The Sun. — London, England, 1850-03-23 00:00:00

their reasons upon an able paper furnished by the chief justice o f t h e Cape of Good Hope, vi ho commended the fusion of th e popu l ar element in'o the government. _7l . eh ough t to h ave two assem bli es . t h e u pp er o ne of 7 1 lieli should be nomitmeed by the Crown, and should last for ever. And now he asked them to see, wi,h re gard to th e A ustra li an colonies, upon what the Govern meat founded their reasons for departing from the course they originally held. Tt e r eas o n was they said, that custom had conciliated end at - echtel the colony tthe present form of government, that any material 7, , i :ration in that respect was undesired, and that if ):.„! Y established that form of government in '"e'r South Wales, it would not be wise to ea tshlish a different form of government in the Australian colonies. In a letter from Lord Grey qSir Charles Fitzroy, dated the :30:h of July, 1847, d in Sir Charles F i t zro y 'fi letter in reply to it, the pro posalhaving two house% was recommended, andin the La n a of Sir William fennyson from Van Diemen's eattna , that . gentleman strenuously recommend° I the 1 : 1 "P'ion of the second house of assembly. From these the G overnment he might conclude that the reasons assigned by Government for departing from the 01 , 1-established e irseiple, of colonial goverment were futile and incon• usive. The institutions which a colonist ought to bate when he arrived in the colony should be precisely thole, or v er y similar to those which he left behind him 1i the molter country. The British colonies ought, in fact, to ee brought iet ) the closest harmony with the form of r " ernment which we enjoyed here. At present he Olt the Government were actin g upon al erroneous principle, and if the principle which he was contending f or should be adopted, and a second branch of the legis lature introduced into our modern system of c ilonial 40 Yernment, then the question arose, whet should be the ' e° "'ktitittion of the upper chamber? The lion. Mem trepmed that t or should be elective, on the same l 'is• But if they were he did not think they a, c 'sld work well together. Too Hon. Berouet, the member f or Seuthwark, who took so deep an interest in the t this subject , had proposed, by laying an amendment on table of tee House, that the colony should be divided In to senatorial districts, out of which members of the tPPer house should be chosen, having higher qualifies es, and by men of older standing than those by whom t he neetnbers of the other house were chosen. He should tefer the amendment to the BM as it stood at present. ® thought the Crown ought to have the power of no .4l,_inating some members of the council. He preferred :ee amendment as more consisteut with their former policy towards their colonies, and more in conformity ttil the constitution of this country. He thougt he to have the consent of the Government to e• amendment he proposed, because it was the D r essed to which they had always adhered, except when ressed by an urgent necessity which was not shown ! exist in this case. He rested his proposition on o grounds—the right of the colonies to have the Sa me institutions as they had enjoyed in this country ; ! I A) secondly, that the best way to connect them °f e eerely with this country was to give them an identity laws and institutions. He was encouraged by ;IM had fallen from the Noble Lord on a former ecca beu) when he referred to what had been declared abroad, In only whispered in that House, "that the colonies *. ere not only n o a lvanta g e, but a burden," upon which ‘ho asked th em n ot to cons id er that the colonies could be separated from them without injury;" and added, ~that he was determined to maintain them unbroken." wished also to remind them ef the observation of ethos Talleyraad, " that if her enetniss could deprive iluls country o f h er co l on i es , they would break down her t ;'st wall, nod fill up her last dike." He could not run e .. e risk o f l os i ng t h ese possess i ons upon th e pl ea o f a , *nt• ry economy. They were an outlet for their popula ti°u and sources of their wealth. They could not be s eparat e d w i t h ou t b rea ki ng d own th e s t a bility and ItY of the empire. He entertained a strong opinion t hat they should give the colonies the same. instite tleus as they enjoyed at home, for if they did not the Y could not expect the same advantages from Jerte as outlets for their population, tie the better _ s of emigrants w.euld not go to thtm, les s they they cou ld realise in their new location the same _yt Pect a ti ons as th ey . cou ld ant i c i pate at home. As nurcei of wealth neither could they expect the same ad .._Ystitages. He was ready to admit that British prosperity indebted to the superior skill and cnrrgy of the peo ple. At the same time, he thought they owed much to the form ef their Government, and the liberty and order 7 1 lich it secured to property. He would retain the colo s as the mainst a y of their power, nor suffer them to fall for want of cohesion, by placing them on the broad Platform of a common lib er ty, thro u gh which they might 0 united with th e m f o r ever.