The Sun. — London, England, 1868-08-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Saturday Review reminds us that in the first enthu siasm of the Reform Bill, when it just seemed possible that a large measure might be carried, and hopes as well as fears were raised, some of the more sanguine and adven turous young politicians of the day offered a list of the questions with which a Reformed Parliament would have to deal, and suggested the mode in which a Reformed Parliament would treat them. The changes anticipated were of a very wide and sweeping kind. Without the slightest wish to sneer at or in any way ridicule these enthusiasts, we must say that, to all appearance, the chief characteristic of the new Parliament will be that it will be eminently commonplace. That persons who are not engaged in practical politics should try to look forward and to anticipate in what way the stream of English politics will go and ought to go, not this year or next year, but in the next quarter of a century or half-century, ap pears to us a very good thing. But we must look at facts as they are, and if we look at the facts we must say, without any disparagement to the political theorist, that the Reformed Parliament does not appear at all likely to fulfil those expectations. It appears to be the aim of all, or almost all, the candidates on both sides to say as little as possible and to make that little as safe as they can. The Liberals have only two ideas—to go in for disestablishing the Irish Church, and to remove the suspi cion that they would form or enter into caves against Mr. Gladstone. The Conservatives do not even get so far as this. They have no notion of proclaiming themselves to be Conservatives engaged in a great struggle against dan gerous schemes of revolution; they merely echo the cry, like one parrot screaming after another, that they wish to redress the anomalies of the Irish Church. It is evident that they have no notion whatever of the meaning of what they say, or of what kind of institution the Irish Church with its anomalies redressed would be likely to be. They have considered the difficulties of redressing the anomalies of the Irish Church about as much as Mr. Gladstone has considered the difficulties of dealing with the Irish land. There is a complete absence of thought in the addresses of candidates on both sides. The first Reformed Parliament will evidently be a Parliament where young lords and elderly soapboilers will reign supreme. It may be most desirable that this should be so. It may be a great gain that persons so eminently unimpressible should stand in the way between the nation and change ; but the thing to be remarked at present is that these are the persons who will to all appearance be returned. There will of course be some new blood infused into Parliament, but we suspect there will not be much of it. The Spectator holds that to confound cause and effect, the disease with the mere symptom, is one of the most fruitful sources of error in the world. Something is evidently wrong in the system of the volunteers, and as the life of the patient is one of the greatest possible value to the country, no pains should be spared in making the diagnosis. The symptoms which it is alleged have been exhibited by the volunteers are (1) a general dissatisfac tion with their official treatment ; (2) insubordination and non-appreciation of real military discipline. With respect to the first, it must be admitted that the Government has given the volunteers considerable and apparently just grounds of complaint. It removed their late inspector general, in whom they trusted, and with whom they were quite satisfied, and placed over them in his stead a general officer who—whatever may be his real merits— has made a very unfortunate beginning ; for under his auspices the review at Portsmouth, although it eventually proved a great success, was at one time on the very verge of a collapse ; the review at Windsor, owing to faulty arrange ments, terminated disgracefully; and the review at Wim bledon was simply a miserable failure, on account of fresh bungling on the part of the War Office and South-Western Railway authorities, aided, it is, however, to be feared, by the discontented spirit of the volunteers. Again : the Government refused the extra capitation grant to the force, on the grounds that there was no necessity for the increase in consequence of the steady acces sion to the numerical strength of the volunteers. With regard to the insubordination exhibited by the volunteers at Datchet, and the evident non-appreciation of real military discipline by a portion of the force at and after Windsor, it is admitted on all sides, and by none more than by the volunteers themselves, that at Windsor and Datchet occurrences took place totally inconsistent with military discipline ; but in investigating this part of the question it is necessary to guard against rushing, as has been done, to any conclusions of a two sweeping cha racter, as, for instance, that the whole force is but an undisciplined armed rabble ; that it is incapable of receiving proper discipline ; and that, do what we may, it must always be unreliable. We hold that each of these conclusions is erroneous, for at 'Windsor a large portion of the force undoubtedly exhibited true soldierly qualities, some of them behaving under the severe trial of the con fusion on the way to Datchet in a manner worthy of the most highly-disciplined regular troops, and on many other occasions the volunteers have thoroughly satisfied their reviewing and inspecting officers. What, then, it may be hed, is the root of the evil? We have no hesitation in assigning as the chief and if not the solo cause of the partial failure of the volunteers, that they are not officered as they should be, for it is even more essential in their case than in that of the regular army that the officers should be well up to the mark, and possess qualities and attainments calculated to inspire their men with respect, and to command their ready obedience. The London _Review, alluding to the confused and con tradictory state of Irish politics, says that the section of Catholics of whom Sir George Bowyer is a respectable English type is not unrepresented in Ireland, and some of the priests, contrary to their usual custom, favour the Disraelite connection. That by doing so they can only endanger their own influence, ought to be more apparent to them. If the Irish peasantry and middle classes once understand that the priest is about to go on the side of the landlords and our garrison, his power over them is sure to depart. They will not take the trouble to comprehend his distinctions or to appreciate his conscientious reasons ; they will simply take the facts and judge for themselves. This would not be so desirable as it might seem to those who are not well acquainted with the country. It is doubtful whether the masses of the Irish people are yet fit for a complete enfranchisement from the direction of men who on the whole have not abused the confidence reposed in them by their flocks. But we do not anticipate such a severance. The movement indicated is exceedingly limited, ana we cannot imagine that it will receive the support or patronage of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. If the name of Mr. Gladstone is to be made use of at the hustings, it naturally ought to be by those whose eager policy on the Church question he has striven so hard and so successfully to carry out. There is a great deal of thin casuistry in reducing a decision on this point to an examination into the supposed private motives of statesmen. Whatever Mr. Gladstone's private views may be, there at least, in the face of day, lie his pledges to do certain definite things, and, on the other hand, Mr. Disraeli has not been in the least reticent on his part. We should have - thought the fact of his announcing himself on the side of the Orangemen (an alliance not so honourable to him as his declaration of co-partnership with the angels) ought to have shewn at once to all Romanists that they could expect nothing from him in the way of substantial favour. It is not unlikely now, however—indeed