The Sun. — London, England, 1868-07-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT 0P THE P' :0 JOURNAL& The Tima obSeilles that the discussion on the details of the Bribery Bill is distinctly approaching its and. Yester day afternoon about thirty clauses were settled, and of the seven or eight that remain not more than a couple can be decently made the pretext of debate. There is, indeed, a crowd of new clauses lin the [notice-book, but by far the greater number have been already disposed of, and some of the rest can be regarded as nothing more than sug gestions for legislation which may hereafter become possible. It would even seem that the Govern. ment hope to pass the bill through committee in the short afternoon sitting to-morrow. Mr. Disraeli has allotted from twelve to four for the further considera tion of the measure, and has intimated his intention of taking the Cattle Market Bill in the evening, as if by that time the Bribery'Bill would be " virtually settled." The House, wearied by reiterated controversy on the same issues, will be eager to assist the Minister, and the an nouncement that the Government propose to limit the operation of the bill to three years will do much to repress further vexatious delay ; but the Times believes it will be found impossible to make such rapid pro gress as would appear to be hoped for. Some holi day would be doubtless agreeable before the tedious work of canvassing and speech-making is undertaken, but it is useless to sigh for impossibilities. The Bribery Bill will probably require one more sitting after to-morAw afternoon. Curtail the discussion as much as the com mittee may, many clauses will remain, and if the members who father them be not conciliated by adequate discussion the passion of the House for despatch will only produce further delay. The first supplementary clause to be con sidered, when the end of the bill has been reached, is that of Mr. Disraeli, providing for the remuneration and appointment of additional judges. Mr. Serjeant Gaselee proposes to enact that each of the puisne judges of the commonlaw courts shall receive an addition of £5OO a year to his salary, but Mr. Dodson will probably rule that an amendment which has no relevancy to the bill is out of order. The additional £5OO a year to each judge on the rota can excite little question, but the Times will look with curiosity for the reasons which can be alleged in favour of Mr. Disraeli's proposition that " no vacancy in the place of the pixth judge" (will not every vacancy be a vacancy in the place of the sixth judge ?) "in any of the courts shall be filled up without the consent of Parliament." The pro posal appears to our contemporary to have nothing to recommend it. The committee may be left to decide whether Mr. Bonham-Carter's declaration against bribery to be made at the time of nomination is free from the objections to a similar declaration at the time a member is sworn in. The more practical clauses are those in the name of Sir Francis Goldsmid and Mr. Fawcett. Sir Francis Goldsmid, borrowing a proposal first made by the Government, would turn the tables on anyone guilty of bribery by declaring votes given to him thrown away. Mr. Fawcett would relieve parliamentary candidates, as municipal and other local candidates are relieved, of the cost of providing the machinery of election, while exacting the deposit of caution money as a security against vexatious contests. The weight of principle and of expediency appears to be strongly in favour of both clauses, and in the present temper of the House it rests with Mr. Disraeli whether they shall become law. The Standard admits the bond fides of Mr. Mill, but Can see in Mr. Ayrton's amendments nothing but the work of a decidedly clever man. The hon. gentleman even came out as a purist, and acted as a teller for Mr. Mill's inju dicious amendment to substitute " corrupt practices"' for " bribery " as the offence which is to exclude any candi date from Parliament for seven years. Mr. Ayrton was hardly inconsistent. In the course of these discussions he has urged several times, and not without some justice, that by enacting too severe penalties against bribers and bribed, the danger will he incurred of furnishing an inducement to all parties to hush up the scandals of a bought election. Nothing would have contributed more to this result than an enactment excluding from Parliament for seven years a man of whom a judge sitting alone, with ao aid or control, should report that, with his knowledge and consent, a pint of beer had been given to a free and independent elector. Mr. Ayrton is a smart man, and if he proposes to himself to render inoperative, by making its clauses Draconic, a bill which he was unable to directly defeat, he adopts just the clever tactics which might be expected of him. In legislating against bribery and treating, we must take into account the view in which those offences are regarded by the public. It may be very much to be regretted, but it ought not the less to have considerable weight upon our deliberations, that a vast number of people look upon these offences as comparatively venial ones. To stamp them as crimes and misdemeanours will not in itself change public opinion with regard to them, and the real object should therefore be rather to aim at an increase of facilities for the discovery of corruption than to heap up pains and penalties which the moral sense of the nation regards as excessive. The bill now before the House of Commons is, on the whole, excellently framed. It imposes penalties upon both briber and bribed severer than the present law enacts, but its chief object is to make the detection of the crime easier and the punishment more certain. Mr. Mill's amendments would have, indeed, established heavier penalties, but then they would have made the law an empty menace. The Post hopes that Mr. Gladstone's Church-rates Aboli tion Bill (which has just been read a third time in the House of Lords) will work well. It is more than a com promise, and far more than was contemplated by the measure which, three years ago, Mr. Disraeli regretted had not been accepted. Not, however, to recur to the Wednesdays which, session after session, were dedicated to the postponement of a settlement of the question, we cannot, in congratulating Parliament on the issue of the protracted struggle, forget what is due to those who have borne the burden and heat of a long day. They should wear the medal for this victory. It belongs to the rank and file of the Liberal party, and, bearing i n m i n d th e reproaches that have been heaped upon them, we are bound to say that the prejudices which yielded to political educa tion were bent to the hand of the constitutional trainer by their indomitable perseverance. For the rest, if Ministers who have in Opposition set their faces against changes which they are now anxious to have credit for can think, as Lord Palmerston once said, " I feel th a t my alteratio n of opinion has arisen from no other cause than from my having grown wiser as I grew older," the country ' exer cising its own discernment and discretion, may permit them to depart in peace. The Herald, commenting on the letter from Archbishop Leahy and Bishop Derry to the Earl of Mayo, says that as an illustration of the arrogant temper of the heirarchy, as evidence of the distinctly partisan bias with which the proposition of the Government was manipulated and utilised, it deserves to be carefully weighed and analysed by all who desire to understand the spirit in which the Papacy will act during the coming elections. Not a week ago we expressed a belief, somewhat guardedly, that the Irish prelates entered upon the negotiations with a view not so much to gain their ostensible end, the foundation of a Roman Catholic University, as to strengthen the hands of their political friends by compromising the Government. With the letter of Saturday last before us, we do not hesitate to repeat this charge without the