The Sun. — London, England, 1850-01-07 00:00:00

Xbittott NATIONAL PARLIAMENTARY and FINANCIAL REFORM ASSOCIATION.—(THIS DAY.) . - A public meeting was held this afternoon at the London Tavern, to enable the Council of the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association to explain their intended mode of operation during the present year. The large room was crowded as en the last occasion of the society holding a meeting in the City, while very many were unable to obtain admission. A few ladies were accommodated with seats in the gallery. On the platform we observed, amongst other well-known Reformers, F. O'Connor, Esq., M.P., W. 'Williams, Esq., C. Gilpin, Esq., D. W. Wire, Esq., W. Bunin, Esq., J. Irving Scott, Esq., G. W. M. Reynolds Esq., W. Clarke, Esq., and W. Miall, Esq., Brodie Dl‘Ghie Willcox, Esq., M.P. At one o'clock Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., ac companie db y the other members of the eouncil entered the meeting, and were received with loud cheers. Sir J. Walmsley was voted to the chair. The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings by calling upon H. Tyndal Atkinson, Esq., the Honorary Secretary, to read the advertisement convening the meeting. This having been done, the Secretary read the treasurer's report, from which it appeared that the receipts from the 29th of January to the 31st of last December, 1849, amounted to 1,980/. 175., and the expenditure to 1,8791. 6s, leaving a balance of 101/. 105. in hand. The CHAIRMAN intimated that a vast number of letters had been received from many staunch friends of the people, who were unable to attend, but he did not propose to take up time by reading all of them. He,however, proposed that some of them should be communicated to the meeting, since it had been charged against them out of :doors that they never had any of their old reformers present at their as semblies. These letters would answer that charge, and prove beyond all dispute that not only the views but the purses of a numerous body of well-tried Re formers were with them. The SECRETARY then read the following letters, which were listened to with much interest, and occasionally interrupted with applause as particular passages agreed with the feeling of the meeting : " 103, Westbourae-terrace, Jan. 7, 1850. My dear Walmsley,—l have been confined to the house for a couple of days with a cold, and am sorry I can't be at your meeting. I am engaged to appear in Buckinghamshire on Wednesday next—(Loud cheers)—and unless I nurse myself so as to be well enough to go, the Protectionists will say lam afraid. "By the way, what better proof could be had of the necessity of an alteration of our representative system than is to be found in the ;simple fact that the Protectionist party are claiming to have public opinion on their side in favour of a revival of the corn-law ?—(Loud laughter.) They tell us to look at the reaction in the late elections for Kidder minster and Reading, where a few hundred men, more or less, under influence, returnediProteetionists. Now, I would ask, how many members would they return in favour of a bread tax, if the constituencies numbered, as they ought to du, 10,000 voters at least.—(Cheers.) The necessity of :placing the Howe of Commons more under the influence of the people few will deny; the only question is, how to accomplish it. I can only say that whether it be attempted by a direct vote of the House of Commons, or by as many as possible of the people arming themselves with the 40s. freehold franehis), whatever plan may be resorted to it shall continue to have my hearty support.—(Cheers"„ All I ask of the pubic is not to delude themselves with the idea that a tew Liberal Members of the House can accomplish any thing without the co-operation of the great majority of the people out of doors, and I remain, very truly yours, "RICHARD COBDEN. " Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P." (The conclusion of the letter was received with great applause.) " Ftllenberg House, Stamford•hil7, " Jan. 5, 1850. "My dear Sir,—l have just returned from Cambridge shire, and regret that I shall have to return on Monday, bef,re the ime your meeting assembles, or it would have been highly gratifying to me to have taken part in your proceedings. " During the week I have:addressed fivo important meetings in Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire, which meetings have been largely attended by farmers; and, although I found many farmers who still believe in pro tection, I obtained an enthusiastic re,,ponie to all my appeals in favour of Parliamentary and Finaucial Re form. My deliberate opinion is, that as soon as the farmers discover the hopelessness of obtaining protection, they will be the most earnest reformers in the nation. " Heartily wishing you success, I am yours, sincerely, " HENRY VINCENT. " To Sir Joshua Walmesley, M.P." " London, Jan. 5, 1850. " Dear Sir,—Although I have for many years zea lously advocated the principles of protection, as doubtless you are aware, and although my views thereon remain conscientiously unaltered, yet as 'free trade' is no longer a mere pro position, but a fact established by the laws of our )untry, I feel it my duty to abandon from this time forth all controversy on the subject—(Cheers)—believ ing that the most judicious course for every Protection ist to adopt is to use; his utmost exertions towards the removal of those burdens which oppress the people, so as to enable them to take advantage of their altered position. Moreover, I consider a restoration of the protection laws utterly hopeless—(Cheers)— from the fact that those who are now endeavouring to rekindle the agitation possess, with very few exceptions neither the spirit to adopt, nor the brains to appreciate. --(Laughter)—the only possible means that could afford the remotest chance by which that object could be attained; while by their virtual rejection of the only just species of protection, viz., Protection for all, or protection for none' (which was always my motto), they render tolerably apparent that the protection they now seek is not so much protection for British industry as protection for British idleness.—(Cheers.) Hence, if any one fancies that the protective laws will be restored he may rely on it he is building his hopes on a broken reed, which will only pierce him the deeper. The course I am now adopting does nut, I conceive, in volve any inconsistency on my part, for both publicly and privately, orally and in my publications on protec tion, I always said, Whenein r free trade becomes the law of the land, we must then have a cheap executive; the burdens of the people must then be removed; more over, that whenever that event should occur I would, in that case, advocate as z:alously the removal of those burdens as I was the❑ pleading the cause of protection. " Desiring to act consistently with these predictions and declarations, I am determined to use nay humble ability in the cause of financial reform; and as I fear that cannot be obtained without Parliamentary reform, then I say common justice towards the people demands the latter also.—(Loud cheers.) " Will you, therefore,ldo me the honour of enrolling my humble name as a member of yeur society.—l have the honour to be, dear Sir, yours very faithfully, " W. W. SLLIGH, M.D." The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting as follows :—Citizens of London and Gentlemen,—lt is nine months since I had the honour of presiding over a meeting similar to the present convened in this room. The Object of that meeting was to cele brate the birth of the Metropolitan Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association. I meet you to day to congratulate you on the rapid and unexampled success of the movement which you then so cordially sup ported.— (Cheers.) Not many months had elapsed, after our meeting in this place before we felt it to be our du'y to convene an aggregate meeting in Drury lane Theatre. By this time it had become evident that the feeling in favour of reform, 'which had been dis played throughout the districts of the metropolis, pervaded the country at large, and it was therefore resolved to change the name of the association from that of " Metropolitan" to that of " National."— (Hear, hear.) Subsequent events have confirmed the wisdom and propriety of this step, and have proved that when we became in name a " National" body, we did but anticipate the feelings and wishes of the British nation.—(Hear, hear.) Since the meeting referred to the Council of the association have, to the extent' of their limited means and the agencies at their command, taken measures in keeping with the name they had assumed, Deputations have, amongst other places, visited Northampton , Norwich , New castle, Sunderland, North and South Shields, Car lisle, Paisley, Greenock, Perth, Glasgow, Aberdeen, Denbigh, Wrexham, Stockport, and Wolverhampton. In no instance have the representatives of the associa tion failed to meet a friendly and enthusiastic recep tion. Large and influential committees have been formed in all these places to carry out the objects of the body. In th e t owns and cities which have been f named, as well as i n many other places,_ or the friends of representative impr ovement are ready will look to this a ssem bl y for counsel action, and the influence and example. I think I may say with t ru th t h at t which this association ha; been a bl e to exert has been owing less to any peculiar merit i n t h e plans w been concocted, and still les s t o th e rank or i t c u h le n have the individuals connected w ith it, th an to the circuttne-f stance that the country, at the time this speietY came in . ex'stence and promulgated it s sc h eme of reform,eine was already convinced of the n ecess it y f ur the change proposed, and ripe for a great and united movement in i s faveur. In a word, the feeling had not to b~ created, it was already engendered, and had but to developed and conc...ntrated upon some practical proposition.