The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-21 00:00:00

. _ SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC 4OURNALs. The Times asks where Mr. Gladstone was on the first night after the holidays. Itanay not, continues the lead ing journal, be easy to answer, and, indeed, we are not called upon to pursue an absent member into Wales, or Scotland, or any other retreat where he may be enjoying an extra holiday. It is sufficient to say where Mr. Glad stone was not. He was not in the House of Commons. The consequences of his absence may be readily under stood. It was not merely the Opposition seeking their leader and finding him not ; the whole House awaited his presence to challenge the head of the Ministry to declare his intentions as to the future course of public business. The occasion had arisen when the leader of the Opposi tion was bound to remember that he was a servant of the people, only next in importance to the First Minis ter of the Crown. If Mr. Disraeli had refused to explain the course he intended to take, it became Mr. Gladstone to point out what must be done, and to insist, with the weight of a leader who has a majority of sixty to support him, that there must be no miscarriage in the re mainder of the session. But Mr. Gladstone was absent, and members, after privately discussing this new way how not to get through the business of Parliament, left Mr. Smollett to deliver himself of his broad criticisms on Indian administration to a coterie of Indian members. It cannot be denied that a great opportunity was lost. We are at the parting of the ways. If anything is to be done to insure the performance of the special work of the session, it must be done at once. The only way to check irrelevant discussions, to prevent the waste of time over projects which cannot be brought to maturity, and to keep Parliament to its proper business, is to prescribe the course to be followed. This is true of every man's private life, where he is himself the master of his own actions, and can amend a blunder by his single resolution. It is doubly and trebly true of a compo site body like the House of Commons, made up of mem bers with different aims and objects, who cannot he brought back iwithin bounds when they have once out stripped them. We need not say a word of the urgency of the present occasion. The ordinary business of the ses sion is in unparalleled confusion and arrear ; and the Reform Bills are practically untouched, although they are, by the nature of the case, as indis pensable parts of the year's work as the passing of the Estimates and the voting of Ways and Means. Under such circumstances it is deplorable that a night should have passed without a distinct understanding that the future labours of the session must be restricted to those pressing and imperative duties. The error must be corrected at once if either Ministry or Opposition is to be credited with a sincere desire to perfect the work they have begun. If Mr. Disraeli does not volunteer a state ment of the Ministerial intentions, he must be challenged by Mr. Gladstone. If Mr. Gladstone fails, the duty must be undertaken by some other member of the House of Commons. The Daily News expected that Mr. Disraeli would have seized the first opportunity of informing the House of the line of conduct which be intended to adopt. But he was as still as a mouse. He was not challenged to make any explanation, nor did he volunteer one. The divergence of opinion which exists between Mr. Hardy am:4.°rd Stanley was clearly disclosed in the'late debate. With a Hardy And a Stanley in the Cabinet, there must of necessity be a Hardy party and a Stanley party there, and Mr. Disraeli's attempts to manipulate them may prove as futile as Vivian Grey's endeavours to make the Marquis of Carabas and Mr. Courtenay play his political game. Mr. Frederick Stanley's letter and General Peel's speech prove that the Conservative party is as little united without as within the Cabinet. The union of the Liberal party is as complete as the disunion of the Government and its followers. The majority who voted for going into committee on the Irish Church Establishment virtually pledged themselves to action upon it; or why go into committee at all ? They wilt certainly not be content with'the barren victory of an abstract resolution. Mr. Gladstone may be trusted to persevere to the end of the course on which he has deliberately entered, and he will be supported by the Liberal party out of doors, and by everyone in Parliament who desires to count as one of its representatives. The Standard observes that only the Times and its . clients will be surprised that the House of Commons should have entered, as soon as the time came for the con sideration of public business, upon the orders standing upon the paper. The thin attendance spewed that mem bers did not anticipate a statement, which was abso lutely unnecessary, and would have been, indeed, an act of singular absurdity. The leader of the Opposition was not in his place, knowing perfectly well that nothing of the kind would be volunteered, and that he would only make himself ridiculous by .asking for it. The •Government has appealed to the country, and desires no delay in the delivery of its verdict. But before that verdict can be given, the jury must be formed, and that is a work of some difficulty and of some time. But the length of the time required depends upon the Opposition, and not upon the Government. What the Government - wants is the adoption, with all convenient speed, of the scotch and Irish Reform Bills—the Boundary Bill, the . Briber• and Corruption Bill, so that the new and enlarged constite •ncies may at once say what is their will. The Opposition may materially expedite the passage of these measures. It can, if it pleases, materially delay or alto gether prevent their adoption. We hope it will take the =ore how, arable course, and help, as the Times admits it ought, the Government to advance the time for the general election. Do, however, what it will, this much we can say, with all confidence, that the Government and the Conservative party will spare no exertion to complete the Reform Act and hasten the day for the meeting of the Par liament which is to more faithfully represent the people of the United Kingdom. The Telegraph ren ark upon the great business before the House this session. First, the English Reform Bills have to be concluded. The boundaries of the boroughs have to be defined. A bill for promoting purity of elec tions must be passed. Then wehave a formidable list of questions opened up by the proposed Scotch and Irish Reform measures. As the a lendments already placed on the notice-book indicate, the whole system of our small borough representation will be debated, through the issue raised by the proposal to give addititional members to Scotland. