The Sun. — London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

GnSettatej.not only did not tender, but I . expres . sed my dis opinion that, at the present time, a dissolution was im- Pc,s?ible. I have already stated the circumstances under tnich the letter I now hold in my hand was written. Her f l aiesty said that she presumed I should have no otjectiou b.:t_shat had taken place between her Majesty and myself stated to Lord John Russell, to whom she was about to give 1 10 ,. audience; and shortly after I arrived at my own statement in compliance with her Majesty's desire, I sent . this I,`atetaent of what had taken place to her Majesty, in order _Prevent the possibility of any misconception. Now reports, • see, are industriously circulated, that before I had sent i° what Was assumed to be my resignation, namely, this aoiernent of facts, her Majesty had either sent for other sera, or that Lord John Russell had, wholly uncalled for, ;:. I _ l t himself upon her Majesty's attention. Tne facts 4111:e, that at half-past four o'clock I communicated to her Jesty my desire to be relieved from taking office ; at half- DaSt five o'clock Lord J. Russell was sent for to the palace ; ;id at half -past six this statement of what had taken ate ', was, by her Majesty's desire, communica'ed to Lord -.di Russell. I mention these facts, in order that it may Sot b e her supposed by any portion of . . the public that ther ajesty communicated with one Minister, while ano . Person who had been charged with the responsibility att e • . inPting to form a Government had not resigned that tak t4 : o , ,a,nd that, on the other hand,. Lord . John Russell had t est . me presumptuous step of forcing himself upon the at met,lan f the Sovereign while negotiations were goin with ad another person whom her Majesty had . intrusted we t it! of forming an Administration. I might here stop, ar Is the personal explanations which I am able to make et: concerned pr ; but I annot do so in the esent sloe of political affairs, a. a without adverting f few moments I:me of those leading topics which appear at this time to =se nt an in supera b le obstacle to the un i on of pu b l i c men. Ih s a , tl t am mortified-th a t I f ee l it as a mo r tifi ca ti o n-that _ oo 'men unable to f orm a G overnme nt whi c h could carry risfactorily the affairs of the country, I will not pretend e s ti Y; but I trust your Lordships will not suppose that I rtai n ward s any hostility, apart from political differences, to ever k tnose to whom I am politically - opposed. I may, how- , b ut ' permitted to express my regret, not upon persona' in u P° ll public grounds, that I was unsuccessful in fo h rm; V e ' s 4 , 11 Administration which might, I think, .av Ll)Oat to a satisfactory issue two or threeim mepant questions which appear to be the great stumbling at the present moment. It may be presumptive in my . s ay so ; I might, perhaps, have been deceived in • atePectations ; but, having no object in concealment,. ti ts . Plinking that a frank declaration of opinion at this to - , ts 'flitn public men-(Hear, hear)-may not be injurious ha s fm : , country or to the possible successors of one who the fame country in framing an . Administration, I will step out of shoal remary course, which, under other circumstances, I L ad Pursue, and will frankly state the course which, if I lea 4 e st Ye e, n enabled to form a Ministry, I should have felt it . tisee .aesirable to adopt with respect to these important too n t , 1 " 8 --with reference to the financial condition of the with reference-as combined with the financial on _ to the relief of agricultural distress, and with re- V; to that all-important question which has been stated Poin t 7 Noble Friend above me to have been the main " saini upon which h e f oun d it impossible to form an Ad ration. I b eg i n, t h en, b y sa yi n g, that financially on e to tQ be a n o bj ect not on l y o f v it a l imp& rtance but pled' Which th e f a ith f successive Ministries has been d t e r, that the income-tax should not be permitted e itte.into pm tax.-(Hear, hear.) In 184 . . Si m r p e reel introduced that tax. He introduced it for a limited tim r to ' with the express declaration . . that it was to enable t aunt deal with other portions of the financial system of the r Y in a mode which he hoped would raise the revenue to t hat qualit Y with the expenditure, and he pledged himself sl .. ase at t f b re, expiration of that period the income-tag should teen Nuear, hear.) Without that pledge there is not . a 184 2, ' 7 ing who believes that the House of Commons, m t. t as would have consented to the imposition for an hurt. o 4. whi c h 13 f Ws, has always been held to be the resource in time tirtie-"ofGlestr, bear)-which has always been deprecated in plea Peace, Peace, and which, take it as you will, levy it as you • N tr i o,, , l i nust be full of anomalies and inconvenience, pressing eo ts „"., eiY,upon different classes of the community with a rers,,"eated injustice that no modification can altogether th e t - l!e• Sir Robert Peel anticipated, when he proposed ie th ‘a, that it would be continued for five years; but, fore first instance, he asked Parliament to sanction it vroaidree noteyars, expressing his assurance that Parliament the refuse to continue it for the remainder of Shoof,tiae.cluring which he believed it would be necessary, Veil. ',circumstances prove that the system was king teas Pro P°s ad, was a period, as your Lordships will recollect, Stro h ° " e ePest distress, following immediately upon the dis- It ' o 4s Year 1 847 ; and, to maintain the credit of the country, • erriv •absolutely necessary to continne it. But we have now fir st at a very different state of things. We have, in the Vllth llls .„%ance, a surplus of two millions and a-half to deal try 7e have a state of general prosperity in the coun ahosr,i! no not wish to deny the existence of that prospelity, t I fear I see indications in some quarters that it is 4 .ora ti Vennanent or as fully established as some of your 4 , 1 Rea. iPs I naY imagine. But, when the country is in a state 4,500,1,1,ai Prosperity, when we have a surplus revenue of tim e '2 l . and at the expiration of nine years from the 'arth e : a en the i ncome - tax was i mpose d, I hold that a ' either re newal of that tax, without any security taken Vir t j for , its modification or abolition, would be ItpesatiY de claring that the income-tax shall be saddled too , loaf co untry for ever.-(Hear.) When I remember, I t the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared in his aity'L e e that there were various other classes of the cornmu arieds7 Well entitled to relief as the class which paid the had dill ies, and that he stated that when he had disposed orid . raper duties, the tea duties, and the tobacco duties, and Prep`a(rltialized the system ot taxation generally, he would be ini ns , e l to deal with the income-tax, I think it is not a!i k_i'lottie'd much to suppose, that if Parliament had again • 'ming l iken for renewal of the income-tax without any steps t e sta -- e`,.en , for its limitation, they would virtually have n:ri s for e t t i a l ` tax upon the country permanently. A short time sa ,.. 4t° ° ( - 1 t L i ntroduction of the Budget it was generally d o f to - the intention of Ministers to renew the incorn 1 / ,_ ll 1t ,., --at alteration, and there was a very general feeling ,_"ae e e L at t of many persons in favour of au opposition to * tt ,""a '" e - tax, while they demanded the total abolition of th at / 1 . 44 0 w duties. I took the liberty of stating at that time enaiti„""er Would were a arty to any step or measure . in op ' Bov e ° n Which, if Icharged with the responsibility of ' colt - .Meat, I di d not see my n' way towards being able to ac- Wi • -- ear, h ear)-and, believing that the credit of he ot os y would not at thi s moment bear the entire abolition aurl% income tax, I stated (fist I would not support a mest- Nc..Ythi7.l would lea ve a d eficiency of at least 2,500,0001. in ' th:i e venue. I was, however, of opinion that a course i ale st g he taken decl aratory of the determination of Par ia- Of th to deal with the income-tax as rapidly as the state toee national finances would allow, and that its reduction i ld net be rendered a matter of impossibility by . fritterfng tstfe,rerY surplus as it arose. I believe that, without in n Ovith the credit of the country, dealing with the tax:* surplus, without attempting to alter or reduce other Net ro (a fs we understood), i n th e course o f thi s y ear a reduc istottom one-third to one-half in the amount of the lesi4 -t aX might safely and beneficially be effected. I was it self t : that Parliament should, by some resolution, pledge d e not a gradttai reduction of the income-tax, with a mtyh abolition, and I shoull have been prepared, if the by kan devolved upon me, to recommend Parliament to grant aa - e 11 . t t , 114 renewal of "that tax as would reduce its amount . 4) 1 , Plea,, ui rd or one-half, and I should have been prepared 'uountl e myself that any surplus revenue that might arise hd fi n n , the first instance be applied towards the reduction 'alai -a' extinction of that tax. But I may go further, for a ltt leaat eta l t e now that which I was not justified in stating ,,-PPest , 4 did not feel called upon to state-in answer to an got ts ,,,, , , t ninte to me a few nights ago by a Noble Lord who is L l Plein"i r , Pt esents I will take this opportunity, therefore, of Yie s , - .g to Your Lordships, fairly and frankly, what are and intentions on the subject of agricultural ds- 14 la n d ; hold it to be an admitted and undisputed fact t h at d 11 4 it • ` I at this moment the only suffering interest, ?.n • . de seri • la nous • othtis ring under an amount of taxation of va P er e l," far exceeding the amount which falls . upon of t b e of the community. I believe also - and it will Me inel'tadieted l think; by any one • that the result tae e-ur e of 1846 for the total repeal of the corn-laws, h . tt g.ltnrestricted introduction of foreign corn, as e -ett neon prices tar more extensive than was ex extenaive than was desired and more extensive . 1 4111 Possibly have been anticipated by the framers of ef. tll e4(ll. W hen the corn-laws were repealed, it was asserted eiTates,roured to be proved, that, under ordinary circum aitl)deeirairi the State of foreign markets, the price of corn t of ter Bg. °ll an average, fall below 48s. We now see it . a th o mani ner ;; and, with no desire to check the free exercise b .