smallest reser vation whatever. Frankly and honestly we do not believe that these bishops were half so deeply concerned to obtain the charter as to damage her Majesty's Ministers. No doubt they calculated that, after having stated their preposterous conditions, by which the university would have been completely under the control of an Ultramontane episcopate, the Government would be willing to offer a compromise, pledging them, in part, to the acceptance of terms which would have been deeply affronting to the entire Protestant community. The bishops would then have stood out for the original condi tions as their minimum, and, upon the Government retreating from the negotiations, they would not merely have thrown the onus of breaking them off upon the Cabinet, but would have contended that it was already compromised with Intramontanism ; that it had dallied with it for party purposes, and had thereby sacrificed all claim to Protestant support. The Daily NC2CB speaks of M. Gonzalez Bravo as the type of a statesman who, in the interests of European order and tranquillity, it is to be hoped is disappearing from civilised States. His one and only idea of govern ment is terrorism, and to the service of that idea he brings a fluent tongue, a ready pen, a dexterous wit, a supple cynical temper, and a variety of small talents, which might have gained him notoriety, and possibly power, in a free country. But he has the defects without the qualities of his race ; the arrogance without the dignity the violence without the generosity, the bigotry without the belief. Narvaez, notwithstandin g all his sanguinary acts of repression, was, compared with Gonzalez Bravo, a moderate and almost constitutional statesman. There was in his administration, compared with that of his successor, a certain measure of decency : he never refused to pay law and the Constitution the homage of an adjourned respect. But his comic civilian imitat o r is purely and simply one of those cruel farceurs of wham so many figured in the worst days of the first French Revolution, and afterwards in Vie confidential service of the Empire. He is a Committee of Public Safety in himself ; a coup d'etat in permanence. Had he been a Frenchman his characteristics and capabilities would hive shone to advantage in the events of December '5l; but France after all is France, and even under Imperialism neither all things nor all men are possible. It is difficult to conceive a Gonzalez Bravo in the councils of the Second Empire. Why should such a statesman be possible in Spain ? 'Le Earl of liellio's claim to the Mar Peerago tilk cothuaijailiamisthigasamariala itio THE PUBLIC HEALTH. The awing is the weekly return by the Registrar. General of births and deaths in London and in thirteeft other large towns of the United Kingdom :—ln the week that ended on Saturday, July 11, 4,354 births and 3,1611 deaths were registered in London and thirteen the large towns of the United Kingdom. The annual rate of mortality was 26 per 1,000 persons living. The annual rate of mortality last week was 25 per 1,000 in London, 19 in Edinburgh, and 16 in Dublin ; 23 in Bristol, 26 in Birmingham, 27 in Liverpool, 36 in Manchester, 27 in Salford, 29 in Sheffield, 21 in Bradford, 30 in Leeds, 24 in Hull, 27 in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and 27 in Glasgow. In London the births of 1,111 boys and 1,032 girls,,in all 2,143 children, were registered in the week. In the corresponding weeks of ten years, 1858-67, the average number, corrected for increase of population, is 2,044. The deaths registered in London during the week-were 1,505. It was the twenty-eighth week of the year, and the average number of deaths for that week is, with a correction for increase of population, 1,379. The deaths in the present return exceed by 126 the estimated amount. The deaths from zymotic disease were 582, the corrected average number being 430. Nine deaths from small pox, 31 from measles, 39 from scarlatina, 14 from diphtheria, 42 from whooping-cough, 59 from fever, 300 from diarrhoea, and 19 from cholera were registered. The deaths from diarrhcea differ little in number from those in the preceding week. In the week which ended June 6 the deaths from diarrhoea were 27 ; in the four following weeks 31, 66, 171, and 286 persons died, and last week the deaths recorded were 300. Of the 300 persons who died, 254 were children under one year of age, 24 were aged one year and under two, and 11 were 20 years of age and upwards. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the baro meter in the week was 20'949 inches. The barometrical reading, which was 30'03 inches by 9h. a.m. on Friday, July 10, and was nearly constant till after 9h. a.m. on Saturday, July 11, decreased to 29 . 96 inches at the end of the week. The mean temperature of the air in the week was 657 deg., which is 3'9 deg. above the average of the same week in fifty years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher). The highest day temperature was 85 deg., on Thursday, July 9. The lowest night temperature was 48 . 2 deg., on Sun day, July 5. The entire range of temperature in the week was, therefore, 36.8 deg. The mean of the highest tempe ratures of the water of the Thames was 66 . 3 deg ; that of the lowest was 65 . 5 deg. The difference between the mean dew point temperature and air temperature was 12'4 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 64, complete saturation being represented by 100. Rain began to fall at 11.18 p.m. on Saturday, July 11, and by midnight 0 . 13 in. had fallen. MURDER OF A LAD BY HIS FATHER. On Tuesday morning, at about half-past four o'clock, a dreadful murder was perpetrated in the village of Prince thorpe, a few miles from Rugby, Warwickshire. The perpetrator of the act is a labouring man about 56 years of age, who had been for some time employed at the Princethorpe Priory, but having been discharged some time ago has since been working as a brickmaker. Some twelve months ago his wife died, which seems to have had a very depressing effect on his mind, which on Tuesday culminated in the capital offence with which he is now charged. His victim was his own son, a lad about 16 years of age, of whom rumour says he was extremely fond. This lad was to have left home on the day on which he was murdered, to go to a situation. His father slept with him on the previous night, and having got a notion that the lad would come to want, at the hour above named he got out of bed and went down &airs and fetched his razor, and while the poor fellow was asleep cut his throat in a dreadful manner. The poor boy at once jumped out of bed and ran into the yard, but in attempting to get back upstairs he fell down, and died almost immediately from loss of blood. The prisoner, on being apprehended, after having been duly cautioned, said, " I killed my son ; and this is the hand that done it.' At the police-station he expressed sorrow for the act. He was at once taken before the magistrates sitting in petty sessions, and remanded. LAW AND POLICE. CURIOUS CASE.