— (Cheers.) Gentlemen, if when the issue was doubt. ful the Council of the associatiun felt it to be their duty to advance, how much more so, when they had the unquestionable proof before them, that the friends of progress in every part of the kingdom were with them. They were desirous, however, to proceed with discretion, and in concur rence with the views and opinions of men of expe rience and judgment in other parts of the country. They accordingly invited a select number of their tried supporters to a preliminary consultation. The meeting took place on the 20th of last month, when, after mature deliberation, three things were • unanimously agreed to ; first, that a fund of not less than ten thousand pounds should be raised to be devoted during tithe present year to the purposes of the association ; secondly, that im mediate measures should be adopted to arous e by simultaneous meetings, the entire country ; and, thirdly, that a great conference should be convened in London in the month of March next.—(Cheers.) What was jointly resolved upon at this consultation the Council are determed to carry out, and if possible accomplish.—(Hear.) Of the ability of the Council to fulfil the second and third resolutions there can be no doubt, if the first should be realised, and of the practicability of doing this there is no cause for fear. —(Hear, hear.) Before, however, making a general appeal to the country for pecuniary aid, the Council deemed it their duty to set an example of liberality themselves, and also to convoke this meeting as a "committee of ways and means." Not many days will elapse after the termination of our proceedings here before a similar appeal will be made to the next city of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) A list of those who have already contributed to this fund will be read to you, and you will be invited to swell that list by additional contributions on the spot, that it may be known to the world to-morrow that this great metropolis, forward in every work of national philanthrepy and commercial enterprise, is foremost also in this great work of representative regeneration —(Cheers.) Gentlemen, while I am: on the sub ject of money, and while I return my fervent thanks to those who, since this association was origi nated, have been ever ready with their purses to help ui, let me not forget the essential service which has been rendered by gentlemen who have given us more than money, namely, their time, their intellect, and their effective labours and eloquence in our cause. Thus far the harvest has been truly great, but the labourers have been few; but let me tell you, for your encouragement, that we shall not for the future lack men to go forth and reap every part of the wide field which is before us. — (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my confident belief that before many months have passed away, the expres sions of sympathy with us will not be confined to the British Isles—we have fellow-subjects in every section of the globe, as virtuous, as intelligent, aye, and as discontented with the pre se n t state of things as ourselves.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In every essential particular, their cause and ours is the same.—(Hear, hear.) They are wholly without representation in this country, and in the majority of instances their so-called representation in the colonies is a mere name and a mockery.—(Hear, hear.) They are burdened beyond their means ; hey are tossed trom Governor to Governor,sand from Minis ter to Minister ; and are the victim and the sport of the schemes of first one theorist and then of another. They are made to pay inordinately for the gewgaw pageantry of courts, which are maintained only for the benefit of an idle and tax-devouring aristocracy, and worthless officials.—(Cheers.) Our redemption from class legislation in Great Britain will be their acquisition of responsible self-government abroad. This they will clearly perceive ; and in this home movement for a real reform of the House of Commons we may reasonably rely upon the effective assistance of our misgoverned fellow-subjects throughout the whole of the British dependencies.—(Hear, hear.) Thus, gentlemen, we have before us the prospect of an association no national merely, but comprehending in its purposet the polity of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) Gentles men, let me call upon you to-day to survey th elements of mighty power lying everywhere state tered around you. The conviction is deep, uni versal, and intense, that the House of Commons is no real representation of the people, but on the contrary, the representation only of class interests, the aristocracy and those who profit by corruption and monopoly being predominant. This is one great element of your strength.—(Cheers.) The burdens of the people are intollerable, and they see no effectual alleviation save through a reform of the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) Behold, then, another powerful element in your favour.—(Hear, hear.) The agricultural classes are fast becoming convinced that they have been duped and misled, and will soon cease to put their faith in squires and landed oligarchs, and will trust only in themselves, and seek relief, not in a restoration of protection, but in fair rents, in just and equitable leases, in the abolition of game-laws, and a reduction of national expenditure and taxation. —(Cheers.) They will join your ranks, and be another and important element of strength.—(Hear, hear.) The middle classes have thought and reasoned themselves out of the fears awakened by politic Home Secretaries and that portion of the press which supports misrule, and are fast learning that the industrious classes are as much the lovers of order and the respecters of property as themselves. They are now generally in favour of a large extension of the suf frage, and are an element of vital strength in our cause.—(Cheers.) To the honour and credit of the working classes let me say—and I say it with deep gratitude and thankfulness--that without abandon ment of their principles they are willing to be our fellow-labourers in the work of making the scheme which we have propounded the law of the land. — (Cheers.) They are ready to unite with us because they perceive that they will, upon our basis, be assisted by the vigorous and essential co-operation of large and influential classes of persons of less extreme political opinions, but equally convinced of the imperious and absolute necessity of a real Parlia mentary reform.—(Loud cheers.) Need I point to the fact of a cordial union with the working classes as an element of vast power—(No)—ena bling us as it does to show a united front to our op. ponents, and to speak with the authority and majesty of a reconciled and consolidated people ? There is yet another source of strength to which I must allude. There are numerous parties of earnest and thoroughgoing men, who have for years been grappling with individual gigantic abuses.— (Hear, hear.) They have hitherto laboured all but in vain. These men are with us—they see that we have taken hold of the lever of accomplishment— they see that we are pioneers for them—they regard us as the forerunners and harbingers of their success, and they will aid us, that they may eventually secure their own objects.—(Cheers.) Such, Gntlemen, are the elements of our power.—(Hear, hear.) I take upon me to say, that never in our history were elements more mighty, combined to effect a peaceful political change. They will be at command for all practical purposes. They will be employed for the purification and freedom of counties by the 40s. free hold votes; for the renovation of boroughs by the 101. household register and tke enfranchisement of com pound householders, and they will be at command at every election which may take place from this time forth for the purpose of overthrowing mere party men, and returning real and true reformers.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, while we will neglect no practical agencies, we have faith in the potency of public opinion, when constitutionally and universally ex pressed. We believe this measure may be carried by the force of public opinion alone, and our belief rests upon the numerous recorded triumphs of public opinion upon other great questions. We shall seek to elicit in the shortest possible period of time such an expression of the mind and will of the people as will be irresistible by any Government or Parlia ment.