% /11 with no desire to reverse the general policy of Inertial ' • • r e i. , epo s i nn , 83 stem introduced by Sir It. Peel, I . say that, the° cor n -6 a moderate duty upon the importation of fo b, tnb ot Yon might raise a very considerable revenue . for ,ZR pri e . r .Y, while you would not materially raise the exist . •12„.,,,Atyysn'i°1 Produce to the consumer-(Hear, bear)-but bY the acquisition of a duty of 1,500,000/ or .7 1 4 eb• enable the Government more rapidly to effect r th e J e tt to which I have referred as of great advantage !ak. rloraunity at large-the extinction of the income ' aPra st u o not hesitate therefore, to say that if it were o found kat eti leable, / think it would be, to effect such corn ' k l Pott ' a l of the system of taxation as to place all classes r -e e•tral Perfect , then, according to the best ' ree.tr-s.e authorities, it is not adverse to the principle of At ted ale to imPose, in favour of the class which is sub , a n to en undue share of burdens, countervailing duties to Im beli e p unt sufficient to meet those burdens-(Hear)- and I that o by th e i m Position of a moderate duty upon the Ot t f corn and t of taxation provisions yoa might raise such an as, at the close , of the year after this, 414 1 enable the country _altogether, and I trust for ever, to • th e the income-tax. 1 venture to say that that relief of financest,_ of the country, and the removal of that pressure 7iation, Would infinitel and immeasurably exceed any t ade e u e trifling alteration i Y a the price of food-And trifling must,be-wuich could touch the consumer. I do S4NIL ant to en tee upon the general question. I express my ,o_l?inion that the question ot Protection, or, if you le on e the question-of the unrestricted import of provisions, tee % _which must be settled by the country - (Cheers) - Nan It 'd for ever-(Renewed ch . eering)--whenever an ap the h l % made to the country for its decision. I cannot take ;tan lea r s r t °sent policy as more than an experiment - (Hear! 4,`,4r5)-in the course of being carried out. Should ors)-in election prove that the sense of the country is isiZ . our of the perfectly unrestricted import of all pro toestrais unaccompanied by those duties which in other titles " are imposed for purposes of revenue upon all oast t ' a nd Which in this country are imposed, and to a 4 04 kxtent, upon articles of prime necessity for consump the o"arilly inferior to that of bread • elf ay, if that be IwhaillittivnelOtnh:fre country at the nex i t ts eleCtion, s I for one, and majority of your Lordships and of Parliament, coesTtesPectfully bow to that expression of the sense of the entry 'oe Hear, and cheers) But until I see that ex res eeet the feeling of the try, when I find that hePpre „ se at _ an tent is working an "' amount of evil far reat t er than a atiti -- " c iPated by its o ponents -certainly gr g eater than I att e Patea m P o ur yse f, I cannot as an honest man abandon the t , re 41.1.0 relieve the exisitng distress by the imposition of -e°e lab e „ a _t.e import duty upon corn. We have been told that " 4 , o er, I,,""tig classes in the agricultural districts are well off. some counties and districts distress has not reached • in, la bour mi i e r soon as it has touched his employer; but it is heiefor bourers to continue in a state of prosperity , employer dim rush daily, weekly, and hourly e - T r ln tiossib Nal dimis and his means awiedle .f awai, ei t ' e r all e tk _as it . is for iver to supplied.c.ontinto flow feel y h o rt u t „nletcy i ue ,s o Prings by which . it la ° ti on (? to your Lordships, particulrly upon such l A Pe f ra „, , a ‘, B thie, for venturing to state incid . entally, but ;`oub le ,`,"'zi, the views I entertain, and the policy which un "iltitleluitto.trrisoiiilitoeouahltel pursue. I have . no . des . ire to reverse the Reber Peel. To modify it in those cases in ,Z! if* end ion would, I think, largely recruit the re errve the m r a ule you to take off unjust taxes, as I con co the, to be, might not injure the consumer, and might ‘7 o l33 4 ll ,,,' " i t e l i t ° t g li r e e of . that ruin which I . foresee rapidly tnei,now 0 most important class of this country. One ale t te e o aFttPrri t i s n t d il has portant question of Papal aggression. stated his strong conviction . that no 6 ,,torL, tt l i ug reii should b.e. adopted now, or at any time, for .eri en n•Y tha- g wua opinion. No man can feel that more t b,__ . d. or more entirely concur with my Noble e,;'‘itior t of ''""u ici be the last man to consent to the intro ". 4 falloe f .` n y Measure which would deprive any portion of couut,— eauon of .the free and full exercise of their THE SUN, LONDON, religions opinioas, end the free and full performance of their religous duties. But. I must draw a di ,Linction bet ween penal laws directed against, religious opinions and Parliamen tary legishe ion directed against forei en usurp stion.— tr. hear.) I know n.,t whether the Pope ::nil hie eelissaries have violated the law or not, but L , rd John Russell, e; his celebrated letter, declared his intention to ascertain from the law officers of the Crown whether the law had been violated, and stated that if it had not been violated he would propose no amendment of the law. I think the act of the Pope, in itself of minor importance, was renderel infinitely more im portant by the insulting tone and offensive manner in which it was, in the first instance, introduced—announced as the act of an authority claiming jurisdiction over the realm of England, and assuming to interfere with the undoubted rights and prerogatives of the Crown and with the indepen dence of Parliament. I think that was a proceeding which it was impossible, consistently with the dignity of the Crown and of Parliament, to pass over—( Hear, hear)—but I cannot say I approve of the mode in which it has been sought to meet that insult. I cannot but think that the measure which has been introduced by the Government bears upon the face of it the marks of passion and of haste rather than of mature and calm consideration ; and for my own part I con fess, if that were to be the extent of the legislation contem plated by the advisers of the Crown, I think with my Noble Friend above me that it would be better not to legislate at all than to legislate ineffectually. A strong feeling of indig nation has been raised on the part of the Protestant portion of the community, vast indignation has been excited among the Roman Catholics, and after all a measure is introduced which will, I fear, be practically altogether inoperative. If the law had not been violated, I think the offence would have been more aptly met by a resolution of both Houses of Par liament, declaring in the first 'instance the unconstitutional character of the aggression, not recognizing the validity of titles which were assumed to be conferred, and declaring that in virtue of those titles the holders or assumed holders of them had neither precedence nor authority of any kind within this realm. My Noble Friend above me may not feel disposed to go so far as this. I think the Bill of the Govetnment does not touch the real danger. I think it touches the insult, and it touches it ineffectually; but the real danger is this—the gradual growth and encroachment of the power of the Pope, and of the prelates acting under his authority, in interfering with matters not purely and strictly religious—(Hear, hear)—and in assuming to themselves powers which, if not in violation of the law of the land, are at variance with that law. While I contend that religious freedom ought to be strictly guaranteed, I say, on the other hand, that Papal aggression ought to be as strenuously resisted now as it was resisted in the days of our ancestors—( Hear, hear)—but I frankly say that I am not prepared to legislate upon this subject at the present moment. I do not think the amount of information before us as to the facts of the case justifies us in legislating, and this is a question of all others upon which, if you do legislate, you must legislate deliberately, upon full information, and in such a manner as to make your legislation effective. I believe the law is in a most anomalous state on this subject. The re cent amendments of the law have left, in this case, the ab surdity that it is declared high treason to introduce a bull or rescript from Rome, yet, though the offence is declared to be treason, the penalty is altogether taken away, and the law is thus rendered wholly inoperative. There are various assumptions of power in this country on the part of Roman Catholics with which it is right that Parliament and the country should be acquainted. For example, what effect will the fact of the Roman Catholics bishops being enabled to meet in synod have upon the binding character of their enactments? Do they, by acting in an organized body, ob tain an authority recognised by all Roman Catholics as a legislative authority, which when they are not so acting they do not possess? If so, the question becomes of im • portance, net whether there shall be a Roman Catholic bishop of Birmingham, but whether there shall be in this country an imperium in imperio, a body of men acting in synod, and passing laws which, enforced by the most awful of all penalties—the spiritual censures of the Church, have a power over a vast portion of the Roman Catholic popu lation superior to that of the law of the land? In 1829 the Roman Catholic Relief Act introduced various restric tions which were called at the time securities for Pro testants. That measure required that registers should be kept of the members of all religious communities, and sub jected to banishment persons who were not so registered. Is that a power which it is necessary to possess ? If it is necessary to possess it, why is it not exercised ? If it is not intended to be exercised, why does it remain upon your statute-book? We must, since 1829, have connived at the gradual encroachments of the Roman Catholic Church. We have shut our eyes to her encroachments on the law, but we have shut our e) es intentionally. We should take care that there shall be no connivance at such encroachments, — that there shall be no alternative between that which we prohibit and that which we distinctly allow. I think it un just and unwise to prohibit by law that which you mean to permit in practice. I conceive that there are grade questions depending upon the position of Roman Catholics in this country with regard to the rights of their own Church, to the disposition of property, and the manner in which trust property is held for Roman Catholic purposes. I think it is a subject for inquiry how religious houses of va rious descriptions are carried on in this country; and it is a grave question whether all religious houses should not be subjected to the power of visitation, in order that it may be ascertained that no persons are retained within them con trary to the law of the land. But upon the whole of this question relative to the position of the Roman Catholic popu lation, with regard to this State and to a foreign power, I believe that Parliament and the country are equally ill informed. If it be necessary that Roman Catholics should have communications upon purely