The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JouRITALs, The Times believes that Lord Mayo has acted wisely in recommending that the Habeas Corpus Act be at once ,suspended for another year. It is a deplorable beginning ; of what is practically a new session, but it is a necessity. The continued disturbances at Cork, and the frequent !return to Ireland of the foreign instigators of rebellion who have been set at liberty on condition of leaving the !country and betaking themselves to their own shores, shew ghat the time has n o t arr i ve d w h e n the sureties of per t tsonal freedom usually enjoyed under the constitution can be restored. Lord Mayo tells us that the Government ,possess information proving that the Fenian leaders 2 i in America and on the Continent are still active. 'We do not, however, accept the conclusion that the Mate of Ireland is worse now than it was twelve months ,since because the Government asks that the Habeas Corpus Act may be suspended for twelve instead of three months. 1t has been ramie plain by experience that they under estimated the disaffection which prevailed last February, sand a renewal of the Suspension Act for three months only was an invitation to the organisers of the conspiracy ..o prepare for the time when the inclemency of spring would give way to the milder weather of early summer. With the very best intentions, the Government com mitted a double error. It was scarcely necessary for Lord Mayo to protest against the insinuation that the Government had wilfully shut their eyes to the con spiracy until it ripened in open revolt. No person of intelligence could believe such a charge. The Govern. ment simply made a mistake. They are wiser now. They ask a renewal of suspension for twelve months in the reasonable hope that the impossibility of success fully hatching plots against a Government possessing for a whole year the power of imprisonment upon suspicion may become so apparent that those who foment Fenianism may at once abandon their designs. It is hopeless to fight Against a Power which somehow or other is always well informed beforehand of attempts against its peace, and which has the irresponsible power of apprehending and detaining whomsoever it will. If the Irish Americans be 'not totally devoid of acuteness) they must perceive that they are playing a losing game, and seek employment in the civil life they followed before the war of secession broke out. The experience of the past year has deepened the conviction that it is to those persons who claim to belong to two nations at once, and to owe no allegiance to either, that the active development of Fenianism must be attributed. That there is some indifference to the maintenance of the Crown, if not absolute discontent, existing in Ireland as a support to the Fenian conspiracy cannot be denied, but those who nurse this latent disaffec tion and try to fan it into flame are men of Irish origin or descent who have transferred their allegiance to the American Commonwealth. When their mischie vous activity ceases, and they are again absorbed in peaceful pursuits, the interrupted progress of Ireland in material progress will be resumed, and :the sullenness of the lowest classes of the popula tion be converted into contentment. The evidence Lord Mayo produced to the House of Commons last night goes far to prove that the leaders of sedition have learnt. the uselessness of attempts in Ireland while the Habeas Corpus is suspended there, and that they have directed, their energies to the propagation of Fenianism in England and Scotland. They will soon find, if they have not already found, that Great Britain is a soil very unfavour able to their designs ; and, persuaded of the hopelessness of Fenian attempts in Ireland while the Habeas Corpus .Act is suspended, and the impossibility of spreading Fenianism in England under any circumstances, they must perforce postpone, if they will not relinquish, the execu tion of their plans. It is a matter of experience, remarks the Post, that t Ji Most economical way of living is on the co-operative prii ciple—several persons occupying a common dwelling-hot. and dining at one table. The old saying that what enough for one is enough for two expresses the principl of economy which is thus practically capable of bein 'lreslised. Of course it is not literally meant that two !Individuals clubbing together could live as cheaply as each Vuid live alone ; but it is hardly an exaggeration to say gat a hundred people clubbing resources could live for hat it would cost to keep fifty if each had a separate welling. The saving in rent and in food would be great in roportion to the numbers uniting together in this house old co-operation. A necessary qualification, however, ought to be mentioned here, namely, that the proposition i ' pplies most forciby to the style of living in which the ecessaries of life with moderate comforts are the end in ew. In the case where such luxuries as rare wines at a fancy price, or a large mansion and grounds all to one lf were required, the principle would not be applicable. ut even here it is certain that if a number of persons ?whose rate of income would not admit of each living in better style than a third-rate house in a third-rate loca pity chose to co-operate, they might live in, if not a first rate house, at least a much better one, and in a much better neighbourhood. In the opinion of the Daily News it is important that there should be no misunderstanding as to the motives of the Oxford Convocation for refusing to grant a sum of Inoney out of the university funds to an institution strangely designated as " the University of the Souther States of America." The movement for the foundation of this institution, even if it was altogether free frost political feeling, and had no tendency to perpetuate the division between the Northern and Southern States, was avowedly sectarian, and directed against the American principle of united and undenominational education. The quarter from which the proposal came, and the language recently held by certain American bishops in this country, left no doubt upon that subject. The University of Oxford, in throwing out the motion for the pant to the " University of the Southern States," simply declined to , be drawn into anything that might wear the aspect of an ,episcopal crusade against American institutions. In so doing it shewed not only its moderation and just per ception of its own duties, but its right feeling towards the American nation. Even the people of the South, the 'great masa of whom are not Episcopalians, would gain little by the erection of an Episcopal University. The defeat of the proposal will have a very salutary effect if it prevents these party motions from being brought for the future before a university the strict neutrality of which in all party questions is an indispensable condition of its national position and usefulness. Nobody will question the sincerity of the zeal whici Mr. Forster professes for the promotion of popular educa tion. The member for Bradford was a worker in the cause long before the Reform Act passed. His anxietyfor a grand, comprehensive, and compulsory Education Act is not due, as it is with so many of his political allies, to the calculation that popular education is a good cry with which to seek the favour of working-class constituencies. Still the Standard cannot believe that a single.minded zeal for the extension of education alone actuated the honour able gentleman in the very unusual and mistaken course he adopted last night. His question might have been put without the preface of a speech raising nearly all the points in controversy, and ought to have been put in that simple and customary manner. That it was not so put may fairly be ascribed V) the fact that much as Mr. Forster cares for the education of the people, he cares more for the fame and profit the ex-Under Secretary of the Colonies. The Chancellor of the Exchequer declined to follow Mr. Forster into the desultory discussion he had invited. The Government were quite ready, the right honourable gentleman declared, to state their views, if in vited to do