The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-21 00:00:00

OF THE rim LO OURNALL The Times asks where Mr. GlaciFAne was on therf;st night after the holidays. It ma. f not,/ continues the lead ing journal , be eas y to answer, and, - indeed, we are not called upon to pursue an able At meni ber into Wales, or Scotland, or any other setwoat where, be may be enjoying an extra holiday. It townly where Mr. Glad stone was not. He We:4 not in the House of Commons. The consequences of his absence ratty be readily under stood. It was not merely the Oppc , sition seeking their leader and finding him not ; the whob House awaited his presence to challenge the head of the, Ministry to declare his intentions as to the future course of public business. The occasion had arisen when the leader of, the Opposi tion was bound to remember that he eras a servant of the people, only next in importance to the First Minis ter of the Crown. If Mr. Disraeli. had refused to explain the course he intended to take,. it became Mr. Gladstone to point out what must be d one, and to insist, with the weight of a leader who has a niajority of sixty to support him, that there must be no miscarriage in the re mainder of the session. But Mr. Gladstone was absent, and members, after privately cliscursing this new way how not to ~ et through the business bf Parliament, left Mr. to deliver himself of his broad criticisms on Indic :ministration to a coterie of Indian members. It denied that a great opportunity was lost. We at ml.e parting of the ways. If anything is to be done crtnn( t insure the performance of the special work of the . 4e ,,sion, it must be done at once. The only way to check irrelevant discussions, to prevent the waste of time ova• projects which cannot be brought to maturity, and to keep Parliament to its proper business, is to prescribe the course to be followed. This is true of every man's private life, where he is himself the master of his own actions, and can amend a blunder by his single resolution. It is doubly and trebly true of a compo site body like the House of Commons, made up of mem bers with different aims and objects, who cannot be brought back (within bounds when they have once out stripped them. We need not say a word of the urgency of the present occasion. The ordinary business of the ses sion is in unparalleled confusion and arreas ; and the Reform Bills are practically untouched, although they are, by the nature of the case, as indis pensable parts of the year's work as the passing of the Estimates and the voting of Ways and Means. Under such circumstances it is deplorable that a night should have passed without a distinct understanding that the future labours of the session must be restricted to those pressing and imperative duties. The error must be corrected at once if either Ministry or Opposition is to be credited with a sincere desire to perfect the work they have begun. If Mr. Disraeli does not volunteer a state ment of the Ministerial intentions, he must be challenged by Mr. Gladstone. If Mr. Gladstone fails, the duty must be undertaken by some other member of the House of Commons. The Daily News expected that Mr. Disraeli would have seized the first opportunity of informing the House of the line of conduct which be intended to adopt. But he was as still as a mouse. He was not challenged to make any explanation, nor did he volunteer one. The divergence of opinion which exists between Mr. Hardy and. Lord Stanley was clearly disclosed in the late debate. With a Hardy and a Stanley in the Cabinet, there must of necessity be a Hardy party and a Stanley party there, and Mr. Disraeli's attempts to manipulate them may prove as futile as Vivian Grey's endeavours to make the Marquis of Carabas and Mr. Courtenay play his political game. Mr. Frederick Stanley's letter and General Peel's speech prove that the Conservative party is as little united without as within the Cabinet. The union of the Liberal party is as complete as the disunion of the Government and its followers. The majority who voted for going into committee on the Irish Church Establishment virtually pledged themselves to action upon it; or why go into committee at all ? They will certainly not be content with the barren victory of an abstract resolution. Mr. Gladstone may be trusted to persevere to the end of the course on which he has deliberately entered, and he will be supported by the Liberal party out of doors, and by everyone in Parliament who desires to count as one of its representatives. The Standard observes that only the Times and its clients will be surprised that the House of Commons should have entered, as soon as the time came for the con sideration of public business, upon the orders standing upon the paper. The thin attendance shewed that mem bers did not anticipate a statement, which was abso lutely unnecessary, and would have been, indeed, an act of singular absurdity. The leader of the Opposition was not in his place, knowing perfectly well that nothing of th- kind would be volunteered, and that he would )1,13 , I.,ake himself ridiculous by asking for it. The Government has appealed to the country, and desires no lelay in the delivery of its verdict. But before that verdict can be given, the jury must be formed, and that is a work of some difficulty and of some time. But the length of the time required depends upon the Opposition, and not upon the Government. What the Government wards is the adoption, with all convenient speed, of the Fc,,t.cl, and Irish Reform Bills—the Boundary Bill, the Briberl and Corruption Bill, so that the new and enlarged constit, odes may at once say what is their will. The Opposition may materially expedite the passage of these measures. It can, if it pleases, materially delay or alto gether pr, :ent their adoption. We hope it will take the more hail, arable course, and help, as the Times admits it ought, the Government to advance the time for the general election. Do, hoviever, what it will, this much we can say, with all confidence, that the Government and the Conservative party will spare no exertion to complete the Reform Act and hasten the day for the meeting of the Par liament which is to more faithfully represent the people of the United Kingdom. The Telegraph rerr arki upon the great business before the House this session. First, the English Reform Bills have to be concluded. The boundaries of the boroughs have to be defined. A bill for promoting purity of elec tions must be passed. Then we have a formidable list of questions opened up by the proposed Scotch and Irish Reform measures. As the a lendments already placed on the notice-book indicate, the whole system of our small borough representation will be debated, through the issue raised by the proposal to give addititional members to Scotland. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the Irish Bill will fare much better. It has been so framed as to irritate important interests and to conciliate no in fluential or hearty support. Yet, in one mode or other, both measures must be passed into law before we can ad vance to the much wider and more trying issues which an early future has in store for us. All this work—a labour vast enough to employ a long session—lies before the Government. While net over-rating the Royal visit to Ireland, the Herald remarks that its undoubted success cannot but be regarded as throwing great light on the condition of Irish affairs. In the first place, Ireland is not slipping away from us so fast as we expected. Its people have nut by any means become that indeterminate quantity in our political system which some alarmists represented. The people are not yet all Yankees, nor vile Fenians or Ribbon men. They are changing for the better in material circum stances, hut the old ideas still influence the nation, and it is through them we must learn to govern the people for their good. Fenianism may not be quite gone, but it is going. The one sad event of last week—the Ribbon murder in Westmeath—is an evidence of this of some value. As long as