—Before the Master of the Rolls th. cause of Peel v. the South-Western Railway Company was heard. It appeared that during a great portion of the year 1864 stock was standing in the books to the name of the plaintiff and another person named Powell. In December of that year Powell forged Peel's name to £2OO of the stock, and in January again forged £l5O of the same stock, and in October another transfer for £3OO. Powell was the acting trustee, and continued to pay dividends on the above sums as though the invest ment had not been disturbed. When the forgery was discovered, in August 1867, the plaintiff filed this bill. praying that the company might be ordered to pay the dividends on the several sums, and to reinvest the £650 in the names of the plaintiff and another. His lordship made a decree for the payment of the August 1867 and subse quent dividends to the plaintiff, and for the transfer of £650 stock by the company as prayed. The costs to be paid by the company. MADAME RACHEL'S BAIL—An application was made to Mr. Justice Blackburn asking him to accept bail for the appearance of Madame Rachel at the next sitting of the Central Criminal Cour::. Two new securities offered themselves, and a writ of habeas corpus had been issued on the part of the prisoner. The prisoner was in an adjoin. ing room, ready to enter into her recognisance for £2,000 as directed. Some discussion took place, but his lord ship declined to interfere, as the application was one_ which should be made to the magistrat e wh o h a d h ear - the case. THE GREAT SPIRITUALIST CASE. —ln the Court of Chancery the case of Lyon v. Home came before the chief clerk. An application was made on the part of the plaintiff to take an account of the amount due. Three sums amounting to £ICO were discwsed but not pressed. Next came the consideration of a bill of costs for preparation of a will, which amounted to £5O, which it was sought to make him liable for. His solicitor protested against such a course being pur sued, but the chief clerk decided against him. The next point was the most important—whether the sums paid for brokerage in the transfer of the large sums, and the divi dend received on the same by the defendant, could be charged against him. The solicitor for the plaintiff con tended that it was a proper claim, and the solicitor for the defendant denied its validity. The chief clerk, on reference to the words of the decree, expressed an opinion in favour of the charge. It was so much loss by the transfer, the gift of which was declared to be void by the court. The defendant's advocate asked for leave to refer this question to a judge. The leave was granted, and the case put down for an early day. It is expected that there will be an appeal from the decision of the Vice Chancellor. THE BANKRUPTCY OF HELLER, THE MAGICIAN.—In commissioner Holroyd's Court, Robert Heller, otherwise Palmer, applied for his order of discharge, and there being no opposition, it was granted. Heller described himself as formerly of Washington (U.S.), teacher of music ; then travelling in various parts of America, Mexico, China, and Japan ; since of the Langham Hotel, Portland-place, and of the Polygraphic Hall, King William street, Strand, prestidigitator. His debts are £3,105, of which about £750 is due in London, and the remainder to creditors in New York, Washington, and elsewhere. He attributes his failure to having been sued by Messrs. Riggs and Co., of Washington. ASSAULT IN HYDE PARR. - A somewhat curious charge ,;f assault has been made at Marlborough-street Police court, by a mounted police-constable, against George Thomas, coachman to the Earl of Perth. The com plainant was keeping all the carriages in a line in Hyde Park. The defendant refused to stay where he was placed, and in trying to get past the officer the pole of the carriage struck the official on the thigh and injured him so severely that he could not do duty for a week. A gen tleman corroborated this statement, and said that if it were not for the regulations of the police the park would be a perfect " bear garden." Mr. Tyrwhitt inflicted a fine of £5 and costs. STABBING EY A SHIPOWNER. — Mr. Richard Alderson, shipowner, Nicholson-street, Hendon, near Sunderland, stabbed a man named John Hardacre a few nights since. Hardacre is a trimmer by occupation, and there has been considerable ill-feeling between the two men for some time past. Alderson is in custody. His victim was in such a serious condition after the outrage that his depositions were taken by a magistrate. Mr. Auberon Herbert, the popular candidate for Berkshire, received the Danish order of the Danebrog, corresponding to our Victoria Cross, for having, in the Danish war, carried off some wounded Danes, under fire, at the risk of his own life. He has also received the medal of . the Roy a l N at i onal Life b oat Inst i tution for gallantly going off during a storm in its lifeboat at Cromer with the view of saving a shipwrecked crew.• In distributing the prizes at the College of Pre ceptors, on Tuesday, the Dean of Westminster remarked that in the various panics which had alarmed the clerical profession one branch of it had always remained unshaken and unmoved—the head masters of our public schools. They invariably took an independent, manly, and wise view of matters, and for this reason might be regarded as a sort of reserved force of the Church, for their firmness and prudence tpnAly4 more th ...k ing else . to_ dis el IleedleEfi &in= THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 1868. SZATE OF RELIGION 1N PRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON 111. Having shown in the preceding article how the political interests of France were betrayed by Napoleon, it is necessary now to examine the state of religion since the proclamation of the Empire. From the Revolution of 1848, _ to the date of the coup d'etat, religion had been more flourishing and respected, because, as no oath of allegiance was required by the Repub lic, men of religious character were able to hold office ; public instruction was free, and the re ligious orders had opened colleges which com peted successfully with the University. The Emperor, knowing that the wish for peace and public order had secured to him the majority of the nation, at first protected religion, and by that means gained over the clergy, who, with the landed interest, have the greatest in fluence in the elections. In the summer of 1858, he made a pilgrimage to St. Anne's or Auray, and this made him so popular in that Catholic province, that, in spite of the sanctity of the place, he was greeted in the Church of St. Brieux by about 400 priests with the cry of " Vive l'Empereur !" Louis Napoleon had preserved, even durinc , his exile, a certain regard for the precepts of religion. This was exemplified during a stay he made in the town of Bath, where he was seen one morning re ceiving Holy Communion. He had borrowed of a bookseller a " Daily Companion ;" on returning the book, he was seen in the shop by a lady who had attended the same Mass, and who, when she learnt who he was, pur chasedthe little volume, and wrote on the first page what she had witnessed. This book was presented to the Empress on her way to St. Anne's, and increased the enthusiasm of the clergy. Prior to this pilgrimage, a very high calogium had been publicly bestowed on the Emperor and Empress at Amiens bythe bishop, and also by the late Cardinal Wiseman. This happy impulse in favour of religion was kept up until the secret societies and the English press commenced attacking his policy in keep ing an army at Rome, which ended in the conspiracy known by the name of the Orsini bombs. The life of the Emperor was no longer safe, and that fear was the cause of the first mistake he made in a religious point of view. To please the freethinkers and secret societies he attacked the Society of St. Vincent of Paul, placing that charitable institution under the same ban as the Freemasons Society. He also curtailed the liberty of the Catholic journals, and at the same time allowed every kind of license to the anti-Catholic newspapers. Pri mary instruction was no longer under the charge of men of religious principles, and a freethinker was appointed Minister of Public Instruction. The fear of another Orsini and the secret societies is the reason why the Emperor betrayed General Lamoriciere at Cas telfidardo, and it was only the popular voice that prevented the Pope being betrayed again in 1867. The religion of the Emperor has been weakened by fear, and also by the selfish arguments of his flatterers. The embellish ments of Paris, and the decorations of the Tuileries, have ended in producing a state of luxury only to be compared with that of the reign of Louis XIV. The corruption of the Court has become proverbial. It requires no comment. It suffices to say that the ideas of equality and simplicity proclaimed by the Republic