so by any motion which would allow their expression, with the fullness and freeness which the im portance of the question demanded ; but they would not enter into it upon an occasion when other subjects; might be imported into the discussion, and they were the less disposed to explain their intentions then, as it was their purpose to introduce a bill affecting the education of • the people. There are two classes of political subjects, says the Saturday Review, which call for the attention of England at present. There are great subjects, such as Ireland and everything that relates to Ireland ; and there are subjects of less immediate urgency, such as church rates, university tests, education, and so forth. It so happens that with regard t o the first of these classes, what we want at presen is a . boi!t Ireland, to see what Irishmen really want, and what t Übe good for them to have, to estimate the degree in' which great changes would affect different sections Irishmen, and what the reflex action of these change* would be on England. For this kind of preliminary die. offic e cu ssion the presence in of a Conservative Ministry is • 8 ver y convenient. If the Liberal l ea d ers wer e in power they would be expected to give effect to their views ews before they could at all tell how far the country wouldbensietpiort them, or what changes would be pra c ti cally l. As it is, they may, if they are wise, gain tim e, experience. and many most useful hints. Discussions on Irish affai rs will be forced on the House by independent members, a nd especially by the inferior sort of Irish Liberals. The 'eaders of that party ought to make good use of these dis cussions, showing a readiness to take the part of leaders when the right time comes, attempting in a quiet and inoffensive way to form the opinion of the country, i n . stilling the belief that they are capable of framing large remedial measures if such measures are really needed, and, above all things, avoiding all appearance of wishing to embarrass or bully the Ministry. That Irish affairs should not be discussed during the present session is impossible, and the Liberal leaders would be quite false to their duties, and inferior to their position, if they did not indicate the line of policy with regard to Ireland which, in their opinion, ought to be pursued; but they should use this year as a year of quiet preparation for dealing with Ireland, and carefully avoid making Ireland the source of party animosities, or the subject of party triumphs. To do this requires undoubtedly fore sight' moderation, and good temper ; but, if they wish to be thought statesmen they must display the elementary qualities of statesmanship. Then, again, the minor class of political subjects, which do not require discussion so much as action, may perhaps be dealt with in an easy and effectual manner this session. No one can say that this will be so, but it is obvious that the present Parliament and the Conservative party are strongly interested in making such a settlement of the questions at issue as shall be generally Lccepted as fair and reasonable, and shall re move them from the discussion of a new Parliament. It may be possible to come to a reasonable compromise now which next year would be out of the question. It is true that on every one of these questions the Conservatives will have to give way, and to give way largely. Those who wish to uphold the Church precisely in its present position cannot accept cordially a series of measures the object of every one of which is to alter more or less the position of the Church. Bet then they will have before them the choice of two evils, and the evil of giving what is asked for now may seem less than the evil of having forced on them what will be asked for hereafter. Of all i m prudences of which the friends of the Constitution and the Church could be guilty, scarcely any could rival that of leaving a variety of questions touching the Church to be the battlefield of perpetual conflicts between a Reformed House of Commons and the House of Lords. It seems to be generally admitted that Lord Derby is holding office only as a pis alter. He is in really weak health, wants quiet above everything, is quite unequal to playing the part of a Prime Minister, which is always very laborious, even though he sits in the Lords, and the only reason that he cannot be allowed to resign is that there is a delicate embarrassment as to who is to succeed him. But where, asks the Spectator, does this delicate embarrassment arise, and whose fault is it ? Everyone knows, indeed no one for a moment attempts to dispute, that whoever may be First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Disraeli must be both leader of the House of Commons and virtually also the controlling mind of the Government. Why cannot the latent fact be the obvious fact? What reason can there be why the man who rules should not be the ruler ? It is absolutely cer t a i n that the Tories have trusted him so far as this, that against the wishes, and in the face of the positive declarations of the great majority of the party, they have, under his direction, abdicated their old position, and taken up quite a new one with refe rence to the greatest constitutional question of the day, and that they now loudly proclaim the wisdom of the leader who has so " educated " them as thus to revolutionise their faith. It is a grave and conspicuous fact, moreover, that Mr. Disraeli in accomplishing this feat threw to the winds the most positive declarations of the most trusted of his colleagues— ignored Lord Stanley's emphatic declaration that whatever her Majesty's Government passed it should never be a " democratic " measure ignored Mr. Gathorne Hardy's positive and indignant refusal to give up the dual vote ; ignored 'Sir Stafford Northcote's emphatic assertion that the new household , suffrage was to be only a special suffrage under very peculiar limitations, and by no means a mere general extension of the old ten-pound suffrage to the lowest rating limit ; ignored the earnest defence put forth by Sir John Pakington for the two years' residence clause, and carried his own view calmly over the heads of puzzled and confounded colleagues. If the Tory party have trusted him when he thus passed lightly by the most emphatic declarations of his colleagues on the greatest and most permanent of all constitutional questions, can it be doubted that they have trusted him infinitely more than they have trusted all his colleagues put together? If they have trusted him for a work of revolution, will they not trust him for the duty of ordi nary government ? Will they act like the man who left thousands of pounds in the hands of a trusted agent, and then looked at him suspiciously when he borrowed a five pound note ? Deeds, not words, indicate real trust ; and if ever deeds shewed real trust in a Minister, the Tory deeds have shewn real trust in Mr. Disraeli. We do not ourselves share that trust. We have more confidence in almost any other man in the House of Commons, though we admit that he has scarcely his match there in mere ability. But we must say we feel a little wonder and a good deal of shame when we see a great party trying to hide the fact of their own confidence from themselves, and preferring almost any conceivable "figure-head" Ministry which would leave Mr. Disraeli master without seeming to make him so, to a frank confession of the reliance they have placed in him, and will continue to place, so long as he leads them on to victory. We do not admire their faith, but when their actions shew it so conspicuously, we think it very wretched taste to try and disguise it from themselves. Mr. Disraeli has all the real glory and responsibility of their recent victory. What can be more shabby than to put younger and feebler colleagues over him, only in order to avoid the appearance of saying openly to the world that to Mr. Disraeli, above all others, they have committed, and wish to commit, the honour of England ? The John Bull gives us its opinion of the two candidates for the representation of Cambridge Univerity. Mr. Cleasby, it says, is eminently respectable, even