Fenianism was flourishing all the lawlessness of the country was absorbed in the movement. Now that the movement is dying Ribbonism attempts a resurrec tire. But revived Ribbonism will yield to the improving cit...mmstances of the country more readily than Fenianism has done. The last great lesson which these events teach us is that the Irish people set such store by the presence of the Royal Family as few on this side of the Channel can altogether appreciate. In the encouragement of this feel ing and in the beneficial consequences which will flow from the example thus set by royalty, there is much more tellable prospect of serving Ireland than in any specula. tive legislation. The Post answers its " own correspondent" in the matter of the dashing" policy pursued by Sir Robert Napier in Aby ia. As Sir Robert Napier has a more mature :It, a greater experience, and much better info a ti,n thin his critics, and a. s, moreover, h e proved himself ight on the former occasion, the Post rests satisfied with the course which he has deemed it best to pursue. Al. though the latest telegrams and the most recent informa tion from the prisoners had seemed to establish that Theodore was absolutely inside Magdala, it is now to be inferred from the letters brought by this mail that although he had crossed the Bashilo he had not entered the fortress, and hence, no doubt, the anxiety o! the Cemiraander-in-Chief to push on to intercept the if possible, before he could get his guns over the remaining ten miles between the river and the cap tivci. The evident advantages of being able to effect this wmll,l probably be considered by the Commander-in-Chief so great as to justify the risk of pushing on without his guns, and with but a fraction of the attacking force, trust ing to being reinforced from the rear in sufficient time for the engagement which in all probability could not be brought on before he chose. The uneasiness and uncer tainty said to be exhibited by Theodore seems to indicate that, like other politieal adventurers, he has no fixed policy, and that he intended to be guided entirely by circumstances. The more rapid advance, therefore, of the British troops must have occurred very opportunely, at a time when such an exhibition of force and energy would probably have had great effect in swaying his clanictinn. ZAW AND POLICE. TNT ACTION !OR A WBDDINO BILLUCIPAST.—In the CAM of Rayner v. Koehler, after a most protracted trial, the jury found for the plaintiff for the full amount claimed. STABBING A WITNBSEL—At the Middlesex Sessions Joseph Simmonds, a youth, 18 years of age, was charged with cutting and wounding Thomas Welch. It seemed that at the previous sessions a companion of the prisoner's, named " Fatty," was sentenced to seven years' penal son vitude, and the prosecutor in the present instance was one of the principal witnesses. On Good Friday Welch was in Berwick-street, Soho, where he saw the prisoner scraping a piece of wood with a knife, and, as the prosecutor was passing, the accused struck him in the abdomen, though fortunately without occasioning much harm. Having been convicted, the prisoner was sent to prison for twelve months. A VIOLENT PRISONER.—At the Mansion House, Henry Thompson, a tailor, employed in the Poultry, was sent to prison for seven days for an indecent assault. He declared he was innocent, and, on leaving the dock, threw his hat at Alderman Wilson, and declared he would murder him. He was thereupon sentenced to fourteen days' hard labour. It took five of the officers of the court to get him into a cell, and he so violently assaulted Sergeant Shaw, the keeper of the lock-up, that that officer preferred a charge against him, and he was brought out of the cell to be searched. He then again assaulted Shaw and Partridge, the gaoler, and his hands were obliged to be handcuffed behind him, and his shoes pulled off, before he could be taken before the court. He was then a little calmer, and expressed himself sorry for what he had done. Mr. Alderman Wilson then ordered him to find two sureties in £2O each, and to enter into his own recognisances in £2O to keep the peace to all her Majesty's subjects for twelve months when he came out of Holloway Gaol. The alder man and Mr. Oke, the chief clerk, both instructed the gaoler to inform the governor of the prison of his conduct at this court. The prisoner, on leaving the dock, told Alderman Wilson he should hear of him again. ROBBERY FROM A RAILWAY COMYANY.—At Marylebone Police-court, James Wilkes, a railway porter in the employ of the London and North-Western Railway, and William Brown and his wife, Mary Ann Brown, were charged, the former with stealing a bale of cloth, value £3O, and the other : prisoners with receiving the same well knowing it to have been stolen. On the 9th January last Messrs. Arthur, wholesale cloth and tweed merchants, Edin burgh, transmitted a bale of tweed to Messrs. Branck and Sons, Brussels. Its transit was regularly traced from Glasgow to London, where, the route not being specified, it was detained and placed in what is known as " the pound." The bale did not arrive at its destination, and inquiries were set on foot which resulted in the prisoners' house being searched, and there a quantity of cloth very much like that stolen was found. The prisoners were committed for trial, but remanded in in order that a charge of stealing a hamper of boots during its transit from Northampton might be preferred against them. WOUNDING WITH RED-RIOT IRON. —At the Wor. ship-street Police-court, Thomas Mills, a joiner, was charged with maliciously wounding Henry Walker with a piece of red-hot iron. It seemed that the prisoner occupied a tenement in the same house as the prosecutor, and on Saturday made a great noise and threatened he would murder the whole household. The complainant asked him to desist, when the prisoner desired him to come into his room. Walker, not apprehending any violence, complied with the request ; but on his entering the apartment the accused struck him a violent blow on the head with a piece of iron that was red hot at the end. The prisoner stated that the prosecutor commenced the affray, and what he did was simply in self-defence. The magistrate, after corn. menting on the serious nature of the chargo,committed the accused for trial. THE CASE AGAINST HOME, THE SPIRITUALIST.— Before Vice-Chancellor Giffard, the case of Lyons v. Home again came on for hearing. It was alleged that the defendant, by misrepresentation and fraud, had obtained complete mastership over the mind of Mrs. Lyons ; in fact, so great was his in fluence, that he obtained from her at different times £24,000. The circumstances were briefly these. Mrs. Lyon, having been introduces to Mr. Home by a friend of hers in October 1866, was persuaded by him that through his means she was on several occasions placed in communication with her deceased husband, with which she was so much pleased that she first gave Mr. Home £3O as a subscription to his " Athenmum, " in Sloane-street, and afterwards £5O more. On the 10th October, seven days only after the first interview, Home obtained from her £24,000 sterling. Shortly after wards she was told it was her husband's wish that she should destroy her will, and make the defendant her universal legatee. In December Mr. Home assumed the name of Lyon in addition to that of Home ; and in the same month Mrs. Lyon was induced to sell out £6,000 odd Consols, and give the proceeds of this sum also to the defendant ; and, finally, in January, she made over a sum of £30,000 to the defendant, reserving to herself only a life interest. In March 1867 Mr. Home invested £20,000 in a mortgage, and shortly after the plaintiff, finding, as she said, that she had been deluded, filed this bill. Ane exeat regno was obtained against Mr. Home, under which he was arrested, but the matter was arranged, and the de fendant had submitted to the jurisdiction by paying and transferring the sums he had obtained from Mrs. Lyon into court. After Mrs. Lyon's affidavit had been read, the court