The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-17 00:00:00

..---.—....„, his country sho u ld b e remunerate d w i th a pension of 1,5001. , advanced against this clause were sufficient to infl uenc e the de er annum, commencing from the date on which Sir Henry cision of the House. Pottinger was to resign his full pay as her Majesty's Plenipo- Sir R. PEEL contended that undue importance was attached tenliary. He proposed that that pension should continue ab- to paper currency. Let the House look to the manner in solutely for life. He proposed to grant this pension as a mark which the enormous transactions at Liverpool an I Manchester of public acknowledgment for past services, and though future were conducted. There the only bank notes in circulation were events should again render it necessary to employ Sir Henry those of the Bank of England and the Bank of England only. Pottinger again in public affairs, he trusted that the feeling of Those notes represented sovereigns, and if such notes were to the country would be that he had sufficiently merited the gra- be abolished to-morrow, sovereigns would be used in their titude of his country. stead without very much inconvenience being felt. The value Mr. WILLIAMS had no wish to undervalue the services of of paper issue was regulated by the celerity with winch it could Sir Henry Pottinger, but he must say, that when he looked to be converted into cash and by that only. tips extent of those services, which were brought to a conclu- Mr. WILLIAMS supported the clause. sion creditable to himself hnd beneficial to his country—when Sir W. SOMERVILLE supported the clause, though he he looked to the nature of these services, he was willing to go as believed his endeavours would meet with but little success. far as any Hon. Alember in that House, but he did not think On the question being put, that he alone should be remembered, while the services of Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN expressed his determination to divide others were nearly forgotten. He believed that the naval and upon the proposition, although despairing of success ;he would scientific services of Sir William Parker could not well be ex- gladly effect a compromise and withdraw his clause, if the Right seeded, and vekthat Gallant Admiral had only received a pen- Hon. Baronet would modify his measure. sion of 300/..per annum ; and this, be it remembered, not for The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could see a particular service, but for the greater portion of fifty years, nothing so objectionable in the Bill introduced, as it was in the the most part of which time he had been at sea. Sir Hugh same spirit as had characterised similar measures for England Gough, also, the Commander-in-Chief of the army, had not and Scotland. been pensioned in an equal degree for his public services ; and Mr. O'CONNELL denied the analogy between the con it might be established as a dangerous precedent, if every stitution of the Irish and the Scotch banks. In the latter public servant was to come down en the House, and for the there was a monopoly and an exclusive circulation of capital services lir might have rendered in two years receive a pension wholly foreign to the Irish establishments. like the illsesent. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and on there re- Sir G. STAUNTON, while giving all credit to the services admission, the numbers appeared-- of the army and navy, thought that the very important nego- For the clause tiation which had been effected by Sir Henry Pottinger Against it o4ht not to be overlooked, and he certainly did not think Majority against the clause that the degree of gratitud e w hi c h t h e Government was dis- ACADEMICAL INSTITUTIONS (IRELAND) BILL. posed to show was disproportioned to his services. He con- On the motion for the Order of the Day being read to sidered, also, that the appointment of his successor was a bring up the Report on the Irish Colleges Bill, most valuable one, and he, as one Member of that House, Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN presented a petition from the Loyal would most willingly support the motion of the Right Hon. National Repeal Associati on aga i ns t th e 10 t h c l ause of that Bill. Baronet, Mr. OSBORNE postponed his motion until the Right Sir R. PEEL said that the present pension to Sir Henry Hon. Member the Recorder of Dublin was in his place to Pottinger was not to be looked at as a mere mark of the coun- answer any statements he might make respecting the Univer try's gratitude for services rendered in China. That gentleman sity of Dublin. had left the service of the East India Company, and the special Sir JAMES GRAHAM, not seeing the Hon. Member for and peculiar services he had rendered to his country were not London in his place, postponed entering into detail upon the only to be looked to—they had also to look to the loss he had sus- Irish Colleges Bill till Thursday next. tained by . being taken out of the East India Company's service. Mr. O'CONNELL would not oppose the delay, if conve- The Government did not forget the services of the army and navy, nient to the Government, but he hoped it would be under but these were peculiar services, and should be equitably stood that he was no p ar t y t o th e arrangement. rewarded. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said there was a very great differ- Lord PALMERSTON did not recommend that this vote ence of opinion out of the House, among Catholics, respecting should not be a precedent in any similar cases. He should be this measure. The Irish Prelates were to meet in a few days tidlighted if it were to be considered one, and that it wo u ld to di scuss t h e question, and their opinion could not reach the lead them to re war d i n an equally liberal manner services of Members in that House who might be influenced by it, till similar importance. It had been said by an Hon. Member Thursday next. He hoped, therefore, it would be postponed that the services of the army and navy had led to the negotia- till Thursday week, to await the result of that conference. tion which resulted in China. He (Lord Palmerston) did not Mr. DILLON BROWN concurred in pressing for a further deny the services of the army and navy, but this did not in the delay. smallest degree injure the character of those services which Sir Mr. HUME thought the reasons advanced for the postpone fienry Pottinger had rendered to his country. He entirely ment the very strongest that could be used for proceeding with agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet as to the principles which out delay.—( Laughter.) He could not understand what the should regulate the choice of persons for responsible situa- Irish Catholics had to do with this measure. Let them confine tions. He knew that it was impossible Ministers could be in- themselves to their own element, and as the present was a mea- Ilueneed by party or personal considerations. It ;must be the sure to give secular education to all classes of Irishmen, irre tebject of official men to appoint to confidential employments spective of religiousdistinctions, he thought neither a Protestant the most able and the fittest persons, without regarding what nor Catholic hierachy should be consulted upon it. He considered might please any individual.--( Hear, hear.) And the Minis- it would be very improper, as the measure was intended for the tars had done themselves great credit by the appointment ofSir general good of all classes, for either the Roman Catholic Henry Pottinger. —( Hear, bear.) He would say again that bishops or the Protestants to interfere in the matter. he felt the greatest pleasure in supporting this grant which Mr. SHEIL said, his Hon. Friend the late Member for would carry out the decided wish of the House of Commons Kilkenny had declared that the present scheme was entirely a who shared the responsibility in this case with the Govern- system of secular education, and therefore it met with his appro. ment.--( Hear, hear.) bation. Religio nti nultus sit should be the motto of the Hon. Mr. HUME said the grant would have the concurrence, not Gentleman. The Government on the other hand had de only of the House of Commons, but of the whole country.— dared that the measure was not exclusively a system of {Hear, hear.) He believed, from all that he had heard, that secular education. He (Mr. Shell) thought it was such was the heeling of all the leading men in manufacturing a signal error in not having, in the first instance, consulted and commercial concerns—( Hear, hear)—with the single ex- the opinions of the Irish Bishops. A synod of the Bishops had cepticia of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Williams), who said that the been held, in which they had expressed their condemnation of pension might have been avoided. No man had ever been the Bill in certain particulars; but at the same time they had more adverse than he (Mr. Hume) to unnecessary pensions.— given the Government every credit for the goodness of their (Hear, hear.) But he had never expressed any other opinion intentions. The Bishops, in the memorial which had been than this, that although he was anxious to take from the Crown transmitted to the Lord-Lieutenant, had pointed out objections the power of granting prodigal and unmerited pensions, yet he to the measure which were insuperable. The Government had always said that whenever it was iiroposed to give a pension were called upon to state how far they acquiesced in the views to a man who deserved it, he would support .such a grant— entertained by the Catholic Bishops. The Government under ( Hear, hear)—and such was the present case.—( Hear, hear.) took to give them every due consideration, with a view to His Hon. Friend said that Sir Henry Pottinger had done no their alteration. The Noble Lord the Member for London more than his duty, and had received his salary for that duty. had said he approved of the Bill, but not with the proposed Now he (Mr. Hume) would say diet if the negociations had alterations. The Right Hon. Baronet had been asked several been frustrated, and the salary had been paid for ten or a questions respecting the matter, one of which was, would he dozen years, the argument would have sonic force. But the consent to the appointment of a chaplain to the colleges profess greatest merit of Sir H. Pottinger was that, with such a ing either the Roman Catholic or the Protestant faith ; and people, and under such circumstances, he had brought matters secondly, whether he would acquiesce in the appointment of a to a satisfactory and beneficial conclusion so soon.—(Hear, Rpman Catholic Bihp by the Crown ? N definite answers hear.) He ad m i tte d t h e c l a i m of the naval and military ser- had yet been given s to o these questions, which had been delayed vices to the highest credit, but he did not think the great till the present time ; and he had come down with the full merits of Sir H. Pottinger, who directed all the movements, conviction that, on the present occasion, the Right were disparaned by that admission.—( Hear, hear.) And at Honourable Gentleman would inform the House on these the mine time he would express his opinion that the pension two important particulars whether any change was contem ought to date from the day when the treaty was concluded. plated by the Government. He advised the policy of com- After a few words from Mr. WILLIAMS, in explanation, municating fully with the Catholic Bishops before any further The question that 1,5001. per annum be granted to her Ma- steps be taken. jesty, for the purpose of bestowing a pension upon Sir Henry Mr. GOLQUHOUN co ns id ere d th a t i n any system of edu- Pottinggr, was agreed t o . cation that was proposed to be adopted by the House, it would The liouse then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be be most unconstitutional and hostile to the feelings of Eng• brought up on Thursday next, land, if, before the House had decided on the matter, any IRISH BANKING BILL. hierarchy, be they who they may, were called in to assist at On the order of the day for the third reading of this Bill, their councils.—( Hear.) Still more objectionable would it be Sir R. PEEL said (as we understood, for the Right Hon. to call to their councils a class of men who had assisted more Baronet spoke the few words in an exceedingly low and indis- strenuously and uniformly in the agitation promoted by the einct tone)—that the two amendments which had been intro. Hon. and Learned Member opposite for the dismemberment of duced into the Bill would, he believed, prove satisfactory. the empire. One of these related to the averages, and the other to the Mr. O'CONNELL—No, no.