to the extreme limit of dullness ; he has passed an uneventful life, in which juvenile promise has been fulfilled in spiritless and very moderate success. Early in maturing, the fruit has never become thoroughly ripe and juicy ; and verging on his grand climacteric, one of the present candidates has attained a name occasionally heard of in the dullest circles of chamber practice, and now and then appealed to in uninteresting arbitrations. This is hardly the career of a leader of thought ; scarcely the eminence from which a man can claim to represent a seat of learning which looks back upon six or seven centuries of honour and lame, The advantage which Mr. Cleasby has over Mr. Hope in the present contest we cheerfully concede to him. He has passed through forty years of what might have been public life ; but beyond the amiable circle of his private friends, no single voter knew till the end of last week his opinions on any subject of human, still less of academical, interest. He might have been a dis ciple of Comte, or Joe Smith, an adherent of Cardinal Manning or Dr. Cumming, a follower of Mr. Bright or an admirer of Mr. Whalley. He may, for aught we know, or the university knows, be one of those things even now. When a man has passed his sixtieth year, we have quite enough ground to decide upon his claims to represent the university;l but all we know, or ever heard about Mr. Cleasby, is contained within the four corners of an elec tioneering address. It is rather an unpromising omen for a public man to have to begin life when most people are thinking of quitting it, and to have to describe himself as just beginning to proclaim his willingness to lead the world when, if he ever had any inclination for his task, he would long since have set his mark upon society. Mr. Beresford Hope, on the other hand, has the sad misfortune to be about as well known, and has as familiar a name, as any man in E ng l an d. F or goo d or for evil he is one of the men of our time. His private and most rancorous enemies can write out an accurate chro nology of his life. They can say that he has always been at the head of something or other ; counselling here, directing there, speaking, and debating, and writing on this and that subject ; encouraging one or other art or science ; employed in some service, public or private ; concerned in the religion, the improvement, the education, the politics, the social questions of the day ; ranging over the subjects which belong to the past and present of either hemispheres; concerned with many schools of thought, and involved in many controversies, many disputes, many problems. His eager activity of mind, his munificence, his many-sidedness, present copious annals of his life. He is vulnerable because he is a public man; he is commen dable or reprehensible because he has not dozed away the difficult task of life in that luxury and ease to which he was born. Mr. M. W. Thompson, M.P. for Bradford, has presented to the inhabitants of Guiseley a Town Hall, built at a cost of upwards of £3,000. PRINCE LEOPOLD.—Prince Leopold has continued during the week to make rapid progress to convalescence. The tendency to accidental haemorrhage, from which the prince has now suffered severely on more than one occa sion, is one of those anomalous conditions which, sometimes unaccountably affect persons otherwise perfectly sound in constitution, as it is the good fortune of all our royal princes to be. But this condition will undoubtedly, a n d throughout life, require Prince Leopold to abstain from violent exertion of any kind, or from indulging inthe more active departments of professional activity selected by the Duke of Edinburgh and Prince Arthur.—British Medic a l Journal. AN IRISH IDEA OF " DEsronsrs."7-The Cionmel Chronicle mentions that a few days since, in the midst of Fenians alarms, and while the G overnment were in posses sion of such information as necessitated the adoption of precautionary measures in several . . districts of 1i to Tipperary, an application was made by the military authorities the i local Poor Law Board for accommodation n the Th urles Workhouse for troops, there being no other place in the town available. An extraordinary meeting of the board, according to the journal named, was held, and it proceeds: " As we learn, the rural guardians mustered strongly upon the occasion, and actually outvoted the members who were anxious to meet tl.e wishes of the Government," as the gua.rdians of the Tipperary Union had before done, in gtan2 up a wing of their workhouse for the troops. "As night naturally be expected, their decision created much Indignation outside, and we are left to suppose that an in fluential portion of the inhabitants took immediate action upon the matter, and called upon the authorities to enforce a demand made in the interests of the safety of the public Be this as it may, th e G overnment lost no time in issuing : a military commission to take such steps as might be deemed necessary for the temporary accommodation of a sufficient number of troops" in the workhouse. A local paper of another form of politics describes this as a .‘ shameless and unscrupulous act of despotism, which no Goverment in Europe, save the British, would per petrate." ROMAN AFFAIRS. :From the Roman Correspondent of the Westminster Gazette.) ROME, February 8. On Saturday, being St. Ignatius's day, the Pope went to San Clemente to visit the new shrine I spoke of last week. On Sunday, the Purification, he assisted Pontifically at the Grand High Mass at St. Peter's. It was as crowded as usual. Nothing gives one a better idea of the vast numbers attending the func tion than seeing, as a bell for a Low Mass rings in one of the side chapels, a congregation of some half a thousand tell itself off once and again, without effecting anysensible change in the appearance of the main throng as ob served from one of the lofty galleries or loggie. At the end of the Mass on this day, the Pope recites the Te Deum. After the Mass a solemn Te Deum is sung in memory of the pre servation of the city from destruction in an earthquake which occurred in 1703. For the same reason Saturday was observed here by annual custom as a " black fast." The first rumblings were felt on the 14th of January, and during several shocks which succeeded, the churches were filled with the townspeople, uniting their earnest supplications for deli verance from the danger which threatened them. On the 2nd. of February, the worst shock was sustained, almost destroying the little towns of Norcia and Cascia; but Rome escaped unscathed. In the alarm of the time there were not wanting fanatics, who declared it a sign of the approaching fall of Rome. Among others, a certain Fra Giorgio, a Flemish hermit, who had long resided in Rome, had to be banished on account of the excitement he kept alive by his wild. rhapsodies on the subject. But the danger passed away, and with it the memory of Fra Giorgio and his fellows, while the Eternal City remains to sing her Te Dewms with head erect. Monday was the feast of St. Blaise, the patron against sore throats, and is a very popular commemoration here. All day long at the churches which possess his relics, people may be seen kneeling to be touched by them, and. many were the Zouaves so applying the sailor-like uncollared throats, doubtless ren- dering them particularly needy of such patron age when first adopting their uniform. To-day is the anniversary of St. John of Malta, founder of an order dedicated to one of the noblest purposes ever conceived—the re demption of captives. The cell in which he died in his ruined convent on the Ccelian, built into the arches of the Claudian Aqueduct, is decked for its festa. When reached by its narrow stair, it affords one of the finest of the splendid pano ramas which all the hills of Rome command ; so homogeneous in character, so various in in cident. Little now remains besides the saint's cell and a very curious mediaeval mosaic of a subject symbolizing the object of the order, in good preservation. I hear the English papers have been dili- gently giving circulation to the account of a lad, calling himself