of 1848 are now entirely forgotten ; no luxury, no extravagant fashion, and no dis sipation, however fantastic and frivolous, is now considered too great or too extravagant for the Court, and for Parisian society, under the Second Empire. In Paris the sanctity of the Sunday is less respected. The churches are abandoned by the working classes, who work on Sundays as on a week day ; amuse ments are provided for those who wish to keep a holiday, and nothing is done by Government to provide for a day of rest. The reason of this indifference is the consequence of the prin ciples of equality proclaimed in 1792. Equality according to the new school, requires no " mas tership,' and, therefore, the commandments of God and those of the Church are considered as laws incompatible with those of equality. The people have been taught to despise the Church and the clergy, and to look upon both as the supporters of despotism and slavery. The original argument used in favour of working on Sunday was that the people require their food as much on that day as upon any other. Later, it was found that a day's rest was re quired for the health of the body, but the free thinkers, whose only aim was to abolish the Sunday, and prevent the people obtaining any religious instruction, persuaded them to rest on Sunday at noon after church hours, and not to go to work on Monday. By that means manual labour is only carried on about four days in the week, but not an hour is given to prayer, to attendance at Mass, or to the care of the soul. When unlimited power was given to the Emperor after the coup d'ettit of 1852, he might have changed this deplorable state of immorality. A decree could have restored the sanctity of the Sunday. But the free thinkers and secret societies, who formed the heads of every Government department ever since the oath of allegiance was required, were adverse to this change. They were unwilling to acknowledge the right of the Church to enforce the respect due to Sundays ; such a measure would have put a restraint upon their own immorality. That is why the Catholic Church is always at variance with Government, and the reason why Government, to put down the influence of the Church, is constantly at work to degrade the religious feelings of the nation. This is carried out by the godless teachings of the University, by the instruction given daily in every village school, where everything is done to prejudice the minds of the children. This has been brought out in the late pamphlet of the Bishop of Orleans, in which he shows that even the instruction of the girls has been contaminated of late by in fidel teachers. The fear of another Orsini and of the secret societies is the reason why the Emperor is unwilling to protect religion. His Govern ment can therefore no longer be respected by honest men. This will no doubt be shown in the next general election, when the flood of iniquity will probably gain strength, as there is great want of organization among the men of order. We can see already signs of the Go vernment plan of demoralization in the riots of the Charente, where the people have been led to believe that the clergy were about to re establish the tithes ; every kind of prejudice against the Catholic Church will, no doubt, be called again into existence in the same way as a No-Popery cry is got up in England against the restoration of the ancient Church in Ireland. In France religious liberty is only considered as an argument in favour of licentiousness. Those who argue in favour of religious liberty ought to have some consideration and respect for their neighbour ; but are not those feelings hurt by works of every kind carried on on Sunday ? In Paris it is impossible to enjoy a day's rest, as the same noises are beard on Sundays as upon week days. How different in London, where even a barrel organ is not allowed to disturb the rest of Sunday ? This want of respect for the Catholic religion is the reason of much in subordination ; servants have no longer any respect for their masters, and no kind of labour is performed except on account of the lowest motives. In the Govern ment circle there is no other motive than that of gaining the means of gratifying the plea sures of this world, so well exemplified by the pies given by the aides-de-camp of the Em peror, or again by the " dress-show " at the Mass at the Tuileries on Sundays. Can such scandalous exhibitions improve the morality of a nation, which only the other day proclaimed a Republic ? Does it not rather show that the genius of France is not to be found in those utopias of equality proclaimed in 1792, but rather in a Monarchy capable of protecting the honour of the country and making religion respected ? _ _ The present policy of the Empire is one that must end in disappointment, It does not re quire a diplomatist to see that it is on the highway to a rapid dissolution. The finances are strained beyond the limits of prudence and the resources of he country, and no helping hand is left, as no help can be expected from immorality. The same disgust which brought about the revolution of 1848 will soouer or later bring about the downfall of the Empire. The only-remedy left is in a change of policy. The majority in the departments is composed of men of order. It is those men who have been the support of Government. The depu ties of Paris have always been in the minority. It is therefore upon the majority that the Em peror ought to rest to restore his popularity. But that can only be done by restoring reli gion, by placing at the head of every depart ment men actuated more with the love of reli gion and truth, than with prejudices and pri vate interests. Although the influence of the secret socie ties was great in the mind of the Emperor, and made him hesitate on his policy towards Rome, this, however, did not prevent the salutary progress of religion in France, especially in those localities where the place-men had pre served some sense of religion. The fear of seeing Rome again in the hands of the Gari baldians was general, and it was public opinion that forced the Emperor to send an army to the help of the Pope. Although in Paris a certain class do not respect the sanctity of Sunday, and work goes on in general in all the new Boulevards on that day, and the majority of the shops are opened, still a very large pro portion of the population abstain from work and go to church. In Paris it is not as in London, where the churches are only opened at eleven o'clock and again at three and seven in the evening. In Paris the obligation of hearing Mass on Sunday can be kept from five in the morning till noon, as in almost every church Mass is said ; between those hours every half hour, which makes about fourteen services every Sunday morning. It is difficult to say what per centage of the population ful fils the obligation, but it must be much greater than in London. In Paris there are in all the churches two High Masses, with music, and a sermon at one of the two services, which is always attended. The works going on in every new street in Paris on Sunday is, no doubt, a great subj e ct of scandal, and is often taken as a proof of the little regard for religion in France. However, many shops are closed, with these words painted on the shutters : "This shop is closed on Sundays ;" and good Catholic masters do not work their servants on Sundays. In the departments of the Catholic provinces, su c h as th e V en dee, Brittany, &c., the Sunday is kept as in England, and in almost every department an improvement is perceptible. Even in the department of Seine et Oire, which surrounds Paris, the people go to church on the principal feast days, and are glad to attend the procession through the village on the feast of the Blessed Sacra ment. If these processions are prohibited in Paris and in some of the large towns on ac count of a few dissenters, they only form a very small exception, as Government allows every liberty in that respect to the clergy. In Paris