—No, no. issues. Mr. COLQUHOUN hoped the Hon. Member would allow Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN rose to move the amendment o f him to proceed, for he was not now on the floor of Conciliation which he had given notice. He had already stated his opi- Hall, but in the British House of Commons, which was usually pions of the measure, and he would not now occupy the House understood to be an assembly of gentlemen. He would say unnecessarily. He thought that if the Government had 00n- it would be prudent for the House not to consult the Irish fined itself to annulling the monopoly of the Bane of Ireland, Bishops, but their own temperate and unbiassed judgment. Was and to requiring security of the Banks, the measure would it fitting or proper that the House of Commons should be tam have been useful, bat in the circumstances of Ireland to pored with, and kept hesitating and delaying from day to day, restrict the circulation would be pernicious. He would not until the consent and approval of the Roman Catholic Bishops detain the House by the discussion of the general principles, had been obt a i ne d t o t h e measure. ( Hear, hear.) He but would proc ee d t o move— should never hear such a course hinted at without expressing " That it shall be lawful for any bank now existing in Ireland, against it his most resolute protest. He would ask the and which was not a bank of issue ota the 6th day of May, 1844, Hon. and Learned Member opposite what support he to invest in the Government Three-and-a-Quarter per Cent, had received from the Roman Catholic priesthood in influenc. Stock, any sum whatsoever, and transfer the same to the Corn- ing the people in the agitation of repeal. It was known that a missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, or such Catholic bishop, by the discipline of the Church, had autho other persons as the Lords of her Majesty's Treasury by war- rity to dispossess any priest of the revenues of his benefice, and rant under their hanOs and seals, sleall direct, to accept of such this power was used as an instrument for compelling the priests transfer; and thereupon the said Commissioners for the Re- to re-echo and confirm the sentiments of the bishop on any duction of the National Debt, or such other persons, shall question that might arise, and it had been used for promoting issue a certificate to such bank of the amount of stock so the spread of repeal. transferred, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for such Mr. O'CONNELL said he would not now enter into the bank to issue their own promissory notes payable to bearer on subject of repeal. He thought the Hon. Gentleman would be demand, to the amount of such stock so transferred : Provided an exceedingly bad member of Conciliation Hall. No Catholic always, that there shall not be a sum less than fifty thousand bishop could deprive any priest of his benefice who had been pounds of such stock so transferred at any one time. And be it regularly inducted into it. The Irish clergy never attempted enacted, that in the event ofthe said bank stopping payment, or be- to interfere or meddle with the education of the Protestants, coining bankrupt, that such stock shall be held in trust for the and he would claim for the education of the Catholics the same persons creditors of the said bank, who shall be holders of the immunity. Although he could not precisely agree with the said promissory notes of the said bank, at the time of such Right Hon. Baronet who stigmatised the present scheme as a stoppage of payment or failure: provided always, that the godless system of education, he had come over to insist on the said bank shall be entitled to receive the half yearly dividends absolute necessity of making religion the basis of their educe payable on the said stock, until stoppage of payment or bank- tion, and the total failure that would ensue if it were not ruptcy : provided also, that the said bank shall make returns made the basis. It would be no harm to treat the Roman of their issues of notes as the several banks of issue in Ireland Catholic bishops in a conciliatory manner. He would wish the shall be bound to make such returns under this Act, and that present discussion to be carried on in a spirit of amity. in case the issue of such bank shall exceed, at any one time, the Sir JAMES G RAHAM said he most cordially joined in the amount of such stock so transferred, that such bank shall be sentiment last uttered by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and liable to the same penalties as the several banks of issue, he hoped that no great difference of opinion would exist among shall be liable to for their excess of issue under the provisions them. The proposed scheme of education must be deeply in. of this Act : provided also, that in case of their withdrawal of teresting to the Roman Catholics, and although he was not their notes to an amount of fifty thousand pounds, or upwards, prepared to say that the Government would consent to summon from circulation, then on proving the same to the satisfaction of the Roman Catholic bishops to their counsels on this subject, the said Commissioners or the said persons so to be appointed, yet their opinion ought to be received with respect. In answer an equal amount of such stock shall be re-transferred to the said to the questio n o f th e Ri g h t H on. G entleman the Member for bank." Dungarvon, he did say that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had Mr. O'CONNELL, in seconding the motion that the reeeiveda deputation and memorial from the bishops. Some clause be brought up, thought that he might as well state at of their objections had been resolved by an explanation at the that opportunity what he had to say on this all. He was time. Since then no further communication had been afraid the Right Hon. Baronet was mistaken in supposing that made between the Lord-Lieutenant and the bishops. The his two amendment s wo u ld g i ve satisfactio n . There were present plan did not provide for relieieus i n thirty or f or ty b ranch b anks, in which it would be necessary the walls of the college, but no obstaclewould nstruction be put forth withi to to keep specie, and at which no notes would be issued. This prevent religious education being conducted without the walls. placed the Irish barks in a situation much worse than that of He would go further into the subject when he made the motion the Scotch banks, for the latter would be required to have no for going into Committee on the Bill. He would take the pre more than one sovereign for any note they issued, whereas sent opportunity of stating that a reasonable time would be the Irish banks would be required to have four sovereigns fo r afforded the people of Ireland for the full consideration of the every note they issued. Let them look to the Report of Lord measure, before the third reading, and any alteration that might Devon's Commission, and they would see that there were oe considered advisable would be attended to. He should 4,50,000 persons in Ireland in a state of deep destitution— postpone the motion for the Committee till Thursday next. without employment, without clothes, without dwellings Sir WALTER JAMES said he was greatly surprised at impervious to the rain—sleeping without blankets—feeding the observations of the Hon. Gentleman who had stated that upon a scanty supply of potatoes, and having no drink but the hierarchy of Ireland had taken an active part in promoting water. That was not his statement, but the statement of the the repeal agitation in Ireland. This was not the time for Earl of Devon. He believed the Government did not wish going into the conduct of the Roman Catholic bishops, though that state of things to continue. He believed they wished to he might observe that they had his sincere and hearty respect. alter it. But they would not alter it by restricting the circu- To a certain respect he sympathised with them, in their lation and the means o f em pl o y men t. Nobody paid money opposition to this measure. He could understand their to Ireland, but one-fourth o f the property of Ireland was ex- opposition to education of a scientific character, to teach pended to pay th e demands upon her. ow, by limiting the ing of a purely material and physical nature, and why circulation, the difficulty of payment would be increased. they should conceive such an education calculated to take away They ought, therefore, to expand instead of restricting the cir- attention from heavenly things. It was reasonable that such a oulation.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion, and in the opinion plan should call forth such an opinion as that which had been of those who were connected with banking in Ireland, that th e made against the measure. It was his opinion that much of the only thing wanted was to put down the monopoly of the bank of opposition which had been brought to bear against the measure Ireland. It was too late for him now to discuss the would have been saved if the principle of the Bill had been Bill, and he had to apologise to the House for applied under another name. It was said to be collegiate, speaking upon the subject at that hour; which instead of which it was more universitarian than collegiate in its be did only for the purpose of putting his opinion on character. He deeply regretted to live i n days when every record. Th e res t r i ct i on of the currency upon a f ormer occa- th eo l ogian was a politician, and every politician a theologian ; sion had caused as much misery in Ireland almost as the revo- yet every measure of such a character as that before the House lution caused in France ; mid he apprehended much similar was sure to be considered from such a point of view. suffering from this new restriction. The abolition of the Mr. JEPHSON considered that nothing could be more thirty-shilling notes would he severely felt, and would lower reasonable than the memorial of the Roman Catholic Bishops. the price of every article. He concluded by seconding the nib- Unless they were satisfied with the measure, it was perfectly tion, and thanking the House for its indulgence. useless for the Right Hon. Baronet to go forward with the Sir R. PEEL then made a few observations which, from the question. extremely low tone of his voice, were almost perfectly inaudible Mr. ROCHE only rose to state his great pleasure at the in the gallery. He was understood to say that he took a totally speech delivered by the Hoe. Baronet ( Sir Walter James). distinct view from the Hon. Gentleman of the principles on lie considered the best course was to allow the measure, after which this measure was founded. The stability of credit and the discussion which had taken place on it, to go into Ireland, the solvency of banks were, in his opinion, things which would there to be discussed previous to its final settlement. He was tend to the prosperity of Ireland. He had seen Ireland when delighted at this course, as he was sure it would lead to a good there was no restriction whatever to paper currency ; and he understanding regarding the general principle of the Bill. recollected that the same amount of poverty existed. He had After a few words from Mr. J. W. HOPE, seen cases of issuing where the reaction led to the failure of The Report of the resolution of the Committee was put almost every bank. He had seen almost every bank in the west and and agreed to. south of Ireland reduced to a state which rendered them unable to discharge their obligations. They ought to secure them selves against temporary excess. As to the security which no minal convertibility gave against the excessive issue of paper, he would not be betrayed into an argurneW on that matter. He desired that the banks would issue notes, governed in amount by the amount of specie which they held, and if such a rule were established they would have quite sufficient to prevent any embarrassment arising. The construction of railways in Ireland, and the facility of communication would of course in crease the transfe r o f spec i e. His belief was, that if the banks in Ireland were perfectly solvent, that there would exist in that country, as i n Scotland, no desire-to have gold in ex change for paper, provided the stability of that paper was se cured by pe r f ect confidencen the solven c y o f the banks. The Hon. Gentleman opposite (It , r. O'Connell) thought that the issue of paper ought rather to dependi on the commercial ede mand than on i ts own vain That was a d i ff erence o f prin ciple. If hi s principle prevailed, T of course the measure would not pass—they had a right to take every security that p aper H could be turn e d i nto gold. wished, as f ar as possible, to defer to th e w i s h es of the Irish Members, and h e t h ought that the institutio n o f four offices insteaci of one, an d t h e extension of thirteen mont h s, wgpld secure to the House the general ap_ probation of the measure. Mr. TRELAWNEY opposed the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet, as a system of restriction and interference with pe r _ feet free trade in banking. Mr. ROSS did not think it satisfactory that there should be conr places having credit for the amount of gold in the coffers, and that only two of them should be in the provinces. Mr. HA W' ES said that he thought that one object of the Right Hon. Baronet was to maintain paper in equal value with gold. Upon that ground he quite coneureed with him. Another object was to restrict the number of joint-stock banks in be im!. If they drew an inference from Scotland it would be the *rest of Ireland to have local joint-stock banks increased. He did' not think that the measure was one calculated to benefit Ireland, though that was evidently the intention of the Right Hon. Baronet. USUY L AWS. The CHANCELLOR of R the EXCHEQUER asked leave bring in a Bill to extend the present Usury Law, relative .0 Bills of short date.