adjourned. THE WAR IN SOUTH AMERICA. The following is taken from the Anglo-Brazilian Times of the 23rd of March :—" From the seat of war we learn that the three Brazilian izonclads returned to Tayi upon the 26th of February. Asuncion was not found deserted by its inhabitants, as at first reported, and the vessels were even fired on from a small battery, but the defensive works were weak and a sufficient land force could easily take it. Two steamboats were lying sunk in the port. All the villages along the river were abandoned. In the Chaco, opposite to the Tebiquary, the Paraguayan depots were seen on fire, and a schooner in tow of a steamer was captured. On returning from Asuncion they were fired on by infantry posted at the mouth of the Tebi query. On the 2nd of March the Paraguayans made an intrepid attempt to capture the eight Brazilian ironclads stationed between Curupaity and Humaita. Before day. light 48 boats, with 1,200 picked men armed with carbines, revolvers, hatchets, and hand•grenades, pulled quietly from the river bank, after covering themselves with boughs, so as to resemble a floating islet. Fortunately, a guardboat in patrolling came near enough to detect the artifice, and hurried back to give the alarm ; but before the crew of the nearest vessel, the Lima e Barros, could all ensconce themselves inside the towers, 14 boats were alongside, and the Paraguayans boarding, a short hand-to-hand fight ensded, in which the captain and the first officer were severely wounded. The Cabral was also boarded from 12 boats, but the crew had no time to enter the casemate. On both vessels the desperate struggle was continued through the ports with firearms, every shot of the defenders telling in the dense mass of the assailants, and the former suffering severely from grenades thrown in. Meantime the plan of simultaneous attack had been frustrated in the excitement and by the current, and the ironclads Silvado and Herval, warping themselves into position, opened grape with deadly effect upon the boats, while the Brazil swept the decks of the boarded vessels. The case then being hopeless, the Paraguayans leaped into the boats on the river and sought to escape. The boats of the squadron were sent off to save the swimmers, but they refused to surrender, and only 13 prisoners were taken. The Paraguayan loss is estimated at 400 men, 110 bodies being found on the deck of the two vessels. On the part of the Brazilians, 32 were killed and wounded, five being killed on the Lima e Barros, and three in the Silvado. On the early morning of the 3rd the two wooden gun boats, Beberibe and Mage, steamed up past Curupaity with trifling injury and only one man wounded. The river was at the highest. The Brazilian railway in the Chaco and Lopez road were both under water, but the vessels above Curupaity had sufficient stores to last for a considerable time. The expeditionary corps of 10,000 men announced previously by the Marquis de Caxiaa as ready to start from Tayi towards Asuncion was still in camp. Their absence, indeed, would be dangerous at such a critical juncture at Humaita, and it is not clear what good the expedition could effect, even if sufficient to force the Tebiquary. It is now well known that Madame Lyneh has two brothers who are chief officers in Lopez's army, and that he is entirely guided by them to the extent of his giving them full discretionary power. It seems most probable that Lopez is not at Humaita, and that he is at Tebiquary superintending a defence there." MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANCE OF A LADY. —A matter of a very mysterious nature is now engaging atten tion at Lancaster. On Good Friday, Mrs. Ganderton, a widow lady of independent means, residing in that town, visited :Morecambe, and on returning in the evening dis. covered that she had lost her purse and money. She then set off along the main road to walk to Morecambe, and was met at eight o'clock about two miles from that place. Since that time, however, no tidings have been heard of her, notwithstanding all her friends have been communi cated with, and printed notices, offering a reward, as well as giving a full description of her, have been circulated. The lady's sudden and mysterious disappearance has caused considerable speculation as to what has of her. She is about fifty years of age, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, 1868. THE AUSTRIAN CONCORDAT. Fourteen Austrian bishops—all, indeed, who had come to Vienna for the late debate in the Upper House—with Cardinals Schwarzenberg and Rauscher at their head, have presented to the President of the Ministry a memorial, in which they express their opinion on the inter pretation given to the fundamental laws by the Minister of Justice, who took upon himself in the debate on the marriage law to declare that ecclesiastical jurisdiction, pro foro exteriw, had been abolished by the fact of the adoption of the new constitutional laws by the State. The memorial of the bishops begins with the fol lowing declarations :—lt is only the Power which had a right to issue them that can give to laws a universally binding interpretation. But the view which those empowered to carry out the law entertain as to its meaning deter mines the practical effects of its operation, and is, therefore, of no small importance. Hence it is not right that the appointed representa tives of the Church should treat as a matter of indifference the public declaration of the Minister of Justice concerning a constitutional law that directly affects their judicial power. In the fulfilment, therefore, of a duty imposed upon them by their position, the undersigned humbly make known to your Excellency, as President of the Ministerial Council, their opinion on this matter. The first article of the law in question declares that every juris diction in the State is exercised in the name of the Emperor. This article is now so inter preted as if within the empire of Austria there were no other jurisdiction but that exercised in the name of his Majesty, and, consequently, by the civil power and in virtue of a right pos sessed by the State. Expressly, indeed, it is only declared that ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matters relating to marriage has become impos sible by the operation of the above-mentioned law; but, if the law be interpreted in the sense that it abolishes ecclesiastical jurisdiction re lating to marriage, then far more is involved, for by such an interpretation the right is de nied to the Catholic Church in Austria to pro nounce on its own authority a decision obli gatory on its members. The memorial then, at some length, proves, from the relation of Church and State, the unlawfulness of a denial to the Church of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and then adds that : Such a denial can with less reason be ascribed to the first article of the new Austrian Con stitution, since that very article is borrowed from foreign Constitutions, and its meaning has, by the custom of years, been placed be yond doubt. The Bavarian and Saxon law declares that all jurisdiction proceeds from the King, and yet in Bavaria and Saxony juris diction is exercised by the Church according to canon law over Catholic marriages, because, according to the nature of civil law, no other but civil jurisdiction was contemplated in that section of the Constitution. The misinterpre tation of this paragraph in the fundamental law is the more to be regretted, as it gives rise to apprehensions which go beyond the question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. A mean ing is ascribed to a general proposition, the consequence of which is that the Austrian Church is deprived of what she is entitled to even under the general provisions of the civil law, namely, the right of being independent in her own affairs, and of deciding by her own power matters which come before her. The fundamental law on the common rights of citizens contains, indeed, not a few pro positions of still more general and undefined a character, and