on the last feast day, a reposoir was built under the peristyle of the church of St. Sulpice, and Benediction given to the people on the square. There is therefore a certain progress in religion in spite of the anti-religious journals and the influence of the secret societies. These are counterbalanced by many religious societies, such as that of St. Vincent of Paul, which are in general well received by the working classes. It is superfluous to do more than to lude to the Lenten Conferences at Notre Dame, at tended in such numbers by men of every class and position, and the general Easter Com munion at the close of the Conference. This public profession of faith indicates at least the presence of a strong religious feeling among those who, in Paris, had long been estranged from the Church. The spread of the religious orders, the activity of the Sisters of Charity, so respected and beloved by the people, and the growing aversion to the Government system of education, are some evidence at least of the progress which religion has been making in France. Another proof of a different kind of the progress of religion is to befound in the enlargement of the churches all over the country. A great improvement is perceptible —many old churches have been pulled down and rebuilt in a much better style of archi tecture ; those left standing have been much improved both in decoration and neatness. Most of the ancient cathedrals and churches, too large to be kept in repair by the localities, have been classed by Government as historical monuments, and are kept in repair out of the general fund of the nation. The repairs of the cathedral of Notre Wine of Paris have cost more than a million and a half sterling. As all the other churches are kept up by the parishes, the money is voted by the vestries, which is a proof that the people love their Church, and even in those villages where the people seldom go to church on Sunday, they arc unwilling to remain without a parish priest, as all call in the priest on their death-bed. If this move in favour of religion was better pro tected and patronized by Government, it would do more to correct the anti-social feeling than any other measure. But, as I have already shown, m en, devoted to reli g i on , are k ep t ou t of office by the oath of allegiance, and Govern ment is obliged to take its servants among those men who have imbibed the anti-Catholic prin ciples of the revolution of 1792, and it is in that way that many mistakes are made by the Emperor, which must sooner or later lead to another revolution or catastrophe.—Correspon dent of the Westminster Gazette. 7HE DISESTABLISHMEN7 OF lIERESY. Never before, we believe, was there such perfect unanimity among Catholics as to the course to be pursued in the coming elections. The motives which lead to this unanimity are undoubtedly various and conflicting ; but that any Catholics in spite o f the con fusedandpu to zzl speak puzzled deffo of, r tsof mere political par tizanship, will vote in such a manner as to ob struct or delay the immediate disestablishment of the Irish Church, no sane man believes. What reason, indeed, is there, which should induce a Catholic, not, of course, to wish for the preservation of Protestant ascendancy in Ireland, but to make its abolition, root and branch, a mere subsidiary question, or one to be grappled with on some future day, and not at the moment and under circumstances such as the present, when boldly to grapple with it is to ensure success. We shall now hear no more, we shrewdly guess, of the grotesque perversion of Papal Encyclicals into a sort of defence of an here tical establishment, nor be told that for Catho lics to disestablish and disendow the Irish Church was to be, not on the Pope's side, nor in harmony with the Syllabus and Encyclical, but to be on the side of Liberalism, of Modern Progress, of the Italian Revolution, of Gari baldianism, was to cast in their lot with Dis senters, Voluntaryists, Rationalists, and the robbers of Church property. Such grotesque absurdities have excited among Catholics in England and Ireland an indignant and em phatic repudiation. Catholics, we feel sure, will combine in every constituency of England, and Ireland, and Scotland to return a member pledged to disestablish the Irish Church, to remove an injustice from Ireland and a dishonour from the Government of the country, and, in so combining, Catholics will be acting in the strictest harmony with Catholic principles, and in a truly loyal and Conservative spirit. But in the discussion of principles which the disestablishment of the Irish Church must needs provoke every day, and which will form the staple of electioneering addresses, it behoves Catholics to be on their guard not to give coun tenance to irreligious theories, or to partake in. the heat of contest of the spirit which promotes many of the attacks on the Irish Establishment. Catholics must not justly ex po themselyes to the gibes of their opponents, or to the suspicion that they have different weights and measures in dealing with Ireland and with Italy. To avoid such a suspicion, it is necessary to speak plainly, even though by so doing we incur the reproach of giving offence. In discussing at the hustings and elsewhere the union of Church and State, we must never lose sight of the distinction be tween the Church and heretical Establish ments ; if Catholics do so, they will be liable either to fall into error themselves, or to mis lead non-Catholics. In Italy or in Austria to lay hand upon the Established Church is to profane God's truth, and to jeopardize the spiritual welfare of the nation. Yet, even when violence is done by royal or revolutionary tyranny to the rights or to the property of the Church, the Church does not renounce the connection with the State, but is patient and long-suffering, and would rather sacrifice some of its privileges, possessions, and rights than give up its public guidance and control of the nation. The Church is no step-mother ;it waits for the return of the prodigal son ; but when children plunder their spiritual mother and turn her adrift, because they no longer, in their moral aberration, choose to listen to her voice, they commit an outrage and a crime against civil society, as well as against God. For the stability of civil society is endangered by the withdrawal of religion from public life. Hence on no account can Catholics counte nance the divorce of religion from politics. This truth is an axiom which in our times the Popes have repeatedly and in the most formal manner reaffirmed. But, on the other hand, the disestablishment of heresy is not to lay a profane hand on God's truth or necessarily to jeopardize the spiritual welfare of a nation. Heresy, established or not, has no claim upon the conscience ; it is not the mother of the nation which it has kid napped, but a thief in wrongful and harmful possession. To dispossess heresy of its usurped power is, if not to restore the nation to its true mother, at least to give it liberty and open the way for the country, which, for three hundred years, has been nursed in error to return to the Church of Rome—the mistress and the mother of nations. Catholics maintain, then, the union of the Supernatural and Civil Powers, because it is enjoined by the Church as the normal and necessary condition for the civil and spiritual welfare of Christian peoples, and they advocate the separation of an heretical religion from the State because it is an usurpation of the rights of the Church, and conduces to the support and spread of a soul-destroying error among the people. Moreover, the union between such a heresy as the English and Irish Church and the State, does not in the least represent the religious principle. On the contrary, the Royal Supremacy signifies the subjection of the Spiritual to the Temporal Power. This subjection in itself is a most hateful and bane ful error, and disestablishment would, as a first benefit, put an end to this unspiritual idea. To disestablish Protestantism is, we readily grant, the beginning of the end of the Tudor religion. But this is no reason to Catholics to stop their hand, unless, indeed, they fear that something worse should follow after, and that they are unprepared to meet and master the successor of disestablished Protestantism. But we have confidence in the future, and we be lieve the Church in the coming times will know how to rescue the nations out of the shipwreck of Protestantism.