantism had thrown open to Christians of all denominations. But with respect to thelßill itself, he confessed that he could not thielt it went far enbugh.—(Hear.) He believed that the Noble Lord must not content himself with prohibiting titles; he believed that the Noble Lord must render penal the in troduction ot,bulls and rescrivess--(Hear.) He believed that he must put down by law all m onkeries--grey, white, or any other colour. He believed that u n l ess t h e N o b le Lord went the justice of the case. But ---namons would then be want ing in its duty. if it refused to sanction th e i n t ro d uc ti on of a measur e having for its object 'to give effect te the declared wishes of the Protest ant p eo p le of this country.—(Divide.) htheattlioleungghtth, thathe would sets lo not use satisfy r.,, isfy Mr. F. MAULE said he was glad to perceive on the part of theyus to disposition a to division, brin a ( Heat', bean) But he wished t o address a few words to them before should first draw their' ' a ttention to the.speech of , his Hon. Friend who had be just sat down ; and wished contrast with that speech t o proceeded He debate to a close the speeches of those Hon. Members who had advocated a decidedly opposite view of the question. Ile believed that those conflicting speeches would serve to show, at least, that her Majesty's Government bad steered a middle course in that matter• between two violent extremes. His Right Hon. Friend the Member for Alancheater (Mr. M. Gibson) had said that they ought to legislate upon a national view of that question; a nd he (Mr. F. Manic) said so too. But his Right Hon. Friend Would not allow Parliament to in terfere in such a matter as the appointment of bishops. But it • appeared to him (Mr. F. Maule) that that House ought not to confine i's labours to matters connected with taxation and the material wants of the people, but that it .was their duty to maintain the Protestant constitution of this country—(Hear, hear)—as established by the unwritten law and the customs handed down to them by their forefathers, and entrusted to them as a sacred deposit, which they were to d eliver unimpaired to those. who•were to follow them.—(Hear, hears) It had been alleged by his Right Hon. Friend that his Noble Friend had acted in that matter upon the advice of the Bishop of London and of the But his N ble Friend bad done Archbishop of Canterbury. c , no such thing. Ho had entertained the opinions of those prelates, but had a cted on his own vi e w s of' public policy. Masters had pi6posed this measure on their own respon- u ARV sibility, and without consulting any ecclesiastical authorities. —( Hear, hear.) But, then, his Right Hun. Friend had stated that the letter of his Noble Friend had stirred up all this strife in the country. It was not so. The well.kaown fact was, that the intelligence of the Papal aggression reached the country three weeks before that letter appeared; that in the meanwhile the spirit of the country had been aroused ; the bar of the country had assembled, and a very remarkable petition had emanated from them ; and all this had occurred before the letter was published.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend had, he considered, been moat unfairly dealt with in this matter—a fact that he believed would yet he acknoir ledged when it was found that he had guided . public opinion to a fair and just conclusion.- (Hear.) He then re ferred to the statement of the Hon. Member for Ayrshire. He agreed with the Hon. Gentleman that no persons were more opposed to Popery than Scutchtnen, and he lamented that sometimes that feeling was carried to excess. They were well aware, t o o, o f thi s a tt ac k o f t h e P ope o n the pre rogative of the Crown and the Protestant liberties of the country, and there was not a single yeoman in ecotla- d who would not he fully prepared, if it were worth his while, to go to a public meeting. and denounce what had occurred. As to the Free Church of Scotland, there was no similarity between its proceedings and those that had occur. ed in this country. He then oherved that the penal laws had fallen into disuse in this country, and the Roman Catholic Church was left in the full enjoyment of every spiritual exercise. There was no complaint of an impediment in the administration of the sacraments, and of all other rites, as efficiently• under the vicariate system as it had been for two hundred years. With the exception of an occasional growl from the "ilia ; Lion of Judah," all was peace and harmony ; when, all of a sudden, this state of things was disturbed by the decree ftona the Court of RoMe. He could say, that in his administration of the office he held, the Catholic soldiers, who formed no small number of their army, were in the full enjoyment of the ordinances of their Church • and he was sure they would say whatever attacks were made on him, that in his office he was no bigot. In the circumstances in which they were placed he was determined to do his duty as became a sincere Protestant, as became a fearless la ember of that House, and as a servant to his Sovereign who had a paramount duty to perform.