---Agreed tr ._ .0. TlAlBE gr_ fl SHIPS' BILL. The Timber Ships' Bill was read a second time and agreed to. SUPPLY. The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, and received. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past ten o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 16. Their Lordship met at Five o'clock. RAILWAYS. Messengers from the Commons brought up a number of railway Bills, which were severally read a first time. Earl FITZWILLIAM laid upon the table of the House the report of the Select Committee lately appointed to ascertain the best mode of satisfactorily adjusting disputes be tween landholders and railway companies relative to the pur chase of landed property Mr the purposes of railways. MAYNOOTH. The Bishop of London, the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Winchilsca, and the Earl of Breadalbane, presented a large number of petitions against the third reading of the Maynooth Bill. MESSAGE FROM HER MAJESTY—SIR HENRY POTTINGER. The Earl o f ABERDEEN moved the order of the day for taking into consideration her Majesty's message recommending their Lordships to concur with her in granting a pension of 1,5001. a year to Sir Henry Pottinger, K. C. 8., for the period of his natural life. The Noble Lords having uncovered, • The LORD CHANCELLOR read her Majesty's me ssage. The Earl of ABERD EEN then said, he rose to move an humble address to her Majesty, in answer to the message which she had sent to their Lordships, and in doing so, it would only be necessary to detain them for a very few minutes, for he had already had opportunities in that House of bearing testimony to the great merits of the distinguished person who, on the present occasion, was The CHANCHILLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the &awe. Solvency would be better secured by not establishing the we which were contained in the clause. 11% HUME did not think that the reasons which had been the object of her Majesty's gracious consideration. He had not been sparing In those expressions of admiration and praise of that conduct which was considered by her Majesty to be so justly done. Those sentiments had found an echo throughout the whole country. In every part of the kingdom, whether in England, Scotland, or Ire land, Sir H Pottinger had been welcomed with enthusiasm, and every effort had been made to do him honour. But it was clear that the vast majority of those persons who had so united in expressing such opinions, had very little means o f d u l y estimating the real merits of Sir Henry Pottinger. They looked upon the bound less field which he had opened to British enterprise, and to that inexhaustible source of commercial wealth and prosperity, which, by his means, had been rendered accessible to their fellow -countrymen. But he felt it his duty to say that the real merits of Sir H. Pottinger would have deserved their Lordships' approbation and the ap probation of the Sovereign equally as much if his exertions in China had not been attended by such magnificent results--for through his whole conduct in China it was his (the Earl of Aberdeen's) good fortune in the relation which he stood towards him to bear testimony to the conduct which he pursued. Sir Henry Pottinger in being called to service in China was removed from a service and from a school to which he (the Earl of Aberdeen) might be permitted to say the State had been greatly indebted. He knew not how it was, but whether from long habits of self reliance or from taking part in great affairs, the fact was that the service of the East India Company had produced men who, by the energy of their characters and the statesmanlike views which they entertained, were peculiarly qualified to con tend successfully with the greatest difficulties, and to confer most signal advantages on their country. When Sir H. Pot tinger went to China, he found the negotiation in a state of complete confusion, and the utmost difficulty was placed in his way to bring the matter to a right adjustment He had been engaged in the direction of both the naval and military forces —he might say, of the largest force that had ever left this country—and had, under a variety of circumstances, suc ceeded in giving peace to the empire. He had united, in the most wonderful manner, those qualities which had enabled him to consolidate the efforts of both the services, and had so suc ceeded in executing the duties of his office, as to convert hatred and suspicion into confidence and friendship. It was the exer cise of those strong faculties with which he was so extraordi narily gifted, and it was under the most difficult circumstances, that he had, after having exhibited his high qualities in the sphere of India, followed it up in China with the same energy and success. During the whole of the time in which he had been employed in China, though it !fad been a great effort with the Government to furnish him with as precise instruc tions as they could possibly give, yet much had, of necessity, been left to his own discretion ; and there was not, throughout the whole of his pro ceedings, a single act which had not met with the approba tion of her Majesty's Government. He would not enter into details, but he would g i ve t h e resu l ts of the negotiations in which Sir H. Pottinger had been engaged, and which were highly satisfactory to the country. By the returns which had been given of the British imports into Canton in 1844, there had been 3,451,0001., and 3,383,000/. of exports. Such was the result in one of the ports of China, and their Lordships would be able to judge of the effect which would be wrought on British commerce with the whole of China. The northern ports showed equal returns, and with Shanghai and Amoy especially the commerce was largely increasing. By the re port of the intelligent gentleman who acted as Consul at Can ton the whole of the trade with China was conducted in the most orderly and satisfactory manner, and ever since the en gagements had been formed the treaty had been fulfilled in every respect by the Chinese Government to the letter. But however great this success, and however great the trade which had been opened by it, it was necessary to preserve it with both moderation and justice towards those with whom we had to deal. Without more words he would read the message of her Majesty, and move a resolution, " that their Lordships would cheerfully concur in giving effect to her Majesty's gracious consideration of the services of Sir H. Pottinger." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Noble Earl had truly stated that other opportunities had arisen for noticing the celebrated individual who had now been brought under their consideration by her Majesty's message. It was a singu lar fact, that while Sir Henry Pottinger had received instruc tions from one Government, and had other instrucitons from another, he had succeeded in enjoying the confidence of both Governments. He was glad to learn that a reward was pro posed for services which had conferred such a high benefit on the country. If her Majesty's Government had gone further, and conferred the highest reward which had been given for diplomatic services, he believed that their Lordships would have been quite ready to justify it; hut he knew how much the Government were bound by precedents, and therefore he thought that on this account they were not to be blamed. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that upon the subject of the merits of Sir Henry Pottinger he would say nothing, con curring as he did in the meed of praise now awarded to him, but in common justice to Sir Hugh Gough, Sir W. Parker, and the other officers who had served with so much zeal, energy, and ability under them, and who had carried into effect the instructions of Sir Henry Pottinger, he could not allow that vote to pass without recording his appreciation of those great services. It was well known that the Chinese were not reasoned into a a peace but were beaten into it by arms, and there appeared to be a strange misconception entertained with respect to the naval and military operations that were then carried on. These were not under the directions of Sir Henry Pottinger, nay more, they were against his directions. He had every wish to give his tribute of praise to Sir Henry Pot tinger's civil services, but he thought that the army and navy were not to be overlooked on such an occasion. The House of Commons bad expressed their approbation of those services, and Sir Hugh Gough had obtained a reward of the greatest emolument in consideration of them, but where, he would ask, was the re ward of Sir Wm. Parker? If he had only defeated a few ves sels in a single engagement, he might have expected at least a little notice, but his services were .carried over a period of seve ral months, in shallow water of difficult navigation, and over ' no less than seventy vessels, with the most consummate suc cess. He thought, in conclusion, that he was bound, from a sense of public duty, as well as in justice to the individuals con cerned, and with whom he 'sad co-operated in carrying out these splendid results, to record his appreciation of their deserts on the present occasion. The Earl of HADDINGTON said that if his Noble Friend had been aware of the discussions which had taken place in that and the other House of Parliament, he would have known that the thanks of Parliament were conveyed to both those Gallant Officers for their exertions on the occasions referred to. He was certain that no one who was present could forget the language which the Noble Duke on his right hand had used on that occasion. He did not, however, confine his remarks to Sir H. Gough. The order of the Grand Cross of the Bath had been conferred on the Illustrious Admiral, Sir William Parker, and shortly after his return home a baronetcy had been conferred on him. Since that the most important command at the disposal of her Majesty's Government had been given to him. He had been appointed to the command of the Medi terranean fleet. He would not enter into a comparison of the naval and military operations that were then carried on, be lieving as he did th at t h e successful results which Sir H. Pot linger had achieved were partly attributable to both; and Parliament was desirous to record their appreciation of those services. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH was well aware ef the ap pointment which had been conferred on Sir W. Parker, but his Noble Friend had not touched upon the point of honour. Another officer, perhaps, could not be got so well qualified to take the command in the Mediterranean. The Earl of HA DDINGTON said that there were officers equally well qualified to take that command. The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH said that, with the excep tion of Sir George Cockburn, there was not an officer in the service so well qualified. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped that nothing which fell from him could be construed into any disparagement of the services of Sir Wm. Parker. So far from saying anything to his disparagement, he would be sorry to omit anything he knew that would tend to the praise of that great admiral—for he would call him a great admiral—but he thought that after the greatest command in the habitable globe had been conferred upon hie, any eulogium from him as to his merits was per. fcctly unnecessary. After a few words in explanation from the Earl of GLEN GAL, the address was agreed to. MAYNOOTH. Lord R ODEN presented a number of petitions from various parts of Ireland against the grant to Maynooth. TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS ON SUNDAYS. A Right Rev. PRELATE presented a petition from Sussex against any unnecessary traffic on railways on Sundays. MAYNOOTH. On the order of the day for the third reading of the College of Maynooth Bill being read, Lord CAMPBELL said, as he presumed it was not the intention of the Noble Earl (the Earl of Winchilsea‘, to bring forward the notice which he had on the books v: a c i i the Bill had been read a third time, it being in the nat.