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the Irish Bill will fare much better. It has been so framed as to irritate important interests and to conciliate no in fluential or hearty support. Yet, in one mode or other, both measures must be passed into law before we can ad vance to the much wider and more trying issues which an early future has in store for us. All this work—a labour vast enough to employ a long session—lies before the Government. While not over-rating the Royal visit to Ireland, the Ilerald remarks that its undoubted success cannot but be regarded as throwing great light on the condition of Irish affairs. In the first place, Ireland is not slipping away from us so fast as we expected. Its people have not by 'any means become that indeterminate quantity in our political system which some alarmists represented. The People are not yet all Yankees, nor vile Fenians or Ribbon men. They are changing for the better in material circum stances, but the old ideas still influence the nation, and it is through them we must learn to govern the people for their good. Fenianism may not be quite gone, but it is going. The one sad event of last week—the Ribbon murder in Westmeath—is an evidence of this of some value. As long as Fenianism was, flourishing all the 4awlessness of the country was absorbed in the movement. Now that the movement is dying Ribbonism attempts a resurrec tion. But revived Ribbonism will yield to the improving circumstances of the country more readily than Fenianism has done. The last great lesson which these events teach us is that the Irish people set such store by the presence of the Royal Family as few on this side of the Channel can altogether appreciate. In the encouragement of this feel ing and in the beneficial consequences which will flow from the example thus set by royalty, there is much more reliable prospect of serving Ireland than in any specula tive legislation. The Post answers its " own correspondent" in the matter of the " dashing" policy pursued by Sir Robert Napier in Abyssinia. As Sir Robert Napier has a more mature judgment, a greater experience, and much better informa tion than his critics, and as, moreover, he proved himself right on the former occasion, the Post rests satisfied with the course which he has deemed it beat to pursue. Al though the latest telegrams and the most recent informa tion from the prisoners had seemed to establish that Theodore was absolutely inside Ma„ Bala, it is now to be inferred from the letters brought by this' mail that although he had crossed the litAshilo he had not entered the fortress, and hence, no doubt, the anxiety of the Commander-in-Chief to push on to intercept the king, if possible, before he could get his guns over the remaining ten miles between the river and the cap tives. The cvident advantages of being able to effect this would probably be cons:dered ty the Commander-in-Chief to justify the risk of pushing on without his guns, and v. - ail but a fraction of the attacking force, trust ing to being reinforced from the rear in sufficient time for . the engagement which in all probability could not be brought on before he chose. The uneasiness and uncer tainty said to be exhibited by Theodore seems to indicate that, like other politieal adventurers, he has no fixed policy, and that he intended to be guided entirely by circumstances. The more rapid advance, therefore, of the British troops must have occurred very opportunely, at a time when such an exhibition of force and energy would probably have had great effect in swaying his a4rtinintv. BO gr,..at LAW AND POLICE. THE ACTION YOB A WEDDING BRLU:111A/3T.—In the cue of Rayner v. Koehler, after a most protracted trial, the jury found for the plaintiff for the full amount claimed. STABBING A WITNESS.—At the Middlesex Sessions Joseph Simmonds, a youth, 18 years of age, was charged with cutting and wounding Thomas Welch. It seemed that at the previous sessions a companion of the prisoner's, named " Fatty," was sentenced to seven-years' penal ser. vitude, and the prosecutor in the present instance was one of the principal witnesses. On Good Friday Welch was in Berwick-street, Soho, where he saw the prisoner scraping a piece of wood with a knife, and, as the prosecutor was passing, the accused struck him in the abdomen, though fortunately without occasioning much harm. Having been convicted, the prisoner was sent to prison for twelve months. A VIOLENT PRISONER.—At the Mansion House, Henry Thompson, a tailor, employed in the Poultry, was sent to prison for seven days for an indecent assault. He declared he was innocent, and, on leaving the dock, threw his hat at Alderman Wilson, and declared he would murder him. He was thereupon sentenced to fourteen days' hard labour. It took five of the officers of the court to get him into a cell, and he so violently assaulted Sergeant Shaw, the keeper of the lock-up, that that officer preferred a charge against him, and he was brought out of the cell to be searched. He then again assaulted Shaw and Partridge, the gaoler, and his hands were obliged to be handcuffed behind him, and his shoes pulled off, before he could be taken before the court. He was then a little calmer, and expressed himself sorry for what he had done. Mr. Alderman Wilson then ordered him to find two sureties in £2O each, and to enter into his own recognisances in £2O to keep the peace to all her Majesty's subjects for twelve months when he came out of Holloway Gaol. The alder man and Mr. Oke, the chief clerk, both instructed the gaoler to inform the governor of the prison of his conduct at this court. The prisoner, on leaving the dock, told Alderman Wilson he should hear of him again. ROBBERY FROM A RAILWAY COMPANY.—At Marylebone Police-court, James Wilkes, a railway porter in the employ of the London and North-Western Railway, and William Brown and his wife, Mary Ann Brown, were charged, the former with stealing a bale of cloth, value £3O, and the other prisoners with receiving the same well knowing it to have been stolen. On the 9th January last Messrs. Arthur, wholesale cloth and tweed merchants, Edin burgh, transmitted a bale of tweed to Messrs. Branck and Sons, Brussels. Its transit was regularly traced from Glasgow to London, where, the route not being specified, it was detained and placed in what is known as "the pound." The bale did not arrive at its destination, and inquiries were set on foot which resulted in the prisoners' house being searched, and there a quantity of cloth very much like that stolen was found. The prisoners were committed for trial, but remanded in in order that a charge of stealing a hamper of boots during its transit from Northampton might be preferred against them. WOUNDING WITH RED-HOT IRON. —At the Wor ship-street Police-court, Thomas Mills, a joiner, was charged with maliciously wounding Henry Walker with a piece of red-hot iron. It seemed that the prisoner occupied a tenement in the same house as the prosecutor, and on Saturday made a great noise and threatened he would murder the whole household. The complainant asked him to desist, when the prisoner desired him to come into his room. Walker, n o t a pp re h e nding any violence, complied with the request; but on his entering the apartment the accused struck him a violent blow on the head with a piece of iron that was red hot at the end. The prisoner stated that the prosecutor commenced the affray, and what he did was simply in self-defence. The magistrate, after com menting on the serious nature of the charge,committed the accused for trial. THE CASE AGAINST HOME, THE SPIRITUALIST.— Before Vice-Chancellor Giffard, the case of Lyons v. Home again came on for hearing. It was alleged that the defendant, by misrepresentation and fraud, had obtained complete mastership over the mind of Mrs. Lyons ; in fact, so great was his in fluence, that he obtained from her at different times £24,000. The circumstances were briefly these. Mrs. Lyon, having been introduced to Mr. Home by a friend of hers in October 1866, was persuaded by him that through his means she was on several occasions placed in communication with her deceased husband, with which she was so much pleased that she first gave Mr. Home £3O as a subscription to his " Athenaeum, " in Sloane•street, and afterwards £5O more. On the 10th October, seven days only after the first interview, Home obtained from her £24,000 sterling. Shortly after- wards she was told it was her husband's wish that she should destroy her will, and make the defendant her universal legatee. In December Mr. Home assumed the name of Lyon in addition to that of Home ; and in the same month Mrs. Lyon was induced to sell out £6,000 odd Consols, and give the proceeds of this sum also to the defendant ; and, finally, in January, she made over a sum of £30,030 to the defendant, reserving to herself only a life interest. In March 1867 Mr. Home invested £20,00 in a mortgage, and shortly after the plaintiff, finding, as she said, that she had been deluded, filed this bill. Ane