—Westminster Gazette. THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. (From the Anglo-American Times) On Thursday evening, the 25th June, HORATIC SEYMOUR addressed the Jackson Central Associa tion, New York. While his tone was highly parti san, he uttered the sentiments of a gentleman and of an honest politician. He appealed to the whole country for a united effort to drive from power the disciplined and desperate office-holders, the com mon enemies of liberty, human rights, the Consti tution, and the laws. Recognizing the difficulty, he spoke of the total change in political feeling coming over the people. The ablest Republicans, he said, refused to go with the party which tramples upon the judiciary, usurps power, and is unsettling all ideas of political morality and unhinging all the business machinery of the land. " We are labour ing under some embarrassments from the great vio lence of the change in our favour. Those who are rallying around the standard of constitutional rights have heretofore held conflicting views with regard to the events of the past eight years, and the question is, How can we set this great majority in the field ?" After rapidly sketching the nature of the policy which ought to be adopted, and alluding to the hope and fear with which men looked for the ' action of the Convention on the 4th of July, he added :—" It will, in the present condition of our country, be an unholy thing to go into the July Convention with any purpose which shall not have in view the rescue of our Government from the men who now have it in hand." Last week we gave what had been announced as the Platform drawn up by Chief Justice CHASE, and he is the candidate supported by Mr. SEYMOUR. With such names added to those of HANCOCK, HENDRICKS, ADAMS, with the growing strength of the party, as alluded to by Mr. SEYMOUR, we might well be forgiven for looking hopefully to the Platform to be erected on Independence Day, and it may be that the cable does but scant justice to the principles declared The Convention assembled on Saturday, and on Tuesday published the result of the deliberations. It favours taxation of the United States Bonds and the payment in currency of the bonds of all public debts, except where payment in coin is expressly stipulated. It declares that naturalized American citizens abroad have equal rights with native born subjects of the United States. This being interpreted means an appeal to the dis honesty and rowdyism of the country. To array the growing strength of the Democrats, embarrass ing in its vastness—they must unfurl the banner of Repudiation. To marshal the hosts flocking to their standard, to turn out of office the " common ene mies of liberty and human rights," an appeal must be made to Fenianism. The nation is to be re deemed from that desperate and disciplined band of office-holders, by greenbacks, by buncombe, and threats to Foreign Powers. It is premature as yet to discuss the platform as a whole, for we have only caught a glimpse of one or two of its planks. Pre suming, however, on the truth of w hat we have seen the structure cannot but be rotten. It looks absolutely like the resolve of desperate, almost hope less, men. The respectability of the country, in dependent of party, must be arrayed against it, and the framers knew that they would turn from their ranks, even such men as Mr. SEYMOUR him.• self. What, then, did they expect to gain when making so heavy a sacrifice. The mass of every country is composed of the ignorant and unreflect ing. Even in the United States where education is so generally diffused this is the case, though mainly owing to the monthly influx of thousands of the uneducated of Europe. What the Democrats have so bitterly complained of in the Soath is the very action of which they have themselves been guilty in the North. They denounce the white men who find their way down South, and trade politi cally on the ignorance of the blacks; there they be hold in its glaring deformity and bitterly condemn the alliance of knavery with ignorance. Yet if the pro gramme of the party assembled in National Council does not foreshadow this action as that on which they intend to fight the battle, we cannot see what it does portend. Taxation of the Bonds can only be effected by a direct infringement of the contract. Whether wisely or not, it was enacted that such Bonds should be exempt from taxation by or under State or municipal authority, and it was on these terms they were taken up. Revenue Commissioner HAyEs proposed to levy a special national tax on the holders by Federal authority, and to distribute the proceeds among the States and municipalities, whereby the strict letter of the law would be ob served, and an amount equal to that paid on other property would be raised from the bondholders. It is possible that this is the course the Convention considers correct, as it desires to comply with legal forms. This can be seen in the proposal to pay in currency the Bonds of all Public Debts, except where payment in coin is expressly stipulated, which shows that the Convention has no idea of riding rough-shod over the law. No ; it is for their op ponents to fly in the face of authority, to violate the statutes, and to set the Constitution at defiance ! It is difficult to speak in other than terms of unmitigated contempt and disgust of these sleek Pecksniffiian robbers ; but it is much more to the purpose to consider what chance the candidates will have on such a platform. It is assumed that the West generally supports payment in currency of the debt and taxa tion of the Bonds. We believe this to be a mis take, and not long ago we showed the injustice done to the great Prairie States, taking as the best indi cation of their feeling, the action of their delegates in the Chicago Convention. When the question of payment in currency was first raised and fully dis cussed, the villainy of the proposal came out so clearly as to surprise even those engaged in expos ing it. It is absolutely without an argument, with out even a plausible pretext to justify it; and few men will support such a platform who do not openly and knowingly intend to defraud the creditors of the nation. However exasperating and therefore impolitic it was to exempt from local taxation the interest on the Winds, it was the contract, an I when a man attempts to set it aside he attempts to defraud his neighbour of a stipulation given by his own agents. The platform, therefore, is vilely bad ; but the delegates who framed it are far better able than we are to judge of its chances of success ; and doubtless they saw a wide support before they ventured on publishing such a programme. Although we cannot give an opinion upon the amount of dishonesty in the United State, for the platform is a❑ open an undisguised appeal to that element, we can venture an opinion as to the general effect it will produce. In the first place, as a compliment, it is one of the worst ever paid to a nation, being a public announcement that the framers backed fraud against honour on an appeal to the country. In so many words they declare their conviction that there are more rascals than just men in the United States, and this is its aspect as a compliment ! At present we will merely glance at its financial and political bearing. In the first place, it pub lishes to mankind that a party, embracing as it an nounces the majority of the citizens, is determined that no contract shall be binding on the nation which in any way, at any time, militates