„ r „ f a clause to be added to the Bill, he would shortly s t ate t h e grounds on which he should support the measure. No doubt the Bill would be carried by an overwhelming enejority ; but r the results to be expected from it very much depended on the IsepdirtitheinGwehviecrhnmitenwtouteld pbreeppeassesedit,. and He on we th e wh i c h e an r x e i a e s e o e ns te state that he did not support the measure from any apprehension of agitation, or from any dread of a k,reign war. If these were the reasons on which he and others supported it, they would have the effect o f p l ac i ng Mr. ( J'Connell on a higher pinnacle than that he had occupied, sin'.*his trial. Neither did he sup port the Bill b ecause the C iovernment had gai ne d a tr i umph over education, because t / .re Gov ernment was now strong, and could afford to be geneilous, and might therefore bestow a boon which it might otherwise withhold,—but he could not help stating that 'their measures towards Ireland had hitherto been unfortunate,., A Noble Friend (the Marquis of Clanricarde) on Friday gavC, a true statement of the public mind in Ireland. He (Lord Campbell) did not support the measure, merely on thd notn,:t th a t i t was to supply a defect in former grants—be di proceed merely upon the dilapidated state of the build ing, or on the wretched condition of the students, for he thought it was a sufficient answer to the arguments that had been brought forward against this measure oh religious ' , rounds, that it was only a continuation of former grants; but if it were merely to be considered as an isolated measure and nothing mere were to be done, he doubted whether evil instead of good might not be expected. He could not sup port the measure as a step to the endowment of Roman Ca tholic Churches in Ireland, out of the public revenue, while the Protestant Church of Ireland retained its present monstrous dimensions.—( Hear, hear.) He was fully convinced that they never could expect peace in that country until there was complete equality between Protestants and Roman Catholics, on civil and religious grounds. He supported the measure, because he considered •it a Parlia mentary recognition that hereafter in Ireland Protestants and Roman Catholics were to be dealt with alike. He would venture with confidence to point out a plan by which Ireland could be governed, and by which Ireland might be rendered peaceful, prosperous, and contented. Let them place the Ro man Catnolics and the Protestants of Ireland on exactly the same footing. With so much and no less would the Roman Catholics be contented. He did not complain of the exist. ence of the Episcopal Protestant Church in Ireland, because he could not place any faith in the voluntary principle. It was he thought the duty of the State to provide religious instruction for all classes of the people ; but it was a lament able fact that, hitherto, those who had been most in need of religious instruction had been left entirely destitute of it. It seemed to him, however, very important for the character of the clergy themselves, that they should not depend for aub sistence entirely upon their flocks, but that they should be rendered independent, and thus remove their apprehension s of becoming unpopular, and prevent their resorting to un worthy acts for the purpose of obtaining a decent living. There were from 7,000 to 8,000 persons in Ireland of the Episcopalian persuasion, and it was highly becoming that their re',igious wants should be amply provided for. Far be it, therefor e , from him to sanction any measure which should have the I east ten dency to take the whole of their rights and privileges from them ; but he could not forget that there were 7,000,000 of Roman Catholics in Ireland who were required to obey the law, who were required to contribute to the public revenue, who were re quired to defend the State by their personal services, and yet they were refused the same facilities for obtaining religious in struction.—(Hear, hear.) While there was no prospect of Roman Catholics being converted to the faith of the Estab lished Church, their clergymen, who were to instruct them, ought to be well educated. There were errors in the Roman Catholic religion, and no one could dislike them more than he did ; but the question was not whether there were errors, but whether these who were attached to it should receive instruction in the tenets they p ro f esse d trom ignorant or educated men— whether they should live entirely upon the subscriptions of cipate its effects. A new generation vas springioffui witnessing the good intentions and practical g00d,..c0 rie l vernment, would yield all the gratitude and obea; s , i such good deserved. He would conclude by re; 0 ' extract from Burke, in whose policy this Bill b 3 " 1 ,,b, —4' I spoke on the supposition that there Will be ' to take things as you find them, whether it be i th 4 Catholic, or consist of both. Hitherto the P 1110 I vernment was to sacrifice the prosperity t iv il try to ideas of religious improvemet; %to W I " oli s ple in power at length came to ,46 00 a -, ideas, and consider good order , decorum, l'"04 rality, and legislate accordingly, they would do 10 Ode by all the polemical discussions which had oeour j lisdou beginning of the world.' T he Noble 3lar4 Ms_ pre* saying he would give his hear t y sanction to the for of the Bill. The House then divided , when there sPeel'-' third reading— Contents 10 1 Present .... ........... ... ................ 17 HO Proxies .................................... .... •••••' IRE Tllp rte b- 'Ar i 'Uli the I lya: I ig t q ° I IGE 1 the e a e rt t 1 , 1 JOHN 1 4 ' 6 '4et A of a S i . 0 -rats min 141, 4 , t ion at '" e ir attei 4Pee It E PLy3 igeZers Non Contents 4 DDiy fn 1f1...:.r pa DEF Present.. ............. 1 0 . 0 Proxies ... ....... ........... ..... • e ...................... , Majority for the third reading., .. On our entering the Pouse, 00 1 1 "11 The Earl of WINCHILSEA was speaking 0 1 ste the passing of the Bill, and contended that the lif Proper course was to dissolve the Commons 110°40 merit. This wan a e g b rea t constitutional q ; z4 uestion next election the people of England would retro .70 and give by their vote a sufficient assurance ts} l of Pig. sure was contrary to the sense of the peeP f fe eliw,k was aware that he spoke with such wartoth °, to gr- - he was induced to fear that he was not a peic%det —( Hear, hear, and " No.") The Govern mot u oto g they lived was a hereditary monarchy, though in it was uncontrolled. They had proposed a r e hietilla if it had been proposed by the Noble Lord P . _ ,.it one individual opposite would have voted in its Del b/ .. thought that if it was passed it ought to be pas?! . # whose principles assimilated with it. He woultctle gir o /4 liberty to all, but he could not think how 0 ., I) . e s ea Lords who had that evening addressed the Howes it was a member of the Catholic religion; ;; 00 0 t that e h was prepared to submit the 5 , goose , were read at Maynooth College to their Lordship , ere it was The h t l e i e c a l ause passed. lieving as he must do, 'that the doctrines taugubitd,wthere anti-social, disloyal, and intolerant Ile l o f three l i e move as an amendment that, after the expiratiosc of th i s A no Afterf ur t h e a r fseuvrin wordssh oul should from beg Lordrante diloßro thes.r.rr: and the ,rnorne d • 1 4 - Their Lordships h t five ' to one , t..22:122,............--Tunutes wo ‘ r ‘ d it s i vi d- hi m 'et e i _____------------ . serned as a motto ds Shakspeare it T . II E THEA,,x'- 4 , itS , . i ca o hn f ad ß ni e tir a ee u rs t sa y eew a e n hn i o l t, Love," and they migh t be ll° i ll f: be ilrhi-st r ePilegje 1 , a real D R i v ''. ar " s uc " ades membered Madame Anna Thillon, was negatived without a division, be not inappropriately assumed as 3 ° IC " g O" parture draws ni Drury every evening, but alas! fade, , i i s , h bu b , a y ns h oe h e u'E r e r r ln p f pg° : wluw w s i its c n e l sh i l r n s Eewi n a n o t :te i Inc o ohb o a aata n s nnhn s te): Lt i tt , . e 9:11: i 1611: c s :Dt tt i nehei r ! s r a: : : . 'tiodPgi;;Pl: : l: i ! e ll e l' g " e rete i r i sr e1:181 " All that's bright must „ te st.' Th is si de, t he The brightest still the Dee We are soon doomed lo lose The En. -- A 0 t h e terra titled Nat/,alie followed, last w o f h er . eek but one of her enga ement, an. gen} t° wat g f ttrac:ion nd pew .... Last night the theatre crovrded to , , ore eh ar let e .A T'' Thillon in better voice —never did sbe sine more Dew - dee" never did she act with greater fascinatin. . _ re Weiss ~..,,,,i, spirit that we could almost fancy Belle Louise , ipg fief 50 Made° „ Gitana ' withtaste and e''' '' len. " dancer 0- selles Louise and Silvain reat _ 130 _ 4 doe . 0 gave us tn. . b Da tion si gn wit h the herself o bo . ' is thebest in d whichaticing :psadhne;e:''' d ifiTa'...cti' the stage. She is so thoroughly trin . ,,, Sens te ii 0 ' ti b a ret w as e'Ln ' le was doming the " Bolero " .Th e cessful. ki lter aPAlica th, I, tte order 444 ,► th e 7.,? f A •teui v l b* h " alto : P Dlicatic ThQ seanle. N ett Z y hln , ~doa, Jun LONE g 0 L 44 F . Zs f ( t l t li ttp 11. "t E tt4. 4 1 4 :0111 ketH —re and .:01,1481 1 .„14Zle, ZAteh,, - -.ere *11 11) r&atetklit ;ISDA 1 I'VJNI their flocks, or be p ar ti a ll y d epen d ent upon the State. And why should not the Roman Catholics and Protestants of Ireland associate together harmoniously in the same way that they did in Scotland, Russia, or France ? He certainly would not support the Bill, as being the first step to the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church out of the public funds, because he thought a portion of the revenues of the Established Church ougbt to be appropriated to that purpose. A good deal had been said about the murder and persecution committed by the Roman Catholics of Ireland, but, on the other hand, had not the Protestant Church, at some periods of its history, been equally as persecuting and just as tyrannical ?_( Hear, hear.) Did their Lordships forget the cruel murder of Archbishop Sharp in Scotland, whose murderers were aft erwards rewarded by the Church and the State for their cruelty? Let them hear, then, no snore about th e d om i neering and perse. cuting spirit of the ' Roman Catholics of Ireland. But he was inclined to think it was the wish and the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to deal with Ireland in a more liberal spirit, and passing from the religious to the political question of justice to Ireland, he trusted, ere long, they would see an extended system of registration introduced into Ireland, which should place its constituencies on the same footing as those of England. It had been said, however, that there was no use in making concessions to Ireland, because, the more they con ceded, the more the people demanded, and even when they got what they asked for, they were not contented. They had heard a vast deal, too, of the ingratitude of the Irish people; but let him tell the House, that if they conceded to Ireland all that she was entitled to demand, and her people were still dissatisfied, then would be the time for them to com plain. When the Irish people had been treated on an equality with the English—could any Noble Lord point out to him a period in the history of the two countries, anything which could at all show that Ireland had been treated as fairly and as liberally as England ? No ' • it was quit e out of the power of Noble L or d s to do any such thing, and until her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects were placed on an equality with Pro testants, Ireland would still have a right to demand further concessions. Lord Grey's administration went out of dice without the opportunity of completing their intentions. Sir R. Peel's Government was formed at the end of 1834, and was so speedily dissolved, that there was no time for him or his Lord-Lieutenant to carry out their kindly disposed measures for the benefit of the people. Then came the Government of Lord Melbourne, under which those measures of conciliation were taken which made Mr. Sheil a Privy Councillor, and gave Mr. Moore O'Ferrall a place at the Admiralty. During the whole of the five years which followed, the cry of repeal died away. In 1841 a contested election took place for the city of Dublin. There were two candidates on what was called the liberal side, and two on the other. On the one side there was Mr. O'Connell, and on the other Mr. Hutton, the declared enemy of repeal ; and yet at the close of the poll Mr. Hutton was within ten votes of Mr. O'Connell, who was the very head of the repeal movement. What would be the case now if a candidate were to start for that city? Would it be believed that he would gain twenty votes. If the Government had adopted five years ago the same conciliatory tone which they had afterwards taken up, they would have had an easy task; but it was declared that concession had reached its utmost limit, and what the result had been their Lordships had seen. These men had been placed in office. They were men of unblemished character, men of the highest honour, but they had been disregarded. But he would only say that it was to him no wonder that the cry of repeal had been raised. The Irish people had learned that they were to get nothing by voluntary concession, and they thought that their only appeal was to force. He did not wish to touch on any irritating topic —(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches)—he might say something of the monster meetings, he might say some thing of the Irish prosecutions, and of the way in which they were conducted. He might say something also of the way in which they were concluded.