The Sun. — London, England, 1851-03-25 00:00:00

er - 0? iti ed be of ' 'o• be , 10 It f s l tr. versal suffrage of France bad sent 10,000 bayonets t° support it—so powerful that Spain was making a voluntary restitution of Church property—so Powerful that Sehwarzenberg, with one stroke of his th , had swept away the bigotry of a hundred years — (I t, hut that day by day ehe was withdrawing herself trees state coneexion and Erastian dominion ?—(Hear.) 1 11 4 it was which had enabled a pauper hierarchy to 'Cie its place by the side of a largely salaried episcopal est ablishtnent—a pauper hierarchy which was regarded With sympathy throughout Christendom, while the sale "e(l hierarchy had no sympathy out of the British etn- P 11 :e. A cardinal prince of the Church bad been sent to th is country—a dignitary wbo in every court of Europe Would take precedence of our own Prince Consort — w ho, under his Cardinal's robes, carried the wallet of a me ndicant, and who depended for the support of his di gnity only upon the voluntary contributions of those W ho beli eve d.—(h ea r.) Rome had gone far beyond the Government of England in support of the principle that t° , one should pay but for the faith of his own church. s 'e had plunged far down for the shadow of the coming tr uth and here in England had first proclaimed the b ' l ans i of that union between modern liberty and ancient f etch, which in his conscience he believed would yet re generate the world.—(Cheers from the opponents of the Sir. M. MILNES said that knowing the difficulty in which the Government was placed, he was surprised that °D. Members should come down, and with words of f riendship on their lips seek to embarrass a Govern ment whose place they professed themselves unable to i 111) ,P 1 Y. It was not without considerable pain that he au come to the conclusion that it was his duty to sup l'Ort the Bill. He could not deny that there had been an assumption of ecclesiastical titles. Though de idted with the logical speech of the Hon. and Learned e b e mber for Plymouth he could not help being reminded tio Y it (sf a mode of arguing on political economical ques as in his young days, in which they were expected , d raw perfect conclusions from some such assumption - e s s "Suppose a man on an island."—(A laugh.) If the Prevent were an abstract question—if it stood by itself llo aseociated with historical recollections—then the ar treents of the Hon. and Learned Member would have eti irrefragable. But when they recollected the long struggle between Popery and Protestantism, and the vic till? which at last remained with Protestantism only by h. , chance of a change in the dynastic succession, theught they would find an element in the ques -4„°,11 not taken into account by the Honourable 'ad Learned Member for Plymouth in his very able ,r "h. There was another element in that question orthy of consideration, and it was this—that the (lisle of England were growing more suspicious than th any former period of their history of hierarchical au °rity altogether. The House would recollect that Wh en last session it was proposed to add the least pos cal offensive number to the bishops in this country, it 8 0 repugnant to the notions of that use, that the Gov ernmentabandoned the project. H Ho e thought it was 411 Possible to deny the spontaneous character of the de rc)stration which had taken place in that matter. th e w 9 ver opposed he might be to the letter of si Noble Lord—for he did not think a Minister had a pt s l 2 :lt t o make his private religious opinion a part of his 55 • l ie nolicy—(llear)—he did not think that letter had much to do with the excitement and agitation which e lk evailed in the country. The object and effect scone eve t t it Posed Act he took to be this—to assimilate th kt u li and position of such Roman Catholic bishops as t o rt be established in this country to that of the same lY in Ireland. The clause in the Act of 1829 had it 11 found sufficient for all the purposes for which te n ns originally intended, with the single ex- T e ren, he believed, of John Archbishop of , who was not considered the most mo t amongst the prelates; none of the t s ,:ra had ever attached their titles to any public &cue gh The Bill on the table only proposed to do the qh t lla With regard to the new hierarchy. It was, indeed, r e lte a question of form—and it was as a question of k.,,.' 113 that he agreed to it. The establishment of a Ro• a,;"" had hierarchy by the Pope was an act which teed no power to prevent; but the publication of that Of,' t he manner in which it had been set forth, its mode ci tte liression, were such as fully justified us, with all le z 2egard to the principles of toleration, in examining 4 . 1 far th e mo d e i n which that act was passed called se Sil o %dilation on the part of that House. Making every for w4loce for the person to whom that act had been sent js,,9Peration, he might have managed it in a less ob tte'l°llable manner. There was no distinction between 4 1 auraption of those titles and a certain territorial (44 °1 1 The Hon. and Learned Member for Plymouth thei! "(minden Palmer) had said that the Roman Ca it t i t ? religion required that ecclesiastical development tlis t ," a, manner proposed. Now he (Mr. M. Milnes) P;nt that with the assumption of that power we as help led more than mere religious distinction. The 4 1 ' e iastical dominion of Rome remained a fact in his- 114 which it was impossible to dispute. It was impose 14to dissociate it entirely from political influence. ly e at the Court of Rome at this moment. Look at th o „"Pal power as it was now. Yet see, how feeble f t egh its political organization might be, what a power (g Political influence it exercised all over the world.— It s ea r.) When the Pope was sent from his dominions, h ad been brought back by the Roman Catholics of li s l‘,, ° ?°. Now, he (Mr. Milnes) did not think they wer e vr t ,„'"ug any principle of religious liberty when they th,; (3 dealing with that question as they were. Indeed, t 5 'let of the Pope, or one with similar objects, might c,b"seen done iu a manner which would have offended ts tt l Y, and if done in a quiet manner could have been k o laged in a way not calculated to provoke any ani st,,°.ltY or hal feeling in the public mind in rse E neea. z u lt 'was, what was the act now? Why it was not so O h an act of assumption as of re-assumption. The cot tokla was that the Pope only resumed his old tti /v er in England—that ha only again returned to Country as if there had never been a Reformae W s "' a civil war, a revolution in England.—(Hear.) sr e te ti not the titles assumed, too, moat assumptuous, cf th t.rkos t likely to provoke the hostility of the people wi t k is country on account of their former connexion f st g the Roman Catholic religion? The facts, there- R e upon which the present Bill was brought in fee Well founded, and the case of the Government ZIY support e d by the public feeling of the country. f` clause in the Act of 1829 which prevented Roman kes s , °l ic bishops from assuming the titles of sees bad vt ot i` i. ,aufficient fur all practical purposes, and therefore ttit t i : l Make the introduction of that Bill into Ireland 4 0 t) 15 4° . He did not therefore see what difficulty the ip l i'e Lord at the head of the Government could have t tesi rcit ing its operations to Great Britain, having al there that clause in the Emancipation Act o f 1829, and titi o e ,, ll 3? get rid of a good deal of th e ill-will and oppo of the Irish Members towards that measure. a difference between the Irish and the En l'tee-'"ensan Catholic hierarchy in this respect—that the :°q„ - ttion of the numbers of the people to these bishops tel),:qy dissimilar; and it was often of some importance tt h " . 1 03 the public opinion of the laity sufficiently strong t t %e; °(ll fY the arrangements of the episcopacy. With ~et to th e possibility of preventing bishops or such °4 ‘ , 44 °ril meeting in synod, he could not see the possi est:i but if ' the attempt were made to prevent them tt j t Would be driven to meet in secret, and t hat would I titaaYs worse than au open assemblage. But not- We t fr he niding all they had heard on the subject , t eli tn ' vent ur e to say that it would be difficult in any , t ate t 7 °ll l assembly in this country to find so many in N ee r Of secular education as there had been in the oriC 4 of Thurles.—(Hear, hear.) He could not a h tid himself to neglect the opinions of his con on that subject ; and, indeed, he thought no °tt much ought to differ from his constituents with tilelich deliberation and full explanation. After all, ° Pite *t aa a question of public opinion, and it was public std (54 Which would finally settle it. The present Bill th e y Kit Satisfy the people of this country; but it was all •eculd do to satisfy them, and all they ought to do. tpl (e 'er, hear.) If they attempted more, it would be , 1 0 delusion upon the people of England. To attempt 1) 4 -I t l with that matter was impossible in one respect; ties Ill aY could deal with the assumption of the ostenta so titles. Titles were very much regarded in this ti t 4 h t L itry, perhaps more t h an i n any other land. S o par t') '''ae were we, that our diplomatic or public servants tin b ,„ , t her places were not allowed to receive any rank or ke b - 'tom a foreign Power. On that point there was lt - ' ) thing peculiar in the presence of a pers on h olding k l a rank of a cardinal residing in a Protestant country. e h ~h a person w a s e steemed a Prince in other countries, (1, 4 was styled br o ther and cousin by potentates hi'eoad. Ne w , p er h aps i t m i g ht be that in prohi t'king the open use of those titles they were con itqeing a benefit upon those who held them ; fur ‘l4 might continually expose them to disagree ttr circumstances and consequences in their rola sS:,ll3 with the people of this country. Public opinion go far to prevent all the good which the Act of %. t l , l light do. It had been formerly said by Sir R. Peel , i ti L l 'et. the Act of Catholic Emancipation did not rest s Parliament, but with the public opinion of the and that they would be doing very little towards 4ecneiliation of Protestants with Roman Catholics by ti t : l jig the latter in a position then for which they were vitae fit, or make them eligible for the highest net-hlttions, to which, however, no Government dare ap - Wg: t hem." Such was the position also on w hich we the now placed; and he feared that question would at tip gßM eext general election exclude many Hon. and dis ahsbed Members from that House.