against its interest. Well might Mr. SEYMOUR, in his speech, deplore the want of credit not only abroad but at home of the United States. Well might Americans, with all the vast resources of their country in their mind's eye, exclaim indignantly, that everywhere, financially, we are distrusted, while a little island like Great Britain stands at the pinnacle of credit. Out of Mr. SEYMOUR'S mouth we will show that this is not a mere matter of sentiment, but of hard dry fact. " While Great Britain," that gentleman said, " pays in principal and interest but $1,700 for a loan for 20 years of $l,OOO, the United States pay $2,700." The effect abroad must be in the highest degree injurious to American credit, and the plat form is so constructed that the greater the suc cess the more will be the damage done. In deed, the world will count the votes cast for such a platforni as those of knaves, and at home the case will be similar. A patriot may give his money hereafter to the Government in a great Na tional emergency, but no man will lend it. A man gives out of his income, but he loans his capital. Ile can be taxed only out of his income while any levy on his capital is confiscation—therefore, the success of the Democratic platform in annihilating the borrowing power of the Government destroys its ability to raise the funds required for a sudden and vigorous effort, and to this degree cripples the National strength. And the object is to us, the puzzle of puzzles. Nobody, at present, wants, or expects the United States to pay its Debt. Two or three years of good government, and a reformed Civil Service, would make green-backs equal to specie. It might really be supposed that the Demo crats desired a dishonest cry with which to beat up for supporters. It must be a terrible disappointment to the respectability of the United States, for honest men will know that the platform not only compromises the Democrats, but the nation, and abroad, as well as at home. THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINEES. Both the time and the number of ballots show how hard was the struggle in the National llmo cratic Convention ere the party candidates for the Presidency were nominated. It was not till Thurs day, and after 22 ballots, that Mr. HORATIO SEY MOUR was unanimously selected, General FRANK P. BLAIR being chosen by acclamation for the Vice- Presidency. The latest mail from America fore shadowed that the party would be compelled to fall back upon HORATIO SEYMOUR. lle most nearly answers to all the Democratic require ments, and he would have been the favourite from the beginning could he have been persuaded to stand. HORATIO SEYMOUR comes forth with a pure public record with a high character as well for ability as for integrity, sound on such questions as those of finance, and patriotic in his aspirations, however strongly tinged his views may be with the colouring of his party. The reason he has hitherto held back has been openly given by the Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, and hinted at by numerous other journals. As a matter of public notoriety we may here allude to it, which otherwise we would not have done. Gover nor SEYMOUR is believed to have an hereditary tendency to insanity, and he has been warned by his physicians that the excitement of a Presidential campaign would develope the latent germ, and if it failed the labour and harassing cares of a year in office would almost certainly do so. At first it was supposed that he had refused the honour of the nomination, as RICHARD In. refused the throne, that it might be thrust on him; but this was not so. Ambitious, and prompted by a craving for power, he earnestly desired to throw himself into the struggle, but checked by the fearful danger under which such a contest could only be undertaken, he had given way to the advice of his friends and de clined to run. The impression prevailed a week before the Convention met that it would eventually be compelled to fall back upon HORATIO SEYMOUR although he favoured CHASE. The nearer the ap proach of the meeting the more evident it became that the Copperhead section of the Democratic party could not endure such a candidate. The clearer their views came out the more distinctly was it seen that neither the Chief Justice nor PENDLETON could secure the nomination. To select CHASE was to break up and re-form the party. To select PENDLETON, coupled with a repudiation plat form, was to bring down on those who call them selves the Conservatives of America the contempt and abhorence of all who hold honour in the highest esteem—a class immensely powerful in influence whatever may be its number. No doubt the fight raged under these two banners, and it was found as anticipated that the conflicting opinions could not be reconciled. Who could expect such a display of dishonesty as a thorough bred Copperhead declaring for Negro Suffrage ? The supporters of PENDLETON would give up their favourite only in favour of a Democrat, and, as we before observed, no amount of soap and water could wash out the Republican stripe of the Chief Justice. But if the Copperheads pronounced decisively against CHASE, there must have been a section almost as strong who pronounced as decisively against Repudiation. That it was beaten on the platform is the very reason why it should put its foot down on the prin ciple of an honest observanc3 of the National faith in its candidate. To publish a Repudiation pro gramme, and to elect a Green-hack Redemption Candidate, was to pledge the country in case of success to the principles enunciated. But, to make the appeal first to the dishonesty of the country, and then to choose a statesman pledged to a policy exactly the reverse, may be taken as proof that the programme is partially in tended as an electioneering dodge. Then comes the question—will HORATIO SEYMOUR stand on such a platform ? We know his disinclination to run, and the terrible sacrifice it may entail upon him. We know, for we have his speech delivered only a fort night before his nomination, that Repudiation, however disguised, is wholly opposed to his prin ciples. But we cannot, perhaps, fully appreciate the pressure brought to bear upon him. In our preceding article, written before the nomination was known in London, we touched on this speech. In it he reiterated the views he had formerly expressed on the financial question, opposing both contraction and unwise issues of currency, and insisting upon the payment of the bonds in gold. He described the extravagance of the party in power, and the injury inflicted on the country by a debased currency. The Government expenditure since the close of the war, wholly independent of the interest on the debt, amounted to $1,000,000,000, of which $750,000, 000 had been disbursed on the army and navy. Il e contended that half the entire sum had been wasted, which, if devoted to the payment of the debt, would have raised the national credit to the highest point. Credit was the basis of a sound financial position , its immediate effect being to lower the rate of inte rest on the Bonds, and thus materially to redact ) expenditure. Economy was the essence of rye subject which, if acted upon in time, would safely carry the country through its financial difficulties, bill if delayed would entail ruinous loss. " The whole question is brought down to this point," are his own words. Shall we use our money to pay our debts, relieve the tax-payer, make our money good in the hand of the labourer or pensioner, and help th e bondholder, or shall we use it to keep up military despotism, feed idle negroes, break down the jud i " ciary, shackle the Executive, and destroy all con' stitutional rights ?" The root of the evil he consi dered to lie in the vast expenditure to support DO . tary government in the Southern States. Restore these States into the hands of their citizens, revers' ing the policy of Congress, and the reason for the greater portion of the expenditure is at once re