—(Hear, hear.) ' Mr. 'SCULLY opposed the motion. He regretted that that subject of religious discussion should have found its way into a British. Parliament; and it was a subject which was not wanting in that House. Such was the nature of that measure that no Irish Member ought to sit in that House without protesting against a Bill which proposed the re-enactment of the penal laws. If, as it had been said, Scotland and England were in favour of that measure, he could tell the Secretary at War that Ireland was opposed to it. He could tell him also, that the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, which was a free church, would not support it, and had refused to meet to petition in its favour, for which conduct, as a Roman Catholic, and on behalf of his Roman- Catholic fellow-countrymen, he begged to tender that Church his best thanks. He called upon the Noble Lord to pause ere he proceeded in the course which he contemplated i • he might raise a flame in Ireland which might never be extin guished, except.. in confusion and blood. In conclusion, he expressed a ,hope that when the hill was brought in, the clauses relating to Ireland of least would be exp u nged from it--(Loud cries of" Divide, divide.") Colonel SIBTHORP said it was only his intention to ttes pass for a very short time on the attention of the House, for he would not wish to interpose between the expressed seeti meats of the House and the division to which they seemed desirous of coming.—(Hear.) He thought it, however, his duty to say, that although he could not place much confi dence in the Government, or its capability to maintain, as the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War had said, the dignity and security of this country, he should vote for them on that occasion. They had seen so Much on the part of the Noble Lord opposite and others since the passing of the Act of 1829, that he (Colonel Sibthorp) would rather have both arms cut off than vote for that Bill, and that he said without having any unchristian or uncharitable feeling to wards any class of his countrymen. As .it was a duty be owed his Sovereign, however, on .account of what was re commended in her Majesty's Speech, he should feel obliged to register his name for the motion of the Noble Lord, how ever little he might think the measure calculated for the se curity of the state, or satisfactory to either Protestant or Ca tholic.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide ") . _ Mr. MUNTZ trusted the House would excuse him while he briefly stated the grounds upon which he rested his vote in favour of the bringing in of that Bill. The present was one of the moat disagreeable questions which had ever arisen since he had entered upon political life. He had taken no part in the proceedings on that subject, in order that he might hear everything which might be said on both sides, and do justice to all. In Birmingham, the place which he represented, the division on the question had been so close that no resolution had been come to. - (Hear, hear.) The difficulty of the question lay in its religious character. Two Churches were brought into collision, and he could not but say, " a plague on both your Churches."—(Laughter.) With regard to himself, he could say he had never allowed him self to be influenced by religious bias in the transaction of the business of life; he was not, then, influenced by any sec tarian feeling on the present occasion. He had looled to the practice of the Roman Catholic Church in other countries, even where that religion prevailed. and he had found there was no such authority given to the Pope as the appointment of bishops without the consent of the sovereign power.— Wear.) He was ready to give the Roman Catholics everything which they had, but not more than they had in other countries.— ( Hear, hear.) He had also searched the history of other countries, and he found that where the Roman Catholic reli gion prevailed no true or real liberty existed.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "• Divide.") He would, therefore, vote for the introduction of the present Bill, but would reserve to himself the right of taking such steps on its future stages as to him might seem fit.—(Hear, and cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. BROTHS TON said he had taken no part in the proceedings relative to that question, nor did he intend to have mingled in that debate. He had endeavoured to see as clearly as he could the part which he ought to take. The Hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson 1 had placed him in rather a painful position, for most Hon. Members knew that Manchester and Salford, the place which he re presented, were almost the same constituency. - (Rear. ) Now he bad reason to believe that the sentiments uttered by the Hon. Member for Manchester were not those of a great majority of his constituents (Hear, hear.) He had never given a vote against the civil and religious liberty of any class of his fellow-subjects, and he trusted lie never would do so; but the grounds upon which ho should give his vote in favour of the introduction of that Bill were very different from anything like such a motive. He had seen the opinions of eminent lawyers, enlightened statesmen, and the senti ments of the most experienced men in the community; and it did appear to them that the rights of the Sovereign were infringed upon. and the independence of the subject invaded —(Hear, hear)—by the act of which they complained.