we have reason to suspect that the operation has already been commenced by a congenial club—that the Conservative party will receive a hint from their chief that events shew the possibility of a little dalliance with even the Irish ITltramontanes, and that the opportunity should not be interrupted by announcements of a sentimental nature on Orangeism made as far back as months ago. According to the Imperial Review the new Liberal pro gramme is constructed on the same principles that were to be traced in the one which events have now rendered obsolete. It is.marked by the traditionary concentration of purpose. Reform has thus far engrossed the attention of Liberal politicians. And now the Irish Church question is to take its place. The Liberal party is in that morbidly unhealthy state in which its existence can only be prolonged by the application of stimulants of con tinually increasing strength. And as each stimulant is applied, the question arises whether its effect will be to lengthen life, or whether its potency will be such that the shattered constitution of the party cannot resist its influence, and will sink under it into utter prostration, rather than derive from it an ephemeral vigour. When Reform was no longer available as a stimulant, the Irish Church question was brought forward. And for some time it was cleubtful what the effect would be. The doubts are solved, and a fresh lease of life is the result. And when the Irish Church question shall cease to exec t its present influence, we are allowed to perceive that a still more powerful stimulant, in the shape of the Irish land question, will be relied on— with what result it is not difficult to foresee. The Irish Church question is for the present to 1)1 the only one held worthy of the considera tion of Liberal statesmen, and the sole subject to which Liberal politicians are to direct their attention. In place of endeavouring to carry out those measures of necessary and useful legislation which have been so long delayed, owing to the Liberal tacCei in regard to Reform, the same strategy in another field is to be pursued, that can only bring similar results. It was too hastily assumed that with the passing of the Reform Bill the season of sterile agitation and barren discw*ion was past, and that the Legislature would be able to direct its attention to the elaboration of those measures urgently called for by the circumstances of the country. The Liberal progran m; announced by Mr. Gladstone ignores the extension of the advantages of education to the nation—the amelioration of the condition of the people—the conciliation of the asperities which exist between capital and labour—the amendment of the bankruptcy laws administrative reform—legal reform —as aims which a great party should keep in view and strive to advance. It simply seeks to revive an old controversy by proposing_ to recon sider some of th e p rov i s i ons of lastyear's Reform Bill, and to kindle a new strife by advocating the repudiation and spoliation of the Irish branch of the Church of England. ALLEGED MURDER. Charles Denny, a man 60 years old, has just died in Guy's Hospital from wounds received undee circum• stances which are being investigated by the police. Deceased on Saturday night left his lodgings, Ewer street, to visit a friend named Bryant, in Duke's-court, near. A man entered the house and told Bryant something about deceased and Mrs. Bryant that led the husband of the latter to put his informant out of doors. While that was being done Denny entered the house, and was instantly assaulted with a hatchet. He was repeatedly struck on the head with the weapon, and was felled to the ground, where he lay for some time covered with blood. The precise circumstances under which he was assaulted remain at present a:mystery. He was seen a few minutes afterwards staggering down Union-street, with his head frightfully wounded, and the blood streaming down his face and chest. Bryant was taken into custody on the charge of inflicting the wounds, and remanded on bail. Information subsequently received by the police induced them to entertain strong doubt of his guilt, as there was reason to believe that the murderous outrage had been committed by a woman who is at present missing. LAW AND FOLICE. ACTION FOR FRAUDULENT MISREPRESENTATION. - At the Leeds Assizes the cause of Thompson and others v. Candlish and Fox has been decided. At the conclusion of the opening it was admitted that there was no case as against Candlish, and a verdict was taken for him. The plaintiffs are engineers at Newcastle, and the defendants until lately carried on business at Middlesborough as shipbuilders, under the name of Candlish, Fox, and Co. In January 1866 the plaintiffs entered into a contract with the defendants for the building of a ship, which was to be paid for by three instalments ; but on the second becoming due the defendants wrote, saying that the business would be carried on in future by Bennie and Co., on whom he asked the plaintiffs to draw. This the plain tiffs refused to do without further knowledge of the firm, and the defendants stated that Bennie and Co. were a responsible and respectable firm. Bennie and Co. gave the plaintiffs a bill which was dishonoured, and the firm made an assignment for the benefit of their creditors ; but the defendants paid the plaintiffs' bill. The present action was for £lB7 Os. 6d. for extra work done to the ship for Bennie and Co. in reliance of what Fox said con cerning that firm. The jury ultimately returned a verdict for the plaintiffs. ACTION FOR ASSAULT.--At the Gloucester Assizes an action was brought by Mr. Stephens, a merchant's clerk, against Mr. Myers, his master, a hop merchant, for injuries sustained in consequence of an assault. There was some dispute between the parties, and the plaintiff was dismissed, but refused to go till he had received half a year's notice. The defendant refused to give it him, and demanded the key of the safe. Stephens said he would not give them up, and this so enraged his master that he garotted him and obtained the key. From the injuries then sustained the plaintiff bad suffered much. The jury awarded £3O damages. EMBEZZLEMENT BY AN ATTORNEY.-At the Leeds Assizes, William Unwin, a solicitor, was charged with Unlawfully concealing and embezzling £24 6s. id. after having been adjudged a bankrupt, with having withheld certain papers, and other offences against the Bankruptcy Act. The accused formerly resided in Sheffieli, and received an excellent character. At the close of the trial the jury, after some deliberation, found the defendant guilty of embezzling the two sums in question ; guilty of fraudulently withholding the notices of dividends, mnl guilty also of fraudulently omitting them from his balance , sheet. They, however, recommended him to mercy on the ground of the good character he bad received. The learned judge deferred passing sentence. STARVING A FAMILY.-At the Worship-street Police court William and Caroline Brooks were charged with neglecting their children, and by such neglect having caused the death of one of them. A witness saw the chil dren in an exceedingly filthy room, and on one occasion, when the prisoners were out on a pleasure-trip, they were perfectly naked, and had no food. Medical evidence shewed that Barbara (the deceased) had suffered great privation, which had undoubtedly accelerated her death. The prisoners were committed for trial on the double charge of manslaughter and neglect. ACTION FOR LIBEL—At the Bristol Assizes an action was brought by Mr. Henry Isaac Brown, a solicitor, of Bristol, against Mr. Hawkins, the publisher of the Western Morning News, for an alleged libel in that journal. The plaintiff was about to establish a building society at Plymouth, and a meeting was held to discuss the matter, and at that assembly the plaintiff stated that the name of the society would be " The People's Permanent Six per Cent. Investment and, House and Land Purchasing Society," and Mr. Brown was to be the managing director. Soon after this meeting a letter was inserted in the Western Morning News, which had been received from some gen tlemen, stating that their names