spiritual questions with Rome, I say, do not shut your eyes to the fact that these communicat ons take place; permit such communications as may be necessary for purely religious purposes, but at the same time effectually prevent any proceedings which interfere with the civil rights of her Majesty's subjects. This is a subject which ought to be dealt with upon a great scale, temperately, deliberately, and upon full information ; and the loss of one, or even of two years, if it were necessary. would be an evil of little magnitude compared with the evil of dealing hastily and ineffectually, passionately, and in an irritating manner, with this great and important question, the chief evils and dangers of which you leave wholly untouched by your legislation. I have recommended that, in both Houses of Parliament inquiries should take place as to the actual relation in which the Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen stand towards foreign powers and their own prelacy. I would advise that this subject should be fully investigated, the present anomalies of the law really exposed, and amend ments of the law suggested for the consideration of Parlia • ment ; and, though I know the difficulties of dealing with such a subject, I believe it would not be impracticable to in troduce measures which should secure this country from the interference and usurpation of a foreign power, and at the same time should not take from, but add to, the religious freedom of our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, and place the Roman Catholic laity in a condition far more satisfac tory to themselves than that in which they are at present— under the uncontrolled domination of the bishops and ' clergy of their Church. I feel, my Lords, how greatly 1 ought to apologize for having detained you at this length. I have failed in the task which the favour of my Sovereign assigned me; but I have been placed in a position of great difficulty, as, indeed, difficulties exist on all sides, arising out ' of the three or four complicated questions to which I have alluded, that keep apart men between whom, upon other ques tions, there may be comparatively little difference of opinion. However little authority I may pretend to, I was anxious that my views should not be misinterpreted, and I trust your Lordships will not think that I have unduly trespassed upon your time in making a full and frank declaration of the course of policy which, if I had been called to office, I should have ventured to recommend. I trust you will be of opinion that on the one band I have not been unduly ambi tious of power, and that, on the other hand, you will think that I have neither unduly shrunk from responsibility nor pertinaciously persevered in attempting to form a Govern ment when I saw it was impracticable. And I hope, above all, that you will not see in any part of the course I have pursued anything which would be discreditable to my mo tives, or derogatory from that fair character which I hold to be the most inestimable possession of any statesman. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE.--I will not follow the Noble Lord through the various topics to which he has alluded in the course of his speech, but I am desirous of cor recting some misapprehension with respect to my description of what passed between the Noble Lord and her Majesty. What I said was, that the Noble Lord having been sent fbr by her Majesty, and having been supposed to have been sent for to undertake the task of forming an Administration, the Noble Lord had left her Majesty, stating that he was not then prepared to undertake that task ; and, if I am not much mistaken, I laid a considerable emphasis on the word " then," being aware that that did not apply to the impossibility of undertaking the task under other circum stances. That was the state of things—the Noble Lord was not then prepared ; and, in conse quence o f hi s not being then prepared, my Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) was sent for, who would not have been sent for if the Noble Lord had been so prepared ; and, .my Lords, upon that I thought it would have been travelling out of my part if I attempted to do that for the Noble Lord which he would soon after wards have the opportunity of doing for himself, namely— on behalf of the Noble Lord, to develop and explain what were the particular circumstances which then prevented him from undertaking the task of forming an Administration. I am extremely glad he has had the opportunity now. I was aware that opportunity would soon afterwards present itself; but I am bound to say the Noble Lord has availed himself of it in a manner and in a spirit, and with a manliness of purpose, that does honour to him in the explanation he has made.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, having set that matter right, I must refer for one moment to one most important topic of the speech of the Noble Earl who spoke immediately after me. In the course of the explanation by that Noble Earl he has thought it necessary to advert, at more length than I should have expected he would have done on this occasion, not only to the circumstance— which is quite correct—of the difference of opinion on the subject of the Roman Catholic Bull having been the chief, if not the only difference, which has occurred between him and my Noble Friend Lord J. Russell ; but, in stating that difference, he has proceeded at some length to characterize the measure proposed by my Noble Friend in the other House of Parliament. I could not sit still in this place and hear that measure so characterized without protesting against the justice of the character he has given to that measure. lam distinctly anxious to state, that whereas the Noble Earl has described that measure as one of a penal character against the Roman Catholic religion,-1 am not sure be did not introduced the word " persecution," a word which I hope was uttered in an unguarded moment, but I have only to state it was as far from the thought of my Noble Friend,—l am sure it was as far from my thought as it was from that of the Noble Earl,—to introduce or to carry any measure the effect of which should be to direct penal consequences against the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion. I feel, and those who have thought with me feel, that such a measure might be necessary under the circumstances of that insult which has been offered to the Crown and to the people of this countrv—to pass some enactment vindicating the honour of the Jrown and the in dependence of the country. I nevertheless think we ought to continue and tolerate the Roman Catholic religion, and that to interf ore with its exercise by enactment would be a gross injustice and absurdity, and attended with the worst of consequences.—(Hear, hear.) I will not now enter into the provisions of that Bill, but I will say that the ground upon which it was introduced was simply that of protecting this country against foreign influence (Hear, hear) — that foreign influence making use of the Roman Catholic religion as an instrument (Hear, hear)—and the intention with which—l an not saying whether properly executed or not—but the intention with which the measure was intro duced was to protect the Protestants and Roman Catholics— (Hear)—the Protestant laity and Roman Catholic laity.,.. against intervention on the part of the Pope which had been shown to be mischievous and dangerous before, and might be mischievous and dangerous again. - (Hear.) That is the distinction I wish to make ; far from having at any time wished to debar persons professing the Roman Catholic re ligion in England or in Ireland from any of their privileges, or any of those powers which are necessary to that exercise, I shall feel it my duty at all times to facilitate that exercise, and to protect that religion.—(Hear.) But, at the same time that I do this, I feel it a duty incumbent en the Crown and Parliament to defend the prerogative of the Crown when that is openly attacked, and to mai n tain the independence of , the country from foreign auth or ity, d o minion, or influence whatever.—(Hear, hear.) Whenever a discussion on that subject shall take place, I wish it should take place with that protest nil My part of what I our sure was the object of the late Government, and of a great majority of both Houses of Parliament - to resent an insult on the Crown, and in no way to interfere with the exercise of religion—(Hear, b , 2ar ) and I may state here, that independently of that dispositt'al which ncy Noble Friend late at the head of t he Govern ment naturally felt in his intercourse with the Noble Earl and his Right Honourable Friend on this subject, he was prepared, independently of that wish, to make such altera tion in that Bill which, while it attained its object of a distinct declaration against that foreign invasion, should at the same time remove any m i s apprehension which might possibly be entertained in this country or in Ireland, as to its possible effect on the exercise of the Roman Catholic re ligion and the full enjoyment of every Roman Catholic pri vilege by those authorities by whom alone the Roman Ca. tholic religion can be carried on. Ido not wish to go into the various topics to which the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) has referred, but my Noble Friend near me re• minds me of one point upon which it is necessary to correct a misapprehension, a misbelief rather, on the part of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord said there was strong reason to suppose that, independently of the want of support of the other House of Parliament, other considerations had pre vailed with the late advisers of her Majesty in the course they had taken of resigning. I beg to say it was entirely owing to that want of support, as evinced, not upon one occasion, or of an accidental vote which took place at an early hour in another House—it was a general absence of that support in the other House, and no difference of opinion amongst our selves, which induced us to take that course.—(Hear.) Lord; STANLEY—What I said was, I could not divest myself of the opinion that, independently of the two circum stances referred to, namely,—the smallness of the majority on Mr. Disraeli's motion, and the subsequent defeat on Mr. Locke King's motion, there were other questions upon which the difficulties were so great,—the fear of opposition from their own supporters was so great that, independently of thcse two questions of Papal aggression and the Budget, it had largely entered into their consideration in inducing the Noble Lord to resign,—an event that took place so suddenly that, if I am not mistaken, the Noble Marquis was out of town at the time; the Noble Earl near him, if I am not mis taken, received the information while he was in the City that the Cabinet of which he was a member no longer existed— (A laugh)—and the Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal, al though a near relative of the Noble Lord, was as little ac quainted with the intention of the Cabinet as he was with the Pope's intention—(Great laughter)—and that the Noble Lord, when he wrote to the Queen announcing his intention to resign, had not consulted his Noble Relative.