— ( Hear, hear.) That, then, was not a religious question.— ( Hear.) In voting on that motion he was neither called upon to defend the Established Church nor assail the Roman Catholic Church... 4 Hear.) In introducing that Bill the Noble Lord had said it was not his intention to infringe on the civil or religious liberties or rights of any class of her Majesty's subjects; and for his own part he was anxious to see what the Bill was before he came to any final judgment upon it.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the Bill was in favour of a great majority of his constituents, and was in accord ance with the wishes of many of the Roman Catholics themselves.—(oh, oh.) He had received letters from most respeCtable members of that persuasion in Manchester and Salford, brief extracts from which he would read if the House permitted.—(Cries of" Hear,"" Read," and " Divide.") One of the letters, after asking for a copy of ,the Bill, pro ceeded to say that they (the Roman Catholics) felt consider able interest in the measure, as one which would protect their property invested for the benefit of churches and cha ritable institutions from the control and administration of a foreign power, which as Englishmen they could not submit to.—(Hear.) Such were their sentiments, and he would not trespass longer on the time of the House than by stating his intention to vote for the motion. — (Hear, and loud cries of " Divide.") Mr; F. O'CONNOR and other Hon. Members arose amid the loudly expressed impatience of the House, when the for mer was left in possession. He said, although he intended addressing the House on the measure, he would not den take advantage of his having possession, but merely asked Hon. Members to consent to go to a division at once. He hoped as be had foregone his privilege of speaking, as there would be other opportunities on future stages of the Bill, that other Hon. Members would follow his example, and abstain from addressing the House on that occasion. —(Hear, and cries of Divide.") Mr. SCHOLEFIELD said he would not detain the House many moments, but as he unfortunately differed from his Hon. Colleague and some of his constituents, he wished briefly to state the grounds upon which he voted against the present motion. He could not be supposed to possess any sympathy with regard to Rome. But he regretted to say that measure had relied feelings in this country which were encouraged by the letter of the Noble Lord. They were told that the disCipline of the 'Charch of Rome could not be pro perly carried ont unless in the manner which the Pope pro posed—namely, by the appointment of an hierarchy. But with respect to the Bill of the Noble Lord, it was one ineffectual to carry out those points which it professed to do. He eon . chided by saying he would vote against the motion.— (Loud cries of " Divide divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdraw at about a quarter to twelve o'clock. .... The House then divided, when the Numbers were— For the introduction of the Bill ... 395 Against it ... 63 Majority in favour of the Bill —332 Mr. ROCHE hoped the Noble Lord would fix the second reading of the Bill at such a time as would enable the people of Ireland and the people of England to understand fully its provisions. Lord J. RUSSELL said he hoped the Bill would be deli vered on Monday, and he would fix the second reading for Friday se'nnight.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. KEOGH moved for leave to bring in a Bill to extend the jurisdiction and improve the practice of her Majesty's Prerogative Court in Ireland. Mr. GROGAN objected to the Bill; and The gallery was cleared fur a division, but none todi place. The Bill was then brought in and read a first time. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL brought in the Ecclesias tical Titles Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday se'nnight. Mr. KEOGH brought in the Prerogative Court (Ireland) Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday next. The House then adjourned at Half-past Twelve. INCREASE IN THE COAL TRADE. - CARDIFF. - The coal trade in Monmouthshire is rapidly extending, and so densely crowded have the Bute Docks at Cardiff been, that notwithstanding every facility for the rapid shipment of coal, much delay has been experienced in meeting the de mand. In order properly to meet this great extension of the staple trade of the port and the district, it has been pro posed to construct another dock to the eastward of the pre sent docks, for the acco modation of