although not one is so framed as to necessitate, by its text, an interpreta tion hostile to the rights of the Church, yet in more than one it comes very near to it. Be sides, these sections in the fundamental law are, none of them, new, and of several it is clear that they originally proceeded from a conception of things directly opposed to Chris tian ideas, and that they were intended to serve as a weapon against the power of the Catholic, of the Christian, faith. How would matters stand if the conclusion were thence drawn that, by the oath to observe the funda mental law at the expense of common civil rights, assent was given to the principles which the founders of the Constitution proclaimed, and the introduction of which, into Austria, was unspeakably pernicious. But the under signed, nevertheless, were far from believing that the Imperial Government would put for ward a claim which would so calmly overstep the limits of the civil power. the Vatican." By acting on such views, which are, fortunately, confined to a small section of the Catholics of France, the general interests of religion and of the nation are sacrificed to the special exigencies of party. To substitute party tactics for principles is not the way to recover credit in France. Such narrow schemers are foredoomed to failure. The con duct of the Gazette de France is another illus tration of the misleading influence even over sincere Catholics of party politics. But there is another section of French Catholics represented by the Union who, un like the small party of the Gazette de France, have too high a regard for Catholic interests, as contradistinguished from party interests, to compromise sound principles by forming an alliance with the revolutionary Opposition, and who yet have no confidence whatsoever in Go vernment, nor in the system of Government candidates. Their policy is, under no circum stances, to vote either for official or demo cratic candidates, but to seek simply for pure representatives of Catholic opinions. Such policy may be aptly . described as a policy of despair. They justify their abstention from voting for Government candidates, even though such candidates were pledged to support the Catholic cause in France and in Europe, on account of the " sad fate" which has attended the success of Government candidates under the Empire. They appeal to the history of the last sixteen years, and ask what advantages have the religious, political, moral, and mate rial interests of Catholics obtained. Rather, what have they not suffered ? A writer in the Mtion, the Marquis de Dreux-Breze, the head of a great Catholic family and brother of a bishop, reckons up in an article, an abstract of which will be found under " Foreign Opinion," the following as among the most calamitous results of the Empire : the unity of Italy, the stripping of the Holy See of four-fifths of its dominions, the aggrandizement of Prussia, the Mexican catastrophe, the aggressions of free-trade, and the usurpations of State education. It is but too true, as we must confess, that the policy of the Second Empire has not been such as to inspire Catholics with confidence. It has been a policy of playing fast and loose with prin ciples according to the exigencies of the mo ment. It has been distinguished by singular tergiversations on the part of the Emperor, which may for the most part be traced to ex ternal influences. But the very absence of statesmanlike ideas or of a fixed policy, makes it more than otherwise needful that the Em peror should not only be protected from a hostile pressure on the part of the Revolution, but by an exertion of Catholic influence in every direction, and accordingly, also, . c in the * elections be so encompassed by Catholic sup port, as to be compelled for policy sake to fol low an honest and upright course. We be lieve the more hopeful policy,. suggested by the Univers, to be the wiser policy, and from all we learn, it is the one most likely to be adopted in the coming elections in France.— Westminster Gazette. THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS AND THE BISHOP OF ORLEANS. The old enemy of religion in France—the University—is more busy now tha n ever at its miserable work of perverting and u nderminin g the faith. It was against this stronghold of infidelity, this monopoly of godless education, that Montalembert and the Catholics of France, under Louis Philippe, g ained their first great victory by obtaining freedom of education. They succeeded in breaking through this mo nopoly, in reducing its power, in forcing the State to be at least more guarded in its public support and patronage of the teachers of atheism and materialism. But if the snake was scotched for a time it was not killed. The University is still the hotbed of materialism in France, in whose rank soil the weeds of error are forced to an unnatural growth. It is still the rallying point to which converge all the enemies of the Church, and. from whence emanate the most subtle as well as the most gross attacks on the faith of Christendom. It can scarcely be otherwise. A seat of learning in which there is intellectual life and colli sion of mind--if it be not Christian—must in the very nature of things be hostile to revealed religion. Faith and intellectualism, reason and revelation, if they be not allies, cannot meet in the pursuit of knowledge without collision. For them there is no neutral ground. Science may affect a contemptuous indifferentism to religion, but it is a pretence, merely a veil to disguise its real animus. At a convenient opportunity, when suspicion is lulled or oppo sition disarmed, it will strike without a word of warning its treacherous blow. It is to guard against such treachery, against the subtle poison instilled in un-Catholic universities that the Church is so active in dissuading, in prohibit ing, Catholics from exposing their faith to such risks. I t h is aolit tchwte that k n rakt o b wl e irni n d g ge of s universitiesthe defenders activewhich of the evil i tehhe agencies amr egh of note s highest Cat interests of society, such as the Bishop of Orleans, por t e rsof the University in to ccnflict with the sup of Paris. We re corded petition had been pre sented Senate praying it to take to last the week French that p th u e t f t r o e e t h . t e h i g n r k e i a n t g l a a n t id measures to have a stop na tu a d t e eri w a hi lis c t h ie is p a r l o lo fe w s e s d nr t s o in the University of Paris, and that, moreover, owing to the inter ference of the Bishop of Orleans a diploma recently granted to a student of medicine by the faculty of medicine at Paris had been re voked by the Minister of Public Instruction, on account of the materialistic doctrines which he had supported at his examination. This interference in defence of the sacred interests of society has exposed the Bishop of Orleans to the attacks of the SiA c i„ , the great organ of materialism in France. It reproaches, in the first place, Mgr. Dupanloup as guilty of an unworthy action in having denounced the thesis of the student, and it asserts that the approbation of the faculty of medicine confers an inviolable character on the theses supported at the examination. On this plea the most sacred articles of the Christian faith may be attacked by the faculty of medicine with im punity, for the defenders of the Church, the b “ i A sh r o e p t s h , ey ar , commenting on the shallow . ethenno,ttotoahhaanvdeont,h”e right of reply. for ward by the Siecle, " the sacred interests s p a r y e s t e t xhte putUn vers en trusted to their keeping ou t of regard for the private interests of a s t u dent or professor ?" The Bishop of Orleans is astonished that any one should dream of imputing blame to him. " Such theses," he declares, "cannot be allowed to pass without a protest; society defends itself, that is all ; it has the right to do so." The Siecle replies with a sneer : " Society is, it seems, represented to-day by the . bishops." "Mgr. Dupanloup," adds the Steele, "be lieves himself entitled to exercise