had been placed in the prospectus as directors without their authority. Simul taneously with the appearance of this communica tion an article appeared in the defendant's paper, headed " Caution," which stated that it would have been imagined that the exposure which had followed similar attempts to use names without authority would have deterred others from adopting such a course, and went on to say that the society professed to issue debenture shares, payable at the rate of 6 per cent., and offered to receive deposits at 5 per cent., repay able at fourteen days' notice. It was not clear how the depositors were to be paid at fourteen days from moneys to be invested " only on mortgages," but no doubt that such difficulties would be overcome by ma agers who did not hesitate to use other people's names with out their consent. The article in question, which constituted the libel complained of, said that it was a wonder that money could be obtained from the public on such manifestly absurd promises. The plaintiff was called to give evidence, and in cross-examination by Mr. Coleridge, Q.C., admitted that he had placed names of persons on the directorate who had not assented. For the defence, Mr. Coleridge contended in the first place that there was no malice exhibited, and in the second, that the article complained of was well within the limits of public comment. The comments were abundantly justified, and therefore upon the ground of privilege he considered that he was entitled to say that nothing more had been done than the editor of a public paper was bound to do. There was no doubt as to the fact that the names had been used without authority. The learned counsel then went on to comment on the manner in which certain gentlemen's names had been introduced into the prospectus as directors. After bearing the summing up of the learned judge, the jury retired, but, after deliberating for more than two hours, their foreman intimated that they could not agree as to their verdict, and they were discharged. It after tards transpired that ten of the jury were in favour of a verdict for the defendants, and two for the plaintiff. MILITARY CONFERENCE ON EXPLOSIVES. —A com munication from Berlin says :—" In the military conference called for by Prince Gortschakoff relative to the explosive balls, Prussia will be probably represented by Colonel Count du Schweinitz, military attache at St. Petersburg. The belief is that France and England will name similar officials. Italy will send a special commissioner. No one doubts that Austria and the other States invited will also be duly represented." . COMPLAINT AGAINST A CHIEF CONSTABLE.—The Shrewsbury Town Council has passed the following reso lution :—" The Town Council of the borough of Shrews bury beg respectfully to call the attention of Sir Baldwin Leighton, as chairman of quarter sessions, and also the county magistrates, to the unusual and uncourteous way in which several of the borough magistrates, as well as some other respectable inhabitants of this town, have been excluded from the court of justice during the last assizes, by order of the chief constable of the county constabulary (Colonel Edgell), and they hope that su::11 instructions may be given to this official as will prevent a repetition of the conduct complained of." A most mendacious anecdote comes from Paris apropos of duelling; but it is at least amusing, if impro bable. Two men—literary men, of course ; for they are now your only swash-bucklers and bully-boys —quarrelled, and one of the seconds rushed off to Devisme's, and procured a case of duellingpistols. This pair was selected as the pair, Devisme being supposed to have previously loaded them. " One, two, three—at the third call Messieurs will fire ; " and Messieurs did fire, and the effect was droll. A little duck perched itself on the nose of one of the principals, and a wreath of roses entwined itself round the manly brow of the other. Devisme, or his boy, had by mistake lent the pistols of Robert Houdin, who was then the arch conjurer of Paris,— Orchestra. DEATH OF SIR CLAUDE W. C. DE CRESPIGNY.— We have to record the death of Sir Claude W. Champion de Crespigny, which occurred on Tuesday last at Wiven hoe Hall, near Colchester. The deceased baronet was the eldest son of Captain Augustus James Champion de Crespigny, RN., who served under Nelson and Coiling wood. Sir Claude William was born 25th of June, 1818, and married the 22nd of August, 1843, Mary, the second daughter of Sir John Tyrell, of Boreham House, Essex. He succeeded his grandfather the 28th of December, 1829. He was educated at Winchester School, and afterwards proceeded to Trinity College, Cambridge, where be gra duated 8.A., 1839, and M.A. 1840. In 2852 he was appointed "a jdeputy-lieutenant of Essex, was appointed 1859 captain of the 6th (Colchester) Essex Rifle Volunte2rF; Lieutenant-Colonel of the Ist Battalion, 1860, and I.on. colonel of the Administrative Battalion in March last. The deceased is succeeded by his eldest son CiaZe.:-, born in London April 20, 1847. . • THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 15, 1868, FRENCH AND ENGLISH ELECTIONS. There is a controversy now going on be tween the Catholic papers of France as to the line of policy to be pursued by Catholics in the coming elections in France, which, be sides its intrinsic importance, is of interest to ourselves, as it bears no slight similarity to the controversy as to whether the Catholics of the United Kingdom should support Mr. Glad stone and the disestablishment of the Irish Church, or Mr. Disraeli and the Government. The Gazelle de France, which in politics is Legi timist first, and then Catholic, contends that it is the duty of Catholics to oppose indiscri minately every Government candidate, and when, as in the majority of instances, Catholic candidates are not forthcoming, or have no chance of election, to vote for Liberals and Revolutionists in preference to the supporters of the Imperial dynasty. The Univers, which is solely and simply Catholic in its politics, contends, on the other hand, that it is the duty of Catholics, if they cannot return mem bers of their own party, to vote for those can didates, whether belonging to the Opposition or to the Government, who will give the strongest pledges to support in the Chambers the two most vital questions affecting French politics—the Temporal Sovereignty of the Pope and the freedom of education. In a very large number of the constituencies the Catholic party, acting together, will be in a position to extort such pledges, at least from the Govern ment candidates, if not from those of the Op position, who, for the most part, belong to the party of revolution and irreligion. In those comparatively rare instances, however, in which neither Government nor Opposition candidates will give any assurance of not attackinc , the Temporal Sovereignty of the Pope, the Univers advises Catholics to abstain altogether from voting. This policy seems in finitely to be preferred to that .of the Gazette de France, which postpones Catholic interests to party politics. It is the great vice of these mere party politicians that they contract wide and momentous questions, involving grave political principles, into a simple matter of party predilections or personal feeling. Men of this stamp never seem to rise above the low levels, if not of personal interests, at any rate of party ties, of local influences, of extraneous, or accidental associations. They never seem to grasp, when test occasions call for an indepen dent judgment, the principles which underlie political life, but flounder about in the muddy waters of their own creating, an easy prey to an adroit party angler. However honourable to the Gazette de France, its staunch adherence to the Legitimist party may be, still it is a political crime to endanger the highest inte rests of the country and of religion for the sake of a lower object. The return, t) by Catholic support, to the Chambers of infidels and revo lutionists, simply because they are the oppo nents of the existing dynasty, as the Gazette de France advises, is a suicidal, as well as crimi nal, policy. That good Catholics