large vessels, and a project has been mooted to convert the sea-lock into a dock. The merchants, and others interested in the trade, have taken the matter up, and petitioned the trustees of the Bute Docks on the subject. In the valley of Aberdare, Glamorganshire, several very deer pits are being sunk, with every prospect of success. RAILWAY ACCIDENTS —lt appears, from returns presented to Parliament, and yesterday printed, that in the half-year ending the 30th of June last there were 93 persona killed by railway accidents, and 68 injured, of which number 3 passengers were killed and 33 injured ft om causes beyond their own control; 7 passengers wore killed, and 3 injured, owing to their own misconduct or want of caution ; 25 ser vants of companies were killed, and 17 injured, from causes beyond their own control ; 29 servants of compin:ies or cop tractors were killed, and 10 injured, owing to their own k.mis conduct or want of caution ; and 26 trespassers were and 5 injured, by crossing or walking on railways. There were three suicides. The ,umbel of passengers conveyed in the half-year amounted to 31,766,503. The length of rail way open on the 31st of December, lB49, was 6,032 miles; and on the 30th of June lr last the length. to . had .tencl,„l ,a 6,308 miles, showing an i nc rease of miles iv . the half year. i .! year. The proprietors of the Exchange Bank of Scotland are to have one-third of tlinir capital returned to th ew, as the balance of soots at the winding-up of the cOucena. r 4 T m 15L i A 1851. RLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. • I ANALYSIS OF' i i MAY •• '''Dlsliktus ; (Frptu the Ktes and A'ruccethngs of the Howe of. Coutftions )1,; The driskßadieal Members who voted instrtire:Go era." FIIDAY, FEB. 14. ntent "are - Messrs . Wyndiiiiii Goad *trick •-• (j .; G Cu ra l e D e. u it nn o e sco , Port t ju v: "' ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES. o t Order reed for resuming adjourned Debate on Question T. ltii Limerick; i Dunda l k; Waterfor d 'J.l ea ; gb er, Hon . 'l*Wteifir"ipdr'W°l4lnMe44,-,2*- (7th February), " That leave be . given to bring in a Bill to prevent the Assumption of certain Eeclesiistical Titlesie respect of places is the United - Kingdom :"—Question again. rAnthodv O'Fla?i Moore, Mayo; T;:°') B ir Casbelo proposed ; Debate resumed :—Questien put. nie House j , Galway ; N. Palter; s ttirko,rd ; . Reynolds, Dublin ; E., B. Roche, Cork ; • J7.` Sadleir. divided t Carlow • F. Scully,. Tipperary; Id. Stiliivan;Kilkenny ; W. Keogh, ' Athlone. ' We notice also amongst-thiLiberale iot)eitaigiapist Govern ment Messes.' T. Alcock, . Viseourt t Anson,: tiney Brown. W. /SL Banbury, W. J. Chaplin, 11.,C. Lacy, T. B, Leonard, Tart of Suston, G. - F. Miintz,- Peareis OhCpno tand J ,cr, J. Simeon. The 'Peelites who voted with A. Mr. Disra e li were — M essrs . S. Chriitv, Hon.' R. CliVe, A. D.l.:oehrane, T. S. Cocks, Hon."H. L. Corry, W. Cubits, Iron: 'Colonel Darner, Henry Drummond, Lord C. Hamilton, H. Hope, Sir J. John stone; C. Legh, Sir E. Mae Naghter, Colonel Peel, Colonel Reid, G. Sanders, Alderman Sidney, JI.G. Smyth, Stuart,H. and Sir H. Willoughby. "Members wl.o voted for Mr -Dbireeli's motion' this year who voted against him last year--W. J. Chaplin, Literd ; J. I'. Devereaux, Liberal, Wexford ; H. T. Hope, Peelite ; W. Keogh, Liberal, Athlone; . W. T. M'Cullagh, Liberal, 'Dundalk; G. T. Muntz, Radical, Birminghani ; Sir T. O'Brien, Liberal, Cashel; Nicholas Power, Liberal, Water ford; Daiid Pugh, Liberal Conservative, Montgomeryshire ; J. Reynolds, Liberal, Dublin ; and Francis Scully, Liberal, Tipperary. Members who voted for Mr. Disrae/i's motion • this year, who did not vote at all last year—C. B. Adderley, Charles 'Baldwin Viscount Bernard, Thomas Booker, ,Sir R. G. Booth, Sir A;Brooke, Conservative ; Humphry. Brown, a Liberal ; Col. Bruen; Alex. ll.'Coehrano; - Hon. Col. Darner, D. A. S. Davies, W. Deedes, Sir J. T. B. Duckworth, Hon. 0. Duncombe, G. Dundee, H. Edwards, Viscount Emlyn, Conservatives; James Fagan; Liberal; , -Wyndham Goold, Liberal; Marquis of Granby, G. Greenall, G. J. Ileathcote, W. B. Hugh es , W. N. Hodg la son, ConservatiVes ;,R. Keating, Liberal; .HOn. C. L aw l ess , *berstl;. G. 11. nloore, Liberal; Sir Lueits.Vßrien, A. Oswald, CoL Peel, Col. Powell, Lord W. Powlett, Conservatives; E. .B.Roche, Radiealt Viscount Seaham Alderman Thompson, Loftus Wigrami and Herbert W. W. Wynn. Amongst the 'Peelites; or Free-trade Conservatives, who voted --for -Government -were :—Adiniral-J.