—(Hear, hear.) They should consider all as members of ono large family, Jo ined together by ties of a common loyalty to the same Onstitution, nd a eople enjoyin the same laws, united 1 a community of p interest and g reciprocatieg the im- Proverneet s of the whole world. He would apply the ellument of a great man as the principle of these unions: Ze"Populus enim non omnis callus hominum quoquo Z ed() congregates, sod corusinultitudinis juris consensu 1 / 4 .que utilitatis communione sociatus." If we have the _ Juris consensum," the r es t would be certain to follow. ""s( l lear.) If we give them the same institutions as we O urselves enjoy, we shall find the same liberty, the 4 ° toe law, the same morality, and religion going to tether. —(Hear, hear.) We shall thus be doing justice to th e c o l on ie s and extending the resources of this great e xpire for our own advantage. He thought that the rtaMple which we would thus be setting to others would no mean degree contribute to the moral advancement sad the social and intellectual improvement of every O ther nation. He ought to apologise for bringing for ra.rd this subject at such a time as the present, but feel convinced that a great opportunity was now afforded e ` Uniting the colonies to us more closely than we had ritbe r to done, by identifying their interests with ours— °Y assimilating their institutions to our own—he could !lot refrain from submitting these observations to the b et• ter judgment of the House. That bein g done, he g ad only to thank the Committee for their indulgence, Ittid the attention with which he had been heard, and he b ad now to submit to their consideration the proposi -4°lls 01 which he had given notice. Tho Honourable • Learned Gentleman concluded by moving —" The c olission of the second clause, and to substitute instead !hereof the following provisions:—' Anti be it enacted, t hat there shall bo within each of the said c olonies of N ew South Wales and Victoria a legislative cou ncil and e ` e Presentative assembly ;' " and resumed his seat amidst ‘ 4l e cheers of the House. Mr. HAWES said, if the Government had deviated , 8 11 'cen introducing into this Bill time-honoured institu 'lons, they did not do so on light grounds. They did seon the broad principle that they should have the con at of of the colonies to measures which they brought for 'ard. t lie admitted that the dispatch of his Noble Friend E a rl Grey was the basis of the present measure. , he Learned Gentleman referred to the report of the C ommittee of Council, which he stated gave an opinion f ,trrourable to the establishment of two chambers, but he ' 4 'd not quote the reasons which they assigned in a sub- S equent part of the report for deviation from such a course. The people of New South Wales were not dis contented with the form of government which they en 03'ed, and strongly urged that no alteration should be !lath, in it without the consent of the people. They were s et, however, bound irrevocably to this Bill, but the Government thought they might alter and vary it as the c olonists might hereaf er think most in accordance with their feelings. There was an unanimity of sentiment among the colonists upon this point, however they might differ upon others. But no alteration should be blade in the constitution without their consent. The dis- Petch of Sir Charles Fitzroy referred to a petition *filch was transmitted from Sidney, signed by 3,100 Persons of great respectability and of various political ° Pinions, the prayer of which was that they should not ", forwarded two houses of assembly. A petition bad beets also 4 orwarded from Port Philip that they were contentel Ivith their constitution; and another from Windsor , in South Australia, to the same effect. The First Lor d of t he Treasury had presented a petition from merchants c onnected with the trade of the colony, and signed by Parties who had been members of council, and who k, new the feelings of the colonists. They stated th at the would i be well received in the four colonies—Vic !oria, Van Dtemen's Land, South Australia, and New South Wales. All the local newspapers in the colony approved of the Bill in all its main provisions, sad as far Ise the sentiments expressed through that medium to represent the opinions of the colonists, it would prove t hey were in favour of iho Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Except these manifestations of opinion, he knew none adverse to the Bill. A great meeting took place at Sidney, and all the speeches delivered there were in approval c f . it. Mr. Wentworth, a gentleman well known to gentlemen opposite, said at that meeting, whatever might be the opinion with regard to a second cham ber, t , there was no absorbing interest taken in its establishment;" and a resolution was come to, that no change should be made without their consent. Attention had been directed to the dispatch of Lord grey in 1848, in reply to the Governor, Sir Charles Fitzroy, in which he stated that he did not regret the delay which hail taken place, because it afforded an op portunity to ascertain the feelings of the colonists. He came to that conclusion because he did not desire to force government against the feelings of the people, how e'er it might be suited to the taste and feelings of the People of this country. If they wished institutions to tak e root it was not by forcing them against the send talents of the people, however honoured by time and ex perience. The Leatnel Gentleman referred to the opi tions of governors on this question, but he had a right to claim the approval of the Governor of Van Diemen's 4,and, that this would give the colony the same institu tions as the other colonies. Sir Richard Bourke, Sir John Franklin, and Sir George Gipps, as well as Sir George Arthur, expressed the same opinions, as well as iris friend Mr. Charles Buller. They had, therefore, evidence that the Bill would give satisfaction.