—(Cheers.) Finally, gentlemen, I call upon you to set a noble example to the country this day. This is the first meeting of 1850, and, as is fit, it is held in the metropolis. Show the people of this great country what they should do, and, my word for it, they will do it. Tell them what they should give, and set them an example, and they will give it. —(Cheers.) Place yourselves in the van of this movement and we will place millions of the people at your back. The national response will be hearty liberal, and universal as your own conceptions and acts are generous, comprehensive, and majestic. I now sit down, expressing my hope and belief that this meeting in its objects and its issues will be one of the greatest and most momentous ever convened in the city of London, but also strong in confidence, that whatever may be the acts by which the ,proceed ings of this day may be characterised, the heart of our country is set upon the achievement of the end we have in view, and that as surely as our cause is just and patriotic, so surely will our victory be glo rious and complete.—(Loud cheers.) The SECRETARY then read the following document in explanation of what the Chairman stated at the opening of his address : "At a meeting of reformers, convened for the purpose of consultation, and as a preliminary to a National Con ference, held at the King's Head Tavern, City of Lon don, on Thursday, December 20, 1849, present Sir J. Walmsley, M.P., in the chair; thirty members of the council: W. J. Fox, M.P., B. M'Ghie Wilcox, Esq . , ALP., A. Anderson, Esq., M.P., G. Thomp son, E.: q., M.P., and Messrs. James Humphreys (Saffron Walden), Jasses Waller Luton, Bed fordshire), Hobart Norris (Redland, Bristol), Thomas S. Gilbert (Bristol), William Biggs (Leicester), Thomas L. Harman (Southampton), Timothy Falvey (Southampton), Edmund Clemson (Eynsford, Kent), (Nor wich), Spencer J W . ll l.l li . am Tille J. D Smith (Nor es Jackson (Great t (N o r ( w C i o c 's h e ) ! tr j y a ) i , n Yarmouth), Ralph Walters (Neweasctle on-Tyne), al ward Gpla.nd (Chehnsford), the Rev. Thomas Spencer, A, ll -. 2 the R ev . Willi a m Linwood (Sydenham) , M e s srs. W. J. Birch (Pudlicote, Oxfordshire), John Shoard (Bristol), Josiah Hunt (Almondbury, Gloucestershire), John til'Pherson(Aberdeen), Martin Blackmore .m. (Wandsworth), John Thwa . James Grant, David Parker ( ipories), John Carvell es Williams Bthwark),Thomas E. Bow kett Woplar) t (Blackfriars), Frederick Doulton (Lambeth), William E . Weir, Stephen Bird (Kensington), Thomas Clark e , William A. 11. 110 Crowe, Edward Lane (Alderegate) (Iligh Bailiff of Mows (Shoreditcb), William Pritchard Southwark) A 1 e ey Pellatt (Black friars), Richard Reify (R s • (Royal Exchange-buildings)— " It was moved by the Rev, T. S seconded by Mr. J. _ad' . pencer, of Notting hill,e of Deptford, and unani mously carried,:that the r • • eporteof the Council be adopted and confirmed. "It was moved by Mr. J. 11. Tillet, of Norwich, seconded by Mr. Norris, of Bristol, and unanimously carried— THE SUN, LONDON, " ' That, as the recent demonstrations throughout the country justify the conclusion that the nation is strongly in favour of the principles of this association, it is now the special province cf the Council to develope the feeling which unquestionably prevails, and that this should be done as speedily as possible, so as to produce a timely influence on the proceedings of Parliament. "'That it is necessary, as a preliminary measure, to extend the organization to every town in the kingdom, and secure local committees, to promote everywhere the enrolment of members, the delivery of lectures, and the holding of public meetings. That, to arrange this organisation, and to incite the friends of Reform to active and simultaneous efforts, this meeting recom mends to the Council that the kingdom should be divided into districts, and gentlemen be deputed from the Coun cil to each of such districts, to superintend, according to special instructions, the necessary organization, and report from day to day to the Council.' " It was moved by Mr. T. J. Searle, of London, se unded by Mr. T. Clarke, of London, and carried— " That the Council be requested to consider the best means and the most appropriate time to promote the ex pression of public opinion, by embodying in a petition the principles of the association. " It was moved by Mr. W. J. Hall, London, seconded by Mr. T. Prout, Westminster, and unanimously agreed: " ' That, for the purpose of carrying out the objects of the Association, an appeal be made to the Reformers of the country at large, to raise a sum of at least 10,0001. for the year 1850.' "It was moved by Mr. M'Pherson, of Aberdeen, seconded by Mr. William Biggs, Leieester, and unani mously carried— " That it be a recommendation to the Council to convene a conference of persons, delegated by committees or public meetings of Reformers in all parts of the kingdom, to be holden in London, not later than the month of March next, and that the members of the present consultation pledge themselves to use their best exertions to advance the objects, and to insure the success of the principles, of the association.' " Mr. S. MORLEY rose to move the first resolution— this meeting, convinced of the necessity of a general agitation of the United Kingdom on the question of Parliamentary and Financial Reform, with a view to an early and universal expression of public opinion on that subject, would record its cordial and emphatic ap• prove' of the plans proposed by the Council of the Na tional Association for that purpose, and pledges itself to render immediate and efficient co-operation." lie yielded to none in his desire to promote the hap piness and welfare of his fellow-countrymen. The objects of the association should receive all the support in his power.—(Hear.) The association had nothing to do with party politics—(Hear, hear)—and the belief that this was so, and that people were begin• ning to think for themselves—that the people were shaking off their connexion with individual political societies, and looking at " measures" rather than " men," that he came forward to join the movement. (dear, hear.) He believed that the return of Sir Robert Peel to power would be hailed with acclama tion.—(Hear, hear.) For Lord John Russell's sympathies with the class to which he belonged were too great, and had rendered him most unpopular. Sir R. Peel, looking at the sacrifices he had made, would move with the spirit of the times and carry out those popular demands which the association had been organized to obtain.—(Hear, hear.) A voice had lately come from Lombard-street which had attracted considerable attention, since the gentleman who uttered it was well competent to write on the subject. Mr. Samuel Gurney showed that unless financial reform took place, the disturbance of our foreign relations and other causes would lead to financial embarrassment —(Hear, hear.) The object of the association was not simply to reduce the financial burdens which pressed so heavily on all, but to place the taxes, which must in any case be levied, equitably on all, and to make hem fall heavier on those better able to bear them (Hear, hear.) He read a statement put forward by a society of working men, which stated that such was the high rate of taxes that the main produce of their labour was to swell the revenues of the state, and prevented them from educating their children as they wished. He differed, however, as to the conclusion of the address issued by these worthy men, which seemed to favour education at the hands of the State, as he wished to place the education of the rising ge neration under the direct control of their natural protectors.—(" Hear," and "Question.") This was the question, for he wished to have no State education, and to prevent the State spending a million a year to rear up children to support state establishments. — (Hear, hear.) He cordially supported this associa tion because its object was to reduce the taxation on the poor.—(Hear, hear.) Thanks to God bread was cheap; but if a poor man's wife went to a grocer'a shop and spent 45., the half of it went in taxation. — (Hear, hear.) Mr. W. LEIGH seconded the resolution most heartily, and intimated that he concurred in all that had been said by the preceding speaker. Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR said he looked upon the applause with which he was received as a very cheer ing and satisfactory new year's gift, and he was pre pared to brave the obloquy and abuse which had been heaped upon him by false and foolish men for his joining this movement.—(Cheers.) The Chartist party had cleared the way for the present agitation, and he was extremely glad, therefore, to give the association his entire co-operation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let, then, the law maker le the tax payer, and things would speedily be made straight in this country.—(Cheers.) The Times had an announcement this morning that an extension of the franchise would be proposed in the Queen's speech next session, but he would recommend them not to place much faith in this, for the object of the Ministry was, no doubt, simply to tickle the fancy of the people, without any intention of' proposing any real relief. But they would take care to be in the watch tower and prevent the people being imposed upon.— (Hear.) As well might they expect to return to a system of jog-trot travelling by coach, and do away with railways and steam navigation, as go back to the old bull-frog system of protection.—(Loud cheers.) There was another thing to be de stroyed besides protection, and that was their enormous and bloated Church.—(Loud cheers.) Their great object was to organize well the public mind, and he trusted they might look upon Sir Joshua Walmsley as a fit and fair exponent of it.—(Loud cheers.) He (Mr. O'Connor) had no respect for mill owners, or for great money lords, more than great landlords, for each of them lived on the blood and sinews of the people ; but s% hat h 3 wanted was men who would 'generously, faithfully, and honestly represent them in Parliament, and then he would pledge himself that the rich would be richer and the poor rich.