should be found advocating such a policy shows the danger of habitually subordinating Catholic interests and principles to political or dynastic partizanship. One thing that may be said to the credit of this shallow and shortsighted policy of the French Legitimists is its openness and honesty. There is no attempt in the writers of the Gazette de France to conceal their aim, or to throw dust in the eyes of the public. This directness or purpose offers a favourable contrast to the line pursued in England by some Catholic partizans of Toryism under somewhat analo gous circumstances. What the defence by the arms of France of the Temporal Sove reignty of the Pope is to French politicians the disestablishment of the Irish Church is to the Catholics of the United Kingdom. The defence of the Pope, undertaken byFrance, is the defeat of the infidel and revolutionary party in the nation in the same way that the disestablishment of Protestantis: - .1 in Ire land is the overthrow of Protestant ascend ancy in the United Kingdom. It would have been a fair and direct issue had the Catholic supporters of Toryism of the Disraeli stamp, maintained that the overthrow of Protestant ascendancy was no equivalent for the loss of Tory promises, or for the restoration of the Whigs to power. We might have lamented the contracted political vision which looks only to immediate interests or to temporary or subordinate questions, and fails for want of power or want of • will to recognise the immense political consequences involved in such an act of supreme justice as the dis establishment, by the vote of the nation, of Irish Protestantism, but we should have credited the Catholic advocates of this shal low, brainless policy, at least with the merit of openness and thoroughgoing partizanship. As it is, the shifty tactics pursued have only excited contempt, for this tergiversation, whether justly or not, is universally attributed to extraneous and uncongenial influences rather than to an honest conversion. In the first instance, it was seriously argued that for Catholics to support Mr. Gladstone in dis establishing the Protestant Church was to cast in their lot with Dissenters, Voluntaryists, revo lutionists, was to side w ith G ar ib a ldi, w ith the advocates of progress and Liberalism all over the world, against the Pope and Catholic principles, against the Encyclical and the Syl labus ; but when these grotesque absurdities were fairly driven out of the field by sheer ridicule, another plea is put forward, which is neither honest, nor direct, nor above board, to dissuade or discourage Catholics from an ener getic and united action in the coining elec tions. The plea in support of Mr. Disraeli's Government now put forward is, not as for merly urged, that the Catholics of the Empire are in doubt as to whether the disestablish ment of the Irish Church is a benefit or not, but that both Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone being agreed as 'to the necessity of dealing with the Irish Church, the only question is, shall Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli be allowed and appointed to deal with it, and that as the issue between the rival statesmen is only as to the exact meaning of the word Disestablish ment, so such Catholics as prefer Mr. Glad stone's general politics wish him to have the carriage of the question, while those Catholics who prefer Mr. Disraeli's general policy wish him to have the carriage of the question. But we appeal with confidence to every one con versant with the question at issue between the two parties, which has to be decided in the coming elections, whether there is the slightest doubt as to Mr. Disraeli's determination to uphold the Irish Establishment and Mr. Glad stone's determination at all costs to abolish it. If there be any meaning in words and acts such is the issue to be tried. But why waste breath on this transparent device to raise con fusion, in order to cover a party purpose ? Catholic constituencies we make sure, will, as the Catholic memberi of both houses did, support the disestablishment of the Irish Church, and place no confidence whatsoever in Mr. Disraeli's proposed dealings with the Irish Church, as explained by the supporters of his policy in the English press.—Westminster Gazette. Perhaps the last act of the Hon. Thad. Stevens was to write a letter, which the person to whom it was addresse3 made public, showing that the ques tion as to the payment of the 5-20's had been wisely settled by the passage of the Funding Bill. He urged his friends and those who hold them to exchange 5-20's for the New Bonds. But we have never considere3 the late Mr. Stevens to be a financial light to any one's path, and the holders will require better grounds than a mere recommendation before they do anything of the sort, even if the oppor tunity were open. [ADVERTISEMENT. l—HoHoway's Pills are decidedly the best remedy for all disorders of the stomach and bowels, tLe liver and kidneys. They act with so decided an effect, and yet so gently, that people of the most delicat3 consti tutions may take them with the utraost confidence. They being composed exclusively of rare balsams do not contain a single grain of mercury or other noxious substance. They are therefore equally safe and efficacious, and as a family medicine nothing yet invented or discovered can be compared with them. With these inestimable pills at hand, together with the printed directions affixed to each box, no other medical advice or assistance can bo needed in - any ordinary case of sickness. • FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES. The Hon. D. A. Wells, Special CJmmissioner of Revenue, answers as follows (though somewhat condensed) Mr. Allison's questions relating to the public expenditure and receipts, and the increase or diminution of the debt : RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES FOR 1867-8. The national receipts of revenue from all sources for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, were sub stantially as follows :-- Customs (gold) Internal revenue (currency) 47,000,000 Miscellaneous Public lands and direct tax 2;800,000 Total 5406,300,000 The expenditure of the Government on account of the interest on the public debt for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, was $141,635,551.13. The other aggregate expenses of the several de partments of the Government for the same period were $229,914,674.56 ; making a total expendi ture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, of $371,520,225 ; and leaving an estimated surplus of receipts over expenditures of $34,749,777. The details of the expenditure will be seen in part by the following statements, which show some ground for believing that in future years the expenses will be smaller : Interest—The present condition of the debt of the United States necessitates the annual expendi ture, on account of interest, of about $126,000,000. The excess of interest over this amount last year was due mainly to payments on accumulated inte rest on the compound interest notes, and will not again appear. __ The Civil List—The expenditures of the execu tive, legislative, and judiciary, foreign intercourse, territories, collection of the revenue, District of Columbia, public lands, mints and assay offices, coast survey, lighthouses, post-office deficiency, &c., were last year $53,009,846.95. The estimate of the present year is about $36,000,000. Interior Department—The expenditures under this head for the last fiscal year were $27,882,676.27, ap portioned substantially as follows :—For pensions $23,282,676 ; for Indians, $4,600,000. Navy Department.—The expenditures under this head were $25,775,502.72, but the appropria tions for the present fiscal year are only $17,300,000. War Department.—The total disbursements of the War Department were $123,246,648.67, of which amount there were paid : For bounties. 