-- (near, hear.) Ile believed that there was a degree of concurrence of testimony amongst the colonists of New South Wales that their constitution should not be al tered without their consent. If there was any consti tution that should be forced upon them it was the llative constitution of England. They would propose to loves° a constitution in the shape of Act of Par liament, independently of their wishes, but he preferred to allow them a voice in the matter. What was pro ',posed by Government was in accordance with the ex pressed will of the colonists. They proposed to give ther e a constitution as it existed, and with it concede to the colonists the power of altering it according to cir cletnatancss. If anything wa s wrong it would then gra dually right itself. Were they to enforce a parliamentary constitution it would be injurious to the colonists and the cropire at large.—(Llear.) Mr. AGLIOL'UIY said ho would not dare to force his opinions upon the colonists until they were prepared to receive them. He dared not force a second chamber Upon them against their consent. He did :not wish to Drake them the subject of theoretical changes. The colonists themselves deprecated such attempts. They .lets hed lrsv: , a ct - n ,'arly en 4 61. upon Cae uu princiui sus t.lie c‘Aistitutiou of this country. They would like to have two legislative Aousee, but they thou4ht that they were not yet pre. pared to receive them. They regarded a mooed clove her as a speculative attempt. The legislative council was to have full power to make change?, and to choose their own time and their own couroe in inakinie these changes. How could they judge for them so well as they could judge for themselves? Ho should therefore support her Mejesty's Government upon this question. Mr. HUME said that the coloni,t; should have the power to decide forthwith, and whenever they pleased, what form of government it would he most expedient for them to adopt. The amendment proposed to transfer the whole of the time-honoured estates of this country into the colony, which did nit contain any materials of a na ture at all analogous to the materials which existed in this c,untry. A speech more inapplicable to the condi tion of the colonists than that of the Hon. Mover of the amendment he had never heard. He was entirely wrong. in proposing to transfer and carry out in a colony all the institutions of this country. Ile would transfer to the colony the whole bench ot bishops. He would not support any measure of dictation to the colonics. The Act of her Majesty's Government was founded upon a wise and liberal policy. The effect of it would be to bind our colonies to this country, and make their interests one with it. By it they should retain their all,giance, and make them commercially useful and valuable to this country. Mr. HOPE said, that if they thought that government by a S.esereign dial two Houses of Parliament was the best fora Sevin race, then they ought to give them a con stitution founded upon those principles. They should have the elements of good, honest, and just government, and that was best ensured by the forms of the British Constitution. He should, therefore, support the amend ment. Mr. SCOTT said, that the basis of all the arguments of the Government was, that they ought not to legislate for the colonists without their consent. Well, Sir, they had not their consent to the measure proposed by Go vernment. They had sent out this Bill, which had reached the colony during the sitting of the Legislature of the colony, and yet they had had no expression of opinion yet. When it was said with boldness they had, he was constrained to any that he thought the assertion a misstatement of the Under-Secretary of State. They had bad simply an opinion from the colony a New South Wales, but from no other colony. The circum stances of that colony were totally different. There was, in the first place, a petition presented to the House in 1848, from the colony of New South Wales, and it was not then stated that any dislike to two chambers existed, but there was a complaint in it against the system proposed by the Colonial Secretary at the time, which the colonists, it adopted, would deprive them of the elective franchise. Those petitioners said they were anxious to enjoy the benefit of British institutions, but there wss not a word against their having a second chamber. There was also presented a petition to that