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. Cobden they had heard intended to meet Mr. Disraeli at Aylesbury on Wednesday, and with God's blessing he would be there also.— (Laughter.) lie knew something more about agriculture than Mr. Disraeli, who was simply a financial writer and declaimer of the Arabian Nights' school. Give that gentleman 100 acres of land unless he could live like Nebuchadnezzar, upon grass, he would soon die.— (Hear and cheers.) He (Mr. O'Connor) entirely aggreed with the resolution, and he would ask them to offer no antagonism to the present movement, which had been so ably propounded by their excellent chairman.— (Cheers ) The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. HOWARD, the secretary of the Southwark Re form Association, wished to say a few words upon an important question. He had listened to the report of the chairman With feelings of unmixed satisfaction, and he had every reason to believe that the movement would ultimately triumph.—(Hear, bear.) The so ciety to which he was attached had recently dined together, and after dinner they discussed the ques tions which were being raised by this society. The result of that discussion now induced him to trespass upon the meeting. He bad to present to the chairman 301., the money subscribed at the dinner, which he should mention did not represent all Southwark, but only thelparishes of St.Olave's, St. Thomas, and St. Sa vour's. Nor was this all that ley intended to do. They proposed to hold meetings all over the borough; and he had no doubt the result would be an addition of 1001. to the funds of the association.—(Hear, hear.) One ,cord more and he had done. He had only to say to the meeting, " Go ye and do likewise."—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then announced that nearly 1,5001. had already been subscribed towards the 10,0001. fund. Mr. W. WILLIAMS then rose to move the second resolution, which was as follows : " That this meeting earnestly recommends to the friends of Parliamentary reform throughout Great Bri tain and the colonies to furnish prompt and liberal as sistance to,the Council;of the National;Association, by the holding of public meetings, the passing of resolutions, the formation of committees, the employment of local Lgents, and the contribution of funds." _ _ Having briefly adverted to the early struggles of the association, he went on to say, that if the citizens of London would now come forward and support the renewed movement about to be set on foot, it would give a contradiction to the assertion of their Member, Lord John Russell, that the middle classes of this country wanted no further reform.—(Hear, hear.) Now, were they satisfied with the declaration of Lord John Russel, that the Reform Bill should remain a final measure ?—(Hear, hear.) The Bill had actually increased rather than diminished the evils of the social system ; and, although it was said to be a final measure, it gave only one eighth of the male population the tight to vote for representatives in Parliament.— (Cheers.) We were now living under a Government of military and police, and the army at this moment numbered, 105,000 more than it did in 1830, the last year of the unreformed Parliament, and unless the people supported the movement of this association, there was no hope for any improvement in this abo minable system.—(Hear, hear.) The poor man paid a tax of 300 percent. on rum, 500 on whisky, 100 on malt, 300 on tea, 100 on sugar, and 1,200 on tobacco, and this state of things could only be got rid of by baying a reform—a thorough reform—in Parliament.—(Cheers.) Mr. HALL cordially agreed in all that had been said by those who had preceded him. That was purely a business meeting,.and the sum the Council MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 7, 1850. asked was but a small one compared with the great objects they had in view. He believed it would he sufficient to accomplish success. The agriculturists were determined to have a fight ; they had thrown down the gauntlet, and they must take it up, for the cause was theirs. If they did not they deserved to have an excise officer in their cellar, a custom-house officer in their kitchen, and a soldier in their parlour to:play with their wires—(Laughter) —a policeman to see that he took no advantage of her—(Laughter)—and a poor curate to receive his alms.—(Laughter.) He wished them joy of such a party.—(Laughter.) The 10,000/. for which they asked would be the first heavy blow against corrup tion. They wanted 250 men of sterling independence to enrol themselves members of the Association, as ready to contest places in order to obtain good men in Parliament; but he should say to them, " You must put down 1,0001. a-piece."—(hear, hear, and laughter.) If necessary, they should ask the people for 500,0001., by whick a working capital of 1,000,0001. would be obtained.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) He was not desirous of going into Parliament—he would do more good out of it—but he would be the first to sign a round-robin of this nature.— (Loud cheers.) The Parliament was the castle of the people, and he should never rest until it had been wrested from the hands of a corrupt aris tocracy.—(Hear, hear.) He begged to second the motion. Mr. MIALL supported the resoultion. The House of Commons was a gross fraud, and was but an instrument of the aristocracy. It was a false utter ance—the voice was that of Jacob with the hands of Esau —(Cheers.) The two systems of cur present Government might be thus classed —one was a reality, and the other a pretence. The Queen confined her self to her station and performed all its duties.— (Loud cheers). The House of Lords was identified with the elevation of the interests of its order, and no one would say that it did not fulfil all its functions —(Hear, hear) —and the House of Commons, pro fessed to represent the voice of the people ; it was a child of the aristocracy, having but the smallest tinge of popular blood in its veins. —(Hear, hear.) A majority, was secured by the aristocracy, and it was said that the system worked well ; but it only worked well for the aristocracy. It was a mere sham, and was but the semblance of popular representation without the reality.—(hear, hear.) Thus a wrong feeling went abroad, and gene rally the system accomplished an infinitude of mis chief. He wanted some reality that would do away with this semblance. He could repose confidence in his fellow-countrymen and exclude none, save those who excluded themselves.—(Hear.) This society was the best panacea that offered ; it had adopted the best means to promote its end, and he should support those means to the best of his ability. —(Hear, hear.) Th e f r eehold land movement would do something ; but he did not agree with those who considered that agitation did not always end well. lie had great faith in it. The Government, it was said, intended to extend the franchise— , well, if so, let them take care that they were behind them to push them on.—(Hear.) The people could accomplish their emancipation whenever they willed it. Let them only determine to emancipate them selves and the work was done. At all events let them never cease in their endeavours until they obtained for themselves fair and full representation.—(Cheers.) Mr. G. W. M. REYNOLDS then came forward, and was received with cheers. It was a positive scandal, he thought, that in this age there should exist any necessity in England for calling a meeting to demand from an usurping aristocracy and a reluctant Ministry those rights and privileges which by nature belonged to the working classes, but which tyranny withheld from them.—(Cheers.) The aristocracy had usurped all power, government, place, and pensions, and laid violent hands upon the Church and the army and navy, and then, perhaps, next session they would tell them that the people were not intelligent enough to exercise the franchise properly.—(Laughter.) What had been the results of their present system ? Why, they had more paupers than voters.—(Hear, hear.) There were only 850,000 voters, whilst the numbers of paupers exceeded one million, and the Times told them on Christmas-day that 100,000 persons in the city of London were indebted to eleemosynary charity for their Christmas dinner.—(Cheers.) They also learnt from the Morning Chronicle that hundreds of honest, well - intentioned, and industrious women, who endeavoured to obtain a living by the aid of their needle, were driven to destitution and famine, and were not allowed even to be virtuous.--(Cheers.) Let the working classes then unite with: the middle classes in achieving a reform of their repre sentation ; let them take a lesson out of the book of their enemies— the aristocracy for though the Whigs, Tories, and Protectionists quarrelled like cat and dog for place and power, he always found that when the people once raised a cry for reform, they forgot their differences, :and bound themselves together for the purpose of putting it down. The working classes were determined to go oa and make the Charter the law of the land, but, in the mean time, they gave their hearty adhesion to the present movement.