—(Hear). After a few words from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, in which he merely stated that he was out of town at the time referred to by the Noble Lord, Their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 28. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The interior of the House presented the same appear ance as on Monday evening; the benches below and above the bar were crowded with Hon Members, as were also the side galleries. NEW MEMBERS. _ Col. GILPIN took the oaths and his seat for Bedford shire. Sir G. TYLER also took the oaths and his seat for Glamorgan.' h ire. METROPOLITAN MARKETS BILL. Mr. CHILDERS moved the second reading of this Bill. Alderman SIDNEY moved that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. After a short conversation the House was cleared for a division, but suboequen►ly the Bill was postponed until this day week. PETITIONS. _ Colonel FREESTUII;;;;;eI a petition from the Catholics of Weymouth against the Papal Aggres sion Bill. Mr. FAGAN also presented several similar petitions. Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY presented 40 peti tions from the secular clergy of the Roman Catholic Church in this country, and several petitions from other parties, against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Mr. MONSELL presented several petitions to the same effect. Mr. SULLIVAN also presented similar petitions. Mr. STUART presented a petition praying that the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill might not be extended to Scotland. Mr. ROCHE presented a great number of petitions from the county of Cork against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Mr. HENLEY presented a petition from a place in Oxfordshire against the admission of Jews into Parlia ment. Mr. HASTIE presented a petition from Glasgow in favour of the abolition of the window-tax. Mr. REYNOLDS presented a large number of pe titions from places in Ireland against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and several petitions from the Dublin news paper proprietors, praying for the repeal of the duty on paper. Mr. KEOGH presented a petition from Meath against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Sir Joshua Walmsley, from Bolton; by Sir E. Buxton, from Essex; Mr. Sadlier, from Carlow; and Mr. Scholefield, from Birmingham. Mr. W. WILLIAMS and Mr. B. OSBORNE presented petitions praying for the repeal of the paper duty. Mr. CHRISTOPHER and Colonel SIBTIIORP presented petitions from places in Lincolnshire complaining of agricultural distress. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Seaham against the Mercantile Marine Bill; also seven petitions against the Bible monopoly. A great number of petitions w ere presented against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. MINISTERIAL CRISIS. STATEMENT OF LORD J. RUSSELL. Shortly after fire o'clock, Hon. Members who had notices of i;totion having postponed them, the orders of the day were then called on. On the motion for the second reading of the Ecclesi astical Titles Assumption Bill, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, amid the most profound silence, rose and said—Sir, in moving the postpone ment of this order of the day, I will take the opportunity of stating to the House what has occurred since I asked them on Monday to adjourn to this day. Before Ido so I think it necessary to notice a contradiction to a statement which I made on Monday last.—(Great cheering.) I then stated that Lord Stanley having been sent for by the Queen had stated to her Majesty that he was not then prepared to form a Government, and that I was then required to repair to Buckingham Palace. I received a contradiction to that statement in terms very peremptory, and in a manner nut very courteous. I feel it due to my own honour to state, in the first place, that nothing was further from my intention than to misrepresent the conduct of Lord Stanley. For that Noble Lord I have the greatest possible respect. I have fought in Parliamentary matters side by side with him —(Cheers,—l have fought face to face against him.—(Cheers) In all times and in every situation I have had occasion to admire his spirit, his courage, and his honour.—(Great cheering.) Therefore I should be sorry indeed if anything which fell from me did not give a correct representation of what that Noble Lord had stated.—(Cheers.) The House will recollect that it was not then my duty to go into detail, not to relate particular circumstances, and not, above all, to narrate what had come to my know ledge of conversation, but yet to state clearly what appeared to me to be the general result of all that had occurred.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite ne cessary that I should state a reason why, after having once taken leave of my Sovereign, I was again required to repair to the palace ; that it was necessary is obvious frOm the various statements circulated—statements, some of them previously to the Hon. Gentleman's con tradiction, and some of them subsequent—(Cheers) —which represented that Noble Lord as anxious to form a Government, and myself as having endeavoured to force myself into the presence of my Sovereign, when that Noble Lord was engaged in that task.—(Cheers.) And what, Sir, then occurred? His Royal Highness Prince Albert wrote to me a letter on Saturday after noon, and by the permission of her Majesty, and also of his Royal Highness, I will now read it to the House.—(Hear, hear.) " Lord Stanley has, after a, conversation with her Majesty, declined to undertake the formation of a Government at present, until it should be clear no other Government could be formed. The Queen has sent for Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and wishes to see you immediately." —(Hear.) I could, Sir, do no other, on receiving that letter, than conclude that Lord Stanley had declined for the present to form a Government—(Loud cheers) — until it was found that no other Government could be formed ; and I ask whether there was any misre presentation in stating, two days after receiving this letter, that Lord Stanley was not prepared at that time to form a Government—l used the words "not then prepared?"—(Loud cheers.) Sir, every one who has been admitted to the presence of her Majesty is aware of the courtesy, of the memory and of the precise truth of everything which falls from her (Loud cheers) —but, Sir, though I received from her Majesty an account of what passed at her interview with Lord Stanley, I do not rest solely on her Majesty's statement, but I rest on the statement of the interview which Lord Stanley sent to her Majesty in the course of the same evening, and of which she has permitted me to read extracts which bear on the point in question. And let me ob serve, that if I state these particulars to the House, it is in consequence of the contradiction of the Honourable Gentleman opposite.—(Great cheering.) Now he asked whether those extracts did not bear out his statement that Lord Stanley was not pre• pared to form a Government ? Lord Stanley thus reports to the Queen what he had stated in her pre- seace : " After stating to your Majesty the position of the three main parties into winch the House of Commons is divided, Lord Stanley observed, that the policy of the present Administration bad met with the general ap proval a n d su pp or t of the most distinguished men of the party which adhered to the late Sir R. Peel, and that they had never yet met with a defeat from Lord Stan ley's political friends; that a very important member of that party, Sir J. Graham, bad publicly deolared his opinion of the necessity of closing their ranks to resist the presumed policy of Lord Stanley's friends; and as yi) ur Majesty had been pleased ,to inform him that no mmunicution had been made to any one previous to thi at with which your Majesty honoured him, he ven tut ed to suggest that, in the first instance, your Majesty sh( uld ascertain whether it wore not possiole to air( ngthen the present Government, or partially to rect .nstruct it by a cumbirration with those who, not now holding office. concurred in the opinions of thosis who do, and profes►ed their opinion of the necei city of union; that, failing such a combination, a portion of that third party might be willing to combine with Lord Stanley, whose difficulties in such a case would be greatly diminished; that if it should ap pear that both of these arrangements were impracticable, and if personal considerations stood in the way of the formation of a Government of those whose opinions ap peared to prevail in the House of Commons, Lord Stan ley, not undertaking the extreme difficulties which he would have to encounter, would, if honoured with your Majesty's confidence, prefer any responsibility, and even the chance of failure and loss of reputation, to that of leaving your Majesty and the country without a Go vernment; and he added, that he believed an Adminis tration formed under such circumstances would be more likely to meet with support, even from moderate oppo nents of their views, than one which should be hastily formed without giving time to show the practicability of a different arrangement." I ask the House whether these passages do not bear out my statement that Lord Stanley was not then prepared to form a Government? —(Hear, hear.) At the close of his letter Lord Stanley says:— " He feels highly honoured by being allowed to submit to your Majesty unreservedly his whole views, and while he would be sorry that this paper should fall into any other hands than those of your Majesty, he has that entire confidence in Lord John Russell's honour, that he is sure no ungenerous use will h• made of any portion of it which your Majesty may see fit to communicate to him." I have the gratification of being able to state, that after I made my statement in this House Lord Stanley, while he informs me that he does not agree in that statement, does not wish to qualify i n t h e l east d egree t h e l east portion of his letter. It is satisfactory to me to be able to make this statement to the House, and to say that the extracts I have read to the House have been read with the entire consent of Lord Stanley; indeed, Lord Stanley wished them to be read in any statement which I might make.