House from the electoral division of Penrine, in which it was stated that the Bill then proposed, in 1848, by Lord Grey, would be then a 13111 of pains and penalties, and prayed her Majesty not to sanction the passing of so crude and experitnere al a law in respect cf them. But, again, there was no opi nion expressed against two chambers. The petition presentsd to that House from Port Philip, in reference to that Bill, was of a similar import. There were three other petitions presented from the colony to that House, all of a like import, and where, then, was the evidence of the colonists being against two chambers? He thought it necessary to refer to those petitions, in consequence of the words put into the mouths of the colonists by the - Under-Secretary fer the Colonies and other Hon. Gentlemen who supported his views. Then, again, the opinion of the governor of Van Diemen's Land was also in favour of two chambers. He said decidedly, that if a union of those colonies were to take place, he would recommend the establishment ef an upper chamber. And why did he say so? It was because that he con ceived such would elevate the state of society in that colony. In arguing the question, however,they ha I heard nothing of the advantages which would accrue to the colony from the establishment of such a chamber, but all that was contended was, that such a chamber was adverse to the opinions 'of the Colonists, but he thought the opinions of the colonists, as expressed in the peti tions ho had alluded to, and that of the governor of Van Diemen's Laud, was a decided arid satisfactory answer to that argument. Besides, the Noble Earl at the head of the Colonial-office himself, two years ago, ex pressed a much similar opinion, and now he thought was the time that such could be advantageously conferred on the country. No doubt their bad legisla tion in respect of Australia had rendered the materials for a second Chamber less than they would have been, but still there was sufficient to begin•with, and he would most cord ally support the amendment. Mr. LA.BOUCHERE said he was anxious not to give a silent vote in respect of this amendment, and he thought he might say, in speaking of it, sad in respect of the measure now before the House, that the coerce Government had taken in respect of that measure was frank and open ; that they had been actuated by the best intentions towards those colonies to which the measure referred, nod he had no doubt that their intentions would be jointly appreciated by those for whom the measure was intended. The intelligence which has been received from Australia, not only from official sources, but also from the newspapers published in the colony, went to show that upon the whole the measure had been re ceived by the colonists as not only wise, kind, and po litic, but also one which woul strengthen their institu tions and promote their general welfere—the knowledge of that fact, that the measure had been so well re ceived by the colonists, comforted him amid all the at tacks which had been made upon him es a supporter of it in the course of its discussion in that House ; and be had not the slightest doubt that Government would, should it be passed, be awarded the greatest credit for proposing measures which had the effect of extending the blessings of the institutions of this country to their remotest possessions. The question now under discus sion was whether it would be proper to at once propose the introduction of two chambers, or whether they should pass the measure as it stood, leaving to the colonists themselves to test it, and shculd they find a double chamber requisite to adopt it. It was thought proper in considering the question to-refer it to the consideration of the Committee in Privy Council, and the doing so enabled the Government to examine all the facts and documents connected with the case, in fact, to, as it were, take the colonists themselves before them, and bear them in respect of their case. That had been attended with the best result., for it showed the colonists that there was every feeling and wish on the part of the Government to consider their case. In that Committee he admitted that there was an expression of opinion in favour of two chambers, but in giving expression to that opinion they were doing no thing more than giving expression to what he believed to be the opinion of the great majority of the people of this country. In this country they had been accus tomed to two chambers too long not to cherish them. But in the report of the Committee of Privy Council the reasons which induced them not to concede two chambers in the present instance, but leave that to the colonists themselves wee also stated; and be thought no one who read those reasons would fail to see that there etas in the whole conduct of the Government respecting the :evasive an obvious and anxious desire to respect the &elitists of the colonists, and to consult them on all matters connected with their interest. That being the case, he was not a little surprised at Honourable Mem bers on his side of the House, who spoke so much about giving effect to the opinions of the people, urging so many objections to the