--( Hear, hear.) But he was glad to see that for the future the Irish people were not to be treated as aliens in politics and religion. He was glad to see that the Noble Lord opposite was likely to have a long tenure of office.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Government last year had carried the Dissenters Chapel Bill. They had this year carried the Maynooth Bill by large majorities, and they had it now in their power,with the support of his own side of the House, to carry other measures equally useful, and he trusted that that would ultimately be effected for which he had always contended—the endowment of the Roman Catholic priest. hood. Yet though it might induce a large exclusion from office of himself and his friends, he should still rejoice at the advancement of a generous and friendly policy towards Ireland. The Bishop of LLANDAFF said that the old principles of supporting the royal family on the throne had been so brought iu question, that the term of concession had reached its limits was a correct phrase. There were one or two points which had been very erroneously stated, but so long as the principle was upheld the connexion of the monarchy with the Protestant religion must be maintained. These two points had been his torically misstated. There was but one church, one faith, one creed in the world ; and though they might differ as to which was the purest church, yet there was no question as to the existence of the church. When, by what he must take the liberty of calling--and what was in reality &dispensation of Provi dence —this country was freed from the tyranny of a man who saw himself thwarted in some of his favourite views, the Church reformed itself, and was not affected by any outward power. In the early part of the time of Elizabeth the Church had been established in all its purity, and every member of the faith communicated with it. The church of Rome had thrown the Church of England off. She had repudiated and excommuni cated all who partook of her rites. But the Church still went on, and was not disturbed in any of her positions, so that it was only simple error to say that the revenues of the Church had been transferred to the other. When he called the Esta blished Church of this country a continuation of the ancient church, he thought their earliest recollections would come in to aid the position which he had put before them. This was done, not by direct effect of authority, but by the vitality always ex isting in a Christian community they had continued the usages of the Church after its polity was changed. It was an error then to say that the revenues had been taken from one church and transferred to the other, for it was all the same Church only altered in features. There was one argument broug l at forward in favour of the Bill which he could not give his sanction to, namely that it was not the doctrines on which the grant was conferred but the number of people who professed those doc trines. He thought that such an ar7,Uraent was one o f th e most perni c i ous ten d ency. He w:suld not however detain their Lordships any longer, but l oelievi n as he did th a t t h e grant was inco ns i s t ent w i th 0 - 40 principl es of the reformation, inconsistent with the civil slid religious liberties of this country, and an stmt of those no.'ole institutions which were established previous to the o ho s; of the illustrious family who at pre. sent occupied the ' , :nrone, he could not give his sanction to it, and would therr,iore move that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord CA MPBELL said that he was far from being an enemy to the Protestant Church, and he did not consider that any appropriation of its funds, such as he had suggested, would in the least degree impair its usefulness. fheEarl of EL LENBOROUGH did not concur with the Noble and Learned Lord. He thought that the Church of England and Ireland was one Church, and it would be as unjust that the superfluities of York should go to supply the wants of Cornwall or Kent, as that the funds of the Established Church in Ireland should be taken to supply the Catholic religion there. He thought that such a proposition was unjust; and he intreated the Noble Lord, and all who concurred with him, to pause before they entertained such a suggestion. If once they countenanced so monstrous a proceeding it was impossible to say what would be the end of such an unprecedented interfe rence with the just rights of the Established Church in Ire. land.—( Hear, hear. ) The Earl of SHREWSBURY said that reliious controversy ought to be eschewed in that House ; but he g could not v , as a Catholic, allow the denunciations which had been frequently poured out in the course of the present debate against the Catholic religion, to pass without recording his decided protest against them. This religion, he it remembered, numbered among its followers, both in times past and at present, the most illustrious men the world ever saw, and he would ven ture to say that it would continue to do so for all tin , o come. If Noble Lords who had alluded, with mu to c h eloquent vituperation, to the doctrines taught had moved that a copy of the "Catechism of the Council Maynooth, of Trent, which had been published in of that College, should be placed on th . , table, or in the hands of every Member of their Lordshi- . '.829, by a professor House, an opportunity would be given to sift those . made. It was really mo.ustruus, however, to state, as garges which had been many of their Lo r d .stiips had done, without the least proof of such an assertion, that all who were professors of that r ".stigion were sunk in superstition and idol- Ho was Catholic not only in obedience to the church and , he d, atry. , w ho incule a t '4 that faith, but from a serious investigation, and a cute ' rd of the truth of the Catholic religion aged those Lords who had indulged in these calum nr.s misrepresentations, to substantiate a single one of them. :se could not help also contrastin g the conduct of the Catholic Afembers of that House, when speaking of the Protestant re ligion, who, although twelve in number, never, as far as he knew, allowed a single word to escape them disparaging the doctrines of that religion. He should not have dwelt upon this part of the subject at all, but from the pertinacity with which those charges had been reiterated, and which, though refuted a thousand times over and over again, were still jbrought forward with all the freshness of novelty. He would ust briefly allude to one or two of the misstatements which had been made in reference to the doctrines taught at May nooth.—The Noble Lord then read a document purporting to come from a body calling themselves the Censors of the Anti-Maynooth Committee, which states, that there are eleven works containing doctrines of a persecuting tendency read as class-books in Maynooth, and it turned out that only three of the books which they enumerated were read there, and only as books of reference, and the doctrines which were contained in them were precisely opposite to those which were taught in the regular class-books of Maynooth. The Noble Lord then re, ferred to a passage in " Menochius," one of those books of re ference, where an inference is drawn that Christ sanctioned the doctrine of putting heretics to death. So far (continued the Noble Lord) from concurring in such an opinion, or in any passages of a similar tendency, they were not only objected to, but strongly deprecated by the authorities and professors of the College, and are never referred to unless for the purpose of refutation. He might as well say, that because Cranmer burnt the Socinians, the present humane and virtuous Primate was anxious to try his hand upon the same ex periment. And he might go on suggesting cases of this nature ; but he would only content himself by remarking that there would be always these notions in dispute between the two Churches. All he asked the House, there fore, was to give the same right of thinking and exercising their opinions upon these matters to the Roman Catholics, as they gave to the Protestants. The Catholic clergy were un exampled in the discharge of their religious duties, and un surpassed, if not unequalled, in their loyalty, but still, Noble Lords had been unmeasured in their abuse of them and the Jesuits of France. If the people of Ireland wanted any strong ground for repeal, it was to be found in the language which had been indulged in by some Noble Lords on this question. itut he wished to depart from these attacks to say a few word s on the principle of this measure.—( Hear, hear.) It would be remembered that the tenets which were so obnoxious to some Noble Lords, were some time ago proscribed by the laws of this country, and what was it that had placed them in their present position ? It was not any alteration in their Lordships' opinion that had produced the change, but it was beca use in I reland the influence of the Catholic commu nity had gradually increased, unt il t h e Government of the country were u na bl e to refuse them their rights. Their first grant to Itlaytiooth was based upon that principle, and the prin. ciple had ever since been gradually advancing. The question before them was not one of polemics. It was a question of popul ar r i ghts. Were it a question of polemics, he would have pr ec i se l y t h e same right as the Noble Lord, who moved an amendment on a former occasion, every time an Eccle siastical Bill came before them, to demand that the doctrines of the Establishment be inquired into and explainen. But it was not a question of polemics, but one of right and justice; and if their Lordships refused even to sanction the measure, it would be;tantamount to returning to their illiberal and unwise system of dealing with Roman Catholics. It therefore only remained for him to thank the Government for having brought the measure forward, and to urgently entreat th s now in its l as t s t age ant to relax in their efforts to car r y it. The Duke of MANCHESTER spoke a few words in ex planation. The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished to know whether the Government had authorized the Governor of Malta to con sent to the establishment of a Jesuit college there ? Lord STANLEY replied that a representation had been made to Government from Malta, of the great defi ciency of establishment, for education in that island, which had rendered it necessary for the inhabitants to send their children to be educated in Italy and Sicily. Under these circumstances Xa, .1 Ti VE 17, '"1845. a question had been raised whether the brother or an Hon. Member of the other House should be allowed to establish at his own expense a school in Malta for the education of Roman Catholic children. That question was still under the consi deratien 'Government. No school could be established in Malta without the licence of the Governor, and that licence had hitherto never been refused. The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether the gentleman alluded to was a member of the Jesuit Society, Lord STANLEY was understood to say, he believed the gentleman belonged to a Jesuit college. The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether any communi cation had been held on the subject of thin Bill with the Pope of Rome, Lord STANLEY replied that no direct communication ever took place between this country and the Pope of Rome ; but on the present occasion, as on others of a similar nature, the agent of the British embassy at Florence had certainly carried en an indirect communicatien with the Papal Court. The Duke of NEWCASTLE considered that it was cri minal in the State to encourage the Roman Catholic religion, which was both superstitious and idolatrous, if those who pro fessed it set up images which they worshipped. That doctrine was founded in error, and was contrary to all religion. He ob. jected to the grant being paid out of the funds of this country, and understood that when the College of Maynooth was esta blished, that it was projected as an experiment, and not as an institution to be permanently supported and endowed by the State. The people would not be satisfied with the measure, for they had evinced the greatest dissatisfaction since Catholi Emancipation was granted to them ; so that it was absurd to suppose that this measure would conciliate them, and render them quiescent. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington) said, in introducing the Bill, " that no one in his senses" The Duke of WELLINGTON —No, no. The Duke of NEWCASTLE_I say, yes. lam not to be put down by " No." The Noble Duke said " that no man in his senses would now think, the Government and the Parlia ment being against them, that they could ever have a chance of carrying their point (repeal), as they were so beaten down, so thoroughly unable to raise the standard of rebellion again, that it was desirable to he exceedingly liberal and to conciliate as much as possible." He (the Duke of Newcastle) held that jthe peace and prosperity of this country would be greatly in ured if they passed the measure. The situation in which the Queen was placed, with respect to this measure, by her Go vernment, whose conduct he deprecated, was most painful, for they were requiring her to do that which was contrary to the oath which she swore at her coronation —that she would hold the Established Church inviolate. He conceived, also, that the sentiments of this country were against the measure. He thought that there ought to be no barracks without a chapel of the Church of England attached to them. All this was un lawful, especially by the Emancipation Act. There was another Act which made it unlawful to establish a Jesuit's College any where, and he believed that those who were engaged in the es tablishment of these colleges subjected themselves to a premu nire. He did think that any attempt to establish a college at all was contrary to the Constitution, and though he felt bound to apologize for the very imperfect manner in which he had stated his views, he yet felt bound to state them, and he should vote for the motion of the most Rev. Prelate. The Duke of WELLINGTON felt bound to explain what he had said in a former debate, and it was this, that he felt assured that it was utterly out of the power of any man, by tumult, intimidation, or violence, to force the question of repeal. He had not said a word about agitation. He had not said a word about tumult. And he never thought that any Act could be forced throongh the House by tumult or violence; and if the Noble Duke was of opinion that it could be, he was the only man of sense that was of that opinion. He would beg to remind their Lordships that this was a Bill to amend an Act of Parliament, and he had never heard that it was unlawful to amend an Act of Parliament. The Noble Duke had stated a variety of circumstances to show that it was unlawful, but he must say that was not the opinion of other Noble Lords. They must either repeal the Act altogether, which he did not think was at all likely, or they must pass it as they had done heretofore by large majorities. If this were necessary when the population was only 3,000,000, it was still more so when the population had increased 250,000. When he had spoken in a former debate of making provision for the decencies of life in a college in which there were 500 students, ha meant that they should not be two and three in a bed—( A laugh, and cheers)—or that there should be four in a room. If they meant to give education to the members of the college, it should be such an education as would render then) equal to their several duties. They had not only to obtain an influential power with their flocks, but also a social influence in the community, and it should be recollected that this could not be obtained without an education which should in some way place them on an equality with the parties with whom they had to associate. Their business was to associate with the higher classes, and it was the object of this Bill to place them in such a position as to render them fit to be the associates of gentlemen of property and position. This he presumes! was what the Noble Lord behind him meant by making them gen tlemen, and what he meant by giving them the decencies of life. This was the opinion entertained in that part of the country, and it was vain he thought to go back. They could not go back to such a state of things as existed fifty years since. All he asked of them was that they should carry out this mea sure in a way worthy of this great country, and that they should establish this institution according to the spirit in which it bad first been founded. They certainly could not accom plish this on cheaper terms than those which had beet, pro posed. There was another part of the question which related to the endowment. What was the question with regard to endowment ? Was this the first Act by which that endowment was effected ? He would contend that it was not, for the en dowment was in fact effected by the very first Act of Parlia ment which had conferred the 8,0001., and that question was therefore set at rest. It mattered little whether it was a small sum or a large sum, for between them in the way of prin ciple there was no difference whatever. But then, as his Noble Friend had stated, there was an argument in the fact that this vote had been an annual one, but he would contend that the very first year, when in 1795 the grant had been made, the endowment was effected, and it mattered little whether the grant was for 9,0001. or 15,0001. the legality of the grant was the same. In the one case in which any alte ration had been adopted it had been made by a Minister for whom he entertained the highest respect. He was a good Minister, a highly respectable Minister, and one whose memory ought to be held in great veneration. He meant Mr. Per cival. That Minister had made an increase to 9,0001. a-year in consquence of the increase of the number of stu dents. That was the rule of equity, and it mat tered not whether the rule mere considered in the House or not, but it was most desirable that these discussions should be avoided, and that the grant should be a permanent one, but also on other grounds. It should be recollected that the education of these persons occu pied a period of years, and it was necessary that those whose duty it was to instruct these students should have some assur ance that their salaries should not be stopped. Their labours were of the highest importance. They were men of learning and position, and it was not reasonable that men of this cha racter should be turned adrift at a moment's notice ; and the mere differs ice therefore between the grant being annual and its being permanent did not in any way affect the Bill.— (Hear, hear.) Another point arose out of the impression that the institution of Maynooth was a corporation. But that was a mistake. It was not a corporation. It possessed none of the powers of a corporation. The Act of Parliament by which it was founded expressly defined the powers by which this institution was founded, and the Act of 43 Geo. 111., by which the previous Act was renewed and confirmed, expressly stated that the persons in vested with authority and power as the rulers of the uni versity, had none of the powers of a corporation. The pream ble stated that this Act was passed in order to perform the duties of their calling and position. The institution was not an ecclesiastical, corporation, but it was an eleemosynary col lege. The ordinary here had no power of visitation which was to 'oe made by the officers of the Crown. This visitation w .es to be made by an officer of the Government, under the authority of an Act of Parliament. But he could not assent to the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, whet had risen in the early part of the debate (Lord Campbell), who had given hi s reasons for voting for the third reading of the Bill. He (the Duke of Wellington) should disclaim all the reasons which that Noble and Learned Lord had given for his support to the Bill. This measure was not intended to be the forerunner of any other measure. It was to stand by itself. He felt that the Church of England as established in Ireland was founded according to the principles of the Constitution. He had taken the. Oath of Supremacy, and he must say that he was bound to support that church. They were bound to sup port the supremacy of the Protestant Church, and he would assure the Most Rev. Prelate that the same principle had been preserved in this Bill which had been observed from the com mencement of the reign of Geo. 111. to the Act of 1829. He felt, therefore, that it was absolutely incumbent upon her to uphold the maintenance of the Protestant Church in Ireland. The question had always been surrounded by difficulties, and he did not see any solution to those difficulties in any of the prepositions which had ever been made to Parliament. The principle which they were now applying had been used ever since the establishment of the reformed religion in this country. It was upon this that the universities, colleges, and schools of the country had been founded, and if it were changed they would have to alter the whole system of ecclesiastical polity in the country, and interfere with every sect of religious opinion in the community. According to the opinion of his Noble Friend behind him the course was perfectly clear, but he thought that the objects which his Noble Friend wished to serve would not be made out. They might go ten years back, or a hundred years, and he feared that his Friend's position would not be improved. The Earl of WICKLOW had thrown all that overboard, The Duke of WELLIN GTON was glad to hear that he had thrown all that overboard, for he feared that if he went back 100 or 200 years, or as far as 300 years, or as far as he would, the position would be the worse the ferthet he Went back. It was rather a curious assertion that the establish ment of this institution was inconsistent with the Oath of Supremacy. Now he himself had taken the Oath of Supre macy. The State had imposed that test, and he asked the Noble Lord to consult the Acts of Parliament, and he would find many which, while they stated that the Pope had not, and ought not to have any power or jurisdic tion in this realm, never stated anything which made it incon sistent in them to give a grant for the purposes of the Catholic religion. How, he would ask, could it be a breach of oath, when the Legislature themselves knew, that there were many who took the oath of allegiance, who never took the oath of supremacy at all ? He thought, if the Noble Lord had looked into the original statutes of the year 1795, he would see that the students and all who were employed in the college, were under the necessity of complying with the provision s o f the 13th atitt 14th George 111 ., to testify their allegiance. Under all these circumstances, he thought their Lordships should support this measure, for he considered that it was one pregnant with the mast beneficial results as regarded the welfare and condition of the people of Ireland. The Earl of WICKLOW explained in reference to the funds to be taken for the endowment of the Catholic Church to which subject he had referred in his speech a few months ago. He thought that if a measure of that kind were not carried, one infinitely more dangerous would be ultimately pro posed. If they did net take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, a demand would be made in a succeeding Parliament, and from a source not at present antici pated, which would sap the foundation of the Protestant Church in Ireland. He was perfectly aware that unless some such measure were adopted —unless other measures of a con ciliatory tendency succeeded the one at present before the House, it alone would not add to the improvement and tran quillity of that country. After a few words from Lord CAMPBELL, The Marquis of BREADALBANE said that he opposed this Bill. He was desirous to redress every grievance which unhappily prevailed in Ireland, but he considered that every measure of redress brought before their Lordships should always keep in view those great landmarks and fundamental prin ciples which existed in their own Constitution.