538,000,000 Reimbursing State war claims 10,330,188 Engineer bureau, mainly river and harbour improvements .... Payments for property lost or destroyed in the military service of the United States, estimated Subsistence of Indians, estimated r 1,000,000 Freedmen's Bureau 3,215,000 Expenses of reconstruction National Cemeteries Commutation rations of prisoners of war Total— $66,533,238 This amount deducted from $123,246,648.62 indicates the legitimate army expenditure for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, to have been $56,713,410 ; of which a large part is due to the Indian hostilities in the summer and fall of 1867. The military appropriations fur the present year are only $33,081,018. CLASSIFICATION OF EXPENDITURES. Dividing the expenditures of the last year into " ordinary expenses," or those which are required to support and maintain the Government, and " extraordinary expenses," or those which have been the unavoidable result of the war, we have— ORDINARY EXPENDITURES. Fiscal year 1867-8. 1858-9. Estimated or ........... !Actual. appropriated. Civil list Interior (Indians) Navy Department 25,775,50'2 72 17,300,000 00 War Department Rivers and harbours 6,132,120 00 1,500,000 00 Total $146,231,379 67 $90,381,013 00 EXTRAORDINARY EXPENDITURES. Fiscal year 1867-8. 1868-9. Estimated or Actual appropriated. Interest public debt $141,635,551 00 $126,000,000 00 Pensions 23,282,676 00 25,000,000 00 Bounties Freedmen's Bureau Reconstruction Reimbursing States Payment for property lost or destroyed in military service 5,111,300 00 6,000,000 00 Subsistence of Indians 1,000,000 00 1,000,000 00 National cemeteries Commutation prisoners' rations 152,000 00 Total 5225,318,815 00 $198,500,000 00 EXPENDITURES OF THE WAR AND NAVY DEPART MENTS FOR SEVERAL YEARS. The expenditures of th e W ar Depart ment,lB6s, to June 30, 1868, in clusive, were $917,117, 043 . 4 3. The disbursements from re A ga p t r e ill, for the nine mouths from April 1, 1865, to Decem ber 31, 1865, as stated by quarters, were as fol lows : Seeoud quarter of 1865 Third „ ~ 5414,196,277 36 165,369,237 32 Fourth „ 77 Total ....................... ~. ......... $647,688,056 33 So that of the above total expenditures . of the War Department, $647,688,000, or 70 per cent of the whole, was directly contingent upon the ter mination was disbursed in the r eurrender of Gen. Lee. e charged to the War s The e a b t m i a o lo n annt o ch f es souf the c ceexepdei war, nn gd a i 987.10, covers a period January 1, 1866, to n jofunt thirty Department, i3roty, ImBo6nl,B•it,zh. months, ,nsdo2r6r9ef,pr4ro2eraBB represents the disbursements , further contingent upon the termination of the war —such as arrears of pay and transportation of troops, the expenses of the Indian war in the sum mer and fall of 1867, the payment of bounties (49,382,859), from July 1, 1866, to June 30, 1868, the payment for property lost or destroyed in the military service of the United States ($11,000,000), the reimbursement of the State claims in 1867-8 ($10,330,000), river and harbour improvements and the expenses of fortifications, subsistence of Indians, freedmen's bureau, expenses of reconstruction, &c. The expenditures of the Navy Department from April 1, 1865, to June 30, 1868, were $133,119,296. Of this amount $59,817,889, or 45 per cent., were distributed within the nine months succeeding the termination of the war in 1865. The balance, $73,271,407, covers the regular expenses of our navy for a period of thirty months, ending July 1, Ib6B, as well as the disbursements on account of prize money, and for the settlement of contracts entered into prior to the war. The following table shows the expenditures of the Navy Department since and including the fiscal year 1862 :-- 1862 $42,674,562 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1E69 FREEDMEN'S BUREAU AND RECONSTRUCTION EXPENSES. _ - The expenses of the Freedmen's Bureau since its organization hasbeen $5,617,000. Concerning the proportion of this expenditure incurred by the Bureau for the relief of the starving and destitute of both races, and for educational or other pur poses, the Treasury has no information. According to the accounts of the Treasury, the expenditures contingent upon the Reconstruction Acts have been $2,344,700.56. REDUCTION OF TAXATION AND DEBT. The amount of taxes abated or repealed since the close of the war is thus estimated :-- By act of July 13, 1866 $60,000,000 ~ March 2, 1867 ... •.. 40,000,000 ~ February 3, 1868 ... ... 23,769,000 March 31, 1868 ... ..• 43,500,000 Total $167,269,000 At the close of the war taxation was all but uni ver.,al ; land, agricultural produce, unmanufactured lumber, breadstuffs, and a few other forms of pro perty or products only, being excepted. At the present time, of all manufactured articles or pro ducts of industry, the following only are subject to specific or direct taxation :—Distilled spirits, fer mented liquors, manufactured tobacco, gas, matches, and playing cards. Perfumery, cosmetics, patent medicines, and a few other manufactured articles, are subjected to a stamp tax proportioned to their selling price, since July, 1865 ; furthermore, the additional tax of five per cent. on incomes in excess of five thousand dollars has been repealed, an I the exemption on all incomes h is been increased from $6OO to $l,OOO. The taxation formerly imposed on the gross receipts accruing from the transportation of merchandise has also been entirely removed. Coincident with the above reduction of taxation, or from August 31,1861, to June.3o, 1868, the aggre gate debt; deducting cash in the Treasury, exhibits a reduction of $250,000,000. On this abatement of the debt the reduction of interest at six per cent. would be $15,000,000 per annum. The prices of Ilorniman's Teas are greatly reduced; their well-known superiority has attracted a host of spurious imitations; therefore notice all Genuine Packets are signed " Horniman ¢ C 0.," London. 300 Confectioners are Agents in London and 2,200 Chemists in the Country. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) The death of Thaddeus Stevens has given the best proof of the influence he exerted during life. That line of a cable telegram has set more pens in motion than any event since it announced its own success, and more than anything merely personal for many years. The Times attributes the secret of his life to a passionate love of equality. The Daily News considered that he had outlived his leadership since the war, and holds with us that lie was more a revolutionary leader than a statesman. The lelegraph says that " he was indeed a man," and in a comparison with the leaders of the same party elevates Stevens with all his faults to the highest place. The Star thinks he has exercised the most commanding influence over American politics of any man 'of modern times, and this by force of will, by invective, by knowledge of Parliamentary usage, and by a deep attachment to the cause of human freedom. The Sun asserts that no one can deny his energy, his ability, or the position he achieved ; his death will remove one of the most formidable champions •of " greenbacks," and the South can no where find a more bitter or uncompromising enemy. It hopes that the ani mosities of the past may be buried in his grave. The Pall-Mall Gazette alludes to the striking figure which has disappeared from Congress. Whoever entered asked which is Thaddeus Stevens, and those acquainted with his public character could almost have singled him out. He lived close to the capitol, and would, when he could, get out of bed, drag himself to the chamber in which he had spent the active part of 20 years. " There were some per sonal reasons in his case, as in that of an emi nent colleague in another Chamber, for the almost superhuman animosity with which he pursued every partisan of the. South." Considering, if the Gazette means Senator Sumner, that it was the energy with which he threw himself into the cause of the Negro when that cause met with little moral support and considerable personal danger, that brought on him the ruffianly attack, we can scarcely see the appro priateness of the remark. If the editor of the Pall Mall was kicked for giving honest utterance to his convictions, and because he held those convictions after being kicked, was told that there were perso nal reasons for his holding them, the case, as put by the Pall Mall, would be similar. The New York Sun declares that