Dunn, who alleges that his reason for refusing to join the Papal army, after putting the committee to the expense of standing him out, was that he found the hard ships of the service too great. I have not been able to find that there was very certainly any one of the name of Dunn among the English recruits ; but let that pass. The articula tions of our Northern speech are not quickly caught by those used to tThat siren tongue, whose sounds are song ;" and I may have failed to recognize the patro nymic as travestied by a foreign orthogra phy. I wish, however, to assume that the statement was framed by some person who has had actual experience of the life of a recruit here, because it proves two facts—first, the de votion to the Church, which is yet to be found in our day, since there are so many thousands ready to embrace in its service the accommo dation it is able to offer them, even though it involve hardships, which seem so deterrent to one used to no more luxurious fare than the cold charity of an English . workhouse ; and, secondly, the fairness and solicitude of the Pon tifical Government in dealing even with those whose hearts fail them, and who wish to turn back. Dunn is not even made to pretend that any pressure was put upon him to make him fulfil his engagement to enter the army, and he acknowledges that he has had the enjoyment of one of the most favourite tours in Europe, free of all expense. Moreover, that far from any deception being exercised to allure the life as the men see it in the first month after arri val, in depot is far rougher than for the rest of their time in barracks. After discounting fo r the natural exaggera tions of a self-exculpatory statement, the truth that remains from his experience is—and it is trite enough—that the soldier's life is rough. May it suffice to keep away all who have not the cause they come to defend sufficiently at heart to accept some sacrifice for it ! The British Empire is supplying week byweeknum bers who are of the right stuff, and we do not fear but that there are many more yet to come. There appears no likelihood of any lack, so it is well to keep up the chivalry of the army by endeavouring to admit only those who are actuated by a spirit of pure devotion. At the same time I must say, with regard to our own fellowsubjects, that in some instances complaints were understood au grand sjrieux, which were never so intended. I know of some at least who did not conceal from their comrades their bitter regret at going back. There was a moment when the principle of the grand national safety-valve was not correctly appreciated ; that is all. The specta c l e o f a vas t b o dy co h er i ng by one single bond, and sinking all the rivalries of i race in the common l ove o f a h o ly c ause, s of all admiration ; but, as long as menworthy ar.e defectible, and their idioms various, the manipulation of the machinery by which they are governed will always be a most de licate and arduous task. Father Delany, whose return to England this week is mu c h regre tt e d, was mos t u seful during his short stay in making the new soldiers and their superiors better acquainted with each other. Nor can anything exceed the patience in the same work of Mgr. Stonor. Since he accepted the office of army chaplain he can have known but little rest, between paying visits of en couragement to recruits in depot, and of spiri tual aid to the sick in hospital, hearing the confessions of the pious and the complaints of the restless, and all the multifarious good offi ces which result from having earned the con fidence of both commanders and commanded. Indeed, his zeal has subjected him to serious medical reproof this week, and obliged him at last to give in for two or three days. He has now in hand a work which is calculated to be of immense service to the men ; and I hope he may be sufficiently restored to preside to-morrow at his first committee meeting of an English library and reading-room which he intends to open next week, having secured a suitable apartment in a central situation for it. The hours absorbed by the military service are not few, and Rome affords an exhaustless store of objects for " a walk " calculated to elevate and improve ; but there is still much unoccupied time for those who have not their homes to resort to, which they will gladly spend, when the opportunity is given them, in learning home news from the English papers, and instructing themselves by acquaintance with entertaining literature, and, perhaps, as time goes on and funds increase, in suitable amusements also. I understand a sufficient number of chasse pots have been received, or are on their way, to arm the Roman Legion ; when the rifles England was to send the Zouaves are to come, you will probably know better than I. I only know many of the men are impatient enough to see them, and thought it a long time to look forward to, when the middle of March was mentioned for their coming. One of the English who have sent in their subscrip tions here appends the following address in Italian to his offering :—" . in the lively TEE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1868. hope that Italians may recognize sooner or later that the real and lasting glory of Rome and of the whole peninsula is the seat of Peter, and that its lustre is incomparably beyond that derived from any of the marvellous rem- mats of Pagan Rome." Generals Dumont and Bataille are now in command at Civita Vecchia. A battery of artillery and the cavalry returned to France this week along with M. de Failly and the staff, all, in fact, which forms the distinguishing characteristics of an expedition. Whether this remove is really dictated by regard for the inadequacy of accommodation, or is a weak concession to Italy, is warmly canvassed. The French nation has driven the Emperor to de fend the Pope, but he is in a manner pledged not utterly to abandon the kingdom of his own creation, and thus his conduct is con- tinually signalized by the most contradictory actions, and it may be questioned whether he would make any real sacrifice for the one or the other. May be Italy relies on the assurances she receives, but Rome is in no wise deceived. Her view of the matter was well rendered the other day in an expression let fall by a prelate on the following occasion. In the sermon at S. Pietro in Vincoli, which I mentioned two weeks ago, Padre Curci, a Jesuit of some renown as an orator, expressed himself with great freedom, extolling the Catholic spirit of the people of France, but denouncing the policy of the Em- peror. The sermon was talked about, of course, and, before long, became the subject of com ment, more angry than wise accusations of ingratitude, threats, and so forth, on the part of the French embassy. Upon which the prelate in question quietly observed—" They are right; this is not the moment for speaking the truth." It is pretty much the same with Austria. While her people are making some efforts in favour of the Papacy—inferior to those of the French, it is true—the Emperor is day by day extinguishing his right to the title of Apostolic Majesty. Yielding himseltup to the influences of the Jews, he disputes the Concordat already once conceded, and imprisons priests who stand up for the rights of the Church, but who, in so doing, are but defending the honour of his imperial signature. It is not without signifi cance that the nickname of grave-digger general to the empire has attached to his Minister, Baron Beust. This Protestant statesman is digging a pit which will undermine and de stroy the traditional policy of Austria as surely as the Protestant General Benedek destroyed her military prestige at Sadowa. In Spain on the other hand, the Govern ment remains equally attached with the people, to the integrity of the Papal authority. And Spain is likely to have more influence in the fate of Europe, than is usually ascribed to her, if she but keep down internal revolution. For supposing Napoleon engaged in a war with Prussia, 50,000 Spaniards crossing the Pyre nees might form a very awkward diversion. And more than this. Even now there are symptoms that she aspires to regain a