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the enactment of the Maynooth grant entirely proceeded at first out of a spirit of toleration, as no Catholic college could at that time be founded according to the laws, but he thought it never was contemplated to perpe tuate that grant, or to throw its support for all future time upon the people of this country. One of the best bulwarks of the liberties and rights of the country was the establishment of the Protestant religion, and if they sacrificed its interests they en dangered the safety of the constitution. The Noble Lord then quoted a number of documents to show that the reformation Parliament of 1678-1679 was summoned and sanctioned by the Prince of Orange and the people, upon strictly Protestant principles, and proceeded to say that the present Bill was c on t rary to the spirit, if not contrary to the very letter of the documents he had read. By the corona tion oath, her Majesty had declared the principles of the Romish Church to be superstitions and idolatrous; and pet their Lordships called upon the Queen to give her sanction to a Bill which proposed to endow the very same error. If there was not inconsistency in this, he did not know what consis tency was. These facts ought not to be got over by an acci dental majority, contrary to the declared sentiments of the people of England, and if the safeguards of the Constitution were to be violated in this most daring manner, he did not know what would bedtime df the rights and privileges of the people. Government should dissolve the Parliament before they suffered this measure to pass, for the constituencies df the country would never have returned the present Parliament had they had the remotest idea of the course they intended to pur sue. Such a course was wholly opposed to the principles avowed by the present Government when they came into office, and wholly opposed to the opinions of his Noble Friends around him. It was a course dis countenanced by nearly every European State -in existence, and he believed there was not a free and independent State in Christendom that did not renounce the monstrous and absurd doctrines to be found in many of the test and class- books used in Roman Catholic establishments. Having very imper fectly put their Lordships in possession of the grounds of his opposition to the present measure, he would merely remark in conclusion, that if there was any denomination in the country which had more right to complain than another of this measure, it was those who dissented from the Established Church upon conscientious principles. They bad not only their own reli gious establishments to maintain, but they had to contribute as well to the Established Church, and now they were call.:d upon to pay for the promulgation of doctrines to which they entertained strong conscientious objections.—(Hear. ) He again said that the measure which they were about to adopt was wholly inconsistent with religious feeling. They were endowing a religion on which, as on the religion of Scot land, they imposed no conditions—( Hear, hear)—and they did so because they would not destroy the grave and power of the grant. Would they tell the Presbyterians of Scotland that, in endowing their religion, they made certain conditions which they did not call upon the Catholics of Ireland to subscribe to ? The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he considered the measure at variance with sound policy, wisdom, and justice. The Earl of CHICHESTER wished to say a few words why he should give his support to the third reading of the Bill. He should not enter into the constitutional question which had been involved in the measure raised by the Noble Marquis and by other Noble Lords. He could not see any difference between the measure of 1795, with respect to the College of Maynooth, and the one before the House, which he believed was but carrying out the liberal intentions on which that measure was founded. Objections, he knew, were felt by a numerous and respectable body of their fellow -countrymen, to some of which he wished to address himself. It was felt by many that there were grave objections to the measure on religious grounds. He differed with those who entertained this opinion as it should not be discussed with re ference to the religious question involved. But it must not be conceived that because he gave his support to this measure, that he was desirous of injuring either the spiritual or temporal interests of his fellow subjects. Although he, in common with those of his Church differed with the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, yet he should not act as a Christian if he looked upon those doctrines as anti-Christian.—( Hear, hear. ) He was sure that none who hail discuseed this measure were prepared to go that length. He held that it was fallacious to refuse support to a religion which might be less "use than the one which we professed, but whose doctrines were held by a great body of the people. They must either teach the Roman Catholics by their own priests, or else they must be left altogether untaught. He believed the measure to be founded en justice, and trusted that if it were followed up by a corresponding policy on the part of her Majesty's Government, that Ireland would be found ca pable of enjoying the blessings of civil and religious liberty to which she was entitled. He confidently believed that if such a policy were adopted that that country would be no longer a diffieultproblem in British legislation, but an aid and a sup port to this country. The time had gone by when Ireland could be governed by a hostile policy—when she could be governed by a military force, or be scourged into a tempo rary submission. He should vote for the measure, as he con sidered it due to Ireland. The Earl of ROSSE said he had resided in Ireland all his life, and was deeply interested in all that concerned that coun try; and believing that the measur e wou ld b e pro d uct i ve of benefit, he s h ou ld give his vote in favour of the third reading. From the time it was first proposed, he was of opinion that it would very much improve the education of the Roman Catholic clergy. He was, therefore, surprised when he heard it said that the Bill contained no clause for the purpose of effecting that - object. They had a guarantee that the best education would be given to the students which it was in the power of the teachers to impart. Those who had seen the educated Roman Catholic priest, and the priest sent from Maynooth with a miserably stunted education, could bear testimony to the beneficial effects of education on the Catholic priests. It was said that education would give poser, and that that power would be used against the Protestant Church. If he said that that argument was web founded, it would be entitled to the most earnest consideration; but, in his judgment, such an argument was totally unfounded. He appealed to Noble Lords whether they had observed, in the educated Roman Catholic priest, or in the priest sent from Maynooth with a stunted education, anything hostile to the Protestant religion. Therefore, looking to this question, in all its points of view, he should say, and he did not think the opi nion could be controverted, that the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland could not be expected to oppose this system of educa tion. But some Noble Lords had said that this measure would result in the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergymen, and before granting that this would be the ca-e, he should wish to know how the revenues of both churches stood at the pre sent time. The revenues of the Roman Catholics had been variously estimated, at 17,0001, at one time, and at other times double the sum that accued to the Established Church. He did not believe that the revenue of the Roman Catholic church exceeded the revenue of the Established Church. But he should say that in this measure there was not the most distant approximation to an endowment of the Roman Catho lic religion. If indeed they gave the Roman Cathos lie clergy the same power that they gave the Established Churchmen, then there might be some ground for opposi tion. An agitation had long existed in Ireland, and it had very properly been termed a religious agitation. This mea sure would be likely to quell that. agitation. But he was per fectly well aware that this measure was regarded by some parties of extreme sectarian opinions as an evil, but he was equally sure, that by the general classes of the country it would be considered a great boon. Now, he did think it a great matter that the Roman Catholics should be educated.—( Hear, hear.) They would find it the only means of eradicating discontent and anarchy. There were many points to which he should wish to direct the attention of the House, but at this stage of the discussion he should not do so. He had no doubt, however, that every man in Ireland must be convinced that this measure, brought forward by the Govern ment and passed by the other House, would conduce to the welfare and happiness of that country. They sere told that if they passed this measure they might look to the increase of sectarianism, but its his humble judgment, the very opposite would be the effect pro duced. The persons who guided the peasantry of Ireland were sensible and discreet men, who would look with horror upon a civil war.—( Hear.) They knew that Ireland would not maintain itself as an independent nation, and that in connexion with no other country than this, could the public possess so much of civil and religious liberty. The Noble Lord con cluded amidst loud cheers by giving his cordial support to the Bill. Lord CLANC ART Y defended the speech which he had made upon the second reading, and again referred at length to the various documents from which he had quoted on that occa sion, for the purpose of exposing the pernicious and unchristian doctrines which he alleged were taught at Maynooth. He believed it to be his duty to reject. this Bill, and he trusted that the day would come when his countrymen would appreciate the blessings of the Reformation and be able to enjoy them. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not intend to take up any great portion of the time of the House at so late an hour of the night. But before he gave his vote in support of the measure, he wished to make some observations as to the grounds on which he was convinced that this vote would be favourable to the peace of Ireland, and to the security of the Established Church. He entirely concurred with what had been said by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Rosse) as to the advantages of having an educated instead of an unedu cated clergy, and as to the other benefits which the superior education of the Roman Catholic priests would have upon the peace of that country. Which respect to the distinc tion which had been attempted to be raised between a tem porary grant and a permanent endowment, he must say that he could not admit that the distinction was supported by the principle which had been so often referred to. If upon principle they were opposed to a grant, the difference of duration could not affect that principle. Nor could they shut their eyes to the glaring fact that there were seven millions of their fellow subjects who had a demand upon their assistance for the education of their religious teachers. Noble Ltrds opposite, and Right Reverend Prelates had declared that though they had voted in favour of the temporary grant, they were in principle opposed to a permanent endowment. But he asked, upon the questicn of principle, was there the slightest difference between an extended vote and a limited one ?—(Hear. ) Was there any principle of religion, by which he might be a thief, a murderer, or an adulterer—( Laughter)— for a time, on condition of hot asking to be permanently en dowed with a privilege of wrong? All who had voted in favour of the temporary grant had admitted that the public money might be voted for the education of the priests. Aalmitiistration after Administration had carried liberality over three-quarters of the globe, and were they to stop at that body of people which most claimed their support?—( Cheers)—who, because they were most ignorant, and the most in want of the liberality of the Government, should find you stop short with them, after you had given away your liberality in every other quarter of the globe ?—( Cheers.) It had been said, in the course of the debate, that one reason for withholding this grant to Ireland —conceded to all the rest of our possessions —was that Ireland was a conquered people. What an objection that was to go forth to the Irish people ?—( Cheers.) Were you to say to them that if they obeyed the laws and avoided crime, they should not have religious instruction. But if they committed crime, and were sent to Van Dieman's Land, the Government would pay for the support of their clergy?—( Cheers.) Noble Lords and Prelates did not resist the support of the clergy of Malta, for the sake of their trade in the Mediterranean.— (Cheers, and laughter.) In Trinidad they supported those " teachers of error," rather than risk a hogshead of sugar— (Cheers and laughter) —and in Newfoundland they did the same rather than risk the value of their cod-fish.