—(Cheers ) The resolution was carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN then announced several additional subscriptions to the former list. Mr. D. W. Wile E then proposed— " That this meeting regards with f ee li ngs o f great satisfaction the proposition of holdi ng a N at i ona l Con ference in London during the month of March next, and calls upon the friends of the m ovement i n a ll parts of the country by selecting earnest Reformers t o represent them at that important meeting." The gentleman who had preceded him had talked about classes. He hated the word. He knew nothing of classes. What he understood best was the " people," and they were going to appeal to the people, and the appeal would be responded to. There would insisted, e the be no extension of the fran c hi se until they reformed the House of Commons. B u t i t might be said that they could not reform Parliament unt il t h ey exten d e d they soldiers, a e however,selected c t ot h e a nd t af t vo h yr e y p om c a o r l u ci l ea d rms . ,e L nn e to t . Have them te h av fr e a t n a n c k o e s c l e a a . wr He e v e y •s r h s at in o n , no Lords in the House of Commons, and very soon would they have reform. Every interest in this country was represented but the people, and again he said let the elect ors be careful' in their selection of men, and the struggle with tyranny would be over.--(Cheers.) The taxation of the country was based Upon an unfair principle. The man with_ 1001. a year paid Os. Bd. in the pound, while the man with 100,0001. a year paid only a penny in the pound ; but if they succeeded in this contest there would not only be a reduction, but an equaliza tion of the taxes.—(Cheers.) Mr. R. TAYLOR seconded th e motion, and said he agreed with Mr. Miall, that the House of Commons was a sham.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. KYDD, having at a former period of the meet ing been called for at this p o i nt of the proceedings addressed the meeting. He believed that on the full and free representati on of every class of the community depended the real strength of the Government, and that a Govern ment built on any other f oun d at i on could not be safe or of long duration. The intelligence of the country must be reflected in the L eg i s l ature. Th e working men were intelligent and as moral as any other class ; then why deny the m t h e full possess i on of the suffrage ? for it could not b e den i e d that the working classes had all along looked upon the suffrage as the m a i n ques tion with a view to their emancipation. For himself he belonged to the ultr a . C hartists, and he should never cease to agitate for the Charter until it became the law of the land, and if it were long withheld from them the people would be justified in setting the law at nought.—(loud cheers.) Mr. JONES, secretary to a Socialist association, next addressed the meeting, and whilst he fir m l y enter tained the opinion s n ow engaging the attention of the continent, and diff e red with the opinions of m any there, yet he gave i n his full adhesion to this league. The CHAIRMAN announced that the subs cr i pt i ons and donations re ce i ve d a t the meeting, together with some previously received, amounted to a total of I,sool.—(Loud cheers.) The Rev. Mr. SPENCER, of the Established Church, said he believed with the Queen Dowager , T that " all men were equal i n th e s i g ht of God, and, therefore, thought that all freemen of 21 years of age were entitled to the e l ec ti ve franchise.—(Cheers.) He concluded by moving a vote of thanks to the chair man, which wa s carr i e d by acclamation. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and the meeting separated at half.past four o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, JAN. 5. STOCK EXCITANOE.—The market to-day was much the same as yesterday. no only alteration in prices was— Great Western, New Shares, 7% dis. LIVERPOOL, JAN. 5. STOCK ExcJalicus.—But little business was done in our share market to-day, and prices bad a downward tendency. The transactions were as follow:—Birkenhead , Lancashire, and Cheshire, 16 dis,—Lancashire and Yorkshire, Consol., Halves, 22 c. dis.—Ditt o H a l ve s (Huddersfield and Sheffield), 28—London and North-Western, 110 —Ditto, New Quarters, p. —Ditto, Fifths, :14 p.—Ditto, Quarters (C), p.— Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, Preference, 7 3 / 4 Midland, 4.3—Ditto, Halves 23% dis. MANCHESTER, JAN. 5. STOCK ExenalicE. —The market was flat to , clay, but prices are about the same as yesterday. The following are the transactions:— Manchester and Birmingham, Quarters (C ), 1 1 4 c. p. South-Eastern and Dover (No. 4), Scrip, .6%. shares to-day. BIRMINGHAM, JAN. 5. STOCK EXCIIANQE._.There Wag nothing done in railway few people are incli ne d t o specu l a te until the approaching dividends are made k nown . Quotations remain nearly stationary , and YORK, JAN. 4. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The transactions to-day were as follow:—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 53 North British, Halves, 4 %—Shrewsbury and Birmingham, Preference, 10 —York, Newcastle, mid Berwick, 167 8 —York and North Midland, 1.7%. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—We are indebted to Mr. Bright for a very great pleasure and a still greater disappointment in the perusal of his speech to his Irish constituents. The circumstance were such as taxed his powers to the utmost. Besides the intrinsic gravity of the sub ject, it has been for ages the Gordian knot of British statesmanship. Mr. Bright has just returned from the magic soil which dooms its inhabitants to an endless circle of miserable errors, and with whose mysterious influence its rulers and visitors are also affected. His heart still throbbed with the horrors he had witnessed, when he spoke from its fullness at a meeting of the Society for Financial Reform. What ho said on that occasion, ,however, was of a nature to provoke rather than satisfy curiosity, and the result was, that while we, on our part, challenged Mr. Bright to propose some positive, practical, and sufficient measures for Ireland, the Irish residents in Manchester and Salford, who amount al together to 60,000 or 80,000, were equally anxious to hear him out on so absorbing a theme. Thus stimu lated and primed, piqued and invited, Mr. Bright did his very best en Thursday evening, and we have seldom read an address which sustained its interest so well and so long. Yet we must add, and we add it with sorrow, Mr. Bright leaves the subject very much where he found it. No sober judgment can assign a higher character to the speech than that of an eloquent and clever electioneering harangue. Tl.e speaker, as too often happens on that stage, is lost in his audience. He sinks into the obedient mouthpiece of the 80,000 men who remember the country they have left better than that which has afforded them a home, and who forget that of the 400,000 inhabitants of Manchester and Salford, nearly all, like themselves, are exiles, or the descendants of exiles, from over stocked agricultural districts. In fact, it is the post of O'Connell which Mr. Bright here assumes. Lest we should overlook his new character, he writes it himself. "I can never lose hope of a country," he says, " which numbers amongst its sons such men as Grattan and O'Connell. I will never despair of a people that have known how to admire their genies and to venerate their patriotism." What is this but an attempt to ascend the vacant throne of a dema gogue who conducted Ireland to famine and rebellion, and to a tenfold aggravation of all her social ills ? The measures proposed by Mr. Bright, in reply to our challenge, are very soon stated. They are, the restriction of entails to lives in being, and the conse quent diminution of life interests; the equal division of property among the children of those who die in testate ; a registry of property, with other arrange ments for its cheap and easy transfer; an ad valorem duty on settlements; the greatest possible multiplica tion of freeholders; compensation to all existing tenants for any improvements they may henceforth make in their holdings ; the admission of all rate payers to the franchise ; aelarger share in the Imperial representation ; a fairer distribution of the Irish con stituency ; and the abolition of the Established Church. We are not aware of having omitted anything from the list, yet neither does it present any startling novelty in its details, nor does it show unusual judgment in the selection. Had we been asked to say what Mr. Bright was likely to propose, we think we could have found him a catalogue of grievances very similar to the above, and perhaps we might thereby have saved him his visit to Ireland. All these propositions have been so often discussed that is scarcely necessary to re-open the controversy on their merits till they come before the nation in a more tangible form. So far as regards the emancipation of property, the Le gislature has already taken a very great step. Under the Encumbered Estates Act so large a mass of pro. perty will soon be freed from its encumbrances, di vided, and thrown on the market, that land is in some danger of being unduly depreciated. Compared with this sharp and decisive remedy, Mr. Bright's own measures promise but a tardy relief, excepting only one which would, in our humble opinion, amount to the immediate con fiscation of every acre in Ireland. We mean his plan of tenant-right. Taking the Irish as they are —their want of a conscience in dealing with land lords, who, as Mr. Bright tells then", are their enemies and oppressors—their imaginary arithmetic, their habit of agrarian combination, their