exeat regno was obtained against Mr. Home, under which he was arrested, but the matter was arranged, and the de fendant had submitted to the jurisdiction by paying and transferring the sums he had obtained from Mrs. Lyon into court. After Mrs. Lyon's affidavit had been read, the court adjourned. THE IV AR IN SOUTH AMERICA. The following is taken from the Anglo-Brazilian Times of the 23rd of March:—" From the seat of war we learn that the three Brazilian ironclads returned to Tayi upon the 26th of February. Asuncion was not found deserted by its inhabitants, as at first reported, and the vessels were even fired on from a small battery, but the defensive works were weak and a sufficient land force could easily take it. Two steamboats were lying sunk in the port. All the villages along the river were abandoned. In the Chaco, opposite to the Tebiquary, the • Paraguayan depots were seen on fire, and a schooner in tow of a steamer was captured. On returning from Asuncion they were fired on by infantry posted at the mouth of the Tebi quary. On the 2nd of March the Paraguayans made an intrepid attempt to capture the eight Brazilian ironclads stationed between Curupaity and Humaita. Before day light 48 boats, with 1,200 picked men armed with carbines, revolvers, hatchets, and hand-grenades, pulled quietly from the river bank, after covering themselves with boughs, so as to resemble a floating islet. Fortunately, a guardboat in patrolling came near enough to detect the artifice, and hurried back to give the alarm ; but before the crew of the nearest vessel, the Lima e Barros, could all ensconce themselves inside the towers, 14 boats were alongside, and the Paraguayans boarding, a short hand-to-hand fight ensued, in which the captain and the first officer were severely wounded. The Cabral was also boarded from 12 boats, but the crew had no time to enter the casemate. On both vessels the desperate struggle was continued through the ports with firearms, every shot of the defenders telling in the dense mass of the assailants, and the former suffering severely from grenades thrown in. Meantime the plan of simultaneous attack had been frustrated in the excitement and by the current, and the ironclads Silvado and Herval, warping themselves into position, opened grape with deadly effect upon the boats, while the Brazil swept the decks of the boarded vessels. The case then being hopeless, the Paraguayans leaped into the boats on the river and sought to escape. The boats of the squadron were sent off to save the swimmers, but they refused to surrender, and only 13 prisoners were taken. The Paraguayan loss is estimated at 400 men, 110 bodies being found on the deck of the two vessels. On the part of the Brazilians, 32 were killed and wounded, five being killed on the Lima e Burros, and three in the Silvado. On the early morning of the 3rd the two wooden gun boats, Beberibe and Mag 6, steamed up past Curupaity with trifling injury and only one man wounded. The river was at the highest. The Brazilian railway in the Chaco and Lopez road were both under water, but the vessels above Curupaity bad sufficient stores to last for a considerable time. The expeditionary corps of 10,000 men announced previously by the Marquis de Caxias as ready to start from Tayi towards Asuncion was still in camp. Their absence, indeed, would be dangerous at such a critical juncture at Humaita, and it is not clear what good the expedition could effect, even if sufficient to force the Tebiquary. It is now well known that Madame Lynch has two brothers who are chief officers in Lopez's army, and that he is entirely guided by them to the extent of his giving them full discretionary power. It seems most probable that Lopez is not at Humaita, and that he is at Tebiquary superintending a defence there." MYSTERIOUS DISAPPE.kIiANCE OF A LADY.—A matter of a very mysterious nature is now engaging atten tion at Lancaster. On Good. Friday, Mrs. Ganderton, a widow lady of independent means, residing in that town, visited Morecambe, and on returning in t►_ie evening die. covered that she had lost her purse and money. She then set off along the main road to walk to Morecambe, and was met at eight o'clock about two miles from that place. Since that time, however, no tidings have been heard of her, notwithstanding all her friends have been communi cated with, and printed notices, offering a reward, as well as giving a full description of her, have been circulated. The lady's sudden and mysterious disappearance' as caused considerable speculation as to what has t--^7e of her. She is about fifty years of age. • - THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, 1868. THE AUSTRIAN CONCORDA7. Fourteen Austrian bishops—all, indeed, who had come to Vienna for the late debate in the Upper House—with Cardinals Schwarzenberg and Rauscher at their head, have presented to the President of the Ministry a memorial, in which they express their opinion on the inter pretation given to the fundamental laws by the Minister of Justice, who took upon himself in the debate on the marriage law to declare that ecclesiastical jurisdiction, pro foro extern, had been abolished by the fact of the adoption of the new constitutional laws by the State. The memorial of the bishops begins with the fol lowing declarations :—lt is only the Power which had a right to issue them that can give to laws a universally binding interpretation. But the view which those empowered to carry out the law entertain as to its meaning deter mines the practical effects of its operation, and is, therefore, of no small importance. Hence it is not right that the appointed representa tives of the Church should treat as a matter of indifference the public declaration of the Minister of Justice concerning a constitutional law that directly affects their judicial power. In the fulfilment, therefore, of a duty imposed upon them by their position, the undersigned humbly make known to your Excellency, as President of the Ministerial Council, their opinion on this matter. The first article of the law in question declares that every juris diction in the State is exercised in the name of the Emperor. This article is now so inter preted as if *ithin the empire of Austria there were no other jurisdiction but that exercised in the name of his Majesty, and, consequently, by the civil power and in virtue of a right pos sessed by the State. Expressly, indeed, it is only declared that ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matters relating to marriage has become impos sible by the operation of the above-mentioned law; but, if the law be interpreted in the sense that it abolishes ecclesiastical jurisdiction re lating to marriage, then far more is involved, for by such an interpretation the right is de nied to the Catholic Church in Austria to pro nounce on its own authority a decision obli gatory on its members. The memorial then, at some length, proves, from the relation of Church and State, the unlawfulness of a denial to the Church of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and then adds that : Such a denial can with less reason be ascribed to the first article of the new Austrian Con stitution, since that very article is borrowed from foreign Constitutions, and its meaning has, by the custom of years, been placed be yond doubt. The Bavarian and Saxon law declares that all jurisdiction proceeds from the Sing, and yet in Bavaria and Saxony juris diction is exercised by the Church according to canon law over Catholic marriages, because, according to the nature of civil law, no other but civil jurisdiction was contemplated in that section of the Constitution. The misinterpre tation of this paragraph in the fundamental law is the more to be regretted, as it gives rise to apprehensions which go beyond the question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. A mean. ing is ascribed *to a general proposition, the consequence of which is