an active surveillance over the University." It is high time, indeed, that a strict and vigorous sur veillance were exercised over a university which has the Siecle for its warmest supporter. It is not to be wondered at that the Bishop of Orleans, in the pamphlet which has given such offence to the university and its supporters in the impious press of Paris, should have ex pressed his astonishment that society should continue to appoint and pay professors to teach doctrines the logical consequences of which are the production of agents for carrying out the most odious of revolutions. Far from being satisfied at the present state of things on ac count of the important part which the clergy have to play, as the Siecle alleges, the Bishop, on the contrary, throughout his pamphlet com plains bitterly of the position of the clergy reduced to defend the most sacred verities, the most holy rights, the most cherished interests, against incessant and renewed attacks. After ascribing the publication of the Bishop of Orleans' pamphlet to a desire to do an injury to the medical student, the Siecle finishes its article by exclaiming—" How, you denounce these doctrines as incendiary and subversive, you called down 'severe measure's on their author, is it to serve him and to be useful to him ? Why not ? The inquisitors of the Holy Office thought they were doing a good service to the victims whom they tortured. To what lengths, good heavens ! does Mgr. Dupanloup go when he wishes to injure people ?" To this rhapsody the Univers gives a reply which we will quote in conclusion :—" These doc trines denounced—are they or are they not im moral and subversive of all social order, of every notion of justice, of every security in the relations of man with man ? This is a question which the Siecle does not care to enter upon. It knows very well that these monstrous doctrines are indefensible, and it does not defend them. It abstains even from stating what they are, for fear of offending the conscience of its readers ; but it suggests that they are inoffensive, and by virtue of this supposition it asserts that it is a crime to op pose them, and it proves this solely by the rare argument that such an opposition might be injurious to M. Grenier, the medical stu dent." We trust that Mgr. Dupanloup's timely ex posure of thematerialistic tendencies of the university, as manifested in its teachings and in its examinations, will induce the Senate to weigh well the impolicy as well as the im piety on the part of the State in fostering a system of education whose visible results are materialism and atheism.— Westminster Gazette. THE CIVIL SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES. There is no country but the United States that could have existed under the Civil Service System there in force. If, the Old Man of the Mountain is a giant and saddledon the shoulders of anything but a colossus, that thing must succumb —Old Man and all being soon in the mud. But the United States is a colossus whose huge proportions are best dis played by contemplating it under the giant burden which it has placed on its shoulders. The revenue collected in the United States has for the last few years been the greatest ever levied on a nation. In two years, that is from the 30th June, 1865, to the 30th June, 1867, one thousand and forty-eight millions of dollars were extracted from its citizens. What more was stolen it is im possible to tell, but this sum actually found its way into the Treasury. Before the war the United States, without debt —with a mere apology for an army—was the lightest taxed by far of the great Powers. The bond that bound the States together was not then so strong as now; State Governments ruled, and aFederal system knitting all into one whole had not been worked into the centralizing scheme at present in operation. The prizes at 'Washington, although attractive to a class of politicians, were not at that time of the vast national importance they have now attained. The scramble for place being comparatively a poor thing attracted little attention, and the nation was content to jog on, but lightly feeling the burden thrown on it by the poli tical rascality of the day. But all this has been totally changed. The United States has to provide the largest annual sum of any country in payment of interest on its national debt, and power is now centralized at Washington. Great departments have been created, and those before in ex istence have been enormously enlarged. A system of cumbrous taxation is in force, levied on every thing, and embracing all the errors exploded in Eng land, and with a newly improvised army of collec tors, the people are compelled to submit to a bad plan badly executed. Americans are the most tole rant of the human race under their taxmasters, but they are too practical long to endure a system con ceived in error and dishones tl y carri▪ ed into prac tice, touching them in the most sensitive part. At the close of the war grand schemes were entertained of making a stupendous collection, and paying off the National Debt at once ; but they were all found to be mere chimeras ; the debt was too heavy to be thus handled, and the people have settled down to the conviction that they must grow out of it, accom modating themselves to the pressure. The turn of the public mind is now more practic• al, the effort being to adjust the load as easily as possible. Two questions connected with this have risen into para mount importance in the United States. The first has reference to the p rinci p les upon which the taxes must be levied; the second the establishment of efficient machinery for the work, and it is to the latter we propose to allude briefly. A sub committee was selected last summer from the Joint Congressional Committee on Retrenchment, con sisting of Representative JENCKES, from Rhode Island, and Senators PArrEnsoN, from New Hamp shire, and WILLIAMS, from Oregon, to consider the best mode of appointing to the public service, and the abolition of useless offices. Mr. JENCKES brought in a bill to regulate the appointments for the Home Civil Service, and Mr. PATTERSON pre pared another for the greater efficiency of the Foreign Service. As amended Mr. JENCKES' Bill was presented to the House on the 23d March. It provides that the new Civil Service Department con templated by thebill shall be controlled by the Vice- President of the United States, or, failing him, by the President of the Senate pro tem. It is also so far amended that candidates are not only to be sub jected to competitive examination, but to periods and conditions of probation. There is no subject of more vital importance to the welfare of the country. In one respect it far transcends all prin ciples of political economy, for not only are states men and jurists agreed that it is better to have bad laws well administered than good laws badly administered, but it is an undeniable fact that the Civil Service System now in operation is demoraliz ing the people. We have lately had in England sufficient evidence of what the commercial morality of the country is. If proof were required of the neces sity for controlling checks on those who handle the money of others, it has surely been furnished by the revelations of a rascality not even the strongest be lievers in human wickedness could have predicted a few years ago. Imagine these fine specimens of Anglo-Saxon honesty, with their hands in the Trea sury of a great nation, with a few checks on the su ms they might transfer into their pockets, and we have the Civil Service of the United States as it exists. " Who are the men," said BEN WADE, " selected to get the Revenue ? These who could not get trusted for a pipe of tobacco in their own towns. I know men to whom some of my con stituents have to pay their taxes to whom no neighbour would even lend po with the remotest idea of getting it paid this side of judgment day." And what is the consequence? Why, Mr. Com missioner WELLS officially informs Congress that a greater portion of the internal revenue is lost