—(Hear.) He el tt L 4 9 say to the people of England, it was not by ex tintl.ll"C the Roman Catholic Members from that House I% Y could hope to put an end to the struggle which ;e4 l - fri Pending between the Churches of Rome and De vend. The contest which was going on could only ' th ee by moral moans—by the extension of education nel,,a clearing up of the minds of men. Such was the Way in which they could compete with Rome. The mber concluded by announcing his intention of , I ,t l R for the second reading of the Bill. Ititt d r *SADLElß said the Hon. Member who had just S Et f ° ° , l3 fell into merciful hands, for he was disposed to tie r , with him in the spirit of the fullest charity. The ace - ' Member, however, in proceeding to give his rest -44411 f or voting in favour of that Bill , relieved any p e rson fli t , the trouble of reply, for the Hon. Member imme gletY after fully answered himself. He granted that Wite'° ll . Member's speech, with one or two exceptions, 4Piet an improvement upon that tone of bigotry and add,: Of intolerance which pervaded so many speeches 4 1 ,1)1,; e 45ed to the House on that subject. T he Honour )'o Member admitted that there was a lat ent hatred of t h(i 1Y in England. No doubt there was. And that was *o ti ll r eat practical difficulty which every st atesman ' 4 find here who had to legislate for a great ma ss of r e „°, llB , consisting of Protestant Roman Catholic, and thoYterian, and other forms of religion. In considering full it should always be borne in mind that to ni er llll development of the Roman Catholic religion a I 've r 4 "Y was indispensable. Dr. Murray had over and si tti again in the discharge of his diocesan kluUe, to bill ) p d eetimputs as " Daniel Murray, Archbishop of to n 5 ,11 1." But the Honourable Gentleman seemed 4 4Cuu fault with the form rather than with Illbitanee of that proceeding. The fact THE SUN, was, however, that no offence had been meant or could have been meant by the authors of the chenee. Cardinal Wiseman had solemnly declared that ho had not pub lished those documents, and he did not know how they had reached the public press in this country. But the documents had been eagerly caught up and made the basis of a violent religious agitation. In his appeal to the people of England, Dr. Wiseman had also expressed the deep regret he should feel at having given offence to any portion of his fellow-countrymen. What had been the object of the change which had been so much com plained of? Its object had been to establish fur the Roman Catholics in this country a free national hierarchy; and let him tell them that Roman Catholics in England, with the spirit of independence which they possessed in common with the rest of their fellow-coun trymen, wished to have for their religious liberty some better security than the establishment of vicars-apostolic, who were the mere creatures and nominees of that individual wham the First Minister of the Crown would designate as a foreign prince. That distinguished prelate, the late Dr. Doyle, Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin, had laid down the proper view to be taken on that subject. Dr. Doyle had stated in the course of his evidence before a Parliamentary Committee that there was a material difference between a vicar-apostolic and a bishop, because a vicar-apostolic was dependent on the will of the See of Rome; he could he removed at the pleasure of the Pope; the faculties which he exercised could bo restricted, limited, or modi fi.d; " but that," continued Dr. Doyle, "is nut the case with us bishops; we cannot be removed at pleasure; our rights are defined from the Gospel and the canon law; defined as well as those of the Pope himself; we cannot be obliged to do anything at the mere good-will or plea sure of a Pope." Now, that was the independence which he (Mr. Sadleir) trusted would never be surren dered either by the laity or clergy of the Roman Catholic Church in these kingdoms. That independence had lately been conferred by the liberality of Pope Pius IX. on the Roman Catholics of England; and that independ ence they would never, he earnestly hoped, surrender. The Honourable Gentleman had spoken of the small number of Roman Catholics in this country. But it should not be forgotten that there was a large and a daily increasing Irish Roman Ca tholic population in Englund ; and many of those people employed as labourers in great public works had hitherto been left lamentably destitute of religious instruction. He had himself received letters from Irish Roman Catholics employed on railways in this country, earnestly supplicating him to use his influence with the secretaries of companies, for the purpose of obtaining fur them a removal to some district where they could assist at the rites and ceremonies of their religion, and ex pressing their readiness in that case to take half the amount of wages they had previously obtained. But it had been said that that measure had been called fur by public opinion. Now, he had reason to know that there were multitudes of Protestant clergymen, both in this conntry and in Ireland, who looked with the utmost scorn and contempt at the hubbub which had convulsed this country. He should, however, take that opportunity of frankly acknowledging that he did not think the appoint ment of a cardinal in England had been at all called for. He should also admit that the language used in those I Papal de cuments had displayed gross ignorance of the feelings and prejudices of the English people; and he held that every man ought as much as possible to shape his conduct so as to defer to the religious feelings of his fel low-citizens. He should further say that so far as the feeling of the people of this country upon the subject evinced an opposition to foreign aggression and a deter mination to resist the interference of a foreign power in their temporal concerns, he respected that feeling, and he believed that it was natural and honourable to them. But the majority of the speeches delivered in favour of that Bill seemed to him to be better adapted for the audi ences which usually attended conventicler, than for a grave and deliberative assembly like the House of Com mons. The Roman Catholics had been accused by the Noble Lord of a blind obedience to the Pope. But they paid him no such obedience, and the calumny was one which had long ago been refuted. The Noble Lord had further said that the establishment of a hierarchy had not been called for by the Roman Catholic laity of this country. lie should like, however, to kuowthe Noble Lord's authority for that statement. He (Mr. S.) believed that the Roman Catholics of this country, as freemen and as Englishmen, desired the establishment of a hierarchy among them. The Noble Lord had also stated that the Roman Catholic laity were anxious for this Bill as a protection against the intolerance of their own clergy. The conciliatory Prime Minister seemed to think that he had interfered to keep the peace between the Roman Catholic clergy and laity. Now that appeared to him (Mr. Sadleir) to be a most extraordinary assumption on the part of the Noble Lord. He should add, that a Minister of State could not possibly commit a greater error than by saying or doing anything which could lead to a diminution of those feelings of attachment, fidelity, and confidence which happily bound together the Roman Catholic clergy and laity in these kingdoms. He felt convinced that as a body the Romsn Catholics of England not only did not call for that Bill, but that they abhorred the principle upon which it proceeded. The Noble Lord had alluded to the conduct of the Pope in selecting Dr. Cullen to fill the primatial chair in Ire land, and to the course taken by the Synod of Thurles. He (Mr.Sadleir) should, therefore, briefly refer to those subjects. The appointment of Dr. Cullen—whom the Hon. and Learned Member stigmatised as an Italian monk—had been made the subject of censure. But what was the mode in which such appointments were made? On the death of an archbishop in Ireland, either one or two months after, the Catholic parochial clergy select throe names to he 1 ,,,, •nn , 0-nonrinel to the Holy See. It es-. always nes practice for the bishops of the province to consider the three names, and express their opinion with reference to the respective merits of the individuals, and upon that the Holy See proceeded to nominate to the vacancy. On the death of Dr. Crolly, the predecessor of Dr. Cullen, as primate, the parochial clergy of the archdiocese of Armagh selected three names, and the bishops of the province assembled to consult as to the relative merits of the three individuals, but could not agree as to the recom mendation which they should make. In this unusual state of things it was the manifest duty of the Holy See to make such a selection as would not give to any party an unseemly triumph; to make a selection in accordance with the national feeling of the Irish Roman Catholics, and consistent with the independence of the national Church. He was not at liberty to state in Parliament the pains taken by the Holy See to make such a selec tion, but he was at liberty to say that greater efforts could not have been used to ascertain the feelings of the Irish hierarchy, or those of the most eminent and influ ential members of the Catholic laity. And who was the man selected ultimately; who was Dr. Callen? The Hon. and Learned Member for Southampton had called him an Italian monk; but ho was a native of Ireland, and to his certain knowledge had a large and more in fluential circle of relations than any other member of the Catholic hierarchy, having received his earliest education in the county of Kildare, then proceeding to college at Carlow, and afterwards to the Continent to complete his theological studies. Then they found him chosen to preside over the Irish ecclesiastical estab lishment at Rome—a position always held by some distinguished Irishman, and one in which he acted as the accredited agent at Rome of the Catholic hierarchy in Ireland, and that hierarchy had always evinced a jus• tifiable jealously of anything approximating to ecclesias tical aggression from Rome. Much had been said as to the attitude assumed by the Synod of Thurles with re spect to the educational scheme of the Government. He was most anxious to see the system of education pre scribed for the Queen's Colleges flourish and expand in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) But in the same propor tion as his anxiety for their success was his regret that the innocent blundering of the Government had failed to compose those differencesand allay those doubts which had prevented tn been. from T being a s disapproval usefulon they otherwise might the part of the H ol y See was somewhat qualified; for th t e he Qu h e