invincible liti giousness, and their inexhaustible ingenuity—we entertain no doubt that every tenant would set up such claims as would soon oust the landlord from all interest in his freehold. We expressed this opinion long ago on the Bill Lord Lincoln brought before Parliament, and unless Mr. Bright can produce a very different sort of measure, our remarks on that occasion apply to the brief outline in the speech now before us. Perhaps it is not very necessary to be ever lastingly explaining to the Irish how it comes to pass that they lie at the bottom of European society. The subject should not be very palatable either to the lecturer or to the pupil. When, however, an Englishman of no common ability, and the repre sentative of our largest purely manufacturing consti tuency, tells the Irish that all their misery and degradation arise from one cause, and one cause only, viz., British oppression, it is time to throw in a word or two just to save the Irishman from a delusion as hurtful to himself as it is injurious to us. The lamentable result which Mr. Bright refers to one cause is owing to a vast concurrence of causes. The unmixed Celtic origin of the people, their excitable and imaginative temperament, their religion, their remoteness from the centres of civilization, their not having passed through the ordeal and discipline of the regular feudal system, the natural fertility of a soil which yields food without tillage, the indulgence of a climate which allows huts to do the duty of houses, and turf to answer the purposes of fuel, the discovery of the potato, and the com parative want of minerals—these and other causes must be added to a cause which confessedly has occupied a very high place in the authorship of Irish misfortune—viz., the neighbourhood and do mination of a mixed, an energetic, a calculating, and a political race, that which is commonly called the Anglo Saxon, but which does in fact combine the active elements of all the most dominant European families. Ever since Ireland, then in a state of utter anarchy, was annexed to the English crown, it brought a continuous succession of difficulties to our statesmen, who, often with the best intentions, backed by the greatest abilities, never attained anything but a superficial and short-lived success. The necessities of Government compelled them to adopt rough and summary measures, confiscations, and severe coercive laws, and although it is very easy for gentlemen in the middle of the 19th century to criticize the conduct of soldiers and statesmen in the 16th, 17th, or 18th, or even now, at the beginning of the 19th, it is still possible that the men of those times did the only thing possible, rough as it was. The difficulty certainly is rather older than Mr. Bright would make it. "To tell the literal fact with regard to Ireland,' he says, " the soil of that country has b e en, for two or three centuries past , in the possession of the enemy. The present possessors of the land are the successors of those who were the possessors of it through conquest and through confis cation ; and the laws of this country—of the Imperial Legislature, and of your Legislature, when it was under the power or the corruption of ours—the laws which have prevailed in Ireland from that time to this have made it impossible for the Irish people to become possessors of the soil of their own country. In fact it is in the possession of those who have neces sarily been regarded—if I may quote the very noto rious expression of a very notorious individual--' as alien in blood, in language, and in religion.' " Three centuries ago Spenser described the condition of Ireland at very great length and from actual experi• ence ; and his description applies to the letter to the present day, excepting that, out of the mass of indi genous barbarism, which has continued nearly un changed from 1550 to 1850, there has meanwhile risen up, under the auspices of British proprietors and settlers, here and there, an oasis of indus try and civilization. That sueli a people, white it derived some benefits ,should also suffer some evils from the contiguity and connexion of a more civilized race, is, unfortunately, in a too close accord ance with a thousand examples to be thought an im probable charge. Alternately corrupted and repressed by British faction, and ever hoping to gain something by our intestine divisions, it was always thrusting it self into scrapes from which it could not fail to come off the wont. A great deal may be done slowly and gradually, by the application, not exactly of Mr, Bright's measures, but of the general policy indicated by them—namely, the deliverance of the land from settlements and mortgages, and the subdivision of the large estates into portions accessible to industrious and rising men. At present, as if to show the feebleness of political contrivances, the most effectual remedy is that which Providence has applied in the failure of the potato and in emigration. For two or three years nearly a thousand a day have quitted Ireland for a country which they may now almost call their own. " In fact, as Mr. Bright says, "the export of Ireland consists now of Irishmen." Of course there is danger, as there has already been mischief, in the final alienation and the accession to another state of so many unfortunate men disaffected to our rule. Doubtless, if a war should arise to - morrow between this empire and the States, the Irish citizens would hold up their hands to a Tan against us. Yet, on the whole, the two countries have been drawing closer and closer of late years ; all sober and reasonable parties in the Union wish us well, and even the Irish mobocracy will favour us in the matter of free trade. Nor is it impossible that, on quiet reflection, after the efforts we have made for Ireland during the last few years, they may at length allow the alleged injuries of the 16th and 17th cen turies to descend with their authors to the grave. The true and sufficient reply to the angry memories which our peacemaker has thought fit to conjure up is that which he himself has suggested. The great mass of the people of England are, and ever have been in exactly the same social circumstances as the Irish population. Lancashire is a county of outcasts, an Adullam, a settlement of voluntary exiles, from , every nook and corner of these isles. Once in that county, they start all fair; end, if a man does not get on it is his awn feult. "In this neighbourhood," says Mr. Bright, " you find that nearly all the manufacturers were themselves, or their fathers, or their grandfathers, in the ranks of labourers—they were mechanics an:l so forth ; and through the openings which have arisen continually in this district, by their superior skill and industry, and by something occasionally which men call ' 4 good fortune,' they have emerged from the ranks in which they found themselves, and have become men of capi tal, directors of great industry, and great bent: lectors to the population amongst whom they live." Very true and very well put. It is exactly the same with this overgrown metropolis, which is a vast mass of provincialism. Nine-tenths of our tradesmen and merchants sire of rural origin ; so arc nine. tenths of the men you meet in the streets. Ilave they any reason to complain that their fathers or grandfathers were younger brothers, and left without land; that they were oppressed and defrauded, that they could not obtain the secure tenancy of their farms, and were sent adrift without compensation for improvements ; that as labourers they had no hope of becoming farmers, or as farmers they had no hope of becoming proprietors ; that they paid tithes to a parson they hated ; or that they had not the free exercise of their religion ? No. They are now all the better for these things, and can afford to smile at their domestic traditions of tribulation and wrong. So we may say of the Irish and their present troubles. Forsan et /lac olim nerninisse juvabit. POST.—We are by no means disposed to regard with favour those systems of education which tend to relax the restraints of wholesome discipline in the training of youth. "Ord er ," says t h e poet, "is Nature's first law ," and it is impossible to implant too soon in the human mind a sense of the value of authority. On the general question of punishments it is not our intention here to enter. It is admitted on all hands that they .should be proportioned to the offence, and of such a character as not to interfere with the sense of self-respect on the part of the sufferer. Our attention has been called to this sub ject by certain proceedings in the Caledonian Asylum, which have recently been the subject of investigation by the authorities of that noble charity. Our readers are aware that this institution was founded for the support, education, and final settlement in life of destitute children of soldiers, sailors, and marines, natives of Scotland. The good conduct of an esta blishment so valuable to society, and so creditable to the country, is matter of vast importance and universal interest. It is not without deep regret that we perceive, from a mass of corre spondence now lying before us, that the case to which we refer demands snore ample explanation, or more satisfactory redress, than it seems hitherto to have obtained from the governing body. It appears that, so long ago as the 29th of October last, the Duke of Buccleuch, as President of the Caledonian Asylum, announced to Captain Charles Forbes, one of the co treasurers, the receipt by his Grace of