moved, the sum thus thrown away being in excess of the interest on the National Debt. Now, this the Democratic policy, which he affirms would rapidly reduce the debt and restore credit , the immediate effect of which would be th e power of obtaining money at four per cen t ' greenbacks would be brought up to p ar , an d the question of repudiation annihilated. His opinion is that the American people are disgusted with th e conduct of the Congressional party. He ask s ' " Can we mark a policy which will unite the mu' jority under our standard ? This can only be done by a thoughtful, forbearing, unselfi s h cou rse. ' 6 ' t the same time we must be out s p o k en , a nd nul s ,. confront all questions which perple x us . Men loox forward with hope and fear to the action of the , National Convention on the Fourth of July. j of shall not speak of candidates. Let the claims each one be considered in a courteous o n kindly spirit, and let us take care that n 1 Pe r ' sonal partisanship shall draw us from our da t e to our count r y. W e s h ou ld suppor t with hearty zeal every upholder of constitutional rights'. The Democrats ha ve h a d th e w i s d om t o coup le 10 r rotten platform with sound candidates. PESPI'; TON must have been fatal no t on l y i n th e prase° contest, but to all eternity—shattering into D, ments every hope of democracy as no w constituted' but in the person of HORA T I O S EYMOUR Americans will recognise a gentleman wo r thy o f an y etae e. ~, We would have preferred C HASE an d th e platfos sanctioned by him as given in our last is s ue, and 0 the more that he would not in truth have been biS Democratic candidate, but have represented in person certain national principles. G RAN T r oore; 0 • presents great exploits, but being a soun d, seus l , man, he may, we hope and believe, be trusted ill y 0 Presidential chair, and that he will be Presiden t have little doubt. Were the two platforms uP hel No by wholly unknown candidates, that of Cllit t would win from the glimpse we have got of tu tor of New York, for the shuffling of the 13t ,, will scarcely conciliate either those who s u p, port or those who oppose greenback reden i se r t tion. To enunciate the principle, and to solar a candidate violently opposed to its aduP ti , bla may be a trick worthy of Conservatism, ena stump orators to show to one class how they can o , wipe out the National Debt with a sponge, and lieve the oppressed from the crushing taxes, wehil tf the other they can proclaim the real honesty e their intentions, as it would be absurd to sueP: s to that Horatio Seymour would enter office pledg'en ted such a policy, or that he would have been sele e lot , had the party really intend e d t o ac t on suc h a P la t form. Major-General F. P. B LAIR was a Voluu t ea officer, who, though a Copperhead, served throu:j ed , out the War, and was several times severely weun n ro For four years he held his place in the Nes te Army, and although his operations we r e more eOO i fined, and his command inferior to the prin c o P ol leaders of the Northern Army, his military roe. a, is of a high character. His peculiar deterl 3l " ey tion is urged by his supporters as a qua li !. o l tion, being, they say, a check to any 111 % 1 d attempt to carry the e l ec ti on b y fraud -of violence. It was thou g ht th a t h e b a d I ° 3 supporters in the Soldi ers ' an d Sailor.; C°l 3 ve° tion, of Cooper Institute, as well as in the reg al convention in Tammany Hall ; that the Mil recl delegation would go for him, and many aeotv e t h° votes of other States, an d th e resu lt h as 0100 t 100 his friends had n o t m i s - ca l cu l a t e d. It was la° urged in his favour that the jealousy the v 3 t Do teers entertain for the West Pointers raig h ;0 0, counted on as an element in the catuP 3 ncl as they preferred an officer that had ! i e. distinction, though not educated as a o' h he General BLAIR regards negro suffrage, to whi ch e' is opposed, as the chief issue. He believes the fi e' construction Acts to be unconstitutional, and fore null and void, as well as the e xa ction °I t f io a oaths from voters, and desi re d th e i r denunciator" by a resolution of the N a ti ona l D emoc ratic v olo , vention. He holds it to be the duty of the /n e ts to ing President to restore the State Governnae° to • lit the whites, belonging, as h e b e li eves , by rig oe them as the only true citizens of the South. _ to o Citizen, although considering such a not:ail ) : good, contrasts General BLAIR with General So COCK, to the disadvantage of the former. 01 0 has never," adds this journal, " made himself of champion for a prompt and thorough r estoratil i li et . the civil law and civil authorities to power, I v o r ever and whenever practicable, an d for th n ori pression of all military auth or ity ou t s id e of u 3l organisations —as General HANCOCK SO no bl y t ie when commanding the Fifth Milit ar y Dist ric r i or his letter of rebuke to the trooly loil' Gove PEASE of Texas. • ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment an d to tP Constant Success.—No diseases are more trying,„ i tli temper and morn exhausting to the constitution to' et Ut pains in muscles and joints caused by exposure to 1/ o e" cold. Wherever the seat of suffering, it will cull be dri cossary to foment the affected part with warm spate thoroughly, and immediately rub in HollowaY's i1:1- 0 1181 able ointment, to obtain ease. G o ut, rheumatism, n e " c uff and tic doloreaux, are soon relieved and ultimat el i by the use of this unequalled unguent, aided 13Y5cfoa; way's purifying and aperitive pills. Under this j A ° 4O l9 :, treatment the afflicted parts soon cease to ache, allAiess Od regain their natural feelings and appearance. " . „„, 1 5 medies are invaluable for curing spinal affoc" — nervous diseases. pf fe; Births. FIELDI3th inst., at Woolwich, the wif e O f tenant-Colonel George T. Field, Royal Artiller,' daughter. FOSTER—On tho 14th inst., at 5, Cl eve l an d-terra ce 'f 0 , o e o f park, the wife of Richard Button Foster, Es(l.l ° w ife STEELE—On the 12th inst., at Guy's Hospital, t he Dr. Steele, of a daughter. t oo , Marriages. Probt CIIAPLIN—WARWICK—On the 10th inst., a",. to Herts, B. J. Chaplin, Esq., of Forest-hill, li-en_,"idc, youngest daughter of the lat e St e phen War" - or of 1, orthampton-square, London. cs 's i c tr i. STILL—CLEMENTS—On the 34th inst , at St. r f itio eadilly, Henry Lloyd, son of Henry Still, -insr brokeshire, to Label Adele, youngest doug h ' late Colonel F. W. Clements. Deaths. rt no ro Di KENDALL—On the 13th inst., at Ifollt,nd L0dge,!, ( 1 4 61., or, Middlesex, Charles Hollad Kendall, Esq., nb..; "`duel NEWINGTON —Oa the 13th inst., at Goudhurst, '''''-- f , Newington, Esq., aged 67. tbel t, RUSSELL—On the 12th inst., at Errol, Perthshire, , .) ,aoi David Russell, aged 84. „ OP' OGILVIE—On tire 10th inst., at Rodland Gr een ' ° etc George S. Ogilvie, Esq., aged 76. 4 , 0 0-511. TOWNSEND—On the 13th inst., at 18, Great T o. Westminster, Robert John Townsend, age' London : Printed and Published by WIIALIAIu / y ~ if 1 4 0 , 0 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Try SUN O tli°l ool 23b ' Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy, in ti le litiddleoq:—Wethiesday, July 15, 1868. Y . , T hi l s N ee A le riA brat Bottleze Medal. Sold in s Pure Mil th e Agent in th Obse hams ry 8 , UREA Whist R aum,a .... Tu (Inc( 14. RUSSEL . ,AOVANCES 111 0 1c1 or Leasehl able Weekly in, P erms free on r ROYAL TruunP An entire cha yas of the metr t he Most fastidi, urn misters of Miss I ou kis I E „, s KATE OATITFISON. J_OLLy NAs BANts, Mr P n h • -ASO]; 4n a Ur. J. jL Classico Privat e B ox 11:omenarie, 1.! Mi tchell's, Sat __The whol CA NI e au:eroirignin:l e J. " - 0, ( el Invisibles 3 3 ne h t a e r i r i e ta i t s ' Li meal, the gr 4 gran d DEmo Are srg. To) , - , orp s de S pecial Nor( ap pear at this Assist Stalls and Doors op ADAM . 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