—(Hear, hear.) I have now to state, that having been desired by her Majesty to con struct an Administration, and at her Majesty's -re quest I obtained interviews with both Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and I feel it right to say, that no personal consideration stood in the way of the formation of a Government com posed of those whose opinions appeared to prevail in the House of Commons. If Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham bad concurred in the formation of a Govern ment, I believe that no personal consideration would have stood in their way.—(Hear.) With respect to the several points of public importance on which we de liberated, liberated, although th ere w as net any perfect agreement, yet there did not seem to be such a diversity of opinion as might not by further commu nication have been removed. There was one question— the Papal aggression —on which it appeared impos sible that we could agree. I think it quite necessary to proceed with that BilL— (Loud cheers.) Lord Aber deen told me that he thought respecting the late aggression on this country no legislation at all was ne cessary. Upon that point there was so wide a difference of opinion that it was evident that no Government could possibly be formed by the coalition of such parties.— (Hear, hear.) I again repaired to Buckingham Palace ,and informed her Majesty of the difficulty which had oc3 curred, and laid before her a full statement of the state of affairs. The effect of that information to the Queen was that her Majesty's desire led to a communication with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon (Sir J. Graham), with the hope that I might be able, with his assistance, to reconstruct the Government by such an infusion of new strength as would give force and efficiency to the Ministry.—(lieu, hear.) I was led to this course by old associations, by the recollection of the political aptitude which the Right Hot. Baronet so emi nently possesses, and further still, if I may be permitted to state so much to the House, by the ties of old and long-continued friendship. We were agreed on most of the great topics of public affairs, and f did think that if an interview was fairly conducted we might come to some general accord upon subjects on which a difference of feeling prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) The interview was abortive, and I was therefore again obliged to re sign the commission for the formation of a Government with which her Majesty had been ',leased to honour me.—(Hear, hear.) Yesterday evening I was informed that her Majesty had received Irons Lord Stanley the resignation of his commission, which I have read to the House. Placed under that difficulty, her Ma jesty has, most wisely, as I think, sent for an old friend of the Crown, who is not snore eminent for his distinguished services abroad and for the glory of his military achievements—(Loud and long continued cheering) that he is for his wisdom in civil affairs, and his respect for the constitution of the country (the Duke of Welling ton). —(Repeated cheers from all sides of the House.) I trust that I have said enough to assure the House that the representation of the Right Hononourable Gen tleman the Member fur Bucks (Mr. Disraeli), that Lord Stanley was prepared to form a Government was incorrect,—(Hear and cheers; and cries of'- Oh.") With this statement I conclude the narrative of what has occurred within the last few days—(Cheers)—but I cannot omit this opportunity of refuting the assertion that I was ready to take the helm in a time of prosperity, and to resign the Ministry as soon as the Government was placed in a state of difficulty. To that assertion I respond that I should not have deemed the adverse division come to the other night any sufficient reason for a resignation of the Government if I had thought that it could be carried on successfully.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If I did not shrink from the difficulties of the country when 3,000,000 of people were in a state of distress, it was not likely that I should shrink from them now; but I saw it was useless to proceed when office could only be re tained at the risk of power which would be useful to the country, and the loss of that character which was honourable to its pOssessor.—(Hear, hear.) When the directors of the Bank of England came to my Right Honourable Friend to ask us to suspend the law, and run the risk of an indemnity from Parliament, I might have shrunk from the difficulties of the time; when, at a later period, the whole of Europe was shaken with revolutions from one end to the other, and when there was every prospect of the treaties which bound Europe together, and preserved the peace of the world, being dissolved, we did not shrink from our parts, nor did we do so even when in Ireland large bodies of people were preparing to organize a ,rebellion.—(oh, oh!) We might then have shrunk from the difficulties of the period; but to suppose that we should do so now, when all those troubles have passed away, when commerce is flourishing, when the people are prosperous, and when the only diflculty at the Exchequer is, that it is rather more flourishing than is convenient to the Chancellor—(Ailaugh) — is quite ridiculous.—(Hear.) But, Sir, I wish to state some of the opinions which I hold now with regard to the three questions which have occupied the public mind, and engaged Parliamentary attention a good deal of late.—(Hear, hear.) One of the most important of those questions is free trade and the free import of corn.—(Hear and cheers.) Now, Sir, I take no credit whatever for the establish ment of thepresent law upon that subject, for the system which the Government of Lord Melbourne proposed was a system of a different kind. It was a system which was based upon a moderate duty on corn, and a differential duty on sugar and other articles. That plan was rejected by the House of Commons, and in 1845 the circumstances of the country having in the meantime undergone a great change and assumed a different aspect Sir Robert Peel pronounced that at no dis tant period the corn-laws must b e re p ea l e d, and at the same time—in the month of Novem ber—without any , communication with my party, I published my opinions that the time was come when the corn-laws could no longer be maintained. The only safe course then was toeapr,rohceeaerd.) toNothwe,irsira,bloltihtiionnk, and Sir Robert Peel g ave the honour of the change which afterwards follo wed to the Hon. Member for the West Riding._(u it is due in a great part to Sir Robert Peel and to the Hon. Member for the West Riding, but I can't altogether say that I claim no credit, but the smallest amount is due for the part I took in effecting the change.— (Hear, hear.) That change was effected in 1846, and I believe its effects have been most beneficial to this country.—(Cheers.) I believe that the great mass of the people of this country are enjoying benefits from that change which they could not otherwise have obtained.—(Hear, hear.) When the reins of power fell into our hands it was our endeavour to proceed in that policy ; and on two very important questions, namely, in the case of foreign sugar and the navigation-laws, we succeeded in carrying measures in conformity with our present commercial policy.— (Hear, hear.) I rejoice that we were able to carry these two changes into effect with the willing concurrence of the two Houses of Parliament, for it appears to me that while we are endeavouring to carry such changes into effect, we should, as far as possible, do so without disturbing the institutions of the country.—(Cheers.) I will now proceed to the next subject, and that is the Bill relating to the assumption of power in this country by a foreign eccle siastical power.—(Hear, hear.) I still concur in the opinions which I entertained on the introduction of that Bill. It is my opinion that the assumption of these titles was as assumption of power on the part of a foreign prince which it was impos siblo us to pass. by uunotimi ; but, Sir, I wiil Pay thi3, that I thought and still think that the main object to be attained by that Bill was the indication of our national iadependence and the assertion of the supremacy of the Crown and kingdom of England as against any foreign power what ever.--(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, wish respect to the Bill we had introduci d, looking to the past proceedings in the Irish courts of law, there are some of - its clauses which ought not to be pressed to the fullest extent. It was not our intention so to interfere with anything which belongs to the regular order of Roman'Catholic worship. So far we were anxious to maintain the re li,gious liberty which exists in this country. Therefore, if that Bill were proceeded with, I should he ready to matte all such alterations as should prevent any of the inter ference which seems to be dreaded. I own that when I see a man of such moderation as Archbishop Murray ob jecting to the provisions of that Bill, I will say I am quite ready, to examine and go into the provisions of the Bill, and see whether the objections which have been stated really do exist.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) My persuasion was, and I was induced to believe so by information which I received from a very high authority, that on these two points which I have stated this Bill was not calculated to make any inter ference. Therefore I am quite ready to carry into effect the original intentions of the Bill, not to depart from them, and not to go beyond them, There is another question of very great importance;upon which, on the occasion of a late debate, on the 20th instant, I made a statement to the House on the subject of extending the franchise. It is fit that I should state to the House that that subject has been under the consideration of the Cabinet during the late recess, but myself and my colleagaes came to the unanimous determination that it would not be right to introduce a measure on that subject in the present session. As, howevers a general election must take place in 1853, we deter mined that 1852 would be the latest time that such a measure could be introduced. With respect to the question itself, I have to say that having for ten years before the Reform Bill was introduced devoted my attention to the subject, and having made many motions between the years 1821 and 1831, having had a great share in framing the Reform Bill, I am perfectly satisfied with the general working of that Bill. I do not see that it has produced any of the consequences of overturning the Constitution which were prophecied of it. But in re spect, however, of any future measure which may be introduced upon the subject, I think you must proceed with the greatest caution. I think the general disposition of the Reform Parliament has produced a fair represen tation of the intelligence, the wishes, and the industry of the people. I should dread any change which might be introduced in the representation which deprived the House of Cpmmons of that conservative element which ought to belong to it. I cannot conceive that a House of Commons merely representing numbers would act in harmony with a monarchy, an hereditary House of Peers, and an Established Church. I think h ought to be the object of any one who approaches this subject not to create a House of Commons, which should be a separate power, but it should be his object to do as we did in 1831, to endeavour to give to the people a greater interest in their institutions, and at the same time to improve the general representation. These are the views that I venture to bring before the House upon these three topics. It is at the present time a matter of doubt into whose hands the Government of the country may be committed, but I feel that on great subjects, like those I have referred of Parliamentary interference, it is not for Ministers alone to look to the solution of such great questions.