a complaint preferred by one of the guardians against Mr. Renton, the superintendent of the institution. The statement sets forth that Mr. Renton had caused four girls, inmates of the establishment, to be stripped and flogged, and that not on account of any culpable mis conduct, but for acts which were the involuntary result of constitutional debility or bodily exhaustion, "for which rest and medical treatment were the pro per remedies." The Duke of Buccleuch observes— "l know nothing -- of the case beyond the complaint ; but it is one that must not be allowed to pass without notice—it is one that requires a most strict investigation, which I trust will be instituted without delay, and be strictly and fairly carried out." The matter was accordingly brought by Captain Charles Forb es b e f ore a meeting of the directors which had been convened, not for that purpose, but for the consideration of certain al legations made by the superintendent against some of the officers of the establishment. It is of less moment to notice that those allegations were found to be groundless, than that the complaint directed against the superintendent himself was so far established that he was ordered to be admonished by one of the directors. Notwithstanding this decision, a certain number of the directors, whose opinions appear to have been in sympathy with Mr. Renton, succeeded in preventing any record of the affair from appearing in the minute books, and no resolution was passed to prevent a recurrence of the proceedings which had thus been condemned. In short, the investi gation, if, indeed, the proceeding can fairly be so designated, was not conducted in that spirit of fairness and justice so strongly recommended by the Noble President. The girls who had been subjected to the unmerited and degrading punishment were not exa mined, nor was the evidence of the matron, the schoolmistress, or the maid servant who had been pre sent, sought or received. The superintendent himself appears to have been the only witness in his own case. He was directed to draw up an account of Isis conduct in the business, and to transmit it to the president. his statement, we learn was directly at variance with the written account proffered by the matron, whose testimony derived weight from an ex cellent character, proved through a period of eight - and-twenty years. The • statement made by the governess, or schoolmistress (Miss Mackenzie), is to this effect : " In respect to the flogging of girls in this asylum, I beg to state that, on the morning of the day on which the superintendent had the girls flogged, I was informed by the servant of their conduct; and as I have always found it sufficient to act on the emotions of the mind rather than to inflict corporal chastisement, I admonished them ; and it was not until the next day that my atten tion was edited to the fact that three girls had been flogged, in the presence of the matron, during my absence, and without my knowledge; and that they were to stand in the corner of the room while their cons panions took their food, and not speak or have any in tercourse for three days, which punishments they un derwent, as I had no power to interfere with the superintendent's order. On the following Monday another girl was flogged, for the same conduct, without my knowledge, although I was in the asylum." Mr. Erasmus Wilson is next applied to by one of the directors, and is asked, in a letter from that gentle man, for his opinion as to the " moral and medical effect of such punishments." Of the " moral" effect, the director himself was, or ought to have been, as competent a judge as the gentleman to whom he applied ; on that point, therefore, the reference was unnecessary; but Mr. Wilson's answer to the second part of the query is pertinent and valuable. He says that " the punishment of flogging for the cause men tioned—namely, for a disease—is in the highest degree cruel and inhuman;" and he adds, that " whore physical punishment is employed as a remedy against the disease in questi on , and where a state of fear and apprehension is kept up, it is perfectly possible that the result may be an increase of its irritability, end even the establishment of a permanent and more serious disorder." Such is the character, and such, very briefly, are the facts of this revolting case. The system of flogging girls, especially girls who have attained an age of twelve years, under any circumstances, is offensive in the highest degree to every rightly-constituted mind We question, indeed, if the cause, so there be a cause at all, be of much importance, when we are consider. ing the moral effects of so unjustifiable a degradation. But, in this instance, it would seem that the victims of a contemptible and cruel tyranny would have more properly been the objects of increased care and atten tion than of any punishment whatever. The stper intendent appears to be entrusted with unlimited authority. In such an institution such a power ought not to rest in the hands of any individual officer. A committee of directors ought to superintend the entire administration of the charity, and so prevent the pos sibility of abuses so flagrant and inhuman as this. The business cannot be permitted to rest where it is ; the public who support the invaluable institution which has thus been disgraced will require with peremptory and irresistible authority that such prac tices shall cease at once and for ever. TATTERSALL'S-THIS EVENING Six o'CLoca. CHESTER CUP. 40 to 1 apt Lady Eveljn 40 to 1 agst John Cosser 66 to 1 agst Lismahagow 66 to 1 agst Snowstorm 66 to 1 agst Sir Richard 66 to 1 agst Mounseer 80 to 1 agst Horn of Chase 100 to 1 agst Vesta 100 to 1 apt The Baroness 100 to 1 agst blelody 100 to 1 agst Cockerznoutli 100 to 1 agst Harriott 100 to 1 agst Clarissa nEkunr. 9 to 1 agst Bolingbrolre—taken 10 to 1 agst Ghillie Callum 11 to 1 apt Knight of Avenel 17 to 1 2gst the Nigger 25 to 1 agst Sweetheart 25 to 1 agst Clit;eher 30 to 1 agst Mayors LIVEEPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 15 to 1 agst Rat-trap—takun 15 to 1 agst Knight of Gwynne—taken 16 to 1 agst Petri' Simple —taken 20 to 1 agst Sir John—takon 30 to 1 agst Farnham--taken 50 to 1 agst Reseue—taken 50 to 1 asst silent Friend—taken 50 to 1 agst The Hero—taken The Duke of Wellington commences the new year with fresh evidence of health and strength. The other day he went out hunting, and actually rode between ten ,and twelve miles to cover.—United service Gaieties - THE COUNT] JAN. s.—Pr; s. d. S. d.I tY MARKETS. :ccs to-day are um banged. s. d. s. Wllcat, per 701 b Barley, English, pr i 0 1 ,1.. • 6 4to 6 6 i mper i al quarter 29 oto 31 0 . G 0 6 3 Irish, Scotch, and Irish, new .. •• D 5 Manx,per 0., old 5 8— 5 10 Barley, Feeding.. 3 0— 3 4 re and wh. 5 9 6 2 Bye, per 4801 h .• 22 0 24 0 1 liint,:c.,lligh mixed 7 2 7 ti Beans, English, pr .. 6 8-- 7 2 imperial quarts 31 0— 33 0 Rostoei: G 8 6 10 Trish and Scotch, If aniburc;ll and per 4801 b— .. _L 28 0 29 0 ower Baltic G 8 Foreign, duty pd. 25 3 25 Anlerle:m, xs , bite 6 8 10 European, per ins -Spa:o,li .1.! Italian, perial quarter.. 30 0 red 31 and white.. 6 0 5 Peas, English, per TI and imperial quartr 32 0 33 0 . • 5 6 5 9 Foreign .. .. 29 0— 30 Ode , :sa, Polish .. 5 8-- C Malt, English, per Do., contain 52 6 imperial quartr 50 0— 54 Jm., herd.. ••4 6 4 Do., Irish .•40 0 .-48 Egyptian .. .. 40— 4 5 Do., brown •50 0 o,its, per 451 b Flour, pr 52 0 Ety...lL-11, Scotch, 2801 b •• 31 0—33 0 and NVelsit .. 30— 3 2 extra fine— 34 0 35 0 Irish, new, best United States, per mea ling .. 25 2 61 barrel .. 23 6—2 G 0 Do., mid and inf. 2 4 2 5 Calitidian • • .. 23 0— 24 0 Old .. • . • • 2 7 - 2 B'O a t meal, English, Intikin coal, per & Scoteh,pr24olb 93 0 24 0 .. 29 0— 30 Oi Irish, new .. • • 21 G— 22 0 Do. Meal, perl96lb 11 o—l 4 GI Do., old .20 0 21 0 MANCLIESTER, JAN, s.—'lho trade in the early part of the week continued to exhibit an improving aspect, although business was sotnewlottt interrupted by the 1134(11 character of the present season, a steady de mand was expt-riencod tar flour tit prices rather exceed ing the curs-,ucy of the preceding market day. Subse quently a quieter tecling has prevailed, and the dealers end bsk,.rs, having purchased to a fair extent, seem now dioposed to pause. On the other hand, however, factors, whose stocks are reduced into a much narrow compass tll7lll for some time past, remain exceedingly firm. Oat meal has me - , a moderato consumptive demand, without change in valuq. At our war lc,,t this morni ng there was only a limit( d business passing in any article; but the iew transacions which occurred in wheat and oats were it fully the rates of this day se'nnight, whilst oatmeal and the lower descriptions of flour tvtr4 again be quoted sae turn d , - art r. WORCESTER, JAN. s_—There was a full attendance of farm. is i. t the first market of the year, held to-day, and o,!thouei samples were freely in offer, prices were well maintained at the advance of last week. Good wit at must now be quoted at 16s. Some inferior sera ph's are taken at 15s, but prime qualities have fetched 163 6d.. Not much business doing in barley, at from 3s to 3s 6d per bushel. Malt in slow demand, at from 7s to Ss p- r bushel. Englisa oats average 3s 3d per bushel, uct Ir:sh from 2s 61 to 3s. Good English beans 4s 6d t 4s 10(l per bushel; foreign 33 6d to 4s. Peas about 4s per bushel. Winter vetches 55 6d to 63. At S:ourbridge market, ou Friday, there was a good supply of grain of most descriptions, and a correspond ing dunand for it on the part of the millers and dealers. For wheat especially the demand was good, and fair samples realised Is per quarter more money without difficulty. Barley also was in request, and superb r samples advanced is per quarter in price. In beau and peas a fair amount of business doing, and price firm. Oats maintained last week's rates. At Stratford-on -Av o n market en Friday also there. was a good attendance both of farmers and millers, it being what is called the "new market." Wheat was firm, anl in good samples Is per quarter advance was obtainable; inferior qualities as last quoted. Barley maintained previous rates, but without realizing more tnoney. Beans firm, at last week's prices. Oats dull of sale. At Atherstone the show of Wheat was limited; other grain an average supply. Wheat averaged 5s per buskiel; prime qualities a trine higher. Barley cannot be quoted higher than 26s per imperial quarter. Oats were sale able at 20s to 21s per quarter. At Kidderminster rnqrket on Thursday wheat advanced in price fully is per quarter. Barley in fair demand, at 6d to Is per quarter advance. Oats and Beans slow of srt!e. Wolverhampton market was barely supplied with wlwat, and an advance of Is per quarter took place. READING, J.N. s.