by fraud than finds its way into the Treasury. The moral effect must in the highest degree be injurious. If the place be but the result of bribery, the in cumbent goes forth as a living example of the force of the almighty dollar ; having bribed, he is open to bribes, and honest men see the per sons they would not trust with twenty dollars col lecting on behalf of the country tens of thousands, and appropriating all they dare. Then, indeed, is presented the state of things that moved the anger of DAVID, the Psalmist—the prosperity of the un godly, and unless the public see as DAVID did, the end of these men, the example must be in the highest degree pernicious. It is alleged that the system has ripened into its unholy fruit mainly since Mr. LINCOLN'S death, but we cannot attribute to Mr. JOHNSON the greater portion of the blame. It 13 the natural result of a vast extension of a rotten plan. During the first term of the late PRESIDENT the mon e y had to be expended, now it has to be raised, and the difference between spending and collecting is pretty well known to every civilized community. The heads of the great departments have the numerous appointments of the offices in their gift. The selections are unchecked and un regulated by any considerations but favouritism and expediency. The appointments amount to hundreds of thousands, and all this gigantic pa tronage for working the machinery of the most powerful of nations drifts as a mere thing of chance. it is a scramble—the greatest prizes falling to the most audacious and importunate beggars. The bill brought in by Mr. JENCKES is intended to rectify the abuses under which, as Mr. WADE says, " the country staggers." The , Civil Service of the United States, both at home and abroad, will, when that and Mr. PATTERSON'S bill come into operation, be a distinct profession, for which lads aN ill be prepared at school and college, and take up as they do the Army, the Navy, Law, or Physic. When fairly at work, the United States will realize a benefit it can now but little appreciate. In the first place, the greatest check will be given to the political harpies, to bribery, and begging, and the leaders of party will themselves be relieved not only from a bore, but from a demoralizing influ ence. In the second place, a fine legitimate open ing will be afforded to paterfamilias, who can then educate his sons for an honourable and fairly lucrative career. In the third place, an immense saving will result to the public revenue, the laws will be enforced by competent agents, and the people protected from spoliation. Washington is now the headquarters of the halt, the blind, the idle, and the useless—all screaming at Uncle SAM for place. It is a grand lottery hav ing an overwhelming fascination to many natures. There are thousands who would have honestly worked for a living but for the attraction of this demoralizing scramble. So it cuts both ways to the injury of the people, for it makes the place not the reward of merit, but of chance or intrigue, to be held till another chance expels the incumbent, whose business in the meantime is to make the most of his opportunities. The working of such a system is sufficiently clear. The candidates have one spell of office and two spells of idleness, and while in office they are only busy in the attempt to cheat. Of course we deal in general terms ; there are many and brightexceptions, but these spring from an invincible honesty that even such a system cannot overcome. The difference between the politician in England and in America is, that in the former only the great prizes fall to his lot, and in the latter everything. Some one has said that patriotism is the last resort of the scoundrel ; but in England there is little or no field for these patriotic gaol-birds. The eyes of the nation are fixed on the political leaders, who are compelled to exercise the greatest caution under the scrutiny; but the smaller fry swimming i n shoals escape observation, and are left free in the exercise of all their cheating faculties. It does not do to allow this ; and happily for England the places of the country are filled by men who have been educated for the service, and have graduated in the public offices. A good prospect of reform is now before the Union in these bills, and in the chance of General Grant being elected President, who is known to consider the reformation, or rather the formation, of the Civil Service as the great work to be accomplished by the next Chief Magistrate.—Anglo-Aniertcan Times. 7HE FRENCH ELECTIONS. It is beyond question that society in France, political and religious, is approaching one of those convulsions which, since the Revolution of 'B9, are almost periodical. The ground on which the Imperial throne rests heaves visibly. Baulked ambition, wounded self-love, popular discontent, poverty in the people, extrava gance in the State, the aggrandizement of Prussia, and the new recruiting bill, are ele ments of danger which the restless spirit of the Revolution is making use of for another vast upheaving of social order in France. The state of things much resembles that which existed under Louis Philippe six months before the Revolution of 1848. At such a juncture as this the Emperor, who vacillates between his two masters—the party of order and the Revolu tion—appeals for support to the country. It is clear that the hope has never been absent from his mind that his expedition to Rome in support of the Pope against the Italian Re volution would in the next elections rally round his throne the friends of social order and religion. A difference of opinion has arisen between the Catholic pape rs o f F rance as t o th e course which Catholics ought to adopt in the coming elections. The Univers, with its accustomed vigour and precision of thought, lays down the policy which in such an emergency it holds the Catholics of France ought to follow. It will have nothing to say to party politics as such ; it takes, absolutely, neither the side of the Empire nor of the Opposition. " Our policy," it says, " to adopt the language of our opponents, neither favours nor excludes any one on the simple colour of his flag. It de mands in a like way and in a like measure from every candidate, whether of the Govern ment or of the Opposition, to pledge himself to Catholic electors on certain definite questions." The Univers takes its stand simply on Catho lic:principles, and it asks what principles are superior to those which it defends when it makes use of the right of voting in order to save the independence of the Church, and to protect the liberty of the family. Its first ob ject would be to vote for a Catholic true and loyal to the Church, and consequently to the highest interests of the State, at least in such districts as would be able and i willing to re turn a Catholic member ; but n the majority of instances there would be no such disposi tion. And under such a condition of things the Univers contends that it is the duty of Catholics to support such candidates, no mat ter whether belonging to the Government or to the Opposition, whose views and votes would be most in harmony with Catholic principles and most conducive to Catholic interests. This is the broad and intelligible ground which the Univers takes up. But the Gazette de France, too much after the fashion common to party papers, is Legitimist first and Catholic second in its' policy. Making party success its supreme aim, it substitutes the supposed future interests of the French Legitimists for the real and present interests of the Catholic cause in France. To this extreme partizan and its supporters it seems not of the remotest consequence what becomes of Catholic policy or what candidate is returned, provided only he is in opposition to the Napoleonic Govern ment and dynasty. "In virtue of its special logic," says the Univers, " the Gazette de France pretends that we ought to reject the Government candidate, even though he share our views and support the candidate of the Opposition, even though he be a materialist, and