i e e n ra 's re C h o y lle w g e e v s e a d s iv a id t edprien os itepniwnt constituted. s andtitli the disapprovalod w . w were But r o e f their differences an t d o t b il e e, r a mj h o o s v e i d t ? By an appeal to a superior authority, bishops was the Holy See. r o e n o w u as cad as t a o t t the e Synod mode were patiently and caTrehfeulrleyasevoelsghofetha7 variousßom e, cl th decision de o s f , t a h o e d lLo o ly go S out. That synod was convened for very different and discipline by which that decision was to be ea t rried ob jects from those which the Noble Lord would have led e e s e tio w n as th p e r the House to believe; and if the Noble Lord had read the syllabus of the 29 or 30 leading subjects for discussion at the synod, he would see that they did not relate to tem poral matters. With regard to the observations which had been made on the allusion in the address of the synod to the sufferings of the p oor he asked w would not have been disgraced in the eyes of et h er y eir fel low-countrymen if , hthe they had separated without any allu sion to the existence of such fearful wretchedness and suffering? The Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment bad said that he never read a document more cal culated to excite hatred in the minds of the tenantry; but there was nothing in it more forcible than the touch ing address of the Catholic bishops to Lord Clarendon, in which they appealed to him as the representative of the Government to take into his anxious consideration the alarming sufferings of the poor. They were not rebuked on that occasion, and Lord Clarendon said he held it to be the first duty of a Government to save the lives of the people. It was in Ireland that the force and efficacy of this Bill would be most severely tested, and he begged to call the attention of the Hon. and Learned Member for Windsor (Mr. Hatchell) to the opinion of Mr. O'Hagan, the Queen's Counsel in Ireland, who said that, as ho understood the disciplin e of the Roman Ca tholic Church in Ireland, the provisions of this Bill would be wholly inconsistent with the free action and practical existence of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. That opinion was corroborated by the opinions of other distinguished men at the Irish bar. He protested against the recitals of the preamble, which, incorporated with the first, and now only section, would give that sect t io h n e a potency and operation whic h i t wo u l d not otherwise have, and entitle the statute to be ranked with those measures which had been descri bed b y Burke as ferocious acts of faction.—(Hear , hear.) Mr. H. BERKELEY regarded the Papal bull as an aggressive insult on the supremacy of the Queen, whether temporal or spiritual, and he considered an Act of Par liament necessary both to express the opinion of the people of England and to prevent, if possible, the recur rence of the offence. The measure itself was certainly one of very light construction, and contained not one jot of religious persecution. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government had taken a very judicious course, steering clear of the bigotry of Exeter Hall, and equally avoiding the doke,far niente course of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, the Member for Ripon.—(Hear , heir, e.ne laughter.) The Church of Rome had been waiting for tl,e test t;:•11 a with wen moisth neping the'. tile Church of England would fall into it of her own accord, and now the Pope had given the tree a shake, hoping to bring down the unripe fruit.—(Renewed laughter.) No one could have listened to the first speech of the Noble LONDON, Lord the Member for Bath without coming to the con clusion that the Papal aggression was owing to Puseyism. There were two words more met with throughout England now than any others in the English vocabu lary, and those were Puseyism and Popery, and the first was.even less popular than the last. People, in fact, looked upon Puseyism as standing in the same position to Popery as the grub did to the butterfly —(Laughter.) It was the chrysalis which had nothing to do hut to cast its skin and expand its wings aed forth with it became Popery itself. Looking at the quotation made by the Noble Lord from the writings of Cardinal Wiseman, which might bo called Wiseman on Puseyism, one could not come to any other conclusion than that in 1841 Dr. Wiseman contemplated an union of the Church of England with the Church of Rome. If Dr. Wiseman thought so in 1841, what conclusion must he not have arrived at after seeing the effect for ten years of the en couraging symptoms of the disease? They now saw Sisters of Mercy and Popish attire in their streets, and wherever the Puseyite fungi had arisen the good old Protestant terms of morning and evening service had been changed to matins and vespers. These things were common in London, and he had seen them in Bristol—he knew also that they existed in Manchester and Liverpool. Was it, then, to be wandered at if the Pope entertained a strong opinion that the English Church was about to forsake its errors? The Arch bishop of Canterbury himself could not have done more, he hoped he would not do less, under similar circum stances, than the Pope had done. Suppose an intimation was convoyed to Lambeth Palace that in the Roman Ca tholic Cathedral of SaGeorge the candlesticks had been re moved, the font for holy water overthrown, the mysterious bell had ceased to ring, and the priests had put away their splendid lace garments, and adopted surplices, what conclusion oould the Archbishop of Canterbury come to but that Dr. Wiseman was fast approaching the Church of England? and could they blame the Arch bishop if he put forth his holy crook, seized Dr. Wise man by the red leg, and endeavoured to lug him into the Protestant sheep- fold ?—(Hear and a laugh.) Thou look at the manner in which the appointment of these bishops was received. Dr. Ullathorne, using language that would be considered almost blasphemous it used by a Protestant, said, " it would seem as if Christ had burst a second time from the tomb." But when the whole country, of all sects and denominations, rose and expressed its opinion unmistakeably, then the bishops discovered their mistake and made a humble apology. It aapeared to him that there was much less danger to the Church from open undisguised aggression, than when they found holy men and women locked in each other's embraces when they found the Bishop of Exeter paying domiciliary visit.; to a fair devotee in the west of England, and passing encomiums, recommendations, and admiration on the lady superioress—where ?—among beads and rosaries, and relics, and crosses, and other symbols of the Church of Rome. When they saw all that, he would say that there was danger to the Church of England, and he regretted to say from the apostacy of her sons.— (Hear, hear.) The great distinction between the Pro testant and the Roman Catholic religion was, that the Protest ant religion interfered with and supervised the affairs of the Church, while the Roman Catholic trusted everything to the priests.—(Hear, hear.) The question was, had enough been done? The people of England said no.—(hear, hear.) They called upon the Noble Lord to act up to the spirit of his letter, and with one voice they called for a reform of the Church of Eng land. Ile did not think this was the time to mince mat ters, and he charged the Bishops of London, of Glouces ter, and of Exeter, with having a tendency more or less to the tenets and practices of the Church of Rome. He saw, looking towards the Speaker's chair, a golden le gend emblazoned in the arms of England, "Dieu anion droit," and he was reminded by it that the present was the moment for laying party feelings and differences aside, and for calling on the Ministers of the Crown to aid them in standing by the Queen in the name of God and her rights.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. YOUNG said the measure proposed by the Government was opposed by many intelligent and in fluential people in that country; and it was opposed by millions of Roman Catholics in Ireland. Then, with regard to the other great bodies, the Presbyterians and the Protestants of Ireland, let the House consider for a moment what their opinions were. The Hon. Gentle man near him, in a maiden speech a few evenings pre viously, said that the province of Ulster was unani mously in favour of the measure. That might be; but nothing that had reached him could lead him to the belief that that statement was well foundedt—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the organs of public opinion in that province, he found that the representative of the opinions of the Presbyterians—a paper of high commercial character and respectability in Bel fast, and the representative of the Protestant Demo cracy of Ulster, had both declared against the present legislation. There had been a large meeting in the town of Belfast of noblemen and gentlemen who had struggled against the Emancipation Bill of 1829, who told the Protestants of Belfast that the same ruin was pending over the people of England that had for many years afflicted the Protestants of Ireland. But, notwithstanding there were 50,000 or 60,000 Pro testants in and about Belfast, the room in which the meeting was held was not at any time half full. Then let it be observed that the petitions emanating from the Presbyterians were always drawn up as from the minis ters, elders, and congregation ; but it so happened that not a single petition had been presented in favour of the measure from a Presbyterian congregation of the province of Ulster. He believed the general opinion among that class—and it was coincided in by many Pro- Laes-ete--aae tn., they looked not with favour, but with dislike and suspicion on the step that had been taken by Cardinal VV iceman, or those by wnom no was instigated ; but they looked with apprehension at the consequences of the present agitation, and were by no means in favour of it. His opinion of the step was fact= vault fieri non dehet. With regard to the mea sure itself, as it came originally from the brain of its author, it could scarcely be looked upon as any addi tion to those safeguards which the energies of the people and tho wisdom of Parliament had raised around their liberties. Instead of being a defence, he believed it would be a breach in those liberties, to which a vast multitude of the people were opposed. Any measure which did not extinguish the spirit of opposition was sure to call forth further opposition. It was impossible to expect that the pre sent measure would be effectual to extinguish opposition If the measure was right the fear of opposition should not of course prevent them passing it ; bat if it were not justified by necessity then the attempt to enforce it would be found to lead to uselesss and exciting contests. —(Hear, hear.) That was a greater danger than any that could be apprehended to their liberties. They had been told that the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church were still the same—that none of them were abandoned. He dared to say that if any of the Protes tants of that country went to a Roman Catholic eccle siastic or a Roman Catholic layman, and said that the spirit of that religion was altered and its doctrines mo dified, that they would take itas anything but a compli ment.