that the Austrian Church is deprived of what she is entitled to even under the general provisions of the civil law, namely, the right of being independent in her own affairs, and of deciding by her own power matters which come before her. The fundamental law on the common rights of citizens contains, indeed, not a few pro positions of still more general and undefined a character, and although not one is so framed as to necessitate, by its text, an interpreta tion hostile to the rights of the Church, yet in more than one it comes very near to it. Be sides, these sections in the fundamental law are, none of them, new, and of several it is clear that they originally proceeded from a conception of things directly opposed to Chris tian ideas, and that they were intended to serve as a weapon against the power of the Catholic, of the Christian, faith. How would matters stand if the conclusion were thence drawn that, by the oath to observe the funda mental law at the expense of common civil rights, assent was given to the principles which the founders of the Constitution proclaimed, and the introduction of which, into Austria, was unspeakably pernicious. But the under signed, nevertheless, were far from believing that the Imperial Government would put for ward a claim which would so calmly overstep the limits of the civil power. the Vatican." By acting on such views, which are, fortunately, confined to a small section of the Catholics of France, the general interests of religion and of the nation are sacrificed to the special exigencies of party. To substitute party tactics for principles is not the way to recover credit in France. Such narrow schemers are foredoomed to failure. The con duct of the Gazette de France is another illus tration of the misleading influence even over sincere Catholics of party politics. But there is another section of French Catholics repregented by the Union who, un like the small party of the Gazette de France, have too high a regard for Catholic interests, as contradistinguished from party interests, to compromise sound principles by forming an alliance with the revolutionary Opposition, and who yet have no confidence whatsoever in Go vernment, nor in the system of Government candidates. Their policy is, under no circum stances, to vote either for official or demo cratic candidates, but to seek simply for pure representatives of Catholic opinions. Such policy may be aptly described as a policy of despair. They justify their abstention from voting for Government candidates, even though such candidates were pledged to support the Catholic cause in France and in Europe on account of the " sad fate" which has attended the success of Government candidates under the Empire. They appeal to the history of the last sixteen years, and ask what advantages have the religious, political, moral, and mate rial interests of Catholics obtained. Rather, what have they not suffered ? A writer in tbe Union, the Marquis de Dreux-Breze, the head of a great Catholic family and brother of a bishop, reckons up in an article, an abstract of which will be found under " Foreign Opinion," the following as among the most calamitous results of the Empire : the unity of Italy, the stripping of the Holy See of four-fifths of its dominions, the aggrandizement of Prussia, the Mexican catastrophe, the aggressions of free-trade, and the usurpations of State education. It is but too true, as we must confess, that the policy of the Second Empire has not been such as to inspire Catholics with confidence. It has been a policy of playing fast and loose with prin ciples according to the exigencies of the mo ment. It has been distinguished by singular tergiversations on the part of the Emperor, which may for the most part be traced to ex ternal influences. But the very aVsence of statesmanlike ideas or of a fixed policy, makes it more than otherwise needful that the Em peror should not only be protected from a hostile pressure on the part of the Revolution, but by an exertion of Catholic influence in every direction, and accordingly, also, in the elections be so encompassed by Catholic sup port, as to be compelled fox policy sake to fol low an honest and upright course. We be lieve the more hopeful policy, suggested by the Univers, to be the wiser policy, and from all we learn, it is the one most likely to be adopted in the coming elections in France. — Westminster Gazette. THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS AND THE .1318110 P OF ORLEANS. The old enemy of religion in France—the University—is more busy n ow than ever at its miserable work of perverting and undermining the faith. It was against this stronghold of infidelity, this monopoly of godless education, that Montalembert and the Catholics of France, under Louis Philippe, gained their first great victory by obtaining freedom of education. They succeeded in breaking through this mo nopoly, in reducing its power, in forcing the State to be at least more guarded in its public support and patronage of the teachers of atheism and materialism. But if the snake was scotched for a time it was not killed. The University is still the hotbed of materialism in France, in whose rank soil the weeds of error are forced to an unnatural growth. It is still the rallying point to which converge all the enemies of the Church, and from whence emanate the most subtre - Ws well as the most gross attacks on the faith of Christendom. It can scarcely be otherwise. A seat of learning in which there is intellectual life and colli sion of mind—if it be not Christian—must in the very nature of things be hostile to revealed religion. Faith and intellectualism, reason and revelation, if they be not allies, cannot meet in the pursuit of knowledge without collision. For them there is no neutral ground. Science may affect a contemptuous indifferentism to religion, but it is a pretence, merely a veil to disguise its real animus. At a convenient disarmed,opportunity, whenit Will u suspicion is lulled or oppo sition strike without a word of warning its treacherous blow. It is to guard against such treachery, against the subtle poison instilled in un-Catholic universities that the ing Catholics from exposin g th eir f a ith t o such Church is so active in dissuading, in prohibit risks. It is the knowledge of the active agencies of evil at work in universities which are not Catholic that brings defenders of the highest interests of society, such as the Bishop of Orleans, into perpetual conflict with the sup porters of the University of Paris. We re corded last week that a petition had been pre sented to the French Senate praying it to take measures to have a stop put to the great lati tude which is allowed to the free-thinking and materialistic professors in the University of Paris, and that, moreover, owing to the inter ference of Orleans a diploma recently o gfratnhteecißtioposhast student of medicine by the faculty of medicine at Paris had been re voked by the Minister of Public Instruction, on account of the materialistic doctrines which he had supported at his examination. This interference in defence of the sacred interests of society has exposed the Bishop of Orleans to the attacks of the Siecle, the great organ of materialism in France. It reproaches, in the first place, Mgr. Dupanloup as guilty of an unworthy action in havin g de no unced the thesis of the student, and it asserts that the approbation of the faculty of medicine confers an inviolable character on the theses supported at the examination. On this plea the most sacred articles of the Christian faith may be attacked by the faculty of medicine with im punity, for the defenders of the Church, the bishops, are not to have the right of reply. "Are they, then, to abandon," says the Univers, commenting on the shallow pretext put for ward by the Siecle, " the sacred interests en trusted to their keeping ou t of regard for the private interests of a student or