Mr. Wells, the Special Commissioner of the Revenue, was legis lated out of office from the Ist August, by the 50th section of the New Tax Bill. This the Evening Post disputes, asserting that nothing but a forced construction of the law could make it thus act. The friends of Mr. Welles are not, however, without anxiety, knowing the peculiarity of the President's nature. If it can be so construed, and he can use a Congressional instrument to annoy Congress, he is considered safe to do it. He desi• es to get rid of Mr. Rollins, and even of Mr. M'Culloch, making a clean sweep of the Treasury, and doubts were en tertained whether he would not consider Mr. Rollins' resignation unconditional, and remove him. The Secretary of the Treasury has issued his usual monthly statement of the public debt and the cash in the Treasury of the United States. The former amounted on the Ist inst. to $2,633,500,000, and the latter to $110,000,000. We do not know what portion of the money in the Treasury is gold ; but, although the statement shows an increase in the debt, it is considerably better than rumour led many to anticipate. Although the bill for the reduction of the army failed, Secretary Welles is preparing the necessary orders to reduce the naval force by ordering one or more vessels home from the various squadrons, discharging the crews, and placing officers on shore duty. Generals George E. Spencer and Willard Warner were admitted as United States Senators from Alabama. Both are of Northern extraction ; the former was once clerk of the lowa Senate, of which State he is a native, and both served in the Union army, the latter on General Sherman's staff. On the close of the war these officers settled in Ala bama, Warner erecting there an iron manufactory. Of the twelve Senators sent from the South, before the return of those from Georgia, two only are Southerners ; one coming from New Hampshire, one fro:n Massachusetts ; and New Jersey, New York, Minnesota, Michigan, Illinois, Ohio, Kansas, and Nebraska, each furnishing one. The Georgia Legislature elected Joshua Hill, an original Union man, though Conservative, for the long term ; and H. V. M. Miller, a strong Demo crat, for the short one. A discussion occurred in the Chamber about the date from which the Southern members were to be paid, to which these patriotic gentlemen listened, we hope, with indif ference; if not, we regret to say that virtue, in in this instance, was not rewarded, as the carpet bags will not bulge out with the greenbacks ex tracted from the Treasury, for the Senate decided that they should not be paid for the whole session, but only from the date when their States re-entered the Union. General Hancock has published a letter in denial of the report that he was dissatisfied with the nomination of Seymour and Blair. He holds with Senator Doolittle that it is now the business of the party to unite in support of their candidates, and he asserts that if he failed in this he would not only falsify his own record, but commit a crime. The nominations of both Conventions have been ac cepted as final, and there now appears no chance of a split on either side in getting up a third party movement, even that in favour of the Chief Jus tice having died, as Mr. Chase now clearly sees that it would be useless ; indeed he has, according to the Republicans, dragged his robes through the mire quite enough to soil them. Senator Henderson delivered himself • before Congress adjourned of a bitter reply to Mr. But ler's Impeachment report. He accused the General not only of being a bold, wilful, intentional falsi fier, but a thief,lalthough nobody has been able to show that Butler ever directly stole anything. On the 18th page of the report is this telegram, dated Washington, May 15, 1868, the vote being taken on the following day—" To John R. Garland, New York. Senator Henderson says conviction will fail by two votes. Lockwood." And on this Mr. But ler thus comments in the report :—" So the Gold Room had the benefit of Senator Henderson's knowledge." Lockwood is Mr. Crounse, of the New York Vines, who was in communication with the members of the Missouri delegation, then labouring to turn their Senator from his evil design of voting for acquittal, and from them he got the information he telegraphed thus positively, consi dering the source so good. Although Butler had not the slightest reason for his insinua tion he did not hesitate to make it. His re ply is remarkable for the horror it depicts against the man who breaks the Sabbath. The Senator's speech was made on a Sunday, as the Chamber sat on that day to get through the business. " On the evening of the Lord's Day," says Ben Butler, " a certain debating assembly deem the Sabbath well spent in listening to such an harangue." Ile escapes by a shuffle from Senator llenderson's alle gation that the other members of the committee were gentlemen, and would have nothing to do with the report. " Ile submitted it," he adds with sor row, " grieving continually that without the expla nations of the Senator from Missouri, of which he of his own will had deprived the committee, the evidence seemed to bear so hardly and conclusively upon him," especially when he was compared with " admittedly innocent and honourable Senators." Now, in the Report, Butler acknowledges that he had not found any proof against any Senator, but he continues with these innuendoes and assertions, at the same time turning up his eyes in pious hor ror at the desecration of the Lord's Day. General Butler got lawo, to print his speech in reply to Senator Henderson, as the House very pro perly declined to waste time in listening to it, and it appeared in the Globe on the 30th July, headed, " Henderson Wounded." It is thought either the publishers of the Globe, or more likely, General Butler, will come to grief through this violation of propriety ; and, if so, Butler will be in a peck of troubles, for while passing through Baltimore he was served with a visit at the instance of Woolley, who wants $lOO,OOO for false imprisonment, and another by a BaltiMore firm, who assert that the General illegally collected money from them at Fortress Monroe. The arrangements for the new Atlantic Cable have been fully completed. Its termini will be Brest, 'in Europe, and the French island of St. Pierre. off Newfoundland, and thence probably to Plymouth, Massachusetts, on the American side. The first of the two sections composing the line, that is from Brest to St. Pierre, will be 2,325 miles ling, and the second, from St. Pierre to the United States, 722 miles. The cable from Valentia to Newfoundland being less than 1,900 miles, that to St. Pierre is much longer, but it is conjectured that by giving a greater weight of copper to the conductor messages will be transmitted with equal speed. For this pur pose the copper is to be increased from 3001 b., as in the present cable, to 4001 b. per marine mile. As it will be necessary to ship about 3,350 miles of cable, which is greatly in excess of that required for the Valentia lines, the one of 1866 being 1896 miles, and that of 1866, 1851, of course the Great Eastern must be employed, and she is well able to bear the burden. The deep sea cable of the longer section will weigh fully 35 cwt. per mile, and the total when laid will be about 10,000 tons. It will be strong enough to bear about 8 tons, the strain in paying out pro bably never exceeding one-twelfth this weight. The shallow water section will be stout and heavy, a bituminous covering protecting the iron wire from rust. By the contract the cable is to be shipped next June, and the line is expected to be opened for traffic in the course of 1869. The French Govern ment made their concession to MM. D'Erlanger and Reuter, binding itself not to grant any other for 20 years, dating from the Ist September, 1869. The company formed by these gentlemen is mainly composed of Englishmen, with many English on the direction, and bids fair to prove a most profitable speculation. An American correspondent who, according to the Pall Mall Gazette, is well acquainted with the various questions relating to American funds, writes to that paper to show the virtue of the