--BeA Lord E. Bruce, E. li. Banbtuiy, E. Cardwell, Sir G. Clerk, Alderman Copeland, E.lienitton, Marquis of Douro, J. Dunciatt, J. B. 13. Estcourt, Hon. H. Fitißoy, Sir .1. Graham, Sir J. Hanmere Bight. lion. Sidney Herbert, lkird A. Hervey, Sir J. W. Hogg, Earl Jermyn.. Sir C. Lemon, A. E. Lockhart, W. A. Mackinnon, Sir J. M'Taggart, C. W. Martin, J. Maaterman, Lord Norreys, Sir J. Owen, J. Sandars, W. Wrightson, Sir J. Young. MAJORITY—AYES, 1;95. • . Abdy, Sir,Thomas Emlyn, Viscount Maunsell, T. P. Aeland,• Sir T. Enfield, Lord , Maxwell, J. P. Adair, Hugh E. Estcourt, J. B. B. Meux, Sir Henry Adair, R. Shatto Easton, Earl Miles, P. W. Adderiey, C. Is. Evans, John Miles, William Alcock. Thomas Evans, William Milner, W. M. Anderson, Arthur Evelyn, William J. Manes, R. M. Anson, Colonel Ewart, William Mitchell, T. A. Archdall, Captain Farnham, E. B. Molesworth, Sir W. Arkwright; George Ferrer, JamcS Moody, C.A. Ashley, Lord FeHowes, F. Morgan, 0. Itagot, William Fergus, Jolla Morison, Sir W. Bag4llllA, John Ferguson, Col. Morris, David Bailey, Joseph Ferguson, Sir E. Mostyn, E. Baines, M. T. Fitzpatrick, J. W. Mulgrave, Earl italidoet, E. 11. klur4Y,.. Henry . MuWags. J. it. Baldwin, Barry Fitiwilliam, G. W. Mintz, G. F. Ban kes, George Foley, John H. Napier Joseph Baring, 11. •.,11. Forbes, William W eeld, John liaraig, :lira'. Forester, G. C. •Newdegate, N. Baring, Thomas Forster, Matthew Noel, G. J. Baring, Francis lox, S. L. Ogle, S. C. Barnard, E. O. Freestun, Colonel Ossulton, Lord Barrington, Viscount Frewen, C. H. Owen, Sir John Bass. M. T. . Fuller, A. E. Paget, Lord A. Bateson, Thomas Galway, Viscount Paget, Lord C. L' eekett, William Gaskell, J. M. Palmer, Robert Bell, Jacob Goddard, A. L. Palinerston, Via. Bennet, Philip Gooch, E. S. Parker. John e Berkeley, Admiral Gordon. Admiral Patten, J. W. Berkeley, Henry F. Goulburn, Henry Peel, Colonel Berkeley G. F. Granby. Marquis of Peel, Frederick Berkeley. C. L. 0. Greenall, Gilbert Pelham, 1). A. Bernal, Ralph Greaten, Charles W. Pennant, Colonel Bernard, Viscount Grey, Sir G. Perfect, Robert Best, John Grey, R. W. Peto, Samuel ' Birch, Sir T. Grogan, E. Pigott, Francis Blackstone, 'W. Grosvenor, Lord R. Pilkington, James Blair, Stephen Gwyn, Bowel Plowden, W. H. Blandford, Marquis Hall, Sir B. Plumptre, J. P. Booker, T. W. Hall, Colonel Powlett. Lord W. Booth, Sir R. G. HallYburton, Lord Price, Sir Robert Bowles, Admiral Halsey, T. P. Prime, Richard Boyd, John Hamilton, Geo. A. Pugh, David Boyle, Colone. Hamilton, J. H. Reid, Colonel Bramstou, V. W. Hamilton, Lord C. Renton,V. C. Brencridge, Richard Harmer, Sir J. Repton,b. W. Brisee, M. H arr i s , C a pt a i n Ri car d o , O sman Broadley, H. Harris, Richard Rice, E. R. Broadwood, Henry nestle, Alexander Rich, Henry ' Brocklehurat, Joins Hestia, Archibald . Richards, Richard Brockman, E. D. Hatchell, John - Robartes, T. J. Brooke, Sir A. B. Hawes, Benjamin homily, Colonel Brotherton, J. Hayes, Sir E. Homily, Sir John Brown, H. Heacllarn, T. E. Rumbold, C. N. ... Brown, W. Heald, Jamas Russell. Lord John Bruce, E. Heathcoat; John Rwmell, F. C. - - - Bruce, C. L. C. Heathcote, G. J. Sanders, George Bruen, Colonel Iteneage, G. H. Sandars, J. Buck, L. W. Heneage, E. Scott, Francis Buller, Sir J. Y. • Henley, J. W. Scrope, 0. P. Bunbury; William Herbert, Sydney Seaham, Viscount Banbury, Edward Berries, J. C. Seymour, H. D. • Burghley, Lord Hervey, Lord A. Seymour, Lord Burrell, Sir.,C. Heywood, James Shaito, R. D. Busfeild, W. Hildyard, R. C. Shelburne, Earl et Buxton ,Sir E. Hill, Lord E. Sibthorp, Colonel Calvert, Frederic Hindley, Charles Sidney, Alderman Cardwell, Edward Hobhouse, Sir J.' " Slaney, Robert A. Carew, W. H. P. Hodges,„T. L. . Smith, J. A, Carter, John B. Hodges, T. Twisden Smith, M. T. Caulfeild, J. M. Hodgson, W. N. Smyth, John George Cavendish, C. C. Hogg, Sir J. Somerset, Captain Cavendish, G. H. Hollond, Robert Somerville, Sir W. Chaplin, W. J. Hood; Sir A. Sotheron, T. Chichester, Lord J. Hornby John Spearman, H. J Childers, J. W. Ilotham, Lord Spooner, Richard Christopher. IL. • Howard, C. W. Stafford, Augustus . Christy, Samuel Howard, J. K. Stanford, J. F. Clay, James 'Howard, E. G. Stanley, Edward Clerk Sir G. Hudson, G. Stanley, E. H. Clifford, H. M. liumphery, Aid. Stanley, W. 0. . , Clive, R. H. Hutt, William Stanslield, W. R. C. Clive; H. B. Inglis, Sir R. • Stanton, W. 11. Coitold, J. C. , Jackson, William Staunton, Sir G. Cochrane, A. D. Jermyn, Earl Strickland, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir A. Jocelyn, Viscount Stuart, Lord J. Cocks,. T. S. Johnstone, Sir J. • Staart, Henry Codrington, Sir W. Jolltffe, Sir W. G. Stuart, John Cole, H. A. • Jones, Captain Start, H. G. Coles, H. B. Ker, Richard Taylor, T. E. Collins, William Kershaw, James Thicknesses, R. A. Colvile, C. R. Kildare. Marquis Of Thompson, Colonel Compton, H. C. • King, P. J.' Thompson,'Aldermau Conolly, Thomas Knox, Colonel Thornely, T. Copeland, Alderman Labouchere, Henry Thornhill, George Corry, H. Lacy, H. C. Tollemache, F. J. Cowan, Charles Langston, J. H. Tollemache, John Cowper, W. F. Lascelles,_Ei Townley, R. G. Craig, Sir W. G. •• Lascelles, W. S. Towushend, Capt. Crowder, R. B. Legh, G. C. Trevor, G. R. Cubitt, William Lemon, Sir C. Tufnell, Henry Currie, Henry Lennard, T. B. Turner, G. J. Dalrymple, Captain Lennox, Lord A. Tyrell, Sir J. Dasliwood, Sir G. Lennox, Lord HG. Verner, Sit W. Davies, D. A. Lewis, Sir T. Verney, Sir H. Deedes, W. Lewis, G. C. Villiers, Charles D'Eyncourt, C. T. Lindsay. Colonel Wakley, Thomas Disraeli, B. Littleton, E. R. Walpole, Spencer Divett, E.._ Locke, Joseph