— (" Hear, hear" from the Irish Members.) What the Roman Catholic religion boasted of, was the infallibility of her maxims, the unchange ableness of her doctrines, and the inflexibleness of her dogmas. What step then, he asked, ought they to adopt to meet that ever inflexible opponent? It was not by measures of restriction—it was not by penal laws. It was by the cultivation of the arts and the intellect, by which the consciences would be protected, and under which that country had grown up to the maturity and greatness at which she had arrived. What Protestant ism boasted of was that it was open, and that it appealed to the intelligence and reason of the human race. Her strength lay in free discussion, and whore there was free debate and the liberty of the press, religious li berty was safe. The danger which the Honourable and Learned Member for the city of Oxford apprehended, and which he foreshadowed, was the conversion of mul titudes of Protestants to the tenets of the Roman Ca tholic Church, and their alliance with some despotic power in the State. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman referred to a state of things that existed three centuries ago, and which, he had no doubt, proved fatal to the liberties of the people in many parts of Europe. The Noble Lord in the course of his speech had pronounced a high eulogium on a writer with whom he (Sir J. Young) was personally unacquainted, but whose works ho had perused with pleasure, and had quoted his opinions on that point. He begged also to refer to the opinions of Sir James Macintosh, who said that two religions, it was believed, were no more reconcileable than two governments in a country ; and that recent events had demonstrated that men could not be taught to throw off the power of the priests without determining also the limits of kingly authority. Surely that fallacy had long been exploded. It had been found that two religions could flourish side by side, not only with advantage to each other, but with perfect safety to the State. The danger was the union of despotic power, apprehensive of its own safety, with ecclesiastical authority, alike alarmed for its existence. That was the danger when Alva put to death heretics as well as rebels in the low countries. forT h The thefl e bi t e e a m t a n b e t r for Church, Oxford said h meaning thatt a t he e lla d n those who o were fear attached to it were so from principle, conviction, and e f e d a u r c , a w t i h o a n t ; h b e e u a t In t h e e e n f , t h h e e a d s a k n e g d e , r s e n t. p w p h o i s e i h n g t h t h e y e r h e a was ahseanrdo so much? If the people did not waver, Papacy was powerless—its power was only exercised over those who submitted to it. Then again, with regard to the despotic power of the State, foreign countries had been referred to in favour of this legislation. But they should con sider what were the peculiar circumstances of those countries. In Spain, before he could tread out the first spark of nascent reformation, Philip 11. was obliged to take away the charters and immunities of the corporate towns, and even in the Italian states its principles pre vailed until they fell under the dominion of single indivi duals. In Holland, under free institutions, and complete toleration, the reformation triumphed. In England, under ' free institutions, but without complete toleration, they all knew what the result had been. What was the les sonought to derive from this?—surely it was this, as they maintained free institutions the gonscience would be respected. On these he rested his opposition to the measure. r thatighttlisseeyo of long the measure was going beyond its pro at appeared to him to he their duty was grounds,pliee r hoebljc evmainly, believed thatl, v h to maintain the dignity and respect of the Established Church, and then to afford to all who dissented from its doctrines complete tole ration. tolera tion was as essential to the safet y of the Established He believed that Church a s it was in accordance with its doctrines. The Noble Lord told them that if they did not pass the pre sent measure they would find themselves at the cons mencement of an nrduous struggle. He hoped the conces sions and alterations that had been made in the measure t , n days ago would be a s ufficient salvo to the honour of Dr. Wi,einan to induce him to recede, and give the country pqace. He trusted that would he he de precated the continuaece of such a contest. It he thought the measure was right or just, no fear of agitation or opposition would prevent his giving it his support. But he said, let those upon whom the heat and burden of the TUESDAY EVENING-, contest would fall weigh well the consequences before they began it. He maintained that it would fall upon the Protestants of Ireland. Let them count the cost. Look at the struggle that lied bees maintained against the Roman Catholics in that country for nearly a century and a half. Every power of the State had been put in motion, and he ventured to Fay that history did not record a :wore signal defeat than that of trying to coerce the Catholics of Ire land into a similar belief with the Protestants of Eng land. The industrious classes in Ireland had been ruined by that struggle, and the very name and spirit of the Protestant religion was lost. Bishops were amassing large fortunes, but no glebe houses were built, and the sound of the Gospel was not heard in the churches. Relatirely, the number of Protestants was smaller at the close than at the commencement of the struggle. The Church was obliged to submit to the loss of half its pro perty under the tithe arrangement, while the people were deprived of ten of their bishops. Such were the results of the struggle, and he warned the Protestants of Ireland not to enter upon another. Upon these grounds ha, must withhold his support from the Noble Lord. Although he had heard a great deal of ability in support of the measure, the justice appeared to him verydublous. Although he did not doubt that the measure was brought forward in all honour and good faith, at the same time, instead of adding strength to the cause it professed to advocate, it would bring weakness, and he an infringe ment of that complete toleration which, in his con science, he believed, by being scrupulously acted upon, and firmly maintained, would do more for the cause of true religion and the spread of spiritual truth, than all the defences that alarm could suggest, and all the safe guards which misguided hut sincere enthusiasm could surround it with.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GRATTAN quite concurred in everything that had fallen from the Hon. Member for Cavan, except in one word. The lion. Gentleman called this a struggle. lie (Mr. G.) called it w. r in disgniae—the worst sort of war, by an ueintellible Act of Parliament. Though this measure was wholly unintelligible inside the House, it was perfectly intelligible outside of doors. The people of Ireland had expressed their opinions upon the subject, and, as far as words go, the contest was ended. If any foreigner had come within their walls a few nights ago, they would be et a loss to com prehend what we were discussing. They would ask what were we discussing—vas it larceny? No. Was it Science ? No. Waa it morality ? No. Was it religion ? Oh, far from ir. Why lion. Members were merely opposing the religion of their forefathers. The old antiquated attacks; supreme ignorance; affected knowledge of the canon law; mistaken quotations ; mis applied law, and confusion of intellect such as had never been heard of even in the worst days, in 1808 and 1818. These were the characteristics of the present discussion, The Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield the other night said that the Irish Members had the honour of re ducing the measure to its present impetft et condition; and when he alluded to the Irish brigade he said that they had destroyed the Noble Lord's Government, and might now pronounce their epitaph. Thelrish Members, however, were not to be considered of so sanguinary a character. It was the Noble Lord himself that had committed an act of suicide. We resisted with indigna tion this aggression upon our liberties and the liberties of our country, because we knew we did not deserve it. What had Ireland done that she should be put in this Bill? She had been silent and quiescent until she was roused by this penal Bill. In the very first line of the preamble of this Bill there was contained a monstrous public falsehood, for it said, that " whereas many of her Majesty's subjects in the United Kingdom have assumed certain titles in consequence of a letter from the Pope." Now, was that true?—(Hear.) Why it was a direct and palpable falsehood. The Irish prelates had not assumed these titles. 'Whatever might be said of the Catholic prelates in England assuming those titles that were ob jected to, it could not ho said that the prelates of the United Kingdom had done so, for those in Ireland could not be charged with doing so. Was there common sense or common justice in fining those prelates for an act of which they had never been guilty? But the Hon. Gentleman opposite said that this measure would be evaded, because it would be found to be wholly inopera tive. The Government, however, would endeavour to enforce the Act, for the Noble Lord at the head of it said it would form the groundwork of ulterior measures. What would the Roman Catholics do un der the circumstances? Could they make them less Catholic than they were before? No; they were Ca tholics, and would remain so, and they were right to be Catholics.