—( Laughter.) He would then consider the question as one of expediency. It had been said that Mr. Burke was the first to recognise the principle contdined in the present Bill. He believed that Mr. Burke was the first who enforced that principle on the Govern ment of this country. A professor of Trinity College sug gested to Mr. Burke, before the Government took up this question, tbat the Catholic priests should all be made sizars of Trinity College. This proposition produced from Mr. Burke the emphatic and characteristic reply—" Yeu might as well feed the Hindoos with beef, or dress their wounds with brandy." Mr. Burke took every opportunity of forcing this principle upon the Government. He represented it to Mr Pitt, who adopted it. He ( the Marquis of Lansdowne) tiltsught he was entitled to use the argument that no one man having been brought to con template the state of Ireland, and who had been furnished with the means of knowing and understanding west that state . was, that had n o t seen t h e expediency and necessity, not only of con tinuing the grant, but of enlarging it for the purpose of n:2 1 ""g, sufficient provision for the wants of the people. lie believe,. that the time would come when it would be larger, but he was perfectly prepared to say, that he considered the vote in this case was great, and he did not think that any Noble Lord in voting for this Bill was obliged in any degree to support any Bill that might be proposed hereafter. He accepted this measure as giving value to the declaration known to have been made at the time that inea-ure was introduced. It was a proof and symptom of the policy intended to be pursued towards Ireland. He thought the Government were wine in not stating in detail the measures which they had in view. Such a course would prejudice both the present measure and thosa that were to come. He would remind their Lordships that the present state of Ireland was a most dangerous one. It had been said that the measures which had been passed by their Lordships, similar in character to the present one, had not been received with gratitude. He found no argu ment in this against the measure before their Lordships. By such measures as these they would take the power out of the agitators hands and place it in those of the Government. If the people did not at once repose with confidence in the Government of this country, it was only what might be ex pected from a nation which, it was now admitted upon all hands, had suffered centuries of misrule. It had been said somewhere by an eminent writer, that a Government could make laws but could not make prejudices, neither could they unmake priludices. They could not fly before time, nor anti. T ~~~ Iy. 4 41 Y tt * 4 4, t,: 0 4, 1 / 4 .1 1 41 v., Sir i , ww at 4 S l4l Le llrY c 2 , 1 ,..1,1 ~ 4li e li t 4 11 i t o thzw 7 i, ‘l l. l 4 . 4 z ri at k W A , ) 4 44 4 1 )i it 44; 54 b , t e li 4, 41 , 1 po t) , k& 4 ?l): tr btu , t N k , Int l • 41 %.14 000 ? k luttor —.- 'ke i s. Ik kl To a 11, ----1 1 11 ,Ea ...- 8 I iil --------- ti CU 1 , A li. rie° ll' ti -.4t tl COU it T (% I " chess de t t ie ° 1N44 , Of e Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and p ni u inu tes P ig o o the b ir e N 4 1 4 414 ,eft Buckingham Palace at twenty' five ..--, and iq t e :i V mi t " Ltli t toi l -- " o'clock yesterday morning, in a . open C arrilt eorops ol , -,, r iktiw by i return to the Continent. The Queen , a. _ 3 iseeS" 510 it hl t lki aYI Princess Royal, took leave of their illustriou ~ goa mit , , 1 14 , -„ an grand entrance. The Countess of Gainsbobratgourse, tbe_ f t he !t, ilt 4 ring Paget, Hon. Miss Liddell, the Master of t t e:„ ta ger .°„ re i, i t l tb,„ht ite at quis of Ormonde, Lord George Lennox, _hoti.'''balooeelp%'o,6 elisd,e,kil•at taon,c.Major-General conduct ,l Household ue t , t heColoneltheir Royal y S Berkeley E d 'ea \ k4 a " "''' C His Serene Highness tideh g the Royal Duke and Duchess to the grand ento m d kiNt4ki t% • Duchess de Nemours to the i'''' 3 er ß: i . ns ri c ß c se k o t Ice 11 ' Or t h -1, took leave of their Royal Highnesses. a.Glneo H ot c i ,g s cer l HighnesstEocyda;rairadg Anson ns( a oi i n f P . H oau r n i i r n c ; e a A n l d be t r h t e w:n o t o 1 s k te e 101, 1 g 'r ed : ;v. . t ht b , e ru P e : 0 f O f : 8 : : 1 :7 , Count t s L sa o c u lo i r s d fl e - o N m o h ai i i s ie l s, lt e s e ty re t t h a e ry aprdrußmoTanted'r,kiNver.7,-i:att 1 1 1,..54,4:1.1-.1, t;i,4 South-Eastern Railway . La Bayonne AL ,„oe,:c-- fobnoer '"‘ -, -14 -4 Bricklayers aef vi t their _ Lr e dsee i ; e i , ,rit a nt ° r ay: e r s.leiz i 0 7 e;teat sco t e: 1 A:oab:ua r :4o j : .; ,t . 4441 :: :::44:.:,10: lowed from the Palace. K to ing' th e Erilba at'S ' ' Lin o I o f the op eIP I tli t t r o , t eb. d erleloo I,icowill Before the departure of the Duke and Duchess .1 ilig _ d ly ,?is itti n•st their Royal Highness received a visit frov ter 1 1 °P; so c ` b r o kh;!: , t i l t e ukt b o e tt the Duchess of Kent, who arrived at the Palac e an s t i I; 111 i'Y e, bel hour, and after taking leave of the illustrious Dukf lne ,'s. 400 LAt4atekt returned to her residence, Clarence House, St; J!_ t he . . , ,..ori. c t % ,,,,, 1 i1t It . the T ß he o His Royal Highness Prince Albert returned r,,,,trill' 0‘ s t 0 : y Q al ee G e a n rd e e n n d s o fr u o s m vi t s h it e or r s a . ilway station, after the departure et ' 03001 . 0% ill I, Ci\A' ll 4 4ce ili , 3, l , Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales,re ta kett 1,,t%17 4 1> , the Princess Royal, and the Princes= Alice, l e o, ~,,ter Vi tt i t tllti usual walks and rides to-day, in the RO# G a ip r it to r t ° ' er a , Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Neat ''' , tool tt t il i4o:l' l ' PorfinßcuecAkilnbgehrtamwaplkaieadcey .esterdrtl ripe odiree d ir. , . 4,ol,l4 th tli!rttao i 4tier t ar rived IP gda l Lt t . 4 , 4 134: day afternoon, for the Continent. His Royal Highness the Duke of Carnbridgel to ber, ,. Nl4 41 1 n yesterday morning from Kew, and paid a visit Jare e ! 0 1 li t /t os t4 4ll Highness, at her residence, Clarence House, o cesier , O r iole k ti , ti Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gi°a Li i,,hoes 6 ., 10 0 Nklta 4 4 l : o 4 Highness Prince George and his Serene i i Pi n tiko 'l %t ?I''' Edward of Saxe Weimar called during the day ger L Der ,e 1 0 0. t $ N.t, 1 ' 1 ;N. of the Royal Duchess. e a ftetn . k N.,,11, 1 The Queen visited her Royal Mother in th _ llow: tr io 0 li k Vipt . Majesty and Prince Albert arrived at Clareoef_ii. Illo' , :i.,,„ ;id V) IS I . l ' k tr i te °1 quarter before five o'clock, and remained with_ r t t n int • , , 0 0.„ relative until a short time previous to her dg e ' nt, ACC ° 7O . O ; Nht t °ll snd Dawson, f,,u , L fo a r dy the in At half-past five o'clock the Duchess of D - Lo li 1/ 013 0 - rrisr, ) 1 •Ity , 4 1 11 by the Prince of Leiningen, and attended H uge , .in a f flir t 1 1 yi l tad 1 / 4 (10t s: RailwayT h e Royal to 1 D ) u o c v h e e r s . iN Nt rli ness was received by Colonel Sir al W I , r , Georger c o oper; o ho' r u: 4 ' 4 t SEI Equerry and Comptroller of her Royal Hife,, SOO, IV NZ i lo v :' 1 1 1 NWewaitcinrgos,slesfttaCtiolanre, nee 000,.,; R ea or! ''; t :11;31‘ te!! tb° 11 ° Hotel. 't ies g': tr flcleOr 4 4 4'411 % k i A deputation on the subject of life annuter vle res i me `. t ile Commissioners of the National Debt had an i t n Aci a si 11° 0 k ‘t k . 4 . 44, 1 (41 s ariHdersußitoeyatiragveilglehdr;siot .s. 0, Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at. h. :d of P t. fril 4 ol in Downing -street. The dtputation consist,ll,l‘.. 10 0 ,0i ir , -, a, 4'n 1 Moneymusk, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. G. Drummond, M.P., Mr. Gibson Craig, M; P • Robe4olsl , 4 )1 . V . "I ' 111. P., Mr. George Duncan, MT. , 311% •e r 14 j i '''lt s 'll L a uri ,oe e ere . ; ty Angell, Mr. Boyd, and Mr. P. Etvart. ~,Ih, . 64/ ° of, The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for Eng - ii pil l '4che i ,h6 • White" 'of P .a. '*. °lllCl44 : l.°' yesterday afternoon, at the o ffi ce in --„ ish op - hott were present the Bishop of London, the v a. gob r. t he Z ll - 4 3' ''' the Earl of Besborough, the Right of i• sti ninoloitge. lkillit k 4l l Right Hon. J. Nichol!, and the Dean of " e . stsi . so' i pir . Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the StaoW-costerae-Osaies 11444 Ht Hon. E. Stewart, Deputy Chairman a tile s ' totilipter l tl Higham, Secretary and Comptroller-Gennerbc, bs Ear l of The French Ambassador had an in sinners for the Reduction of the National A' e d e .h t he .1" - with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterifriw Aberdeen yesterday, at the Foreign-ef t6ecer : fe sfi tb Ltgil e S ei : o n i i sl . el • Dispatches were sent off last eveni n i o dia Mr. Felton Matthew had an interrie -0 - f Gi , ""g e ld, the Do' yesterday, at the Colonial-office. frai l , l o oi o ',... i psr. office, for the Goverrers of the West ~,,,,ereori° F resh ay. patches were received yesterday from the " - a ( I N r ' yeote" - oa Mr. Carr, Mr. John Fielden, M. P" c -n ehcl uer - l' srti sol had interviews with the Chancellor of the 1 a dine r c otst t i t The Duchess Dowager of Cleveland h, 3 . • rb e 'Viza t qio Sunday, at her residence in Seamore-P'aced LadY an d ' l , c , included the Countess of Carnperdown anflorleS _.00,' _,. Duncan, the Earl of Mulgrave , bent, Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Phipps,Lati_ A Y ''si r 111 . 7,,,)JT Somerset, Mr. and Lady Anne Dashvwlowes,l‘.ol.talii:o Wells, Mr. Baillie, Captain R. Russell, It• •'ltiebo 3 ., Mr. ton and Duncan, Mr. Henry Milbank, e ster u ' . Mr• N cool co t ,0 or Harry Vane. _ ono o tl mec ell ll4 The:Judicial Committee of the Privy Ul he vire -L : 00 14$ The Lords present were Lord .Broughar°,' b y of Cclr•• sf• Knight Bruce, the Chancellor of the liu e " ijanl •si the Judge of the Admiralty Court. c o lon! el, 3 . An Appeal from St. Lu" Th o e uee n's Ca a r ti e s leet' le Mr. Jervis, Queen's Counsel, Alarryat was heard, Mr. \Vira l:a ' ''' for t he , d.. r thei r 10 0 parties. ' at sf!' t o Lord Brougham gave judgment on the below' b be rig ships, affirming the Decree of the Court clause' saving costs, and adding to the judgment a of the parties in any future action. appeared ent A ttl p ed iec p e o d a e .de c r irc n o n n d st B an A a c l e i D , It is a broad quiz upon the Ba l , F. Mt ingham Palace, and is a regula r sc ,r"bbs ", °° ;",, lf t Bat Poudre is a 111 erie and '• rs. .ontgotn- to rs the wife of an eminent grocer. ito , cln"' dorie s 4,J habited a la Lucile Grahn and ` l , er h 'yleofbre3 titer Ping de la Cour and Gavotte in the most of laug t v glit 6s" imaginable, and scarcely have the N al% „ g y,bY " - " w eb sv 't° l o l: l 7 l l . , Le g a u e tedPe l n ate bol. i. fre b gCb e ill:t g eD is fr e ssertr b olleSs e feu w il:tb L o: : it before they are renewed with redoubled erlefreihoent,Lcoss his partner, whether she will have 2,nl,rethe latter, s olid'a horans, , e or a hoyster, and recommencui°e t h a t he 1 will slip down the easiest. Add to tb_7l by WILY of mirable parody on " Come gentil," 4 T ope of lu na s griu: s. t his respectability produces the e ,, nve , re' 1 broad t he- 0 paper, ins' ead of his card, and all s' uo s n 'in store for form some faint idea of the treat that success ful, . 1 " the Adelphi. The pi ece was Pe rfect Y nclusion; Selby and Wright were called for at thee° t hh, go. On the 13th inst., at INBierlirtoSn.-Place' 0 , An a a son. the l i° , I:: lea o , cr.. n kii t il e l o i a e rta l c 3 : t o h pf oa in wd s , t a:su , gaoth:.tae. daughter. Wimbledon, the I adY f or sou t tyro y On the 12th instl, Mrs. Thomas Par ker, Si. . 0. •fe of Ch O a n yll t i h a e n, l o 2 f t l l i t so in n s . t. - , in Oxford -terrace, tbas____:_____./ On the 14th of April, at Cpallelnjti)ta.,,A. I:,yrs...se.rt,oafro* or3hiliiit On the ~ d • ,at :New Lodge, 11 cst (Ono I jb:ln Nellardinit. ,On ,:le Stli just., at 8..t0n, Surrey' bar Tilhl' r ii. E sq ., c o ,„„ ' lnder, " R N- On the ' ns., ;It Dunbar, Janedt, w t i 63 ° f Chri3t4Pliet Middlen 10th - 0 n the a 5 1 s 4t 1' 1 : s i l l; just . , t °f a lj ' nr Westminster,edg;e' ilad .. n Samuel. iCaPrnear _ On the 12th ins.t. 6at Westfield -grove: Ileadini, Y, Leeds, Mary, wife of '3lr. i,lard Osstler. __ A fr. Charles hale,On the 13th just., at Cattleg,te, 31'ddIesc, '..- aged 83. House, ne ar . Sorciictj' On the 13th inst ,at gonseholei gober l Maria, younfre3t daughter of 111ajor-Greneral..,..Sir.s. Dor Harvey, aged 25. ' ' On the 'l3th inst.,. in Old Burlington -street, itu• e 4 lecher, aged 88. On the 13th inst., at Blackheath, Marriott, the Wife 01'. Prior, Esq. On the 13th inst., Amelia Hyde, fourth daughter O f It .It. Smith, of Grove -lane, Camberwell. liter of Mt' On the 14th inst. Mary Jennings, third daug It. Jennings, bookseller, Chea ) side. __------- 1 • -- . 7 o of YOUN ' Longon : Printed and Published by D1V1)0_, ,jO, 11% N. i 2, Strand. Printer, ate he Sets Obtlek;;0101 strand, in the Precinct of thSavoy, in tee ?LW OW.; Tuestay, Awe 17, lit&