professor ?" The Bishop of O r lea ns is astonished that an y one should dream of imputing blame to him. "Such theses," he declares, "cannot be allowed to pass without a protest; society d efends itself, that is all; it has the right to do so." The Siecle replies with a sneer : " Society is, it seems, represented t o -day by the . bishops." " Mgr. Dupanloup," a dds the S i ecle, " be lieves himself entitled to exercise an active surveillance over the University . " It is hi g h time, indeed, that a strict and vigorous sur veillance were exercised over a university which has the SiZcle for its warmest supporter. It is not to be wondered at that th e Bisho p o f Orleans, in the pamphlet w hich has given such and offence to the university its supporters in the impious press of Paris, should have ex pressed his astonishment that soc iet y should continue to appoint and pa y professors to teach doctrines the logical consequences of which are the production of agents for carrying out the most odious of revolutions. Far from being satisfied at the present state of things on ac count of the important part which the clergy have to play, as the Siecle alleges, the Bishop, on the contrary, throughout his pamphlet com plains bitterly of the position of the clergy reduced to defend the most sacred verities, the most holy rights, the most cherished interests, against incessant and renewed attacks. After ascribing the publication of the Bishop of Orleans' pamphlet to a desire to do an injury to the medical student, the Siècle finishes its article by exclaiming—" How, you denounce these doctrines as incendiary and subversive, you called down severe Pleasures on their author, is it to serve him and to be useful to him ? Why not ? The inquisitors of the Holy Office thought they were doing a good service to the victims whom they tortured. To what lengths, good heavens ! does Mgr. Dupanloup go when he wishes to injure people ?" To this rhapsody the Univers gives a reply which we will quote in conclusion :—" These doc trines denounced—are they or are they not im moral and subversive of all social order, of every notion of justice, of every security in the relalHons of man with man ? This is a question. which the Si()cle does not care to enter upon. It knows very well that these monstrous doctrines are indefensible, and it does not defend them. It abstains even from stating what they are, for fear of offending the conscience of its readers ; but it suggests that they are inoffensive, and by virtue of this supposition it asserts that it is a crime to -op pose them, and it proves this solely by the rare argument that such an opposition might be injurious to M. Grenier, the medical stu dent." We trust that Mgr. Dupanloup's timely ex posure of thematerialistic tendencies of the university, as manifested in its teaehings and in its examinations, will induce the Senate to weigh well the impolicy as well as the im piety on the part of the State in fostering a system of education whose visible results are m aterialism and atheism.—irestininster Gazette. THE CIVIL SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES. There is no country but the United States that could have existed under the Civil Service System there in force. If the Old Man of the Mountain is a giant and saddled on the shoulders of anything but a colossus, that thing must succumb —Old Man and all being soon in the mud. But the United States is a colossus whose huge proportions are best dis played by contemplating it under the giant burden which it has placed on its shoulders. The revenue collected in the United States has for the last few years been the greatest ever levied on a nation. In two years, that is from the 30th June, 1865, to the 30th June, 1867, one thousand and forty-eight millions of dollars were extracted from its citizens. What more was stolen it is im.' possible to tell, but this sum actually found its way into the Treasury. Before the war the United States, without debt—with a mere apology for an army--was the lightest taxed by far of the great Powers. The bond that bound the States together was not then so strong as now; State Governments ruled, and a Federal system knitting all into one whole had not been worked into the centralizing scheme at present in operation. The prizes at Washington, although attractive to a class of politicians, were not at that time of the vast national importance they have now attained. The scramble for place being comparatively a poor thing attracted little attention, and the nation was content to jog on, but lightly feeling the burden thrown on it by the poli tical rascality of the day. But all this has been totally changed. The United States has to provide the largest annual sum of any country in payment of interest on its national debt, and power is now centralized at Washington. Great departments have been created, and those before in ex istence have been enormously enlarged. A system of cumbrous taxation is in force, levied on every thing, and embracing all the errors exploded iu Eng land, and with a newly improvised army of collec tors, the people are compelled to submit to a bad plan badly executed. Americans are the most tole rant of the human race under their taxmasters, but they are too practical long to endure a system con ceived in error and dishonestly carried into prac tice, touching them iu the most sensitive part. At the close of the war grand schemes were entertained of making a stupendous collection, and paying off the National Debt at once ; but they were all found to be mere chimeras ; the debt was too heavy to be thus handled, and the people have settled down to the conviction that they must grow out of it, accom modating themselves to the pressure. The turn of the public mind is now more practical, the effort being to adjust the load as easily as possible. Two questions connected with this have risen into para mount importance in the United States. The first has reference to the pri nci p les upon which the taxes must be levied ; the second the establishment of effiLdent machinery for the work, acid it is to the latter we propose to allude briefly. A sub committee was selected last summer from the Joint Congressional Committee on Retrenchment, con sisting of Representative JENCKES, from Rhode Island, and Senators PATTERSON, from New Hamp shire, and WILLIAMS, from Oregon, to consider the best mode of appointing to the public service, and the abolition of useless offices. Mr. JENCKES brought in a bill to regulate the appointments for the Home Civil Service, and Mr. PATTERSON pre pared another for the greater efficiency of the Foreign Service. As amended Mr. JENCKES' Bill was presented to the House on the 23d March. It provides that the new Civil Service Department con templated by the bill shall be controlled by the Vice- President of the United States, or, failing him, by the President of the Senate pro tent. It is also so far amended that candidates are not only to be sub jected to competitive examination, but to periods and conditions of probation. There is no subject of more vital importance to the welfare of the country. In one respect it far trans ends all prin ciples of political economy, for not only are states men and jurists agreed that it is better to have bad laws well administered than good laws badly administered, but it is an undeniable fact that the ci v il Service System now in operation is demoraliz ing the people. We have lately had in England sufficient evidence of what the commercial morality of the country is. If proof were required of the neces sity for controlling checks on those who handle, the money of others, it has surely been furnished by the revelations of a rascality not even the strongest be lievers in human wickedness could have predicted a f e w years ago. Imagine these fine specimens of Anglo-Saxon honesty, with their hands in the Trea sury of a great nation, with a few checks on the sums they might