Walter, John Dod, J. W. Lockhart, A. E. Watkins, Colonel Dodd, G. Lockhart, W. ' Welby, G. E. Drax, J. S. W.. Lopes, Sir Ralph Wellesley, Lord C. Drumlanrig. Viscount Loveden, Pr,yse West, F. R. • Drummond, Henry Lowther, Henry Westhead, J. P. Duckworth, Sir J. Lygon, Gen. Wigram, L. T. . Duke, Sir James Mackenzie, W.F. Williams, John Duncan, Viscount Mackie, John Williams, W. Duncan, George KiNaghten, Sir E. Williamson, Sir 11. - Duncombe, 0. M'Gregor, John Willoughby, Sir U. Duncuft, John M'Taggart, Sir J. Wilson, James Dundas, Admiral Mandeville, Viscount Wilson, Matthew Duudas, George Mangles, R. D. Wood. Sir Charles Dundas, Sir David Manners, Lord C . Wood, W. P. Dunne, Colonel Manners, Lord J. Worcester, Marquis Du Pre, C. G. Marshall, William Wyld, James East, Sir J. B. Marshall, J. 0, Wynn, H. W. Ebringtou, Viscount Hartin, C. W. Wyvill. Marmadake Edwards, Henry Masterraan, John Yorke, E. T. Egerton, W. T. Matheson, A. Ellice, Edward ... . Matheson, James TELLESS. Ellice, h., jun. Matheson, Colonel Hayter, W. G. Elliot, J. E. Manic, Fox Hill, Lord 3i. . 1 REPRESENTATION OF SOUTH NOT- TINGLIAMSHME. The polling commenced yesterday (Friday). at six diffe rent places, and will close this afternoon at four o'clock. It will be remembered that the candidates are, Lord Newark and Mr. Barrow. We have received two telegraphic re .. rts of the state of the poll at the close, giving somewhat •. e. rent versions of the numbers, but coinciding in the fact that Mr. Barrow had succeeded in obtaining a very small majo rity. The first of these accounts gives the numbers as follow : For Mr; Barrow For'LOrd Newark Majority for Mr. Barrow .. The other report gives th e num b ers th us: — For Mr. Barrow ... For Lord Newark MINORITY—Nog, 63. Ansley, Thomas Higgins, G. G. Power, Vicholas Arundel, Earl of Hobhouse, T. 11, - Reynolds, John Blake, M. J. Hope, A. Sa.dieir, John Blewitt, Reginald Howard, P. H. Seholetield, W. Brand, Thomas Hutchins, E. J. Scully,Franc.is Butler. P. S. Keating, Robert Simeon, John Clements, C. S. - Keogh, William Smith, John B. Cobden, R. Lawless, Cecil Smythe, G. Corbatly, M. E. M'Cullagh, W. Somers, J. P. Devereux, J. r. Hagan, W. H. Stuart, Lord D. Fagan, William Meagher, Thomas Sullivan, Michael Fagan, James Mahon, O'Gorman Talbot, J. H. Fortescue. Chichester Monsell.,William ' Tancred, H. W. Fox, Richard M. - O'Brien. Sir T. Tenison, E. K. Fox, W. J. O'Connell, John Towneley, John Gibson, T. M. O'Connell, Maurice Trelawny, J. S. Goold, Wyndham O'Connell, M. J. Wall, C. B. Grace, 0. H. , . O'Connor, Feargus Walmsley, Sir I. Grattan, Henry O'Flaherty, Anthony Wegg-Proaser, F. Greene, Joha Oswald, Alexander =usu. Henry, Alexander Power, Dr. G. Roche, E. B. D. Hayworth, L.Moore, G. H. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. . - (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee : That in the case of the Towcester, Brackley, and Weston on-the-Green Turnpike Road petition, for leave to deposit a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to deposit a petition accordingly. That in the case of , the .Buckingham, Brackley, and Ban bury Turnpike Road petition, for leave to deposit a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to deposit a petition accord ingly. That in the case of the General Reversionary and Invest ment Company petition, for leave to deposit a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to deposit a petition accordingly. That in the case of the London and Blackwell Railway (from London and Blackwell Extension Railway to Tilbury, &c.), the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be deposited not later than three clear days after the presentation of this Report, and that an amended plan be forthwith deposited in the Private Bill-office :—That the Committee on the Bill do examine, in the first place, how far such order has bean complied with, and do report the same to the House on the Report of the Bill. Resolutions agreed to. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The undernamed Bills are appointed to be read a second time on Monday, Feb. 17 : Angerstein's Branch Railway. liaggotrath and Sandymount Improvement. Bath Improvement, Markets, Waterworks, and Bath Com mons or Freemen's Estate. Cambridge Waterworks. Cheltenham Improvement and Health. Chorley Waterworks. Commercial Docks Improvement. Dundee and Arbroath Railway. Durham Markets. East Anglian Railways. Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee Railway. Edinburgh Royal Asylum for the Insane. Electric Telegraph Company. .Farmers' Estate Society (Ireland). Great North of Scotland Railway. Great Western Railways (Railways to connect the Birming - barn and Oxford Junction with the London and North - Western Railway at Birmingham, &c.) Hartlepool Freemen's Lands and Harbour Dues. 