Democratic platform, at least in this, that it makes no sugges tion of changing the legal form of the public in debtedness. " The party declares it will only pay the 5-20 Bonds in lawful money, pledging itself to elevate the value of the greenbacks to par, and to use them for paying that part of the Public Debt not by law payable in coin." This is a most praise worthy intention ; but what we do not understand, and desire the " well-acquainted correspondent" to explain, is the use of an agitation to pay in greenbacks, which are pledged to be raised to par with gold. Think of the English Conserva tive party going to the country with the one great plank in its, platform of paying all its creditors in Bank Notes whom they were not com pelled by law to pay in gold. The foolish and thick headed, of whom the world contains so many, might ask the object of this when the notes could be ex changed for gold at their par value in Thread needle-street--and we, being amongst that lot, .wonder at the Democrats who pledged themselves to bring greenbacks to a level with gold, while furiously agitating to pay the debt in the paper they bind themselves to make equivalent with gold. A correspondent asks—lhs an American citizen human affection that Englishmen are bound to re spect? and we apply to the Standard, which, as an old woman we hold to ba the best authority, for au answer. The oracular response is, If your cor respondent be a Copperhead—yes ; if a Radical—. no. " Mr. Colfax," continues the old lady, "lately told the Indiana people in an hour and a half's speech that he loved them before all the world." Then granny gives an extract from the speech, all which is intended to be very satirical, and to prove that Colfax had no right to love South Bend before all the world. Our correspondent knows that Colfax rose with that city ; he has seen it grow from a hamlet into an important town ; his own career is associated with it, and as an editor and afterwards Congressional Representative, he must have had more than ordinary opportunities of be coming acquainted with the inhabitants. Why, then, should Colfax be sneered at for telling the people who had assembled, every man, woman, and child of them, to welcome him back to his old home, and to do him honour, that he loved South Bend before all the world. The New York Citizen considers that the Demo cratic party will elect the Governor of the State next November by a majority of from 40,000 to 60,000 votes. If so, Mr. Griswold, the Radical nominee, who it asserts is simply a Cree3us willing to shed golden blood for the honour of being a candidate, has no chance. Horace Greeley, who represents positive issues, would have called forth the enthu siasm of his own side and run a closer race. Had Fenton been renominated his unrivalled political strategy would have aided his party, but Griswold, though highly respectable, is a nobody in the con test. This leaves the governorship to one of the four candidates to be named by the Democratic State Convention. Stanford E. Church, Senator H. C. Murphy, William M. Tweed, and the Hon. John T. Hoffman. The Citizen picks out Mayor Hoffnun for the following reasons. Church can have the nomination if he wants it, but is not rich enough, and a compromise can be made by naming him as Governor Morgan's successor in the United States Senate. Tweed has only allowed himself to be talked about, to hold the. field still more closely in Hoffman's favour, drawing off from him prema ture fire, and Senator Murphy's proper place is in the States' Senate or in Congress. But the Citizen makesapOint of Mayor Hoffman's resigning his civic chief magistracy that the Democrats may capture that office as well as the Chief Magistracy of the State. On the 29th July a Grand festival took place in Johnes' Wood, New York, at which 5,000 persons were present, to raise funds for the erection of the monument to commemorate the heroism of the Irish soldiers who fell in the late war for the preserv'a ton of the Union. Miles O'Reilly read the poem he had written for the occasion, and at the conclu sion was loudly called upon for a speech. However beautiful the lines, there is in them this glaring contradiction—they were written to commemorate the deeds of gallant Irish soldiers who fell for the preservation of the American Union, yet the burden of the song is to inaugurate another war for the disruption of the British Union. Nor is the allu sion in these lines complimentary to Americans : " For Irish soldiers fighting hero, As when Lord Clare was bid advance, And Cumberland beheld with fear The old green banner swinging clear To shield the broken lines of France." Mr O'Gorman said—" Of all the races that have been called into this nation to strengthen it, there is not one, I am proud to say, to which the United States is more indebted than to the race from which I sprang." What! not even that which founded the colonies, and gave to the American people their early history, their religion, language, literature, and laws ? We give the following as a specimen of how the Iron Age puts it. We thought every one knew that it was Juarez who discontinued diplomatic relations with England after executing Maximilian, because England had recognized the Imperial Go vernment ; but we are obliged to the iron Age for correcting this error—there is nothing like truth : " England has discontinued diplomatic relations with Mexico since the death of Maximilian. She is shocked because the Mexicans exercised the power which the fortune of war placed in their hands, and treated with severity one whom they justly regarded as an invader and usurper. Does England forget the many princes she murdered in India ?—the Irish patriots who are suffering a lingering death in her prisons ?" That paper also, after stating that the British Go vernment had ordered the blocl:ade of the port of Mazatlan to be at once raised, goes o❑ to advise that the United States should not permit a sister Republic to receive treatment which England would not dare to offer to a stronger power—that is, the instant disavowal and, perhaps, dismissal of her officer who took upon himself to avenge an insult. This is the way the iron Aye has of putting it ! Nominally Congress has adjourned to the 21st September, but it is not likely to meet at that date, unless the President shows an inclination to avail himself of its absence ; in which case Senator Morgan, of New York, who is the chairman of the Executive Republican Committee of the Cham ber, and General Schenck, of Ohio, chair- - NW N0W.11.1.0.•..... man of the House Committee, are empowered to de cide the necessity of meeting on or after that date, The Senate got through as much business as pos sible, so as to render an extra session unnecessary ; but it failed to take action on a number of appoint me❑ts. Before the adjournment the following nomina tions were confirmed :—Lieut.-Gov. C. C. Cox, of Maryland, to be commissioner of pensions ; Judge Elisha Foote, of New York, to be Commissioner of Patents ; SamuelMilligan, of Tennessee, to be Judge of the Court of Claims ; Henry M. Watts, of Penn sylvania, Minister to Austria ; A. Worthington to be Minister to Uruguay, and Gen. Ros.!crans to be Minister to Mexico ; J. B. Blair, of West Virginia, to be Minister to Costa Rica ; J. H. Ashton, to be Assistant Attorney-General ; Headley B. Ives, Col lector of internal revenue for the second Connecti cut district ; Francis 11. Perkins, of Connecticut, to be Consul at Tahiti ; J. A. Clarke, to be Sur veyor-General of Utah ; W. J. Cullen to be Super intendant of Indian Affairs for Montana and Idaho ; Silas Axtell and Theodore G. Tidball collectors, and D. H. Burnham Assessor of Internal Revenue in California; and for the new territory of Wyom ing, A. D. Paddock, of Nebraska, Governor, and Omar F. Roberts, of Indiana, Secretary. The Senate also rejected the following nominations : Noah L. Jeffries as Commissioner of Internal Re venue; John L. Dawson as Minister to .Russia; John A. M'Clernand as Minister to Mexico ; E. 0. Perrin as Chief Justice of Utah ; Charles Peters as Naval Officer at New York, and W. P. Gould as Paymaster in the Army. Of the nominations not acted on