—(Hear, hear.) They interest us and our own posterity.—(Hear, hear.) Sir I have consi dered, in the course of my Parliamentary conduct, whether on the day I was proposing reform to a small minority, and amidst the apathy of the country, or whether I was proposing a Bill that was receiving the enthusiasm of the nation—l felt that my great comfort was that I was acting with those on whom I had the greatest confidence, and on whose judgment I could rely - (Hear, hear)—and on whose integrity I could place the greatest faith.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps the House will allow me to quote a few sentences from a great statesman, who used frequently to be quoted in this House, and who was often referred to as a guide to our deliberations. He is certainly much less referred to now, but his sentiments nevertheless are pregnant withi much wisdom. I allude to Edmund Burke.---(Hear ) Burke says— " The only method which has ever been found effec tual to preserve any man against the corruption of na ture and example is a habit of life and communication of counsels with the most virtuous and public-spirited men of the age you live in. Such a society cannot be kept without advantage, or deserted without shame. For this rule of conduct I may be called in reproach a party man; but lam little affected with such aspersions. In the way which they call party, I worship the constitu tion of your fathers; and I shall never blush for my po litical company. All reverence to honour, all idea of what it is, will be lost out of the world, before it can be imputed as a fault to any man that he has been closely connected with those incomparable persons, living and dead, with whom for eleven years I have constantly thought and acted." Adopting these sentiments, I have to say that I have acted for mote than eleven years with such men as Romilly, Mackintosh, and Horner, with Lord Grey and Lord Althorp, and with such men it has been my pride to act. I will not speak of the living, but I will say this, that as long as I am a public man I will act with those men and consort with such men as adopt my public views. —(Hear, hear.) Some men may think that our standard of public virtue is higher than in the times of Burke, others may think it lower, but as long as I take part in public affairs I shall ever follow the example of such public men as I think may best guide my public life.—(The Noble Lord sat down amid much cheering.) Mr. DISRAELI wished to correct some of the mis takes into which the Noble Lord appeared to him to have fallen. It was the opinion of Lord Stanley, and certainly of all parties, that no reference would have been made on Monday to what had occurred, and that the Noble Lord opposite would not have considered it necessary under the circumstances to have made the allusions he did.— (Hear.) He, however, had been authorised by Lord Stanley to state that if it was said he was not prepared to form an Administration, that such really was not the case. He had stated the effect of that to the Noble Lord; he perhaps might have made that statement to the Noble Lord in phrase ology less appropriate than might have been adopted — (Hear, hear)—but having reason to believe that the Noble Lord was then i❑ possession of Lord Stanley's letter he thought it better not to let that opportunity clip to state what really was the fact.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") He never for one moment meant to state anything that was to be considered peremptory. After making this statement it would be unnecessary for him to make any further remark upon the course adopted by Lord Stanley, as he believed that Noble Lord was now in another place making his statement of what had really occurred; and he believed that after that statement Lord Stanley would stand far higher in the estimation of the country than he had done before. The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cries for Sir J. Graham. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who evidently had not anticipated being so specially called upon, said that he would not have intruded upon the House bad he not been so peremptorily called upon.—(Hear.) Some explanation would doubtless be expected from him, and he would endeavour to make it as succinctly as he could. Her Majesty had been most graciously pleased, on Saturday to send for his Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen and himself, and at an audience with which they were honoured her Majesty informed them that Lord Stanley had stated to her Majesty that he was not prepared to form a Government, and that she had empowered Lord John Russell to re construct) a Government. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty expressed her greatest anxie y to his Noble Friend and himself that they would do all in their power to assist him in that undertaking. With that requisition Lord Aberdeen could not possibly comply. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) As one who desired to serve her Majesty, and as a faithful servant of a Sovereign whose continual thought and greatest wish) was for the happiness of her people— (Cheers) —he would truly say that he was anxious once more to join the Noble Lord in the formation of a Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord in the course of his statement had said that he and himself (Sir James Graham) had long held public office together, and that he had always regretted the dissolution of that connexion by which they had been bound together.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had overvalued that connexion in his --- (Sir J. Graham's) estimation. Sometimes he had been associated with, and other times he had been opposed to the Noble Lord in the conduct of the national affairs. Sometimes he had been the Noble Lord's willing fol lower in that House, and at others his strenuous oppo nent; but for many years he had lived in the closest intimacy with the Noble Lord, and in the enjoyment, 1.• might say, of the ties of affection.—(Hear, hear.) He must say that, for his own part, he was ready to express the same feeling, and ho trusted he might bo allow id, in speaking of the Noble Lord, once more to resume the expression which he had so often used in that House, and term him his Noble Friend.—(Loud and re peated cheers from both sides of the House.) With re spect to what might happen to fall from him on that occasion he did not wish to say anything that might bring on a hostile discussion. Under the present circumstances such a proceeding would, in his opinion, be both unseemly and mischievous. There were, how ever, three points to which he desired to direct the attention of the House, for when the history of the last thirty years came to be written, it would be found that that epoch was marked by three great ques tions. The first of these was the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and the em ancipation of the Roman Catholics; the second was the pasing tbe Reform Act, by which a great and extensive alteration was made in the franchise ; and the third Was the establishment of the larger and more SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1851. libeia: commercial policy which — fof the sake of brev;:i was called free treile.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) The first question was that of free trade. On that matter between him and his Nubia Friend there was a perfect accord. (Hear, hear.) The policy of free trade had been deniised to his Noble Friend by the late Sir Robert Peel, and nobly and well had the present Government carried out the principle which Sir Robert Peel had moulded for their hands. With respect to the extension of the suffrage, ho had to observe, that he believed that be and his Noble Friend were the only survivors of the Government of Lord Grey by whom the Reform Bill was planned.—(Hear, hear, and cheer: , .) He was ready to admit that so great lasd been the infusion of the democratic principle by the Re form Bill, that up to the present time he had been fearful of the addition of any new power from that quarter. He was now of a different opinion, and was quite pre pared to grant an extension of the franchise. The third point respi_cted what had had been called the late Papal eggression. On this point he feared that he and his Noble Friend could re ver agree.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") He recommended his Noble Friend not to think of intro ducing such a measure; it would not only be inoperative, but it would practically undo the policy which the coun try had been pursuing for the last thirty years.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The opinion which he had formed with respect to the existing Bill was arrived at after long and deliberate consideration, and to his great joy and surprise he afterwards found that the opinion and views of Lord Aberdeen on this subject coincided with his own.—(Hear, hear.) Until he came to London on the first day of the session he had not seen or heard from the Noble Lord, but being upon terms of personal friendship with the Noble Lord he sought his advice on that day, and he discovered that the Noble Lord had already arrived at his own conclusion. He need hardly say, after this, that the great obstacle which stood i❑ the way of a junction between himself, Lord Aberdeen, and the Noble Lord opposite, was this very Bill. The Noble Lord opposite thought the wishes and interests of the country demanded a Bill of this nature, but neither he nor Lord Aberdeen took a similar view of affairs, and although he and Lord Aber deen might have agreed with the Noble Lord opposite on other subjects, this was the cardinal point upon which they differed.—(Cheers.) He hoped the House would do him the credit to believe that his ob jection to this Bill was not of recent origin, for so far back as November it did so happen that he wrote letters to many of his friends, stating that he thought tho assumptions of the Pope and Dr. Wiseman were impudent and presumptuous, but he should deprecate any legislative interference on the subject.