'Hartlepool Pier and Port (Construction of New Pier, &c.) Hastings Improvement. Hayling Bridge and Causeway. Huddersfield and New Hey District Turnpike Road. Imperial Continental Gas Association. Law Property Assurance and Trust Society. Leeds and Thirsk Railway. Llynvy Valley and Duffryn Llynvi and Porthcawl Railways. London (City) Sewers. Manchester Parish Highways. Musselburgh (Arrangement with Creditors of the Burgh.) Newington St. Mary Parish. New River Company. North British Railway. Burton-upon-Trent, taflordshir e Railway sc.) North S(Extens ions to Derby and North Staffordshire and London an d North-Western Railwa y Companies. Saint Pancras (Middlesex) Paving. Severn Steam Tug Turnpike Company Shrewsbury (No. 1 ). South Wales Rai lira}' and Bridgnorth Roads. Stockton, Middlesbrough, Yam, &c., Waterworks. • St ro ud and Gl o ucester Road. Tees River Conservancy. United Kingdom Electric Telegraph Company. IVarringtan and Altrincharn Junction Railway. W a terford, Wexford, Wicklow, and Dublin Railway. Weston super Mare Improvement and Market. hitby Waterworks Wrexham Improvement. To be good end disagreeable is high treason against virtue.—.Lau i Cook's Journal. Ma. 110 WITT'S NEW WORK, "MADAM DORRING• TON new style of novel-writing has been brought Lefore the public by an author already widely known for worl•s of merit in oth er b ranches of literature —William Howitt. The title of this new effort of his imaginaticrt is "Madame Dorrington, of the Dene; the Story of . a . Life." it.;, it:, chief characteristic, and a very pleasing one 1t peculiarly picturesque description of English provincial in which the old country families, the resident clergy, nvas ivth a and the thriving yeomanry, are brought on th skill that renders the story in which they figure to the eye. most refreshing of rural pictures ever i presente d scarcely fail of be ' "Madame Dorrington, of the Dena, coming a favourite both in town and country.ca one of the ... 1,344 1,330 ... 1,3 44 ... 1,325 Majority for Mr. Barrow ... 19 The contest was very dose. No - feWer than 2,674 voters, iiccording to Lord Newark's Committee, have exercised the franchise the first day, whilst the numbers polled in the two days of the last contest, between the Earl of Lincoln and Mr. llildyard was 2,783, being only 109 more than has now been polled in one day. There are 3, 539 . eltctors on theregister, so thit only 865 voters rema in unpolled this morning, a number that must be liable to considerable diminution frogs& a variety of circumstances. The Nsitingham Journal says there is not the slightest doubt of the return of Lord Newark. THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. The part which Austria has played, and is playing, in the Papal aggression affair, is borne out, to a great ex tent, by what appears in the accredited organ of the Austrian Government. In what our correspondent quotes from the Austrian Lloyd, more is meant thin meets the eye. The journal is afraid to speak out; but enough transpires to indicate the feelings and the con duct of the Austrian Government on the question of Papal aggression in England. . As presumptive evidence of the part which the Cabinet or Vienna has played in this matter, it may be right to direct attention to the fact, that Dr. Wiseman, on receiv ing his double appointment as Cardinal and Archbishop of Westminster, proceeded to Vienna before returning to this country. It is strange that a fact so significant should have been overlooked in all the discussions and controversies which have recently taken place on the subject. Nor was the visit of the newly-appointed Cardinal to Vienna a merely passing or complimentary visit: he remained in the Austrian capital forty-eight hours, during which protracted period—protracted in the peculiar circum stances of the cale—he was in almost uninterrupted rer• Bona communication with Prince Schwartzenberg. There is, therefore, we repeat, taking all the circum stances of the case into consideration, the strongest pre sumptive reasons fur believing that our correspondent is right, when be asserts that Austrian influences are at the bottom of that Papal insolence and these Papal assumptions which have aroused so intense and universal a feeling of in dignation in the United Kingdom. It was not likely,on the taco of matters, that Dr. Wi.eman would have dared to counsel the Roman Pontiff to act as he has done, unless there had been some secret promptings, some private of which the world knows nothing. Even with the counsels and promised support of a foieign power, the step was a bold ore. We may, therefore, readily believe that, without such instigation, we should never have beard of the daring audacity of the Pope. People will naturally ask, what could have been the motives which induced the Government of Vienna to in terfere at all in a matter in which they had no imme diets concern. All the considerations which weighed with Austria, in acting as she has done, will probably never be known, but some of them are easy of com prehension. She is, first of all, a Roman Catholic power. That fact would not be without its weight in disposing her to the course she has adopted. But there are other and still more potential considerations which are no less obvious. The Court of Vienna has not yet forgiven Eng land, and never will forgive her, for