though his vote might give the majority to the party who wishes to place Garibaldi in ARE DEMOCRACIES FICKLE? The limes has hazarded the opinion that the two thirds majority of the Senate necessary for the con viction of ANDREW JOHNSON will not be secured, and it quotes the speedy recantation of popular judgment arising from delay in the trial, as the best proof of the fickleness of Democracies. We wonder if the writer is sensible of the contradiction under lying all the article so far a 3 it referred to America. He considers the most notable of American charac teristicsthepowerlessness of the individual politician, who must go with the team or he is lost. Yet the line which permits no straggling cannot stand delay, a real difficulty causes a sudden wheel, coun selled by the same temper which crushes any one who falls out because he can be crushed. " The fickleness and readiness to change appear directly due to the perfect organization of party which is found in all ordinary forms of Democracy. The completeness of party discipline makes individuals powerless, and independent thought a disqualifica tion. The deduction is simple. Where there is noindependence there can be no fixed principles, and political life becomes a struggle of opposing com binations for office, in the course of which each side is ready to assume at a moment's notice a new position if the accidents of an honr suggest that it is a desirable base of attack or point of defence." We would like the limes to inform us where the party get their ideas. Supposing the Times be cor rect they must work without fired principle, and without individual guidance—yet they are a per fect organization from whom it is political death to straggle. They are at the same time a highly finished machine, and a combination of chance, turning out anything. Indeed, we scarcely could be more surprised if informed that a brewer intend ing to make beer had produced whisky, or that a spinning-jenny had manufactured steel wire. The more complete the organization, and more defined the principles upon which it stands, the more per fect is individual control. It is impossible for any party to act as a unit not directed by a unit, and it is the nature of such parties to select for the lead the most tried and confirmed holder of the principles upon which the party works. The 7 imes has confounded parties with the public, and to say that Democracies are fickle is simply to say that the public is fickle. In a despotism that fickleness may be controlled or not allowed expres sion; but we very much doubt the truth of the pro position that Democracies are fickle. The great Republic was brought forward in proof of such fickleness, though the article had reference to Eng land, whose national course the 2 imes says shows a remarkable tendency to Democratic fickleness. We consider that the Democratic tendency has shown steadfastness, not change. Mr. DISRAELI and the great party he leads may have been fickle, but that was due to the set national purpose which the party could not control, and to which it therefore sur rendered. There is no fickleness in the ebb and flow of the tide, although the spectator watching the waves as they fall on the beach may be deceived into the notion. From the period of the first Re• form Bill to the present time the tide has been steadily flowing in one direction, and the changes noted by the Times are merely the waves, one of which may rush up further than its fellows and surge back, sweeping with it the pebbles and sand. In America the same is notably the case, and per haps in no other part of the world is opinion more led and guided by men of strong con victions. If American politicians are noted for anything, it is for their obstinate adherence to principles. Can the Times give us an instance of a more determined man than THADDEUS STEVENS, who leads in the House? or SUMNER, who leads in the Senate ? To what is the Impeachment of the PRESIDENT due? Why, to the individual obsti nacy with which ANDREW JOHNSON adhered to principles—an obstinacy only equalled by the mulish stupidity of a JAMES 11., though in the PRESIDENT'S case springing from far higher motives than those which actuated the bigoted advocate of Divine Right in his own person. Has there been any fickleness in Massachusetts or in South Caro lina? When did the Bay State swerve from its principles, or the Palmetto State bow its haughty head ? Was the resolution of the North shaken by defeat? or did the South shrinkwas frtohme fickleness e le fi n e e r s y s ordeal of subjugation? Where in the American people from the day when mis sionaries went forth to denounce Slavery and to uphold the rights of all to personalfreedom, till the nation split into the two great sections, main taining with arms the position, when argument and legislation failed? The Times is struck by the speed with which great events are accomplished in America—a speed rapidly extending to England. But the cause is obvious. A change that suits a people will be effected in a time directly in propor tion to the intelligence and means of communica tionm of that people. By means of communicatio n , we mean the power the nation possesses of sub mitting the question at once to each individual. Change is quick in America, because vast means exist there for disseminating opinion, and that England is so rapidly running in the race shows that penny papers are producing the effect anticipated. It does not follow at all because an idea is instantly caught up by a population that that population is fickle ; indeed it will be found that change comes from above, not from below ; that the people as a mass are far more steadfast to principle and opinion than those who call themselves the upper classes. - What is fashion but fickle change, and who aro the fashionables ? Endear a name to the people, and how soon will it be lost, or when does it become hateful? We grant the power of party organization in the United States. We are aware that politicians enrolled therein often have to hold to thei r p ar t y as their profession, thei r means of existence, and such men fighting for power, that is, for place, that is, for the loaves and fishes, tolerate no divergence, nothing that lessens their chance. Yet the instances of independent action in those taking a leading part are numerous and striking. It is held to be more than probable that General GRANT will be the next President, and to what political party does GRANT belong ? ANDREW JOHNSON, with that singular faculty of injuring whatever he touches, drove GRANT off the platform that the General had erected without a plank or prop of party in it. GRANT desired to be the national candidate, elected spontaneously by the people, uncommitted to principles. When in office he proposed to remodel the civil service and the whole national expenditure, and to give the most liberal and humane construction to Con gressional measures, bringing back the Southern States with a fair measure of rights secured to the freedmen. In a word, he proposed to banish politics from his programme, and to set heartily to work on reform. It was a pity to dam tge this admirable scheme, nor could any opportunity have been better than thus to use a great officer with a great name unconnected with party. He may yet succeed in carrying it into effect, though his chances have been injured by ANDREW JOHNSON, who, in a measure, has suc ceeded iu driving him into the Radical ranks. Here, then, is an instance of an individual who refused to commit himself to any party, 3 et evi dently commanding a majority for the great prize for which parties strive. Take the case of a politician who has never ceased to advocate a decided political line. Can the Times elsewhere point to a man more prominent in his party, yet acting more freely on his individual opinion, than HORACE GREELEY. Whether secretly correspond ing with confederates in Canada, giving bail for JEFFERSON DAVIS, or doing what the Times said the advanced Republican wing desired but dared not, that is, urging the claims of