—(Cheers.) (The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded to read the following letter which he had addressed to Mr. Howard of Greystoke, on this subject, in the month of No vember last : " Netherby, November 23, 1850. " It would give me cordial sstisfaction to co-operate with you on any public occasion in this county. But, although I am a sincere Protestant, and resent the haughty tone as sumed by the Pope in his bull, and by Cardinal Wiseman in his pastoral letter, yet I am unwilling to join in the No- Popery cry, or to ask for the revival of penal laws or for any new enactment which might fetter the Roman Catholics in the full and proper exercise of their religious discipline within the realm. When I supported emancipation I knew that the Roman Catholics acknowledged Papal supremacy, and would be guided in all spiritual matters by bulls from Rome. I knew, also, that their religion is episcopal ; and when I fought on their side for perfect equality of civil rights I was aware that the Pope might nominate in Eng land, as in Ireland, archbishops and bishops. I did not at tach much importance to the safeguard proposed by the Duke of Wellington, who did not himself place much reliance on it, that the Popish hierarchy so nominated should not assume the title of English or Irish sees occupied by Protestant prelates. I myself was a party to the recognition by statute of the dignity of Roman Catholic archbishops and bishops in Ireland ; while I adhered, however, to the settle ment of 1829, that the enactment prohibiting the assumption of local episcopal titles identical with Protestant sees should be withheld, I proposed to the House of Commons, on behalf of Sir Robert Peel's Government, the remission of the pe nalties which attached to receiving bulls or other similar instruments from Rome; and out of office I supported Lord John Russell's measure, which authorizes the renewal of di p.o ' matic intercourse with the Roman Pontiff. I took these steps deliberately, and Ido not regret them. I believe them to have been necessary for the good government of Ireland , ' and I cannot believe that it will be possible to have one law for England and another for Ireland with respect to Roman Catholic discipline and worship. " I am offended, indeed, by the arrogance and folly of the language which the Pope and his Cardinal have thought it to employ in announcing an ecclesiastical arrangement which I believe to be lawful, and which I do not consider dangerous. But my displeasure will not induce me to treat with disrespect the religion of 7,000,000 of my countrymen, 'or to contemplate for one moment the revision or the reversal of a policy which, in defiance of the No-Popery cry, lihave supported throughout my public life, which I still believe to be sound, and which is indispen sable, unless by a melancholy necessity the vast majority of the Irish people are still to be treated and considered as our national enemies. I have thus written to you without re serve my genuine sentiments. lam aware that they are not popular. Ido not wish to obtrude them on public attention. The subject will in some shape probably be brought under the notice of the House of Commons; and then, in my place in Parliament, it may be my duty to declare the feelings and the opinions which I entertain. In the mean time I am desirous to avoid any premature or hasty pledge in a matter of such paramount importance. lam more anxious to ex tinguish them than to add fuel to the flame of religious strife and animosity.") Not that he blamed the Noble Lord opposite for the letter which he wrote some time ago, for the Noble Lord at that period must have been placed in a very difficult position; indeed, the country having just been aroused by the language of Dr. Wiseman and other representatives of the Pope, the Noble Lord's position demanded that he should at once offer some remonstrance to the proceedings of the Papal power.—(Hear, hear.) Much of that angry feeling and excitement, however, had now passed away, and without desiring to say anything calculated to provoke discussion he was constrained to add this, that if Honourable Members would look carefully into this much vexed question, they would see that there was no necessity fir returning to the days of Bills of pains and penalties, in matters of religious opinion and sectarian belief. He might have added in this letter that he was the author ef the Bequests Act, brought forward by Sir R. Peel's Government. With these opinions on re cord, he could not consent to be a party to the further progress of this Bill, or form part of an Administration which bad this measure of legislation for one of its chief cries. He knew the ground on which he stood, and though it was an unpo pular one he was quite ready to stand by it; and when the time came for the second reading of the Bill he should be quite ready to express his opi nions on the measure at greater length. Mr. HUME expressed his satisfaction at the expla nation of the Right Honourable Gentleman. He was convinced that if they valued the peace of Ireland they must give way on this important question. But still he was sorry to find that all the obstacles which had so long prevented the formation of a Government had narrowed themselves to this basis, and he was sure that the people of England would ask with surprise why the real point, that of the financial proposal of the Government, had never once been brought into question. He would go further and say that no Government could hope to continue in power for the future which did not announce its intention of extending the franchise, and which would not express its firm intention to maintain the free-trade policy. The country did not care about this Catholic dispute; and he deplored that England had been forced, like France, to remain so long without a Government. — (Cries of " Hear, hear.") He therefore blamed the Noble Lord for baying resigned on so paltry a ground on principle, and called upon him to throw the Papal aggression overboard, and turn his attention to Parliamentary and financial reform. Sir. R. H. INGLIS did not wish to prolong this dis cussion, because there was only a formal tech nical motion in the hands of the Speaker, but he could not allow the advice of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon about the Papal aggression to pass unnoticed.—(Hear, hear.) The events of the past few months, and the recent divi sion in that House, afforded tolerably con evidence that no Administration could ive who wished to allow the Papal aggres sion to pass unnoticed.—(Hear, hear.) That aggression was worse than anything that had ever been attempted in the worst days of Innocent 1., or Gregory VII., and he was certain the sentence in the Noble Lord's manifesto which would be hailed with most de- light by the country was that which declared that his opinion on the subject was unchanged.—(Hear.) Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said the agitation on the Papal affair out of doors was got up by interested parties —by those, in fact, who had the control of the revenues of the Established Church, and who were alarmed for fear those revenues should be snatched from them.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in the course of his speech, made some al lusion to the periods when he had not shrunk from diffi culties, and enumerated the Irish famine and the state of Ireland in 1848.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, with regard to the first of these, the Noble Lord showed himself unequal to the occasion, and thousands upon thousands died of starvation in consequence; while, with regard to the last, he denied the imputation of the Noble Lord, that a portion of the people of Ireland had meditated a rebellion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. OSBORNE doubted much, whether it was the result of the motion of the Hon. Member for Buck inghamshire, or that of the Hon. Member for East . Kent, that drove the Noble Lord from office.—(ilear, n o e_a t i t '; e ) lie, for one, thought, and he believed the great mas s t people p a l e t t r a i g h r e e t e a d h l w e i t t eh him, the financialtha t h e iNtflohbelcei toyred of some downfall w m n e f ael of his colleagues, and the sooner therefore the Noble Lord to his credit, and the more it would be separated himself from them the more it would re doundfor the advantage of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He would defy any statesman, be who it might, to carry out the Bill in eland, and h i would tell the o f England that f they carried tax-pavers that Bill to Ireland they must be prepared to add three per cent. to Cie income-tax, and to keep a standing army. He rejoiced to hear the speech of the o ex p t l the . Bi g ht Hon. Gentleman opposite, because it told th e coun try that there was a man in the country wh o cou ld be called to the head of affairs who conductwo o ul h d earth G o vernment in D in E a u f A air T a t nd icas liberal grieved spirit. t Mr. na tion of the Right Hon. M em b er f or Ripon, because it gave him to understand that he himself must be more prepared to follow the Noble Lord now at the head of the Executive than that Right Hon. sßaronet.ttu wider Hothe breach considereds his speech . as likely to make betw een two great divi sions of th e p ar ty on thi s s id e of the 'louse. Colonel SII3THORP thought that the Noble Lord stickinga th y em peo f p r l o e mhim.cou ld not to him that he represented a large sheet o f st i cking plhister' an d had separate s o many ll Hon. Member for Middlesexheadagroieiedd, that t h what ther the e w a s elusive considerable exc it emen t go i ng on i n th e country, and for r his own part ho would continue to excite as long as he could, and as far as he could, constitutionally and legally, Mr. P. HOWARD said that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Newdegate) had said that the county which he re presented was unanimous on the question of the Papal aggression, and loudly condemned it; and yet at a great pm et e r in t i c b u e l r a r fo l y r Ripon gratefulfor to the the observations meeting at Bi rm i ngham those who were present came to a dead h eat . — (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He was Right p n w on. hßieahronheit had made respecting the cuse of the Roman Ca tholics. He was quite convinctd that no Mi nistry could ever proceed prosperously without avoiding the craven policy of persecuting his co-religi onists. Equally was he convinced of the necessity of adhering to the great principle of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) No great commercial principles could be adopted for the benefit of the country unless the policy of free trade, which was now identified with our mercantile arrangements, was strictly followed out. With respect to the franchise and the extension of the suffrage, to which reference had so frequently been made, he could not do otherwise than express his con viction that the granting it to their fellow -subjects the 101. holders of property in the country would be attended by no evil effect.