the line of conduct which she pursued during the Hungarian war. By identi fying herself with the cause of Hungarian independence, in the noble and manly manner in which she did, England incurred the fierce and imperishable hatred of Austria. That power was not, and is nut, nor will she ever be, in a condition to retaliate openly on this country; but from that hour the Cabinet of Vienna made up its mind to annoy and harass Great Britain in eery possible way, whenever an opportunity should present itself. And Austria reasoned rightly, when she concluded, that no more effectual mode of annoyance to this coun try could be adopted, than to put forward the Roman Pontiff as a virtual rival to her Majesty, for political and ecclesiastical power in these realms. So far Austria has been successful in her schemes. The whole country is incensed and mortified a, the audacity of the Papal pretensions. All classes feel the affront. The indigna tion it has caused is equally shared from the highest to the lowest in the land—from the Sovereign on the throne to the humblest of her subjects. But Austria had other motives still in instigating the imbecile Pontiff of Rome to pursue the course which he has adopted. She knows full well bow exceedingly useful Popery has been to her in carrying out her despotic de signs. The Church of Rome has been an able auxiliary in every tyrannical plan she has formed. She never yet contemplated a measure, having for its object to enthral and debase the mind, in the carrying out of which she might not confidently rely on the zealous co-operation of the Romish Church. That Church has proved, in all countries where she has acquired an ascendancy, the most efficient instrument wirich human ingenuity ever devised, for promoting the objects of political despotism. Austria knows full well, that could Romanism only obtain a footing in the councils of the Sovereign of Great Britain, the political retrogression of the country would not only be certain, but immediate. The backwards process would commence at once, and would proceed at an astound ingly rapid pace, until our country had become as de based and enslaved as Austria herself. Nor is Austria the only continental country that is interested in the in d t e h o e n p fli ro c : watching with profe n u o n t el which is now going on be tween P opery an There e is not a Protes tantism, i n these realleue. despotic Cour t in Europe which is d termination o f the struggle. They know, one pro gress an intensely interest ..eetnh i e n _r t e e r s was to the tri ump h and all, that as it of Protestant principles that we owe the Constitution o f 1 688, so it is continued prevalence of Protestant to the that we are indebted for the preservation of those prin ciples of civil and religious liberty which has made Eng lanedrcd sally n the the greatestworld country, morally, socially , andm co m, i. The people of England, therefore, cannot be too fre eisently or forcibly reminded that The battle which is now waging between them and the legions of Popery involves other than purely religious issues. All our civil liberties, all our raost cherished political rights and privi leges are at stake. We do not despair—we never have de spaired—of th e result. Though the Minister has faltered and failed in th e h our of trial, the country remains true to itself and to its Protestantism. We, therefore, regard the triumph of the latter as certain. The conflict may be protracted a little longer, but it will only be to render the discomfiture of the Popish hosts more complete; it will only be to ensure to Protestantism a more signal victory. —Morning Advertiser. [A DVERTIAEMENT j—A Sufferer from severe Be. bility and a shattered Constitution cured by Holloway's Pills. —Mr. Reintjes Van Veersseen.a merchant. residing at tips.- gen, in Holland, had been suffering for years from a genera l debility ; his strength had become so prostrated that be was eyrfethectl ey ' a sTu re Pe-iel m e ans —fold in grati tude for which bles sin g he desir es that publicity be given to it, that others may s eek relief b quite incapable of attending t o an y kind of business ; his con stitution was rapidly giving way, notwithst an di ng the efforts of the cleverest medic al Dien to arrest the decline. At this hcrisishiselaielthcomanmdesntreeendgttah akinrge HollowaypollowAy's E sta bli s h ment,2 4 4. Strand, ruSi London. t6 ' and at Professor ti ---- - LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY..-..The accounts of the London and North-Western Company were issued yesterday in anticipation of the half-yearly meeting on Friday next. They are extremely minute, and being divided into classes, the exact financial position of the com pany may readily be ascertained. The general balance sheet shows a disposable surplus profit, upon the half-year, a 678,6981. 16s. 10d. The proposed dividend on the consoli dated stock is 5i per cent., and on tl4 other shares in pro— portion ; and it wilt absorb 52-,;;407/. 1351 5d., leaving a ,ba lance to the credit Of th e current 12411%3-tarot 131,ML 35.