foremost place among the nations of Europe. She has not forgotten her lost rights, but reckons that the day is at hand when the strength of revo lution must give way. Her claims on the two Sicilies remain, and nothing perhaps would be more popular in Spain than that the fleet should receive the mission to assert them. A force of 10,000 men, thrown on the Neapolitan coast, might suffice to reconstitute the Government of Francis 11. Meantime, the fact is not to be overlooked that the greatest help often comes from the quarter whence it might least be expected. And at the present moment, no Government is readier with testimonies of good will than that of Prussia. The answer of the King to the Catholic address was clear and precise, and almost compels the action of France. Here the Prussian representative is unbounded in his assurances of sympathy . , and most active in his negotiations for the restoration of the Nunciate of Berlin. A little while ago the ally of Italy, and the conqueror of Austria, her aim is now to resuscitate in her own per son the " Holy Roman Empire "—in other words, by humbling France, and protecting the Papacy, to re-cast the German Empire, and possess herself of the former position of Austria in Europe. In the midst of all this the Holy Father possesses his usual serenity ; and his bodily health is maintained by the tranquillity of his mind. He has several times been to visit the fortifications which have been thrown up in different parts of Rome, and each time, while examining them with a curiosity not devoid of interest, there has been observed on his countenance an expression which seemed to say—" This is very well, but my defences are not altogether such as these." And even weaker things than these divide his care with the exigences of his world-wide administration. But a few days ago he was walking in Monte Mario when there passed him by the wayside some children returning home from the school established there by Belgian nuns for the children of the surround ing district of the Campagna. The children knelt down according to universal custom for his blessing, when one little boy, taking courage from his look of familiar, paternal kindness, cried out—" Holy Father, give me something, I'm so hungry !" The Pope took a piece of bread which he observed in the bas ket of a little girl near him, and asked her if she was willing to part with it in favour of the hungry boy. After some moments' hesi tation the child answered—" Y es ." " But do you give it up freely, from your heart ?" urged the Holy Father. " Yes," again replied the child. " Then give it to this poor little boy for the sake of our Divine Lord, and fear not but that God always knows how to reward every good action done purely for His sake." With these words he passed on his way ; but I am told that in his capacity of Vicar of Jesus Christ he very shortly after himself ful filled the promise he had made in His name by sending a present to the family of the little Rome continues to get fuller as the season advances, and has been of late almost as gay as usual. The Roman princely houses of the members and the diplomatic circle have given quite the average round of entertainments. The marriage of Mr. Odo Russell with Lady Emily Villiers, daughter of Lord Clarendon, is expected to take place shortly. I mentioned to you some time ago that I had been called to defend the Weekly Register t fr e o st m an t t he co n n o c t eing unnatural indignation misstatement he gnation of a Pro alleged to have found in it. I urged that 'I was sure the error had crept in through inadver tence, and that, moreover, I believed the paper was one of no great circulation, particularly in Rome. I should have thought if the editor took any notice of the matter it would have been to explain away my friend's asserti on . A copy of the paper has, however, been brought me, in which he raises another issue. I should not have troubled your columns with the mat ter any further but that he attacks me on a sensitive point—that of truthfulness. lam called, thereby, to state my grimnds for saying the paper is seldom seen here, which are simply these : that I have hardly ever met it in my own experience, which would be small, per haps, but also that one whose standing here enables him to know " every one," asked me if I could help him to a number in which he was interested, because it contained something by a friend, for he had not been able to come across any one who took it. With regard to its being received at the office of the Index, it is obvious much printed matter must be read there in the wa y o f b us iness, and not by pre ference ; and as t o the English College— though, of course, individual students may have .isolated copies sent them by ancient maiden acquaintances, who admire the twad dlesorne—that it is taken in by the body cor porate I must be allowed to doubt. A useful contemporary, the Correspondance de Rome , written in a spirit of entire devotion to the oly See, which supplies the French with all official acts and documents in their own language, besides giving the news of the day, is, I am glad to inform you, so far flourish ing that it has just doubled its number of pages. It is now giving its readers a French translation of Padre Franco's " Croises de St. Pierre." General Kanzler's full Report to the Pon tifical Government of the Campaign of 1867, was published on Wednesday. It begins with describing the condition and distribution of the army at the time of the departure of the French troops in December, 1866. He speaks of the commotions which, it was predicted, would succeed their removal, but far from seeking to ascribe his strategy or foresight the complete tranquillity which continued to reign, he owns, in a manly way, that it was entirely due to the attachment of the people to their Government, " which they continue to show by a tranquillity more perfect than is to be found at this moment in other countries." He makes allusion also to the special demonstra tion which was made by the people on the 12th of April (the anniversary of Pius IX.'s return from Gaeta. He then traces the mea sures taken for the repression of brigandage in the province of Frosinone—" a scourge which visited us in consequence of the political changes in the neighbouring kingdom of Naples "—and makes special mention of the services rendered by the squadriglieri (the peasant - volunteers) armed to supplement the gendarmi. " This expedition imposed great sacrifices on our troops, and cost us many lives; but it also afforded an excellent school of war fare inuring them to hardships and night marches, and teaching them to be on their guard against surprises, and to practise sharp shooting. We may also advert to the fact that, in the early lustres of this century, it took many years to reduce one band of brigands in the same province of Frosinone, and that now a few months sufficed to rout out many bands was a good augury of what our men would be capable of doing when brought in face of other enemies. "To brigandage succeeded the cholerawhich, though hardly recognized on its first approach, assumed alarming proportions in the later sum mer months. Of the Pontifical troops (then 12,981 in number) 238 were attacked, and 112 carried off by it. " It was at Albano that it attained its greatest height, where it was least expected, and, conse quently, where nothing was in readiness to meet it. In its midst Cardinal Altieri attracted universal attention by the zeal with which, disregarding all danger, he went in and out among his flock, fulfilling the duties of his sac red ministry. The genclarmi and Zouaves in garrison emulated his noble example ; without distinction of grade they might all be seen carrying the infected to the hospitals—all associated in the work of burying the dead ; and it fell to the lot of many of them to share in a to-be-envied death the end of the illus trious prelate." Then follows the account of the first warn ings of the approach of the Garibaldians, and the order of distribution of the troops who were to await their onset. The first attack was made on the 28th of September on a little place called