—(Hear, hear.) He was an advo cate for civil as well as for religious liberty, a n d both he believed would be advanced by the passing of the measures for the promotion of both these objects. Hecould not conclude without thanking the House for he attention with which he had been heard. Mr. SPOONER said there was a decided majority in favour of Protestantism in Birmingham, and he had no doubt it was the same in most of the other parts of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was exceedingly happy to bear that the Noble Lord had not changed his opinion on this subject; but he regretted to hear that the Noble Lord contemplated a modification of his Bill, for a very general opinion prevailed out of doors that the Bill did not go far enough.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WYLD thought a very important topic had been lost sight of in the course of this discussion ; for the subject of taxation had not even been mooted.-- (Hear, hear.) The vast majority of the people were highly dissatisfied with the present system of taxation, and the country would not be content until that system was reformed.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WABLEY had listened attentively to the speech of the Noble Lord, but he was at a loss to understand him. His speech had bewildered him very much, but as far as he could make it out he was induced to under stand that the Queen was at present without a Ministry. Why had nothing been said about the Budget? Why had they heard of nothing about Parliamentary reform? Simply, he felt, because the old Whigs, who had abandoned the principles of the Reform Bill, were anxious to join with the Tory end of the old Tory party, and rule the Palace after the old fashion. (Hear, hear.) No such Government, however, would have the confidence of the people.—(Hear, hear.) They would only be satisfied with a Ministry who would go to the fullest extent in carrying out Parliamentary and financial reform, and he therefore told the Noble Lord that it would be considered as an insult to the nation if he excluded the Hon. Member for Mont rose (Mr. Hume) from his Cabinet.—(Laughter.) Mr. HUME—Oh dear, no; pray don't.—(Renewed laughter.) Mr. WAKLEY said his Hon. Friend was by far too diffident. His modesty was proverbial ; but still if any man had a ri g ht t o office it was his Honourable Friend, for no other Member had done so much for the country or saved it so much money, and he therefore called upon the Noble Lord to remember this fact when he came to re-construct his Government.—(Hear.) A few nights ago a motion was made in the House for the relief of the owners and occupiers of land, and feeling that it was meant to mystify the country, he had given a hearty vote against the motion. The state doctors on the other side of the House then described the patient as in a terrible state, but refused to prescribe for, the patient themselves, and handed him over to the very doctors whom they had stated had formerly poisoned him. Well, then, when the Protectionist party had the chance of coming into power they had refused to do so, and he was sure that no Government would take power which would not go in with a determination to govern the country on liberal principles.-- (Hear, hear.) He complained that no mention had been made of the Budget, and he hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would take an early opportunity of stating what he intended to do on that point. Lord J. RUSSELL explained that there was no Ad minstration now existing, end that, therefore, he could not state the intentions of the Government with regard to matters of finance. After a few words from Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, Mr. Alderman SIDNEY only wished to say a very few words.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He, in common with other Members who had taken a part in the debate, felt great anxiety respecting the course which was likely to be pursued by the new Administration.—(Hear, hear.) He would only beg to observe that whatever had been the agitation respecting the Papal aggression there would be an equal agitation respecting the income-tax. He was quite assured that no Ministry could possibly exist for any length of time unless that most iniquitous and injurious tax should be much more righteously adjusted than it is at present. Another sub ject which they had to consider was the Papal Aggression Bill. The people of England would not tolerate anything like foreign interference in this country, The expenses of the country must be reduced. After a few words from Mr. SLANEY, the House ad journed at Eight o'clock till Monday. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PORTS3IOI;TM, FRIDAY. —The Powerful, 84, Captain the Hon. Richard S. Dundas, was seen last evening rounding Bembridge Ledge, and she anchored at night inside the Nab, coming up this morning to the anchorage at Spithead, salut ing the flag of Admiral the Hon. Sir Bladen Capel at ten o'clock. She has had a long passage from Lisbon, having left the Tagus (being towed out by the Encounter) on the 15th of February. For the first week she had fine weather, with light winds, and she got into the Channel on Sunday last, since which ehe has been boxing about against strong easterly gales. She has brought home from Malta and Gibraltar a quantity of old condemned naval stores,and about thirty invalids, who were brought on shore by the Sprightly steamer this afternoon. Mr. Paton Lordlier, surgeon, late of the Superb, to join the Monarch, and Lieut. Ennis Chambers, late of the Encounter, to join the Blenheim, have come home passengers in the Superb. The powder hoy went out this afternoon, and two gun-lighters for her lower-deck guns, and she will come into harbour to-morrow to pay off. Prince Regent, 92, acting Captain Feed, was paid off to day alongside the dockyard in the most orderly and decorous manner. From her having been lying alongside the yard jetty, the introduction of spirituous liquors into the ship has been entirely prevented. Consequently, during the time the crew have been at work returning stores and clearing her holds, no drunkenness had occurred, but the work has pro ceeded with the utmost regularity ; and to-day the operation of paying off and discharging the crew was performed as quietly as possible. Avon, Plymouth steamer, has been detained at Portsmouth for the purpose of taking down to that port any of the Re gent's crew that may wish to go there. Captain Harris, her new captain, was on board to-day, but as yet we hear that few seamen have re-entered ; but so soon as they have had a fling on shore, no doubt, from the popularity of Captain Harris, many of the crew will return. The only commission down at Portsmouth is for Commander Henry Caldwell, just arrived in the Powerful. Fearless steamer, Lieutenant-Commander Turner, passed through Spithead on Wednesday from Plymouth, en route to Woolwich to pay off. Fairy, royal yach tender, M aster -C om mander Welsh, came on the gr av i ng slip to-day to ship a screw of two threads. Topaz, old hulk, has been towed up the harbour, and will be placed on Tuesday, at the height of the spring tide, as a target for the practice of distant range from the Excellent. We hear that no court-martial will take place on the com mander of the Inflexible for quitting Grey's Town; that the Admiralty have approved of his removing the American people from that place, at so many dollars per man, to pay for the consumption of coals. Captain Heaslop intends showing his new-invented signal lights to-night, if it be not too hazy. They will be exhibited at Seaview, in the Isle of Wight, and answered from the semaphore in the dockyard, a distance of about five miles. Essex Indiaman arrived from the river, to embark passen gers and stock, and will probably sail about Monday. POZTSMOUTZ, FRIDAY.—The Cumberland, 70, flag of Vice- Admiral Sir George Seymour, K.C.8., was to leave Sheer ness this morning for Spithead. The Hon. Lady Capel, wife of the Commander-in-Chief at this port, gave a grand ball at the Admiralty-house this evening. The melancholy news was this day received by Messrs. Garrett and Gibbon, the agents to Lloyd's at this port, of th e wreck on the 26th instant, near Calais, of the schooner Liberty, of this port, and of the loss of all hands (five in number). The master (Weeks) has left a widow and f our children; iircen;gi ethemen m widowbateeioangingto this p and ni o n rt e children. The other were ers ENGLAND, BANK OFE (F r om last night's Gazette.) on An Account, pursuant to the ct A 7 the th and Bof Victoria, cap . 3 2 , far the Week ending Saturday, 22d th O MITI DEPASTILENT. dayf February, 1851. X. I Notes issued•• •• •• •• 27,762,085 Gover nment debt .. 11 ,01 X. 5,100 Other securities .. .. 2,984900 Gold coin and bullion 13,732 , ,4111 . Silver bullion ..• • • 29,667 £27,762,08i Dated the 27th day of Fel A 27,762,085 it. 1 M I A IISRALL, Chief Cashier. 85. Er AaTitiat T. SINKING D: Proprietors' capital.. 14,553,000 Rest • • • • • • • • • • . • 3,273,872 Public deposits (in abiding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings -banks, and Di vidend accoants) •. 7,617,014 Other deposits .. • . 9,497,519 Seven day and other Bills .. .. • • .. .... 1,062,436 ..,. Government securi ties (including Dead Weight Annuity) • • 14,145,691 Other securities •• • • 12,135,611 Notes ........ ••• • • • 9,049,075 Gold and silver coin • . 6711,4511 £36,003,841 I X 36,003,841 M. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. 1851. Dated the 27th day of February, THE CANTIII BEACE.—Another proof that little matters are not beneath the notice of gr eat min ds , may be found in the fact, that one of the mos t erudite mathemati cians at Cambridge has recently app lied his t alents to the perfection of a pair of suspender s for the ne ther garment of comfort t s t i h sr y i n ensure t nsiimaTlitchietnexancd the e ce .f perfectivhcicohm To give anything like a description of their p eculiarity would be next to impossible , a nd here, for the first time, we confess ourse l v es fairly puzzled , there being a ba n d so cur i ous l y folded, and yet so admirably adapted to its object, that we d o ubt even if, by the additional aid of drawings, would boa jot the wiser. The invention is, however,our tomak its immediate appearance through the wholesale irm of Messrs. Welch and Margetson, of Cheapide.— Globe DISMISSAL or A MEDICA L OFFICER.—At the weekly meeting of the directors o and guardians f the poor of St. Magdalen yesterday, One of the medical officers was dismissed from his chip s for neglect of a female patient under his care.