—(Laughter.) What right had the Govern ment or Parliament to say that they were not to have their own bishops? The Government were involving themselves, not with the Pope, but inn serious contest with the Irish people. The Bill would be prejudicial to England, but pernicious to Ireland. Rad they not com plete Protestant ascendancy? What more did they want? They were seeking to prosecute and to trammel the Roman Catholic Church. Mr. Curran, in speaking of Protestant ascendancy in Ireland, said, " It was the greasy emblem of stall-fed theology—it had all the graces of a lady's maid and the dignity of the larder. Its loyalty was the dregs of the brandy-bottle, and its religion the dregs of its patrons' understanding, brought into power to devour, to defame, and to degrade." Great apprehensions were entertained in respect to the tem poral authority oft the Pope. Now, what did the late Right Rev. 1)r. Doyle say when examined before a Committee of that House upon the subject? He was asked this question—" Are not the vicars-apostolic bound to pay implicit obedience to the Pope?" Answer —"This is a supposition which I cannot admit, be cause the Pope might by possibility, order a man to do a thing that was immotat,. or that was contrary to Oa ob'ey.' l '' `11011; yet 11. J. LIS snot and Learned Member for the city of Oxford (Mr. P. Wood), and the Noble Lord subsequently, said that the Pope might absolve the soldier or the police from their allegiance to their Sovereign. Th e Pope could not do any such thing. Even if they really thought that the Pope could do so, they should have kept the matter a secret and not proclaim it aloud; for in case of a war, if the act were possible, the hint might be taken. If the Duke of Wellington, on the field of Waterloo, when he uttered the command, " Up, Guards, and at them," was answered by the men laying down their arms, considering themselves absolved from their allegiance, what would have been the consequence? — (Laughter.) He (Mr. Grattan) could not b ut a d m ire the calm resignation which always characterised the lion. Member for the University of Oxford. The Hon. Baronet observed that there were two modes of repell ing this aggression—the one was by proclamation, and the other by bombardment. As to the first we have proclamations ad nauseam. What Wou ld b e t h e object of this proclamation? Why, mere names, not realities. He then spoke of bombarding,. Civita Vecchia on the one side, and Ancona on the other, He should not wonder if the next caricature of 118. repre- ' sented the Honourable Baronet, like the maid of Sara gossa, with one leg on Civita Vec e hi a an d the other leg on Ancona, making a frightful onslaught upon those two places.—(Loud laughter.) That was the peculiar legislation recommended by the Hon. Baronet the Member for the Unive rs i ty o f O x ford. It could not be said that this question of alleged Papal aggression could not b© settled by c ommun i ca tion with the Pope, for whatever might be said to the contrary , it was a matter of fact, and the Pope had had intercourse both with the Crown and the. Government of this coun try in times when religious liberty was not so advanced as at the present. Look at the lett ers t h at h a d passed in 1793 between his Holiness and Lord Grenville and George 111. on the subject of the Irish oaths. Yes, and their admirals and generals held communication at the same time with the Government of the Pope; witness Admiral Hood's letters. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had referred the other night to the letter of Mr. Knox to Lord Castlereagh. lie might, by the way, observe that on reading through the work from which the Right Hon. Baronet bad quoted that letter, he was struck with the fact that whatever might have been the local prejudices of Lord Castlereagh, hi s corres pondence showed that on great occasions he rose above those pre judices, and was equal to any task, how e ver great, that might arise before him. In that b oo k , however, there was a letter from Lord Cornwallis to Lord Castlereag h, dated February, 1800, in which he took credit, so sure was he of the result, as for a fait accompli, for having accomplished the union, Catholic emancip a tion, and the restoration of perfect tranquillity in Ireland. Lord Cornwallis, though thus sa n g u i ne, was, however , disap pointed—faith was broken with him, and the peace of Ireland was not maintained. So it would be again if they persevered in their present course; war—inevitable war—would be the consequence. The Hon. Member then quoted Mr. Canning and Dean Swift, and said that if it would take 40,000 men to put down tenant right in the north of Ireland, it would take all h er Majesty's army to put down the religion of 6,000,000 of people in Ireland. The Hon. Member further stated that when in IE7 the Noble Lord at the head of the Government voted against the war with Bonaparte, his father, the late Mr. Grattan, though removed from the Privy Coun cil in Ireland, and with the full recollection of articles of indictment for high treason having been p repare d against him, voted for that war which the victory of Waterloo ratified. On that occasion an Englishman became a Bonapartist, while an Irishman supported the honour of England, Mr. G. BERKELEY said the Protestants of England would learn by the issue of the debate the measure that had been placed before them by one section of free traders, and supported by another, as represented by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Ripon. He (Mr. G. Berkeley) did not rise for the purpose of en cumbering the discussion with any remarks on the sub ject immediately before the House—(Laughter)—but to repudiate that most disgraceful accusation which had been poured upon the heads of the Catholi cs — an accu sation which he held to be a disgrace to the character of that House. He rose as au indignant Protestant — (Laughter)—to repudiate any such aid as was offered to the Protestant cause by the Honourable Member for West Surroy.—(Hear, and laughter.) He held that speech to be a disgrace to any cause that had over been brought before Parliament ; and he would venture to inquire whether the pure vessel who made it, or rather whether that bird of ill omen who had fouled the nest of others, did not himself reside in a nest that would not bear to be looked into ?—(Hear, laughter, and ques tion.) Before the Hon. Gentleman made such state ments as those against the Catholics ho sho u ld b e s ure that he did not himself dwell in a glass house.—(Qaes lion, and laughter.) The Hon. Member had accused the Catholics of idolatry, bigotry, and a belief in ridicu lous, supernatural agency; but did the H on . Member himself disbelieve in such agency? Had he never heard of the ghost that haunted Altiborough Park?—(Laughter, and cries of " Question. " ) Was his not an implicit belief in that agency—whether from the mirrors in his room that caused him to suppose his house haunted? — (Cries of " Question.") Did the Hon. Member not pull down a part of his old house?—(Cries of " Question. e). West Sur re y was the last place to read the Catholics of the United Kingdom Buell a lesson as that which had been read by the lion. Member, when it was known, that in one house there was always laid a golden knife and fork for—(Cries of "Question" cut short the sen tence.) The nttack made by the Bon. Member for West Surrey was as fslie as anything coald he against the Catholics of this country.—(Cries of "Question.") As to his (Mr. G. Berkeley's) vote on the question under debate, he should give it in favour of the Bill—(Hear, hoar, and Laughter)--not because he thought it an efficient measure—(Laughter)—but simply on the prin ciple that some legislation was due to the Protestant religion of the country.—(Hear', hear.) Viscount CASTLEREAGH had no wish to put himself forward in the debate, as he had nothing new to suggest; but he felt himself bound to express his opinions on the subject, that his constituents might know what they were, and his reasons for entertaining them. In any observation that he should make, how ever, he deprecated the slightest feeling of asperity or unkindness, and would not willingly say a word to wound the feelings of any one. To ids Roman Catho lic fellow-countrymen he would say, that, as far as re ligion was cone( rued, he could have no sympathy with them. There was a gulf between them which could not be passed in that respect. He had too firm an attach ment to the pure and apostolic branch of the Catholic Church in which he had been reared to entertain any such sympathy. But while he respected the convic tions of his fellow-countrymen, at the same time he differed from them, he could hold out the right hand of fellowship, and refer to the time when, within the walls of that House, be had fought with them side by side, in defence of religious liberty.—(Hear.) Look ing back, however, to the great name tiler, he so un worthily bore—looking on the legacy that the great man who first bore it had left him, he felt proud to be arrayed with his Roman Catholic fellow-subiecte on the same platform in support of the same principle—that platform being the floor of the House of Corumene, end that principle civil and religious liberty.—(Herr.) The Noble Lord would perhapsliermit him to say that it was with peculiar pleasure he had heard, after long years had expired, the name of that great statesman now no more, but to whom he (Lord Castlereagh) was related, vindi cated, and vindicated too from such a source, and from such authority; for differing, as the vindicator did from the policy of his noble relative on many points connected with the history of Ireland, and in which he bore his part, as Mr. Grattan had done before him, he attested, and from his heart honestly and sincerely attestef, that the name of Castlereagh was ever associated with the civil and religious liberties of his country. Turning to the Bill under discussion, his Lordship then proceeded to observe that the question which struck him with re ference to the measure was this: was it the fittest that could be adopted under the circumstances of the case? Tho Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary said that it was but a small measure; that he could not conceive of anybody voting against it; and that he was sure he himself would not support it if he thought it were a per secuting measure. Ile (Lord Castlereagh) was quite free to admit that the Noble Lord implicitly believed what he said. But was he not aware that the voice of the whole people of Ireland were opposed to the measure? — (Hear, hear.) Surely the Noble Lord could not be blind to what was taking place out of doors—to the feelings with which the name of Russell was now received in Ireland—to the demonstration of the bar of Ireland, and the public meetings which had taken place in every quarter in that country in reference to this measure. In fact it appeared to him (Lord Castlereagh) that the Bill was satisfactory to no one—and that " small" as it might be it was not the less obnoxious, whilst there was something in the mode of passing it which was peculiarly obnoxious. As our neigh bours in France would term it, it was " the reactionary policy of a transition Ministry."