Grotte S. Stefano, in the province of Viterbo, succeeded by others at neighbouring small places of un familiar names along the frontier. They were engaged entirely by the Gendarmi, who rooted their predatory columns at Ronciglione on the Ist October, taking ten prisoners. Concerted attacks by small bands of Garibaldians ap peared simultaneously at various other points, the invaders probably not expecting to find troops distributed to meet them pretty nearly wherever they appeared. The most serious affair at this time was at Bagnorea, where 500 Garibaldians had succeeded in taking up their quarters. Their outposts were carried by troops of the line and Zouaves, aided by detachments of other corps commanded by Colonel Azzanesi. The enemy then took refuge within the town, but the gates were soon stormed by the troops, who entered amid the glad applause of the people. M. de Mirabal, sub-lieutenant in the Zouaves, fell here, and five others were wounded, against forty of the enemykilled, fifty wounded, and 178 made prisoners. " This exploit had an excellent moral effect on the army, and dealt a severe blow on the audacity of the in vaders, another band of whom passing through Ischia, Farnese and Valentano, were likewise beaten by a handful of Genclarmi and Zouaves commanded by sublieutenant Burdo." The hour of post warns me that I must defer my pr6cis of the rest of this interesting docu ment until next week. MON 1?CllY I.Y 711 E UNITED ST ATES. The Round Table does not write for sensation— it does not stray out of the regions of common sense into those of extravagance to get talked about, or to produce a remarkable article, which may be ex tensively copied into the 'Columns of its contempo raries. Yet our readers may perhaps accuse the Round Table of doing this, when it actually predicts the near approach of a monarchy in the United States. We go see-sawing, like boys on a board —one high up, the other low down; the one with a diadem, the other with a cap of liberty ; one, the voice of the Sovereign, the other, that of the people. If so just as England is hastening to a Radical De mocracy, the United States, having completed that cycle, goes in for Sovereignty. This is the idea of the Round Table, and it certainly does not write without authority and experience. The political changes in the Union have been equalled only by the social changes. It is probable that the South has by this time a government of its own, but in stead of the government it yearned after and fought for it has an irresponsible military dictator. GRANT, ruling the States lately in rebellion, in a position above law, and supported by an army, is no less than a despotic monarch over a third of the great Republic. This follows on a great war, on a rent Constitution, on a PRESIDENT stripped of power, on a Supreme Court deprived of the Constitutional appeal, and on a usurp ing Congress which claims tomake and unmake Dic tators. The Round Table believes in a growing per suasion that American institutions, in their present form, are inadequate to meet prospective require ments, and that a change is necessary which pos sibly may assume a revolutionary character. Re publican simplicity and provincial prejudices have vanished before wealth and cosmopolitan know ledge. But there are others besides these natural changes which have followed on the great war that lead to an uneasiness seen in the faces and heard in the speech of men who care about their country, arising from a consciousness of both the need and imminence of readjustment of some sort, with the uncertainty as to what those readjustments ought to be. The whole surface and current of society has changed and is changing from the simple, frugal, even-toned Republic of the past, with a surging swift ness that reminds one of the rapids which rush down to swell the great cataract. The provision to meet this shows one great advantage which Englani possesses in an unwritten Constitution that grows with the people and adapts itself to altering circumstances, over a written instrument whose limits of flexibility are precisely defined, but whose infringement will always endanger the national peace. These are very nearly the words of the Round Table, and it goes ou to state—" We are no advocates of mo narchy or irresponsible government in any form, yet we certainly believe that most of the evils under which we labour are the legitimate fruits of carry ing popular theories of government to a licentious extreme—an extreme never contemplated by the founders of the Republic. The warning has been heard so often that it falls on partly calloused ears, but our career towards military despotism threatens to be a swift and straight one. We have carried our trusts in majorities too far ; we have disregarded the right of minorities too long ; we have accepted the voice of the people as the voice of GOD, and have hugged to ourselves the stupid blunder that ignorance work ing in masses would breed wisdom, notwithstanding that ignorance in the individual, breeds folly." Not only does the Round 2 able believe that a plebiscite vote, black and white, might sanction the follow ing of the French example, but it maintains that the political reaction lately set in, promises to be so confusing to most previous calculations as to arrest or deflect the national course. "Should it fail to do so, and no spe cial dispensation be reserved that is yet unseen, we may be nearer than most Americans would be willing to believe to the Sceptre and the Diadem." Suppos ing there is truth in this remarkable statement, what an extraordinary change would be wrought. At the very time that England is becoming American ized, and all Europe feels the influence of her Re publican propagandism, it will be passing strange if America should rush into a monarchy ! Though Ame ricans might scout with disdain the notion, yet it does not follow that the reaction announced by the Round Table is not in operation. Americans move with a startling rapidity, and changes occur so great as absolutely to take away the breath, and leave the slow, gazing in open-mouthed wonder at the progress of the State machine. History backs the arguments of the Round Table, and there seems, as it says, a certain grim fatality in the political experience of nations which com pels the repetition of historic sequences. At the same time that we grant the astounding nature of such a revolution, we maintain that a change little less in degree has been effected in England, which had any one predicted, a few years ago, would be inaugurated and car ried into effect by the country party, he would have been considered mad. It is easier to wrench power from the people than from a class. The multitude individually surrender little, though the aggregate of that little, makes a C.ESAR. But the few surrender much, and cling tenaciously to what they possess. Americans generally hold that to the New World cannot be applied the ex periences of the Old; but history is rapidly dispel ling this delusion. They move on, however, in the comfortable assurance generated by their faith till inexorable fate overtakes them. Twenty years ago few would have believed that they had to fight a mighty conflict to preserve their cherished Union. But the other day their violated Constitution was a venerated document. If time has with so sacrilegi ous a hand dealt with institutions held thus sacred, why should the rule of the majority be exempt from overthrow? Our lands, says the Round Table, are filling up with unexampled rapidity ; our taxes are burdensome beyond precedent ; the interest of the various sections—chiefly through bungling and unscientific legislation—are becoming almost di rectly antagonistic; enormously rich men are ap pearing, who, by controlling great railroads, and other potential levers, are acquiring an ascendancy which threatens to become highly dangerous to the people at large. A love of luxury and a habit of vain glorious expenditure have developed into propor tions that irresistibly suggest historical precedents as lessons. These, in the opinion of the Round Table, are foreshadowings of the Purple, and although we firmly believe that the great Re public is a long way from such a change, yet the arguments are not without weight, and who can tell what the future has in store ? Those who ground their faith in human progress on Republi can institutions, will receive a shock from such ideas. A revolution that substituted monarchy on the ruins of the Republic would to them be simple sacrilege. However imperfect now, they . hold that education will gradually fit the masses for self-government. Monarchy in the United States means the abandon ment of a belief in Democracy by the human race, and of all hope of ever fitting mankind fur his natural privilege of self-rule.