—Wheat, per quarter, 30s to 50s; barley, 255 to 28s; oats, 16s to 20s ; beans, 30s to 335; peas, 30s to 325. Fat hogs, Os to Os Od; porkers, Cs Od to Os Od per score. Poultry—Geese, each, 5s 0(1 to 6s Od; fowls, per couple, 3s Od to 3s 6d ; ducks, per couple, 3s Od to 3s 6d ; butter, per lb, Is to is 1(1; eggs, 10 to 12 for Is. ABERDEEN, JAN. 4.—Grain—Oats 13s 64 to 14s 6d, 401byter bushel ; oats, new, 00s Od to 00s ; foreign oats, 00: Od to 00s Od per qr.; barley, 17s t o 18 s Od, 52Ib s per bushel; bear,l7s to 18s, 521bs per bushel ; wheat, 40s to 45s ; oatmeal, Ils 6d to 125 6d per boll ; flour, 33s to 00s per sack. Provisions--Beef, Gd to 8d per lb ; mutton, ditto, 6d to 7d ; veal, ditto, 6d to 7d ; pork, per lb, 4d to 6d ; lamb, per lb, Od to Od; tallow, per stone, 4s to 4s 6d ; potatoes, per peck, 8d to 10d; hay, per cwt, Os to Os ; rabbits, each, 7d to 8d; hares, each, OS to Os Od ; grouse, per brace, Os to Os ; butter, per lb, 7d to 8d; eggs, per doz, 10d to is 2d; cheese, per cwt, 18s to 235; hens, per pair, Ss Oct to 3s 6d ; chickens, ditto, Is 8d to 2s Od ; ducks, dittift Is 8d to 2s Cd ; ducklings, ditto, Os to Os Od; turkeys, each, 4s Od to 5s Od; geese, ditto, 3s 6d to 4s; butter for exportation (present cure), per cwt, 00s to 525; eggs, wholesale price, per dozen, a to 7d; 41b loaf, 6d; 21b loaf, 3d ; pork, per stone of 14Ibse 3s 6d to Os Od; pork fine, small, 5s 6d to Os Od ; pork large* 3s 6d to 4s 3d; ship pork per barrel of 204 lbs, Os to es• Meal—Oatmeal, is 2d to is 3d; barley dust, 6d to 7d; peasemeal, Is 10d to Os Od ; sids, 6d to 7d:; bearmeal, is to Os , flour, is 10d to 2s Od ; barley, per lb, lid to 2d; barley flour, Is '3d to Cs Od. DALICEITII, JAN. 3.—The relative weight per four busbelf of the three prices of wheat were 18st 71b, l7st 51b, and 16 4 81b. Oats, 13st 21b, 12st 11b, and lOst 51b. Barley, 16st 1011), 15st 121 b, and 14st 51b. Peas and beans, 18st 131 b, 18st 411 , , and 18st 31bs. Qrs. Best. Current. Inferior. 4 2 Wheat ... ...... 3 0 £1 16 0 £1 10 0 1570 Oats 1099 Barley 33 Peas and Beans 18 0 15 0 14 0 Avei age of wheat........ 36s 2id. GLASGOW CATTLE MARItET, JAN. 3.—At our market to-day the numbers were —oxen, 532 ; sheep, 1,804. Owing to the scarcity of cattle sales were dull, but pre' vious prices were supported, and a good clearance wag effected. Top price for best ox beet 503 per cwt, mfr . rent from 44s to 48s, inferior qualities from 303 to 405 per do. The supply of sheep was considerably leas than last day, which caused sales to be much more easily effected. Best aged vvethers sid per lb, cu rrent 4. : 1 1,1 to stl, middlin g and inferior from 3d to 4d per d° . All sold. Conx, JAN. 4.—We have no arrivals of foreign gra i° to report. The receipts of home grown for the wet amount to—Wheat, 1,167 b arre l s ut 16s 61 to 215 6 per barrel; barley, 1,870 barrels at 7s to Its 8d R i ff barrel; oats, 3 . 9 35 b arrels at 7s to 9s 9d per barrel. the Green -market the value of all descriptions of gre o3 is firmly supported, while for some higher rates ar e given. I n p repared Irish wheat wo have had but lit": business passing. P r i me foreign is in demand, and t(); 'any of really goo d qual i ty enhances prices are demanded' There is very little malting barley offiring. In grinding barley a few sales have been made at late rates. Sool parcels of oats have changed hands at the currency f d our last. W e quote t h e value of the article 9s to 93 Per barrel, free on board. We continue to experience. good demand f or f oreign flour which is taken readily ,a: late prices. I r i s h h owever is neglected and dull of W e i ; With but a mo d erate business passing in Indi% corn its val ue i s fully supported, the curren t prices for th e art i c l e b e i ng 61 12s 6d to 6/ per ton. Indian meal meets a very restricted sale' Flour—Fi rs t 12 s tid to 13s Cd ; extra 150 13'„ seconds, I Is to 12 s 6d ; h ouseholds Os to 103 6d; thirds, 6s W 4'4 I. per cwt. O a t mea l 9 s O d to lOs ; Indian meal 7s to 7s 3d; wheat, meal, 9860 t o 10 s per cwt. I nd i an corn 132860 to 1378 6d per ter' ~, Bran 3/ Os to 3112 s 641 p er t on . Hay—Farmers 21s to 3 2s; averalt, 30s ; dealers 3's to 38s 00; average 36s per ton. St, aw— Farrar ; 14s Od to 26 3 00 ; average 745; dealers 34s Od to 009 average 008 Od per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf 6d to 64; household loaf 5d to Sid per 41b. Fresh butter. 8d 103 per lb E ggs -58 100 to 6s Od per hundred. Colus Newport 15 s; L ydney 17s ; Landore 15s ; Best Ne th t Culm 14.3 per t on . T allow 39s Od to Oos per e„ t, .`" Whisky, 25 0 . p., 58 9d per imperial gallon. 7 0 —Beef 3_ ls id to sd; m utton 4d to sd; veal „, a r Od ; pork 3id t o 4d ; bacon 7d to 8d ; sausages 5d Li lb. Hops 13/ Os per cwt. Banor slates 312 a 6d to 3/ 50 ton. Bark—Barbary 7i 5s to 8158 ; Valonia 14/ to 01; Fren e 715 s ; English 0/ per ton. Fleece Wool 105 to 12s per s toile d Hemp 32/ to GO/ per toe. Fish—Scotch herrings 18, to 19s; r e ditto 243 to 26s p er b arre l ; N ew f oundland 9! Os to 11/ ,f ton. Timber-11Ierne), 851 per ton; deals, first quality, h, , second quality, 16s p er 100. Hid es —Market 14s to "j salted 14s to 20s p er cwt ; ca l f skins 2d to 20 per b. Potatoes, white 7d to 9d; Minions lld to 12d • Guano) Peruvian, 11l 10s; I c h a b oe, 91 per ton ; Tar.—Archalage 19s per barrel. avb ( EA _ DVER TISEMENT.i — DecIaration of a soldier W fought at Waterloo, cured by Holloway's Pills and Ointment' 0 " 1 publicly state that Professor Holloway's Pills and Ointroe have cured me o f several ulcerous sores, which had their origin in i mper f ect l y healed wounds received in the battle f Waterloo. The pain was of constant duration, and I was Cori' fined to my bed al ways d ur i ng the harvest months. 1 1:0°0 now for two years been enjoying the best of health, solely. l i , consequence of using Holloway's Ointment and Pills, whit cured me in a very s h o:t time ; in gratitude for which Pub, lish this t es ti mony. ( Signed) J. de Swart the , of Lent, 0 0 Vossepels, nea r N ymegen, Holland, Oct. 4th, 1849." 2.0 by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishills" 444, Strand, London. BIRTH'S. On the 4th ,at Charles street, Berkeley-4 1 ~ ate, the Countess of Craven, of a son. On the 28:h ult., the lady of Charles Claridge, SCI •f Albion-road, Holloway, of a son. On the r 9th ult., at the rectory, Orcheston, St. biarf'9r Wilts, the lady of Captain Henry Marriott, of a daughte; o , On the Ist ins,., at the Hyde near Upton-on-Sev e Worcestershire, the lady of Mk J jor J. P. Woodward, of s 'l'ell, On the 3d in s t., at tlaverstock-terrace, Hampstead, Shoveller, of a daughter. On the 3d i ns t. , at Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, the wife Dr. Vores, of a daughter. On the 8d i nst , at l3othal Rectory, Northumberland, the wifi! of the Rev. H. Hopwood, of a daughter. ker . On the Al inst., in U pper W o b urn-place, Mrs. E. Na barih, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 3d inst., at St. Mary's Church, Paddington , 1 ,, Rev. IV. Cuthbert Barwizi, curate of St. James's Chtlf,o,c Leeds, to Mary, youngest d aug h ter o f t h e late B. H o gb`" Esq., of Waltham-abbey. On the 3d inst., at Lympston Ch urc h , D evon, Mr. S 11114; T. Sivol, of Mr. John Si ve ll, of Lprupstori, to 0 , 4 Elizabeth Ann Ed war d s , gran dd aughter of the late MOO' Colman, E!,q., DIED. On the 2d inst., en the Marine-parade, Dover, 11. L. — ll°36 ' Esq., late Captain of the 3d (or King's Own) Dragoon s ,:. On the 2:1 inst., Mr. John Web s t er , of Burnham, thic" - ;.. On the 3d inst., at the Manor-house, Sheppertont - garet, wife of James Scott, Esq. On the 3d inst , at East Dulwich, aged 79, James putt E q,woo d , On the 31 s t u lt ., at Tetbury Gloucestershire, Jacob T , - Esq , :aged 01 the Wt., at Tei gnmou th , G eorge Fiddest 5 13°11t : only son (f the lat e M a j or George Short, of the 45th lle' went N. 1., Bengal Anny. G London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOIP'„,„ 10, No. 112, St ran d, Printer, at The Sun Office, ii Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the co' Middla3ex, Monday. January 7, 1850. F b UI 1, ..,., ti eft, It , z I S t (.4 1A :-., . a 111 -ea " i t ; e t 8 ei( VI -16,1.1N lit , 14 14 1119 4 fl ) litle t Qum D AL 8% ox S /1, , Oki