—(Hear.) The Noble Lord next condemned the language which had been held by the supporters of the Bill, the manner in which the people of Ireland had been spoken of, and the whole tcne and temper of the debates upon the subject; all of which he put forward as reasons against such rapid and ill-digested legislation. Long ago they had been taught the effects of penal legislation in Ireland. And if this measure passed, so far as Ireland was concerned, he did not see in what way the administration of justice, or the government of that country, was to be conducted. Convinced as he was, then, of the impolicy of such a measure, that it would not satisfy the people of England, and would certainly irritate the people of Ireland—he would not consent to endorse with his humble name a Bill which was likely to be fraught with much of evil. Mr. B. HOPE (amidst constant interruptions) next addressed the House, and twitted the advocates of the Bill with their inconsistency, in first denouncing it as inadequate to meet the circumstances of which they complained, and then with the same breath uniting to vote for it.—(Cries of " Divide," and " Adjourn.") Further, the measure would be operative or inoperative. —(Divide, divide.) If it were operative it would be an answer to the Pope.—(Great noise.) But it appeared to him that they were directing their legislation against the bishops, who were comparatively innocent parties, whilst the insult had come from the Pope.—(Laughter, " Oh," and cries of " Divide.") As a means of dealing with the aggression of Rome the measure was ridicu lously absurd.—(Uproar.) Having been prepared to oppose the Bill when it contained three clauses, he was equally prepared to oppose the Bill now it contained but one clause, because he held it to be disgraceful to the magnanimity of the nation, fertile in shame, and barren of those great principles of policy which ought to regu late the affairs of a great nation. Mr. HOBHOUSE moved the adjournment of the de bate.—(Cheers and shouts of " Go on!") Lord J. RUSSELL said it was most desirable that the House should come to a decision on this subject to night.—(Cheers.) He found that 26 Members had Awoke; sgeinengate ea b for it. and they had advanced against further proceeding with the measure.— (Hear, hear.) He did not believe that if they debated the question for six days more they could have any ad ditional argument, and he trusted that if any gentleman wished to address the House they would be beard now. —(Cheers and some cries of " Adjourn!") Mr. MOORE, who was received with loud shouts of " Spoke," said there were a great number of Members who wished to address the House on the subject, and the Noble Lord seemed to forget that the representatives of Ireland had occupied but a very small portion of the debate.—(lronical cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh!") They had not occupied more than five or six hours of the whole debate—(Hear and laughter)—and some 12 or 14 hours had been taken up by the specches of Mem bers in support of the Bill.—(Hear.) Mr. SCULLY begged to remind the House that the measure was one affecting the interests of 7,000,000 of her Majesty's Roman catholic subjects in this king dom.—(Hear.) There were some 35 or 40 Catholic Members in that House, only seven of whom had spoken on the question; and he thought that was a sufficient reason for a further adjournment of the debate.—(Cheers, cries of " Ohl" and laughter.) He thought it most de sirable for the interests of the, people of Ireland that the measure should be fully discussed; and the Government would be doing themselves a great deal of service if they did not now press the House to a division upon the (Shouts of " Go on," and some confusion.) Sir GEORGE GREY said, it appeared from the re cords kept at the table that 14 Irish Members had ad dressed the House upon this subject; and the time they had occupied, instead of being only five or six hours, had been eleven and a half hours.—(Laughter and cheers.) He must therefore appeal to the House whether the question had not been fully discussed?—(Cheers.) Other opportunities would present themselves, when Hon. Members who had not yet had an opportunity of ad dressing the House would be able to state their opinions fully upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) A strong and reasonable desire had been expressed that the House should proceed with other business — (Cheers) —but it was impossible to do so while this de bate was hanging over—(Renewed cheers)—and there fore he trusted that the House would now come to a de cision upon the second reading. Mr. OSWALD had no wish unnecessarily to prolong the debate; but, as this Bill affected SCotlatid—(A . laugh)—and only one single Member for that part of the United Kingdom had addressed the House during the discussion, he was anxious to hear from some of the Scotch representatives who sat behind the Treasury bench their reasons for desiring that the measure should be extended to Scotland, where there had been no Papal aggression, and where the whole state of the case was very different from what it was in England.—(Hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL said they had been told by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) that those Hon. Members who had not yet spoken would have opportu nities of doiLg so on other stages of the measure. He had risen two or three times during the progress of the debate, but he had not been fortunate enough to catch the Speaker's eye, and he, as an Irish Roman Catholic Member, claimed his right to be heard.—(Shouts of "Go on," and laughter.) He would not.—(Great laughter.) He would not address such a jaded audience —(Laughter)—at that hour of the night (half past 12), for if he were to do so, he would neither do his duty to himself nor to the House.—(" Go on," and laughter.) He did not think the Irish Members, particularly the Catholic Members and those: representing Catholics, ought to bate one inch of any ground they could fight upon this questiou.—(" Oh!" and some cheers.) He be lieved the Irish Members were with him upon that point, and if the Noble Lord chose to try a division, or ten di visions, upon the question of adjournment, he would be met upon every one of them.—(General cries of " Oh, oh!" and confusion.) After a few words from Mr. URQUHART, who was understood to support the adjournment, The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said he agreed with the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment that it was desirable the debate should be brought to a close as soon as possible—(Cheers)—but he must call upon the Noble Lord to remember the groat excite ment which prevailed on this subject, and that while a great number of Gentlemen were desirous of speaking only seven Catholic Members out of thirty-seven had yet addressed the House. This measure had caused great excitement among the Catholic constituencies, and the Noble Lord could not bo surprised that they should be auxious that their representatives should give expression to their feelings. He hoped, therefore, that the Noble Lord would not oppose the adjournment, Lord J. RUSSELL observed, that the Noble Lord gave the House very little hope of coming to any vary early conclusion on this subject.—(A laugh.) There were several motions on the book for to-morrow, and the Noble Lord said that out of 37 Catholic Members only seven had spoken in six nights of debate, ao that if the other 30 Members were to speak—(Laughter) —it was impossible to say when they might expect to con clude the debate.—(Renewed laughter.) Mr. REYNOLDS begged to remind the House that the adjournment bad been moved by an English and not by an Irish Member. Although the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) had said that 48 Members had addressed the p ß o i Bill t c i o o u n l_d not House on this measure , t hose who were opposed to the it any factious op ironical cheers)— with o offering and and the course that was t o be p ursued to-ni g ht would decide whether it was t o receive factious opposition for r i b e e s c of f a r ` g ' e O d h, ht MARCH 25, 1851. -- the future.—( " Oh!") He might remind the House that the Bight HC 'II. Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstor .e), the Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone (M3'. lie egh), the Hon. and Learned Member for Windsc r—(A la ugh)—the Attorney-General for Ireland (Laughler acid cheers)—the Chief Secretary for Ireland, the Hon. Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden), the Hot. Meraber for Manchester and his colleague (Mr. Brit and Mr. M. Gibson), had not yet spoken on this queshkin. There was also a Catholic Lord of the Treasury, the Member for the county of Louth (Mr. Bellew), l'nhose sentiments he would be glad to hear.) Last, thou,g h not least, he might insinuate that it was possible th s Honourable, eloquent, and influential Mem ber for Be ckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli), who led a powerful pa qv, and who had not yet addressed the House, might 'wish to do so. He had often heard that Hon. Gentlen, stn on other questions with much interest, and he would like to draw him out upon this subject.— (A laugh). '1 'he Noble Lord and his Right Hon. Col league (Sir G. ,Grey) had taken an account of the time for which Iris) t Members had spoken, but were those Hon. Members to be told that because they had occu pied eleven he' its and a half in endeavouring to raise a shield to prof pet themselves against this most unpre cedented act of oppression and insult, they were to be driven to a divi Lion at half-past twelve in the morning? He would again t remind the Noble Lord, who was press ing this measur a with such railway rapidity—(Laughter, and ironical cri, is; of " Hear,")—that out of 37 Catholic Irish Members„ and he believed five Catholic English Members, only :seven had yet spoken; and he would re mind him also Fat the Catholic Members were now upon their trial,' and 'were discussing the principles of a Bill which they wen *. determined to oppose by every consti tutional means in their power. The House t.li en divined; the numbers were— For t he s djournment of the debate ... 64 Agaitt . ... 414 11l ajority against it ... ...---350 On our re -s tclinssion, we understood that Mr. O'CO, TNELL moved the adjournment of the House. The motion was afterwards withdrawn. Lord J. RI 3SSELL thought that . Hon. Gentlemen might be anxi °ins to have the glory of conducting a fac tious oppositio tz..