—Anglo-American Times. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. ;Front the Anglo-American Times.) The Secretary of the Treasury has issued the usual monthly statement of the public debt of the United States. The total amount of the debt on the Ist inst. was $2,651,000,000, against $2,642,000,000 on Ist January last, being an increase of $9,000,000. The cash in the Treasury at the same date was $124,000,000, against $134,000,000 at the corre sponding period last month, being a decrease of $10,000,000. The reduction of the cash in the Treasury is owing principally to the payment of the January coupons of the 5-20 Bonds and the redemption of the Six per Cent. Loan contracted in 1847. The news from Annesley Bay is to February 2. The Egyptian troops are pushing forward without the concurrence of the British authorities. It is reported that King Theodore is at Magdala, and that all the captives are with him. Menilek has been defeated and has retired to Ankobar. Sir R. Napier is about to advance from Senafe to Antalo. The rumour that an engagement had taken place is unconfirmed. The 2 inaes of India states authori tatively that 233 vessels are employed in the Indian seas and for the Abyssinian expedition, and that the monthly freight, exclusive of coal, is £392,000. From Madrid it is announced that a commission will shortly be appointed, under the presidency of a General of Brigade, to proceed to Abyssinia. A Free-Trade dinner was given at Delmonico's on the 30th January, by Charles O'Connor, David Dudley Field, R. B. Mintum, Jackson S. Schultz, Cyrus W. Field, and other prominent literary, scientific, and mercantile men, to the poet William Cullen Bryant, President of the Free-Trade League in America. Letters were read from Ralph Waldo Emerson and Gerritt Smith. " I share cordially in your faith in Free Trade," wrote Mr. Emerson. Mr. Bryant made a long and able speech in support of Free Trade. A Democratic mass meeting was held in New York the same evening in support of Mr. Johnson. About 3,000 persons were present. A letter was read from Senator Doolittle. Reso lutions were passed denouncing Congress, and favouring the re-nomination of Andrew Johnson for President. General Grant was censured at the above meet- iug for yielding the War-office to Stanton. Com modore Vanderbilt has withdrawn his name from the movement he joined with A. T. Stewart and other wealthy men for promoting Grant's nomina tion for the Presidency. The Commodore wrote to Mr. Stewart, giving as his reason the General's reticence in the Stanton affair. Grant refuses to reply to the attacks made on him, and even the attempt of the President and his Cabinet to prove him guilty of falsehood fails to move him. A Con vention assembled at Columbus, composed of 300 prominent Republicans, has declared for Grant, and the Republican State Committee of Ohio ac cepted this resolution. Mr. Edward Thornton, British Minister to the • United States, was cordially received by President Johnson on the 7th instant. The New York World describes his appearance and dress on his arrival in New York. "He is perhaps sixty years of age, of rather bilious complexion, bright hazel eyes quick in their motion, white English side whiskers, whitish grey hairs mixed with dfew black streaks, five feet ten inches in height, slender in build, quiet looking, without anything acidulous, firm, haughty, or pompous in manner ; and none of that port-wine look so often observed in the servants of her most gracious Majesty exiled to this horrid' country." Having made all ready, he appeared on the gang plank with two silk umbrellas in hand. The very first person he encountered was a full-blooded and athletic Fenian, who offered to carry his trunks. He sternly refused the Fenian's offer, who made hostile demonstrations. The Manchester Guardian tells the following story of Mr. Thornton. Before quitting London he met an American gentleman, whom he did not recognize as a member of the ultra- Republican party, and to whom hP praised Mr. Johnson highly for his administrative vigour and skill. Finding no response, he modified his tone, and said, " At all events, all must admit that be does wonders for an entirely self-made man." "It may be so," was the rejoinder ; "but, if he be self made, I will say that it relieves God Almighty of a grave responsibility." We have fuller information on the story we last week told of the challenge to fight a duel given to General Butler, at Richmond, by Mr. White, a Methodist preacher, who, in 1864, was a major of a New York regiment. He was in the presence of the enemy when he deliberately resigned his commission to start in business as a suttler in the camp, where he had served as a field officer. General Butler, who was commanding, disgusted by such a proceed ing, issued an order expelling him from the depart ment, in more vigorous than gentle tones. Mr. White continued as a preacher, a circumstance not very creditable to his persuasion. He seems to have nursed the wrong till the opportunity re taliation offered, and to have given vent to his spleen on catching his old commander the other day at Richmond. The General very properly treated his cartel with the contempt he had before treated his person. If Butler undertook to fight all he had thus offended, his career in the land would not be long; and were such a mode recognized, the generals of the army would henceforth act at the peril of their lives; for Congress, who makes them, can un make, and when unmade they would fall into the clutches of their adversaries. The New York Nation, in its " chaffy" way, quotes a blunder of the London Spectator, as a proof that the British never can understand Ameri can institutions. Writing of the horrible Lake Shore accident, " Let us hope," says the Spectator, " that the catastrophe will cure American railway officials of their insane custom of locking the car riages." "We fearlessly call on any gentleman who has ever travelled by rail in our whole wile country, and New Jersey, to say whether or not one of the two doors is not perpetually swinging and banging backward and forward. Does not a very sensi tive man," adds the Nation, " frequently have mo ments of agony when he feels a dull jar, and sus pects that one of his neighbours, walking the length of the train, has slipped down to the track, and been cut up at the rate of 30 miles an hour. The fact of the matter is—and the head of the Travellers' Club or the Resident Commissioner of the Tribune will confirm all we say—the American car is rarely locked except for the purpose of keeping people out of it. They lock it when it is in the depot and people are anxious for seats. At other times it is as free as the boundless continent of freedom." Now the reverse is the case in England, where the doors are generally locked, though we are not dis posed to maintain, with the Spectator, that the custom is insane. In the M'Ardle case a motion has been made by the prosecution for the case to be advanced and dismissed on the grounds of want of jurisdiction. Another case is pending to testthe constitutionality of the Reconstruction Laws. Churchwell Combes, now in the Libby Prison, sues for a writ of Habeas Corpus on the ground that Schofield has no con stitutional power to confine citizens without trial who have never been in the United States' military or naval service. He is accused of having murdered a Federal scout during the war. Another case of great interest is before the Supreme Court. The owners of the ship Golden Rocket, from