transfer into their pockets, and we have the Civil Service of the United States as it exists. " Who are the men," said BEN WADE, " selected to get the Revenue ? These who could not get trusted for a pipe of tobacco in their own towns. I know men to whom some of my con stituents have to pay their taxes to whom no neighbour would even lend $2O with the remotest idea of getting it paid this side of judgment day." And what is the consequence? Why, Mr. y, Com missioner WELLS officially informs Congress that a greater portion of the internal revenue is lost by fraud than finds its way into the Treasury. The moral effect must in the highest degree be injurious. If the place be but the result of bribery, the in cumbent goes forth as a living example of the force of the almighty dollar ; having bribed, he is open to bribes, and honest men see the per sons they would not trust with twenty dollars col lecting on behalf of the country tens of thousands, and appropriating all they dare. Then, indeed, is presented the state of things that moved the anger of DAVID, the Psalmist—the prosperity of the un godly, and unless the public see as DAVID did, the end of these men, the example must be in the highest degree pernicious. It is alleged that the system has ripened into its unholy fruit mainly since Mr. LINCOLN'S death, but we cannot attribute to Mr. JOHNSON the greater portion of the blame. It is the natural result of a vast extension of a rotten plan. During the first term of the late PRESIDENT the money had to be expended, now it has to be raised, and the difference between spending and collecting is pretty well known to every civilized community. The heads of the great departments have the numerous appointments of the offices in their gift. The selections are unchecked and tie regulated by any considerations but, favouritism and expediency. The appointments amount to hundreds of thousands, and all this gigantic pa tronage for working the machinery of the most powerful of nations drifts as a mere thing of chance. It is a scramble—the greatest prizes falling to the most audacious and importunate beggars. The bill brought in by Mr. JENCKES is intended to rectify the abuses under which, as Mr. WADE says, " the country staggers." The Civil Service of the United States, both at home and abroad, will, when that and Mr. PATTERSON'S bill come into operation, be a distinct profession, for which lads It ill be prepared at school and college, and take up as they do the Army, the Navy, Law, or Physic. When fairly at work, the United States will realize a benefit it can now but little appreciate. In the first place, the greatest check will be given to the political harpies, to bribery, and begging, and the leaders of party will themselves be relieved not only from a bore, but from a demoralizing influ ence. In the second place, a fine legitimate open ing will be afforded to paterfamilias, who can then educate his sons for an honourable and fairly lucrative career. In the third place, an immense saving will result to the public revenue, the laws will be enforced by competent agents, and the people protected from spoliation. Washington is now the headquarters of the halt, the blind, the idle, and the useless--all screaming at Uncle SAM for place. It is a grand lottery hav ing an overwhelming fascination to many natures. There are thousands who would have honestly worked for a living but for the attraction of this demoralizing scramble. So it cuts both ways to the injury of the people, for it makes the place not the reward of merit, but of chance or intrigue, to be held till another chance expels the incumbent, whose business in the meantime is to make the most of his opportunities. The working of such a system is sufficiently clear. The candidates have one spell of office and two spells of idleness, and while in office they are only busy in the attempt to cheat. Of course we deal in general terms ; there are many and bright exceptions, but these spring from an invincible honesty that even such a system cannot overcome. The difference between the politician in England and in America is, that in the former only the great prizes fall to his lot, and in the latter everything. Some one has said that patriotism is th,) last resort of the scoundrel ; but in England there is little or no field for these patriotic gaol-birds. The eyes of the nation are fixed on the political leaders, who are compelled to exercise the greatest caution under the scrutiny; but the smaller fry swimming in shoals escape observation, and are left free in the exercise of all their cheating faculties. It does not do to allow this ; and happily for England the places of the country are filled by men who have good a n p d r o shpaevcet g o r f ad r e u f a o t r e m d been educated for the service, in the public offices. A is now before the Union in these bills, and in the chance of General Grant being elected President, who is known to consider the reformation, or rather the formation, of the Civil Service as the great work to be accomplished by the next Chief Magistrate.—Anglo-Amencan Times. 7HE FRENCH ELECTIONS. It is beyond question that society in France, political and religious, is approaching one of those convulsions which, since the Revolution of 'B9, are almost periodical. The ground on which the Imperial throne rests heaves visibly. Baulked ambition, wounded self-love, popular discontent, poverty in the people, extrava gance in the State, the aggrandizement of Prussia, and the new recruiting bill, are ele ments of danger which the restless spirit of the Revolution is making use of for another vast upheaving of social order in France. The state of things much resembles that which existed under Louis Philippe six months before the Revolution of 1848. At such a juncture as this the Emperor, who vacillates between his two masters—the party of order and the Revolu tion—appeals for support to the country. It is clear that the hope has never been absent from his mind that his expedition to Rome in support of the Pope against the Italian Re volution would in the next, elections rally round his throne the friends of social order And religion. A difference of opinion has arisen between the Catholic papers of F rance as t o th e course which Catholics ought to adopt in the coming elections. The Univers, with its accustomed vigour and precision of thought, lays down the policy which in such an emergency it holds the Catholics of France ought to follow. It will have nothing to say to party politics as such ; it takes, absolutely, neither the side of the Empire nor of the Opposition. " Our policy," it says, " to adopt the language of our opponents, neither favours nor excludes any one on the simple colour of his flag. It de mands in a like way and in a like measure from every candidate, whether of the Govern ment or of the Opposition, to pledge himself to Catholic electors on certain definite questions." The Univers takes its stand simply on Catho lic:principles, and it asks what principles are superior to those which it defends when it makes use of the right of voting in order to save the independence of the Church, and to protect the liberty of the family. Its first ob ject would be to vote for a Catholic true and loyal to the Church, and consequently to the highest interests of the State, at least in such districts as would be able and i willing to re turn a Catholic member ; but n the majority of instances there would be no such disposi tion. And under such a condition of things the Univers contends that it is the duty of Catholics to support such candidates, no mat ter whether belonging to the Government or to the Opposition, whose views and votes would be most in harmony with Catholic principles and most conducive to Catholic interests. This is the broad and intelligible ground which the Univers takes up. But the Gazette de France, too much after the fashion common to party papers, is Legitimist first and