before the ad journment, the most important was that of Alex ander Cummings as Commissioner of Internal Revenue, instead of Mr. Rollins, who consequently for the present holds the office. It is rumoured that the President will disregard the conditional clause in the Commissioner's letter of resignation, and mike an ad interim appointment of one of the following gentlemen :—Cummings, Cooper, General Burbridge, or Wisewell, but the latest intelligence contradicts this. The President has issued an order through the War Department, dividing the South into military departments, and re-assigning commanders. Gen. Rousseau . is by it sent to Louisiana. The troops will henceforth only act at the request of the civil authorities, but the order does not withdraw them •_ from the States. Some changes by it will be made in the officials of the Freedmen's Bureau. General Howard shows that the entire expense of the Bureau up to the Ist of last January was $8,286,677, to which the pay of the army officers might be added, amounting to a million and a half. The Bureau had its origin in the brain [of George L. Stearns in 1862, in conjunction with the Anti- Slavery party in Boston, although it was not em bodied in a law till some years after Commissioner Welles gave the expense of the Bureau at even a less sum. The change in Mormon - policy has lately been distinctly marked. Finding that they cannot ex clude others, they feel inclined to make the best of the circumstances and invite immigration. The last thing that Brigham did was to get the Rev. Fisher, an Episcopalian, of Nevada, while on his way through Utah to preach one Sunday in the Mormon Tabernacle, with himself and his apostles on the platform. Our readers may recollect that, in a late article under the heading " Brigham Young a Contractor," we foreshadowed this change, but we scarcely anticipated that the prophet would rush into print to show that he was the original and real father of the Pacific Railroad. Those who read the interesting history of that great undertaking by George Francis Train, which we to-day publish, will see that he claims that honour for himself, and as we believe that energetic individual either is, or immediately will be at large, it would not surprise us if shortly we had to report a controversy between the claimants on a platform in Utah, face to face. The persecution of the gentile traders and residents has ceased, and the Roman Catholics, having bought a site, are about to erect a church in Salt Lake City. We have always prelicted that Mor monism would melt like snow before the Union Pacific Railway--polygamy dying out, and the false religion subsiding into a more rational sect. The Chinese Embassy, win Mr. Burlingam3 at its head, had left Washington, after giving a grand reception on the 25th July, when the Treaty had been confirmed. They will spend a few days with Secretary Seward at his house at Auburn, New York, going on to Sarataga and Niagara Falls, whence they will proceed on a tour through Canada, and previous to their departure for Europe, fixed for Sept. 1, they will spend a week in Boston. The date of leaving America has been postponed, the original intention having been to start on the 19th of August ; Mr. Burlingame will take his family with him to Europe. Governor Brownlow sent his message from his home at Knoxville to the Tennessee Legislature which met at Nashville, July 27. It recommends the organization of a State Militia, with the neces sary funds, to disperse the secret bands of rebel soldiers. It details the financial condition of the State, and desires the appointment of a special com mittee to investigate the conspiracy which, as the message alleges, prevented the payment of the July interest. The militia may be placed under other than the Governor's control, who declines to advise the removal of the political disability of rebels. Brownlow followed up this message by publishing his denial of a report in New York, that he had., owned, bought, or sold State Bonds, or received any commission for signing them. On the 29th July the State Senate unanimously passed a bill expressing its inability to meet the interest, and fund ing the debt, principal, and interest now due, and to become due in a period of three years, the Bonds being for thirty years, bearing 6 per cent. interest, and the House abolished the financial board. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lunge° healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energi, to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and effectually indigestion (dyspepsia)„ habitual constipation+ diarrhoea, hemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous ^ ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza , noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruk" Lions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, Pat pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spr.ah? , nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored by Th! Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866.—Th:''' health of the Holy Father is excell e nt, e s p e ci a lly since, ahh cloning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely t° Da Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumeat plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly bene-`:, cial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise th . fa excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi," . 1 ' 1 2; 25. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' indescribable agony fr om dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulenT spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Worthain, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121. —a11 ,7 0 Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Of t : t "; of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low eP hl ti ; and nervous fancies Important Caution.—Beware of the With authority, and more than sloppy imitations to which, authority. Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attache .% ; In tins, at is. -10.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s 6,1 ; 5 lbs., 1 tf,; j v 12 lbs , 22s ; 241bs ,40s —AlscrDir BARRy'S REVALENTA AltAl t ' tv o CIIOCOLATE PoWDER is packed in tin canisters; For 12 enll o o, 25., for 24 cups at 3s. 6d., for 48 cups at 65., for 288 cups at vs. for 576 cups at 555. Being about one penny per cup. The e ipt and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in England on r ee of Post Office Order.—BAßßY DU BARRY and CO., No. Regent-stree London and all Grocers and Chemists. Births. 310Nito—On the 13th inst., at 27, Eaton-place, the wife of Campbell Munro, Esq., of a daughter. PREVOST —0 n the 14th inst., at 47, Gloucester-place, ItYcle park, the wife of Augustus Prevost, Esq., of a son. VALE-0n the 13th inst., at Mathon Lodge, Worcester shire, Mrs. Yale, of a daughter. Marriages. HonE—DnucE---On the 13th inst., at the parish church:. St. Giles', Camberwell, P. Standish Hoare, Es+ , c„.. 0 1,. 30th Regiment, to Mary Jane, second daughter of Bruce, Esq., of Dulwich, Surrey. ell, POWLETT—LUNILEY—On the 13th inst. at M a ltby u... 0 the Hon. W. 'l'. Orde Powlett, eldestson of Lord A l ter to the Lady Algitha F. M. Lumley, eldest da,uo the Earl and Countess of Scarborough. 13olted Deaths. CAItY—On the 10th inst., at Derry Castle, county Lon n• ford, Ireland, Selina Mary, the wife of Captain the Byron Cary, R.N., aged 40. COOKAlbany, - On the 13th Kist., at the Piccadilly, Job Douglas Cook, Esq., aed 57. llELmouE—On the 11th inst., George 11. Helmore, Abingdon-street, S.W., aged 81. 'JAY— Oa the 10th inst., at 57, Mortimer-street, Cavell square, George Jay, aged 28. 113 111 " MILLINGTON—On the 10th inst Bryntirion, neargor, John Millington, Esq., aged 84. v ia MARsnEs—On the 12th inst., at Huddersfield, Mr. P9' Marsden, aged 61. WALL—On i ta Wall, agedOieanrtihotel2thinst. 8. ,at6llaselbury, Crewkcauet H London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.X ANDBEW 1 1 S ;, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN OJlcs, go O f Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy , in the dusty " Midalesex.—Saturilay, August 15, ldsd. ill .‘