—(Hear, hear.) But he saw no reason why the Hoes , r should indulge them in their desire. The House ha I. very clearly proa'ounccd by 414 to 64 that, whatever ;might be the position or feeling of the speakers, the listeners were quite satisfied.—(Loud cheers.) Havi lug, therefore, been perfectly satisfied with the opini, ill of the House so expressed, and think ing it desirable, that the debate should be brought to an early terminati ion, he was quite ready to ae,sent to the adjournment c I' the debate to this day (Tuesday).— (Cries of " 12 cectock.") Mr. M. o'. C:ONNELL understood the adjournment would be to 5 o'clock.—(Loud cries of " 12 o'clock.") Lord J. RU r6SELL ruse and moved that the debate be adjourned t ttl2 o'clock.—(Great cheering.) _ _ J. 0 - C( )NNELL moved that the debate be ad journed to 5 0 'clock; which motion was seconded by Mr. REYNOLDS. Colonel RA FVDON hoped the Honourable and Learned Member for L irnerick would not persist iu his amend ment. This a Ins the first great question which had been discussed with respect to Roman Catholics since they bad been admit t'ed to seats in that House by the Act of 1829. He cou Id not be accused of anything like taction when he annoy need his intention of voting for the second reading; but i was a matter of great importance that all the Roman Catholic Members should be able to lay their opinions :before the House. Bearing in mind the remarkable exi cessions which had fallen from the Hon. Member for Su t rey—expressions ,which, though apolo gised for, had I lot been retracted—it seemed t o b e b ut just and courtuous for the House, as an assembly of gentlemen, to rive the Roman Catholic Members every opportunity of stating their views. —(Cries of " Twelve o'clock.") Th e Hon. Member for Limerick would have it in his pow, tr to express his opinion, and would, he hoped, agree t , withdraw his amendment. Mr. MOOR E thought it of importance that the dis cussion of sucl i a question as the present should not bear the appearanc o of heat, haste, or hurry—(Oh, and laughter)—an a that it should proceed in the usual way. He should sul sport the amendment. Mr. O'FLitIIERTY remarked that it was now past one o'clock, and Hon. Members could not meet at twelve. The Teligion and country of those with whom he agreed wet 'e at stake, and they must be heard. Mr. LAWLESS disclaimed any factious opposition. —(Oh, oh.) Sixty-four had voted for the adjournment, of whom, he ventured to say, one-half intended to speak. —(Laughter.) If only one were going to speak he ought to have fair play. He defied any one to go to bed just now and be here in time to speak at twelve o'clock.— (Laughter, cries of " Oh!" " Order," and " Withdraw.") The House divided, when the numbers were:— For twelve o'clock ... ... 306 For five o'clock Majority ••• ••• ••• —263 On re-en tering the gallery, we found Mr. KEOGH expressing a hope that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would not insist upon asking the House to meet at twelve o'clock to-morrow (this day), seeing that it was now half-past one. The Noble Lord. had stated that the Roman Catholic Mem bers bad cceupied the greater part of the six nights during which the debate had lasted; but he found, on examinadon, that that was not the case, and that they could not b© said to have occupied an unreasonable por tion of the ti me of the House. He found, indeed, that the gentletaE u who were in favour of the Bill had taken up more of their time than those who were against it; and be must sae -n,l---3..r0l to the Irish Membprg.thnx they had ~u (AA/Lily MemberA, fneluding the Attorney- General for Ireland—(Hear)—had not yet spoken, and it was iropcortant that their voices should be heard with regard to this measure. It was but reasonable and fair that the Bill should not pass in haste, or until they had been favoured with the opinion of the Attorney-General for Ireland. Therefore, if it were competent for him to do so, he would move that the debate be not adjourned to twelve o'clock.—(No, no.) Then he would oppose the motion. Mr. J. O'CONNELL explained, that he had with. drawn his motion for the adjournment of the House under the be lief that the House would meet at the usual hour. The Noble Lord had said, that if he (Mr. J. O'Connell) and ; his ibrother—[Orderl and laughter. Lord J. Russf...LL—" The Hon. ilember for Dublin"] — felt any anxiety to be factious, he would afford them an opportunity of being so.—(Laughter.) Lord J. RUSSELL said his Hon. Friend did not quite understand him. He (Lord J. Russell) understood the Hon. Member for Dublin to say, that unless the de bate were adjourned he intended to make a factious op position. He (Lord J. Russel)) did not think the Hon. Member need have made use of that remark, as he might have said that he would go on opposing the continuation of the debate. As it had been already- agreed that the debate should be adjourned, he only wished that it should really and in fact go on this day. If, therefore, it were distinctly understood that the debate should be fixed for five o'clock this day he would mot any longer persist in his motion.—(Hear, hear.) It was then decided that the debate should bs resumed at five o'clock this day. DESIGNS ACT EXTENSION BILL. On the ATTORNEY-GENERAL moving that this Bill be read a second time, Colonel SLBTHORP opposed it, as being a measure to benefit foreigners at the expense.) of Englishmen. Mr. NEWDEGATE asked whether the designs of Englishmen would be protected i 1.9 well as those of foreigners, and also whether foreign Governments would extend the same protection to the inve❑tions of E❑glish men as it was proposed to give to the inventions of foreigners in this country? Mr. LABOUCHERE said protection would be equally given whether the inventions were those of Englishmen or of foreigners, but, of course, it would be impossible for the English Parliament to give protection to Eng lish exhibitors abroad. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed, all that could be done was to give protection in this country, exactly in the same manner as the patent laws now operated. No man who took out a patent here could protect himself against having his invention pirated abroad. The Bill was read a second time, and ordered to bo committed on Wednesday. The Rouse then adjourned, at Two o'clock, till Four o'clock this day. COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) CowEs, MARCH 24.—Her Majesty, Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, and the Princess}loyal, attended divine service at the parish church of Whippingham yesterday, attended by the Marchioness of Douro and the Hon. Amelia Murray. Several of the officers of the American frigate St. Lawrence, anticipating the royal visit, were at Whippingham. THE PUBLIC HEALTH ACT.—It is not generally known that with this Act others are also annexed on petition; it has just been extended to the town of West Cowes, and with it the inhabitants have had incorpo rated the best clauses in their old local Act, 56 of Goo. 111., and 49 clauses of the Towns Police Clauses' Act, 1847, and 25 sections of the Towns Improvement Clauses, 1847, which has given great satisfaction. The attempt made by some officials in Newport to tack the Mayor and part of their town council on to our local board has signally failed, the inhabitants having, as one man, de clared that they would sooner be without the Public Health Act than have any foreign interference in their local affairs. THE WEATHER.—We have had a k wee of wind and I ', rain; on Saturday the mercury fell to 281)3. Field- I work is quite at a stand, nothing can bo done in plough- ing, sowing, or planting.___ COURT CIRCULAR. OSBORNE, MONDAY • Tier Majesty and his Royal Highness took their usual early walk this morning. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the younger branches of the Royal Family, walked and rode in Osborne Park. There was no addition to the royal dinner party y e ,,_ terd ay. A deputation from New Zealand House, headed by Mr. Aglionby and Mr. Abel Smith, and attended by Mr. Har rington, the Secretary, had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. The Bishop of London had an interview with Sir George Grey, at the Home-office, yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Re venue, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exche quer yesterday, at his official residence, in Downing-street. Mr. Montgomery Martin had an interview with East Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. The Marquis of Lansdowne left town on Sunday morning, for his seat, Bowood Park, Wil ts. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office, from the Governor of the Canaaas, and the Governors of the other North American Colonies. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the reties and Proceedings of the JiYoure of Commons ) MONDAY, MARCH 24.. ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES. ASSUMPTION/Intl. Order read for resuming, adjourned DtAbatEt.ou,Aza.end ment to Question (14th March), " That _.the , now read a second time ;" 'and which - Aineadmetit , vae, to leave out the word "now," and - it tlurtiiel'tif-tlief.fifedidu to add the words " upon this .day Miinthaf...-- n( Qact, proposed, " That the word now" itandliatE of th# crest Debate resumed :—Questiqu put,'" That; t .aDehatebamaw adjourned." The House divided :., )x,,; _ . . MINORITY-ATES CI. ' ''' - . Adair, R. Shafto Greene, John . 'i.awrerditonlyisil Anstey, Thomas Higgins, George 1 2 :eqbell. Sir 4. , • Armstrong, Sir A. Hope, Alexander ~ ~pwer, I.)r. 7.? t•-. Arundel, Earl of Hutchins, E. J. Power, Nicholas Bankes, George Keating, Robert **Pion: ColQtgi i. ' , Barron, Sir H. Keogh, William • itqynolcia, John Berkeley G. F. Lawless, Cecil _ 4 4 , 4 A 9: .H.,.._ __, : ,.. , Blake, M. J. 31`Cullagh, W. Sadleir, John Blewitt, R, J. Kagan, W. H. . Se4oletield, Wawa Burke, , Sir T. J. Maher, N. Scully, Fawaetia: , -, Butler, P. S. Meagher, Thomas Seymour, H. D. Castlereagh, Via. Mahon, O'Gorman Sinieen.i.lohn Corbally, M. E. Monsell, William iionaers, J. P. • • Crawford, W. S. Moore, G. H. Sullivan, Michael , Devereux, John T. Mowatt, Francis Talbot, J. H. • Fagan, James Nugent, Sir Percy Towneley, John Fox, Richard M. O'Brien, J. Urquhart, David Fox, W. J. O'Brien, Sir T. Wall, C. B. . , Gibson, T. M. O'Connell, John Gooch, E. S. O'Connell, Maurice Tzuzas. Goold, Wnydham O'Connell, M. J. Hobhouse, T. B. Grace, 0. D. O'Flaherty, Anthony Fagan, William • Grattan, Henry Oswald, A. MAJORITY—NOES, 414. , Abdy, T. N. Evelyn, W. I. Morison, 'Sir'W. Acland, Sir T. /Swart, William . Morris, David Adair, Hugh E. Farnham; E. Mostyn, E.ll. L.: Adderley, C. h. Ferrer., James . , Mu!grave; Earl Alcock, Thomas Fellowes, E. :~runty; Wiliam Anderson, Arthur. Fergus, John Manta (L T. - ' Anson, Colonel F e rguson, Sir R. 