Catholic second in its policy. Making party success its supreme aim, it substitutes the supposed future interests of the French Legitimists for the real and present interests of the Catholic cause in France. To this extreme partizan and its supporters it seems not of the remotest consequence what becomes of Catholic policy or what candidate .is returned, provided only he is in opposition to the Napoleonic Govern ment and dynasty. "In virtue of its special logic," says the Univers, " the Gazette de France pretends that we ought to reject the Government candidate, even though he share our views and support the candidate of the Opposition, even though be he a materialist, and though his vote might give the majority to the party who wishes to place Garibaldi in ARE DEMOCRACIES FICKLE? The limes has hazarded the opinion that the two thirds majority of the Senate necessary for the con viction of ANDREW JOHNSON will not be secured, and it quotes the speedy recantation of popular judgment arising from delay in the trial, as the best proof of the fickleness of Democracies. We wonder if the writer is sensible of the contradiction under lying all the article so far as it referred to America. He considers the most notable of American charac teristicsthepowerlessuess Of the individual politician, who must go with the team or he is lost. Yet the line which permits no straggling cannot stand delay, a real difficulty causes a sudden wheel, coun selled by the same temper which crushes any one who falls out because he can be crushed. " The fickleness and readiness to change appear directly due to the perfect organization of party which is found in all ordinary forms of Democracy. The completeness of party discipline makes individuals powerless, and independent thought a disqualifica tion. The deduction is simple. Where there is no independence there can be no fixed principles, and political life becomes a struggle of opposing com binations for office, in the course of which each side is ready to assume at a moment's notice a new position if the accidents of au hour suggest that it is a desirable base of attack or point of defence." We would like the 7. imes to inform us where the party get their ideas. Supposing the Times be cor rect they must work without fixed principle, and without individual guidance—yet they area per fect organization from whom it is political death to straggle. They are at the same time a highly finished machine, and a combination of chance, turning out anything. Indeed, we scarcely could be more surprised if informed that a brewer intend ing to make beer had produced whisky, or that a spinning-jenny had manufactured steel wire. The more complete the organization, and more defined the principles upon which it stands, the more per fect is individual control. It is impossible for any party to act as a unit not directed by a unit, and it is the nature of such parties to select for the lead the most tried and confirmed holder of the principles upon which the party works. The 7 bites has confounded parties with the public, and to say that Democracies are fickle is simply to say that the public is fickle. In a despotism that fickleness may be controlled or not allowed expres sion; but we very much doubt the truth of the pro position that Democracies are fickle. the great Republic was brought forward in proof of such fickleness, though the article had reference to Eng land, whose national course the 2 irrtes says shows a remarkable tendency to Democratic fickleness. We consider that the Democratic tendency has shown steadfastness, not change. Mr. DISRAELI and the great party he leads may have been fickle, but that was due to the aet national purpose which the party could not control, and to which it therefore sur rendered. There is no fickleness in the ebb and flow of the tide, although the spectator watching the waves as they fall on the beach may be deceived into the notion. From the period of the first Re form B:11 to the present time the tide has been steadily flowing in one direction, and the changes noted by the Times are merely the waves, one of which may rush up further than its fellows and surge back, sweeping with it the pebbles and sand. In America the same is notably the case, and per haps in no. other part of the world is opinion more led and guided by men of strong con victions. If American politicians are noted for anything, it is for their obstinate, adherence to principles. Can the Times give us an instance of a more determined man than THADDEUS STEVENS, who leads in the House? or SUMNER, who leads in the Senate ? To what is the Impeachment of the PRESIDENT due? Why, to the individual obsti nacy with which ANDREW JOHNSON adhered to principles—an obstinacy only equalled by the mulish stupidity of a JAMES 11., though in the PRESIDENT'S case springing from far higher motives than those which actuated the bigoted advocate of Divine Right in his own person. Has there been any fickleness in Massachusetts or in South Caro lina ? When did the Bay State swerve from its principles, or the Palmetto State bow its haughty head ? Was the resolution of the North shaken by defeat ? or did the South shrink from the fiery ordeal of subjugation? Where was the fickleness in the American people from the day when mis sionaries went forth to denonece Slavery and to uphold the rights of all to personal freedom, till the nation split into the two great sections, main taining with arms the position, when argument and legislation failed ? The Times is struck by the speed with which great events are accomplished in America—a speed rapidly extending to England. But the cause is obvious. A change that suits a people will be effected in a time directly in propor tion to the intelligence and means of communica- By means of communicatio n , tion of that people. we mean the power the nation possesses of sub mitting the question at once to each individual. Change is quick in America, because vast means exist there for disseminating opinion, and that England is so rapidly running in the race shows that penny papers are producing the effect anticipated.' It does not follow at all because an idea is instantly caught up by a population that that population is fickle ; indeed it will be found that change comes from above, not from below ; that the people as a mass are far more steadfast to principle and opinion than those who call themselves the upper classes. What is fashion but fickle change, and who are the fashionables ? Endear a name to the people, and how soon will it be lost, or when does it become hateful? We grant the power of party organization in the United States. We are aware that politicians enrolled therein often have to hold to their party as their profession, thei r means of existence, and such men fighting for power, that is, for place, that is, for the loaves and fishes, tolerate no divergence, nothing that lessens their chance. Yet the instances of independent action in those taking a leading part are numerous and striking. It is held to be more than probable that General GRANT will be the next President, and to what political party does GRANT belong ? ANDREW JOHNSON, with that singular faculty of injuring whatever he touches, drove GRANT off the platform that the General had erected without a plank or prop of party in it. GRANT desired to be the national candidate, elected spontaneously by the people, uncommitted to principles. When in office he proposed to remodel the civil service and the whole national expenditure, and to give the most liberal and humane construction to Con essional measures, bringing back the Southern States with a fair measure of rights secured to tile freedmen. In a word, he proposed to banish politics. from his programme, and to set heartily tJ work on reform. It was a pity to dam !go this admirable' scheme, nor could any opportunity have been better than thus to use a great officer with a great name unconnected with party. Ile