Chief Justice CHASE for the Presidency, he acted on individual opinion ; at the same time leading a party and flying straight in its face. Take CHASE hiMSelf• Everybody knows that above all things he desired the Presidential Chair. Long ago he laid down his platform, and now while presiding over the Senate as a High Court of Impeachment, he is raising the obstacles in the way of his party which the limes declares will defeat the party end, and carry ANDREW JOHNSON clear. Every objection raised by the PRESIDENT'S counsel has been sustained by CHASE, and backed by a majority of the Senate, four-fifths of whom are Republicans. It is true that the Senate is a Court engaged in a criminal trial, but the Times says that the movement is a party manoeuvre ; and although ANDREW JOHNSON may have his term cut short by a few months, personally no such injury can accrue to him that would make it incumbent on a political body like the Senate, casting politics aside, and dealing in this political trial without any reference to party, if any one who falls out is, as the leading journal states, to be crushed. Yet, in spite of the loudest crack of the party whip, people are compelled to acknowledge that at least so far, the Senate has acted without reference to party. The truth is that the American party whipper-in deals with a far larger body than the English whipper-in, as the party prizes embrace the whole civil service of the country ; whereas those in England are, as we else where observe, confined to the heads of offices. But though more extensive, more professional, and better organized in America than in England, still the party there as hero is but the platform around which the public rally, or against which they surge and fret. If it has no fixed principles it cannot stand —principles which must underlie every plank and be distinctly heard from the stand, while the public voice around is deceptive and uncertain in the highest degree ; not because the public have no de fined ideas, but because it is no easy matter for all to give them expression. A noisy clique in the crowd actuated by interest will raise their cry so loudly as to deceive the listener into the belief that it is the public voice, but these are mistakes and deceptions not of the public, but of those who profess to inter pret the public mind. Yet these very interpreters , ourselves among the number, and notably the 7 Imes, are ready to declare that it is not our mis take, but that of the unstable public, whose fickl e nature is most seen in Democracies.—Anglo-Ameri" can l imes. We copy the following from the advertising columns of a district journal CONFECTIONER& —To be sold cheap, several cwt. of orange peel in good condition ; the advertiser having the contract for the sweeping o f all the metropolitan theatres and places of amusement, is in 5 position to treat for it on unusually advantageous terioe• Address—." Is it possible that any:confectioner will gravely reply to this advertisement, and, what is of far more importance, gravely buy the several cwt. of orange peel, and work it up in marmalade and plum cake ? What a strange notion of his fellow-men the advertiser must have I He must regard them as dirt-consuming animals, much as the naturalists do some kinds of vermin. The worst of it is the public have no remedy ; the adver tiser has doubtless by this time concluded his treaty, an d the sweepings of all the metropolitan theatres and placeS of amusement are being potted and labelled, pl eas e to observe our trade mark—Purity. None genuine u nless signed with the maker's name." Perhaps the managers of the metropolitan theatres might help up us by seeing that their sweepings go into the proper place—namely, the dust bin.— Morning Star. Mr. Thomas Payne, conductor of the Detroit and Millwaukee Railroad, has invented an ingenious contr" ante to indicate to railway passengers the station which they are approaching, its distance from the one last passed , and from that point to each terminus of the road. It is placed in the centre of the car, which, coming in contact with posts placed for the purpose, turn the indicator immediately after leaving each station. The invention has been placed . upon one of the passenger coaches, and meets the approv al of the officers of the road. The Springfield Republican says A cow be longing to Calvin Norton, of Bennington, Vermont, re,' contly gavo birth to a calf with two distinct heads and four eyes, and it is thought the thing will live and thrive• But where's the use, since Barnum has no museum 2" The Liberte having announced that several bun' dred applications had been sent in to the Legation of the United States in Paris from Frenchmen for letters of natl." ralization as American citizens in order to evade the ne ° military laws, the communique states that, for many mon ths past, only two applications had been made, and that one Of the two did not proceed from a French citizen. MADAME RISTORI AND THE SPANISH BISHOP."' The Ecco d'ltalia, au Italian journal published at Nu ll , York, has the following singular story :—" The celebrated actress, Mdme. Ristori, was lately performing at liav 9 ' ll : nah. In one of her pieces she had to play the part of Sister Theresa, an eminently moral character, but which produced on the stage a person belonging to a religiourl order. The Bishop of the diocese made a complaint to, General Lersundi, Governor o f C u b a , on th e subject, b° the latter paid no attention, and did not interdict the P l 4 as the prelate requested. His Grace then ordered 41 t he curds not to allow the b e lls to be rung on the arrival °f the governor. According to the above-named journal 01° latter responded by the immediate arrest of the biebl whom he sent home to Spain on board a war vessel. Madrid letter in the Independance Beige, in speaking of the incident, affirms that the Spanish Government has fu lll approved of General Lersundi's conduct. Births. BOSANQUET —On ,the 19th inst., at Bourneside, Southg ate ' the wife of Percival Bosanquot, Esq., of a son. , f r HAYWARD—On the 18th inst., at 20, Montague-o‘ -e - Russell-square, the wife of Chas. F. Hayward, Esq.' , a son. wife POWELL—On the 19th inst., at Carshalton, Surrey, the of William Powell, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. HARRISON—HontE—On the 16th inst., at St. John's, 10:1 lington, Thomas B. Harrison, of her Majesty's 1 01313 4 Revenue, to Mary Ann, youngest daughter of Cornol" Hoare, of Bromley, Middlesei. RADCLIFFE—WRYGIITE— On the 18th inst., at St. 1461 ; 1 1 . , Church, West Brompton, Herbert Radcliffe, Esq., Carlton Villas, Chelsea Villas, Fulham-road, to .11-'-`,,1 youngest daughter of the late 'Wm. 0. Wryghto, Esql - Rich Lodge, Earl's Court. Deaths. DRYSDALE 0 n the 17th inst., at 17, Broad-green, Cror don, Miss Jane Drysdale, aged 91. NAYLOR -O n the 19th inst., at 8, Clifton Villas, Pe rige ' Mrs. Mary Naylor, aged 85. REEVE- On the 19th inst., Rear-Admiral John lieelr°l aged 84. SlmrsoN—On the 18th inst., at Horringer, Bury S••, ~„ 1 mend's, General Sir James Simpson, G. 0.8., 29th Regiment, aged 77. ntl SS V London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM .A.N-- of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan Soli Oface, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the COIL/ Middlesex.—Tuesday, April 21, 1868. iiiN This e c Prize y e d It is Pu: Sold in the Agent " The pi " The t( not he mis "The ,( Pcrfor "Thos e to is it e h will lim., ROY, TRIUMP] IVIONs LE pi Air. A. c Aiiss SNI ATTB Miss CO' Mr. R. I Full O t Ilan in I. P• CORR] N. 8.- -_____ IVI AD NEW Right g o oificer4 LIVIN G Adr a i s , of Horro r VW. 'a , This ma by ving be Aress rs ka. the AI S olo Corn .111[AN feel a ad Whc putt/ numb r -ambe r oi or unfurn ho ods of NUare. —_______ riousßs Por 5, ROP D. 4 11 dese frig outla rt I 114 u . o lll PhrT tto tr ansfe _ i n , „ o rt: 1 SPAN B ,Peedilv us. 6d r all i t Chem W °l This i hoore Pre l for eo re st Chemists c urls Lc L ad 8 014 at 3 , and ill ....„....... 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