'Nam*, boa ..,. . Anon, Viscount Filmer, Sir E. Neeld, John Arbuthnott, H. FitzPaMlek, J. W. Naiad, Joseph Archdall,,Captain pit zr,v, klenrx NeWdegate.e.',N. Arkwright, George Fitzwillian, G. W. Noel„ Gerald.J. Arm.strong, R. B. , l'oley, John R. , 01at.,&..0 • • Bagge, W. Forbes, William CaSuiston, Lord Begot, Aloa. W. Fordyce. A...D. .... _Owen, SitJcihn Bagshaw, John Forester, G..C. . .. racke4. 4l4, ri. Bailey, Joseph Forster, „M .:lithely Eaget, Lard .A. Bailie, 11. J.. Freesturt,.Colouel .. „ Paget, liArd C. Baines, 31. T. Frewen. C. IL. Xattington, Sir J. Flairl James Fuller, A. E. raluter,,Kobert Baldock, E. 11. Galway, Viscount Palmerston, Vis. Baldwin, Barry Gallwey, Sir W. P. Parker, John Baring, II.:B. Gaskell, J. 31. Patten, J. W. Baring, Sir F. Gilpin, R. T. . Peel. Sir.P.obert Baling, Thomas Glyn, G. C. Peel, Frederick • Barnard, E. G. Goddard, A: L. Polham,A. D. Barrington, Viscount Gordon. Admiral Pennwat, Hon. Col. Barrow, W. 11. Gore, W, R. 0. Perre, R. Bass, M. T. 6 oulburn, Henry • PFI4, San dl Bateson, T. Granby, Marquis Ilgot, Sir Robert Beckett, W. Granger, T. C. Pigott, Franois v Bell, Jacob Greenall, Gilbert , Pilkington, James Benbow, John Greene, Thomas I'lowden, W. 11. Bennet, Philip Grenfell, Charles W. rlumptre, J. P. Beresford, William Grey, Sir G. Portal, Melville Berkeley, Admiral Grey, Ralph W. Powlett, Lord W. Berkeley. C. L. G. Grogan, B. Pride, Sir 'R ' Bernal, Ralph Grosvenor, Lord B. Frinsep, H. T. Bernard, Viscount Guernsey, Lord Pugh, David Birch, Sir T. Guest, Sir John Reid, Colonel Blackstone, W. Gwyn, Rowel Renton, J. C. Blair, Stephen Hale, R. B. Repton, G. W. Blakemorc, H. Raiford, Sir H. Ricardo, Osman Blandford, Marquis Hall, Sir B. Ricardo, Osman Boldero, H. George Hall, Colonel Rice, E. R. Booker, T. W. Hallyburton. Lord Rich, Henry Booth, Sir R. G. Hamilton, Geo. A. Richards, Richard Bowles, Admiral Hamilton, J. IL Romilly, Colonel Boyle, Colone, Hamilton, Lord C. Romilly, Sir John Bramston, T. W. Hanmer, Sir J. Raiford, Francis Isreraridge, Richard Hardcastle, J. A. Rumbold, C. E. Brisco, M. Harris, Captain Rushout, Captain Broadley, Henry Harris, Richard Russell, Lord John Broadwood, H. Hastie, Alexander Russell, E. Brocklehurst, John Hustle, Archibald Russell, F. C. Brockman, E. D. Ilatchell, John Sanders, George Brotherton, J. Hawes, Benjamin Sanders, Joseph I Brown, H. Hayes, Sir E. Seaham, Vis c ount Brown, W. Headlam, Thomas Seymer, H. K. Bruce, C. L. C. Heald, James Seymour, Lord Bruen, Colonel Heneage, G. 11. W. Shaft°, R. D. Buck, L. W. lleneage, E. Sheridan, R. B. Bulkeley,Sir R. B. Henley, J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Buller, Sir Y. Hervey, Lord A. Sidney, Alderman Bunbury, William Heywood, James Smith, J. A. Bunbury, Edward Hepworth, Lawrence Smith, M. T. Burghley, Lord Hildyard, R. C. Smyth, John George Burroughes, 11. Hildyard, T. B. T. Smollett, A. Buxton, Sir E. Ilindley,Charles Somerset, Captain Cabbell, B. B. Hodges, T. L. Slomerville. Sir W. Calvert, Frederic Hodges, T. Twisden Sotheron, T. H. S. Campbell, W. F. llodgson, W. N. Spearman, H. J. Carew, W. P. Holland, Robert Spooner, Richard Carter, John B. Homby, John Stafford, A. Cavendish, C. C. Horsman, Edward Stanford, J. F. Cavendish. G. H. LlothamLord Stanley, Edward Cavendish, W. CI Howard, C. W. Stanley, E. H. Chandos, Marquis Howard, E. G. Stanley, W. 0. Chaplin, W. J. Hudson, G. Stanfield, W. R. C. Chichester, Lord J. Inglis, Si R. Stanton, W. H. Child, Smith Jackson, William Stephenson, Robert Childers, J. W. Jermyn, Earl Stuart, Lord J. Christopher, R. A. Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, H. Christy, Samuel Jolliffe, Sir W. G. Stuart, John Clay, James Jones, Captain Start, Henry G. Clerk, Sir G. Ker, Richard Sutton, J. H. Clifford, 11. M. Kershaw, James Tancred, H. W. Clive, R. 11. Kildare, Marquis Taylor, Thomas E. Clive, H. B. King, P. J. Thesiger, Sir F. Cobbold, J. C. Knightley, Sir C. Thickness., R. A. Cockburn, Sir A. Knox, Colonel Thompson, Colonel Cocks, T. S. Knox, W. S. Thompson,7Aldermila Cole, H. A. Labouchere, Henry Thomely, Thomas Coles, H. B. Lacy, H. C. Tollemache, F. J. Collins, W. Langston, 3. H. Tollemache, John Compton, 11. C. Lascelles, W. S. Townley, R. G. Copeland, Ald. Lawley, B. R. Townshend, Capt. Corry, H. Lemon, Sir C. Trail, George Cotton, W. H. Lennox, Lord A. Trevor, G. B. -- Cowan, Charles Lennox, Lord G. H. Trollope, Sir J. Cowper, W. F. Lewis, Sir T. Punter, G. J. Craig, Sir W. G. Lewisham, Viscount Tyler, Sir G. Crowder, H. B. Lindsay, Colonel Tynte, Colonel Cubitt, William Littleton, E. R. Tyreil, Sir J. Curteis, 11. M. Locke, Joseph Verner, Sir, W. Dalrymple, Captain Lockhart, W. Vesey, Thomas Dashwood, G. Ha Long, W. Villiers, Viscount i„...•., a, L.A.... S. Lopes, Sir Ralph Villiers, Charles 17 loire,..tirr Disraeli, B. LoWififf, MU" Waddington, H. S. Divett, Edward Lygon, Gen. Wakley, Thomas Dod, J. W. Mackenzie, W. F. Walpole, Spencer Dodd, G. Mackie, John Walter, John Douglas, Sir C. E. Macaghten, Sir E. Watkins, Colonel Drumlanrig, Vis. 31'Gregor, John Wawn, J. T. Duckworth, Sir J. M'Taggart, Sir J. West, F. R. Duckworth, Sir J. Mandeville, Vis. Westhead, J. P. Duncan, Lord Mangles, R. D. Wigram, L. T. Duncan, George Manners, Lord G. Willcox, Brodie Duncombe, A. Manners, Lord J. Williams, John buncombe, 0. March, Earl of Williams, T. P. Duncuft, John Marshall, J. G. Williams, W. , Dundas, Admiral Marshall, W. Williamson, Sires. Dundas, George Martin, C. W. Willoughby, Sir H. Dundas, Sir David Masterman, John Wilson, James Du Pre, C. George Matheson, A. Wilson, Matthew East, Sir J. B. Matheson, Sir J. Wodehouse, Edmund Ebrington, Viscount Matheson, Colonel Weod, Sir Charles Edwards, Henry Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Wood, W. P. Egerton, W. T. Melgund, Viscount Worcester, Marquis Ellice, Edward Meux, Sir Henry Wortley, J. S. Ellice,lE., jun. Miles, P. W. S. Wyld, James - Elliot, J. E. Milner, W. M. Wynn, H. W. Einlyn, Viscount Milaes, It. M. Wynn, Sir W. Estcourt, J. B. B. Milton, Viscount Wyvill, M. Euston, Earl Mitchell, T. A. Yorke, E. T. Evans, Sir De Lacy Moffatt, George MUMS. Evans, John Moody, C. A. 'rapier, W. G. Evans, William Morgan, 0. Hill, Lord M. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Debate be adjourned till this day at Twelve of the clock :"—Amend ment proposed, to leave out the words " Twelve of the clock," and insert the words " Five of the clock," instead thereof:—Question put, " That the words Twelve of the clock' stand part of the Question." The House divided MAJORITY-AYES, 306. MINORITY-NOES, 43. Blake, Martin J. Hope, A. Oswald, Alexander Blewitt, Reginald Keating, Robert Power, Dr. Burke, Sir T. J. Keogh, William Butler, P. S. M'Cullagh, W. T. Castlereagh, Vise. Magan, W. li. Power, Nicholas Reynolds, John Roche, E. B. Corbally,M. E. .., , Maher, N. Sadlair, John Crawford, W. S. Meagher, Thomas Scholefield, William Devereux, J. T. Mahon, O'Gorman Scully, Francis Fagan, William Monseli, William Somers, J. P. Fagan, James Moore, George 11. Sullivan, Michael Fox, Richard M. Nugent, Sir Percy Talbot, J. H. Gooid, Wyndham O'Brien, J. Grace, 0. D. O'Brien, Sir Timothy TILLZII. Grattan, Henry O'Connell, Maurice O'Connell, John Greene, John O'Connell. M. J. Lawless, Cecil Higgins, George O'Flaherty, Anthony NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Deputy Medical Inspector—Dr. William Lindley (1843), of Malta Hospital, has been appointed to Haalar Hospital, vice Allen, deceased. Assistant-Surgeons—Alexander Robertson (1841), of the Victory, flag-ship, Portsmouth; George B. Moor* (1850), acting of the Impregnable, flag-ship, at Devon port, to the Queen, 116, flag-ship, in the Mediterranean; George T. Jones, acting, and Philip W. Govett. to the Southampton, 50, flag-ship, Brazils; Henry. Slade (1847), late of the Cyclops, steam-frigate, to the Castor , 36, flag-ship at the Cape; James Sproule, acting, to the Victory, flag-ship, Portsmouth. We regret exceedingly to hear that Dr. Sir John Lid dell, C. 8., the head of the medical department of Green. with Hospital, is seriously indisposed. Surgeon Henry Burrell (1513), on the list of "unfit for further service at sea," died at Leven, in Fifeshire, on the 15th inst. Lieutenant Frederick Slade (1811) died a short time since in Australia. Vice-Admiral Sir G. F. Seymour, C. 8., i n the Cumberland, 70, Captain Seymour, sailed from St. Helen's for Bermuda yesterday afternoon, with a n ort h. west wind. The Sprightly, steam-tender, went out to the Cumberland at St. Helen's, yesterday morning, w ith letters. It was rather remarkable to see a fine ship like this stopping at St. Helen's, when such a ship as the Pyrenees got away on Thursday. The American packet Independence proceeded likewise yesterday morn. ing early. Prince Regent, 90, Captain Harris , i s getting her lower rigging over the mast heads , her s, and clothingbow sprit, at Portsmouth. Penelope, 18, steam-frigate, Captain Lyster, is pro. grossing very fast. She has her tompasts up. her top gallantmasts pointed, and lower yards across. Peterel, 6, packet-brig, Lieut.-Commander Creser, was paid off at Devonport, yesterday. DIccONPORT, SUNDAY. The weather has been 110"1111. settled for some time that we have had nothing doing. Bonetta, 3 , Lieut.-Commander Wake, still lies in the Sound, and her advance not paid. Alecto, steam-sloop, Commander Lavie, is in harbour, waiting for better weather. WOOLAICH, MARCH 24.—The Trident steam-vessel, Lieutenant-Commander Risk, arrived at Woolwich to. day from Sunderland, to be paid off, having been in com mission since May 10, 1848. The Trident went down the river again for a short distance, to have a report made of the state of her engines. FADvAßTlsruzz(T.]—Tins EARL OF ALDROROUOR AND HoLLoway's Pfu.s.—An astounding cure by this miraculous medicine, after every other means had failed. S ee extract from hi s L or dship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, Ma. Professor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint you that your pills have ef• fected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all the most eminent of the faculty, at home and all over the continent, had not been able to effect; nay, not ever the waters of Carlsbad or ma. rienbad. (Signed) " ALDBoaouGn." Th ese wondsrfnl Pills will cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also Holloware Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244 'trawl aid by all medicine vendors throughout the civilised world. -- ----- We have very much pleasure in stating that there is no foundation for the report of the death of Mr. Foxier•. the firm of Fox and Henderson, announced in the Buitateioto Saturday last. i