may yet succeed in carrying it into effect, though his chances have been injured by ANDREW JOHNSON, who, in a measure, has suc ceeded iu driving him into the Radical ranks. fiere, then, is an instance of au individual who refused to commit himself to any party, 3et evi dently commanding a majority for the great prize for which parties strive. Take the case of a politician who has never ceased to advocate a decided political line. Can the Times elsewhere point to a man more prominent in his party, yet acting more freely on his individual opinion, than HORACE GREELEY. Whether secretly correspond ing with confederates in Canada, giving bail for JEFFERSON DAVIS, or doing what the Times said the advanced Republican wing desired but dared not, that is, urging the claims of Chief Justice CHASE for the Presidency, he acted on individual opinion ; at the same time leading a party and flying straight in its face. Take CHASE him Self. Everybody knows that above all things he desired the Presidential Chair. Long ago he laid down his platform, and now while presiding over the Senate as a High Court of Impeachment, he is raising the obstacles in the way of his party which the 7 imes declares will defeat the party end, and carry ANDREW JOHNSON clear. Every objection raised by the PRESIDENT'S counsel has been sustained by CHASE, and backed by a majority of the Senate, four-fifths of whom are Republicans. It is true that the Senate is a Court engaged in a criminal trial, but the Times says that the movement is a party manoeuvre ; and although ANDREW JOHNSON may have his term cut short by a few months, personally no such injury can accrue to him that would make it incumbent on a political body like the Senate, casting politics aside, and dealing in this political trial without any reference to party, if auy one who falls out is, as the leading journal states, to be crushed. Yet, in spite of the loudest crack of the party whip, people are compelled to acknowledge that at least so far, the Senate has acted without reference to party. The truth is that the American party whipper-in deals with a far larger body than the English whipper-in, as the party prizes embrace the whole civil service of the country ; whereas those in England are, as we else where observe, confined to the heads of offices. But though more extensive, more professional, and better organized in America than in England, still the party there as here is but the platform around which the public rally, or against which they surge and fret. If it has no fixed principles it cannot stand --principles which must underlie every plank and be distinctly heard from the stand, while the public voice around is deceptive and uncertain in the highest degree ; not because the public have no de fined ideas, but because it is no easy matter for all to give them expression. A noisy clique in the crowd actuated by interest will raise their cry so loudly as to deceive the listener into the belief that it is the public voice, but these are mistakes and deceptions not of the public, but of those who profess to inter pret the public mind. Yet these very interpreters, ourselves among the number, and notably the 7 tines, are ready to declare that it is not our mis take, but that of tile unstable public, whose fickle nature is most seen in Democracies.—Anglo-Ameri can Times. We copy the following from the advertising columns of a district journal :—" CONFECTIONERS. --To be sold cheap, several cwt. of orange peel in good condition ; the advertiser having the contract for the sweeping of all the metropolitan theatres and places of amusement, is in a position to treat for it on unusually advantageous terms- Address----." Is it possible that any:confectioner wil l gravely reply to this advertisement, and, what is of far more importance, gravely buy the several cwt. of orange peel, and work it up in marmalade and plum cako ? What a strange notion of his fellow-men the advertiser must have ! He must regard them as dirt-consuating animals, much as the naturalists do some kinds of vermin. The worst of it is the public have no remedy ; the adver tiser has doubtless by this time concluded his treaty, and the sweepings of all the metropolitan theatres and places of amusement are being potted and labelled, " Please to observe our trade mark—Parity. None genuine taos s signed with the maker's name." Perhaps the managers of the metropolitan theatres might help up us by seeing that their sweepings go into the proper place—namely, the dust bin.— Morning Star. Mr. 'Thomas Payne, conductor of the Detroit and Millwaukee Railroad, has invented an ingenious contriv ance to indicate to railway passengers the station which they are approaching, its distance from the one last passed , and from that point to each terminus of the road. It is placed in the centre of the car, which, coming in contact with posts placed for the purpose, turn the indicator immediateli after leaving each station. The invention has been placed upon one of the passenger coaches, and meets the approval of the officers of the road. The Springfield Republican says :—" A cow be" longing to Calvin Norton, of Bennington, Vermont, 1 13 " cently gave birth to a calf with two distinct heads 5 0 L four eyes, and it is thought the thing will live and thrive• But where's the use, since Barnum has no museum ?" The Liberte having announced that several hun dred applications had boon sent in to the Legation of the United States in Paris from Frenchmen for letters of natt' ralization as American citizens in order to evade the ness r military laws, the communique states that, for many monthg past, only two applications had been made, and that one of the two did not proceed from a French citizen. MADAME RISTORI AND THE SPANISH BISHOP. --- The &co d'ltalia, an Italian journal published at Nos / York, has the following singular story :—" The celebrate d actress, Mdme. Ristori, was lately performing at Havani nab. In one of her pieces she had to play the part c ' h Sister Theresa, an eminently moral character, but whi e ' produced on the stage a person belonging to a religiotle order. The Bishop of the diocese made a complaint to General Lersundi, Governor of Cuba, on the subject, bu t the latter paid no attention, and did not interdict the pl s l as the prelate requested. His Grace then ordered all the cures not to allow the hells to be rung on the arrival et the governor. According to the above-named journal the latter responded by the immediate arrest of the bisha it whom he sent home to Spain on board a war vessel. Madrid letter in the Independence Beige, in speaking of t" incident, affirms that the Spanish Government has fai l l approved of General Lersundi's conduct. Births. BOSANQUET —On the 19th inst., at Bourneside, Southgate' tho wife of Percival Bosanquet, Esq., of a son. HAYWARD—On the 18th inst., at 20, Montogue-stre et i Russell-square, the wife of Chas. F. Hayward, Esq. , ° a son. POWELL —On the 19th inst., at Carshalton, Surrey, the wife of William Powell, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. HATIRTSON—Froutn—On the IGth inst., at St. John's, 15 :1 Region, Thomas B. Harrison, of her Majesty's Jul Revenue, to Mary Ann, youngest daughter of Corue ljt 1.1(nro, of Bromley, Middlesex. /s RADCLIFFE —WRYGHTE On the 18th inst., at St. 3 11 -' 1 ; 5 '1 . , Church, West Brompton, Herbert Radcliffe, Esq., °. O Carlton Villas, Chelsea Villas, Fulham-road, to youngest daughter of the late \Vm. C. Wryghte, Esq'' - Rich Lodge, Earl's Court. Deaths. DRYSDALE —On the 17th inst., at 17, Broad-grocn, Cror. don, Miss Jane Drysdale, aged 91. NAYLOIt On the 19th inst., at 8, Clifton Villas, Pc l3sel Mrs. Mary Naylor, aged 85. REEVE—On the 19th inst., Rear-Admiral John Ee &fe' aged 84. 1% ,1 ' SimrsoN—Oti the 18th inst., at Horringer, Bury S'',,,, a .1 round's, General Sir James Simpson, Ci.C.B., C° - 29th Regiment, aged 77. 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