Havannah, destroyed by the Sumter, July 13, 1861, sued cer tain New York Insurance Companies, on the plea that the captain was a pirate. The United States District Court, in Maine, decided that the captain was the agent of a Government re cognised by the United States as a belligerent. Against this decision the owners appealed. The Pall-Mall Gazette erroneously attributes the cap ture to the Alabama, which would make the case to he decided by the Spreme Court widely different. The Sumter was commissioned and equipped in the Southern States, and ran the blockade of the Miss's- sippi ; the Alabama never entered a Southern port. We cannot, therefore, see what principle of interna tional importance will be decided by the case, though the recognition of the South as a belligerent by the highest tribunal in America will be of interest to England. Massachusetts is interested to the extent of $6,000,000 in a pending question in the Supreme Court involving the constitutionality of the Income tax law. $9,000,000 is now annually paid, while if the direct tax were apportioned according to repre sentation, as the constitution requires her share would be only $3,000,000. The case of the emigrant ship Leibnitz, which left Hamburgh on November 2 with 544 Germans for New York, has attracted the attention of the Go vernment at Berlin, and arrangements are now being made by the Minister of the Interior for the establishment of a Central Protection Association to watch over the interests of emigrants. Of the passengers who left Hamburgh in the above ship, 105 died on the voyage and three more in port., and the Leibnitz arrived in a condition so pitiable that the indignation of the New Yorkers was excited, and the case brought before Congress by one of their Representatives. An investigatio n showed, that no adequate provision had been made for the passengers, and the ventilation was so de fective that even lights would not burn between decks, and the ship reached port in such a state that the Commissioner who went on board could not discover a clean spot to touch with hand or foot. Other vessels had preceded the Leibnitz under some what similar 'circumstances, and it was considere d high time for the Government to interfere. District Attorney Martin, who lately attempte d to shoot Judge Busteed, of Alabama, is out of gaol on $lO,OOO bail, and his wife asks charitable judr meat for him on the ground that he was repeatedll and desperately provoked, and Mr. Martin's temper is sometimes very bad. The Nation is very sever e on this case, and on this plea ; and it certainly ig one for which bail would be refused in any other country. Senator Anthony introduced a joint resolution► Jan. 29, to provide for the publication of the Me dical and Surgical History of the Rebellion and the Medical Statistics in the Povost-Marshal Generar3 office, which was referrei to the Committee OP Military Affairs. [ADVERTISEMENT.I—HoIIoway's Pills.—Winterly Dra backs.—Whence fogs spring, or whither they retire, it 1 : not our present purpose to explain ; we desire to point P O how their ill effects on the human frame can be neutralise a i The blood must be freed from superfluous carbon a O , mephitic taints by some purifying medicine like Iloilo" way's pills, which not only thoroughly cleanse the circ il ' lation, but adjust in every organ the defects imposed un d it by that fluid when it has become foul or sluggit; These pills prevent stagnation, congestion, and are t' best regulators and preservatives against internal infia o ; mations, irritations, and ulcerations. While expelli7. morbid matters from the system, they cool it by tb gently aperative action, and strengthen it by their tool virtues. [ADVERTlSEMENT.]—Dyspepsia(lndigestion), Constipation, . 1 2, 6 ; bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach , and 114 complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and accelereri, by drugs of every description, but perfectly curable by bf Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as prove 01 % thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, OA. as—cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, haemorrhoids , l i ver c° `t:-.0, plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness , fevers , sore throe' diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralla, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, he 0 , ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms , nausea and sickne7, even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofti,`,7 tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach IT i ls between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few :—The Pope's het i/ restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" Rome, 12, 186 G.—The health of the Ho l y Father is excellent, especit,4 since, abandoning all other remedies , he ha s confined hiraoy,,o entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a 0 1,1 prisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cso_'-cio praise this excellent food too highly." — From t he " Gazett'...4 Midi, July 25 Cure No. 46 , 270 Mr J ames Roberts, tiffiv:o, merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased iullto, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and p a r tial de afhe of Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lie 11 t• Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. 41 ,,,0, ftf years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervou sh'd asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sickness !of vomiting.—Maria Joly." Important Caution.—Beware of the o t t unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, wit h°, authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attache ,1 .0 .; In tins at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4 s. 6 d , ; 5 lbs. /1, 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BianY Du BARRY and Co., 1%01 Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Pice a ': and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4 , Cheapside; 63, 150, and Oxford-street 330 Strand; and all grocers und chemists. AY Aft Aft JUt Alt Aft Ait Aft Alt Lonaov LUN( Tigi &e. p CENT 0 on a p.m. to KI: This Prize "•_1 It is _ . Sold the Ag Obsei han's L IVU IL I AIWA: hold o able w, Forms Utip gongs, the yei ?CLIC; Mato] Lae FRiii the Gr The in the at Mitt St. .Tan o'eloel Spec King, AREA Br B' DAY, D i ins Mi BURN prices C A tent Fred. Broth, Seller rector Ellis. Spe , Benet] Lond( M A CHAT from Ads Ope evenii A' Thii for thby Ar, Solo F' Thlint or un hood! Atty.. EMU rfou Pi all do for o Rum ttons trans lug Si spee4 ss. ( ata.rn all( This hour for Chet curlE Sold and Colo. feet] 6d.. Clu; 1 1lov oritl 6d.; VEi Sall( stars all SEM rem star and St, f oi fa W "` -~ ~- Births. 0 1 LENDY—On the 13th inst., at Sunbury House, the wi fe Captain Lendy, of a son.• SARGENT— On the 13th inst., at 52 , Burlington-road, 11, Stephen's-square, the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel 1%. Sargent, of a son. Or WOOD—On the 13th inst., at Moffatts, Herts, the Hon..- Gathorne Wood, of a son. Marriages. Cl' CROF TON—REID —On the 1 3 th inst., at St. James's, po et dington, Captain Stephen Lowther Crofton, R.NI 1 1 0 Majesty's ship Cumberland, to Agnes , only child 0 , ' late Sir John Reid, Bart., of Barra. DPCLELLAND —BELL —On the 12th inst., at Glasgow , . t i g; drew Simpson M'Clelland, to Elizabeth Ann, youjv daughter of Henry Glassford Bell, sheriff of .14a0' shire. Deaths. , VP' BURTON—On the 12th inst.. at Tyldesley, James Pill Esq., aged 83. _ y eti BAKER—On the 13th inst., at Chelmsford, W illiam aged 84. ac iß Locx —On the 13th inst., at Phelt 3 nham, Admiral r' Erskine Loch, aged 80. rl. fel SUMMERS—On the 11th inst., at Homerton, Eustace %-,1 Summers, Esq. _ ii ,off WALKER—On the 11th inst., at Brighton, Michael Vl' Esq., late of the Admiralty aged 77. WOODAIFF—On the 14th inst., at Clapham, Captain I'll' \V"(- London : Printed and Published by WILLIASI A--,11 1111 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tits Sus °Dace, Co°l'o, • Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy , in We Middlesex. —Saturday, February 15, 1868.