measure, and complaining so' much of the conduct of the Government respecting it. He would not weary the House by reading papers, but he thought there was no one who read the documents which bad come from Australia respecting this mea sure but could fail to see that the colonists ob.. jected to any change in their present institutions without their being consulted; and that being the case, was it not better to pass this measure which the colonists ap proved of, rather than adopt one which it was doubtful as to whether or not they would accept. He admitted that in making the chamber elective, they had introduced a new principle into the colony, but that was one of the most important principles of the constitution of this country, and wherever they could, it ought to be ex tended. An Hon. Gentleman had hinted as much as that the second chamber contended for should contain somewhat of hereditary elements, but be would never be a party to the sowing the seeds of aristocracy in such a place as Australia. That principle was contended for by Mr. Pitt, in a measure which he introduced respecting Canada, but it was strenuously opposed by Mr. Fox, and the propriety of its rejection was now seen in the state of Canada. He believed, if they introduced a second chain bar, it should be on the principle of election, but he felt convinced it was not wise to do so in that instance. In the first place, lot them look at the delay which must take place if they adopted it. They should create a qualifica tion which must cause delay and much disappointment, avid that, too, at a time when it was absolutely neces sary to pass the measure during the present session of Parliament. One of the many topics which now pressed on their attention was, the separation of Victoria from New South Wales, and it would be utterly impossible to do that if the principle of the present Bill were re jected this session. lie very much doubted if, in these colonies at present, sufficient persons could be found to constitute an Assembly and a Second Chamber at a time; and that was the opinion of two distinguished men—Sir G. Grey, Governor of Van Diemen's Land, and Sir G. Gibbs. That et as the opinion, also, of men in the cede-. nies themselves, who were, in theory, for the principle of two chambers, but avowed that, at present, it was impossible to procure persons to: form a second cham ber. Mr. Wentworth, a gentleman of great distinction in New South Wales, placed a motion on the books of the Council, stating, he preferred one chamber to two, where one was composed of nominees of the Crown first, because there did not exi=t any class of sufficient fortune in the colonies t.) be raised to the station of hereditary le g i s l a t o r s , or legislators for life; and se condly, because the second chamber would be composed of nominees of the Crown, appointed for a limited period in the council; and a council thus constituted would be a mere machine in the hands of the Colonial -office. It was quite true he made no reference to an elective chamber on an elective principle, but even if he had, he would, no doubt, on the principles which be propounded, be of the same opinion. Considering, therefore, the opinions expressed by the colonists, and that they were not legislating for colonies suffering under oppression — considering the people in the main were satisfied with B t o h fi e lti i h, r i n n ea s os t r i o t nu u ic t s i h o t snatssh, them I i t e ws ea t l s h y thought e de t ra h ec e p ee y o ar o dt e u i d & a h g t t on to i tti ,11 p et h a cp s_ y s t a had he e every reason to believe the measure gave great satisfac tion to the colonies; the merchants concealed with them had petitioned in its favour, and on that account he hoped the House would support the measure of the Go vernment, brought forward in a spirit of goodwill and kindness, and reject the motion of the lion. and Learned Member for Midburst. Sir W. MOLESWORTH contended it was the duty of the British Parliarneet frame institutions, in the first instance, for their auiunlsLs. and on that account a deep responsibility was attached to them. There were Are colonies in Australia, one of which had already a, i censitution, and f Air were about to receive it, aid the question :hen was what was the constittrian best adapted to promote their greatnese and pros,perity. That the co lunists ought to have power to alter and to amend their own constitution, was egret d on; and then came the pro position what form of government ought they to start with. The Government proposed but a singto elective chamber, tine third 9f which were to be nominated by the Colonial-office. The Noble L )rd at the head of the Government was the illustrious author of the Retorts:l Bill, and what would he think if out of the British repre sentation 226 members were to be nominated by the Crown; and yet that was what the Noble Lord proposed to do with the present Bill, as regarded the Australian colonies. Tho Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for telidhurst brought forward his motion with great clear ness and ability, and as regarded the theory of two cham bers, the Rigel Hon. Gentleman tee President of the Board of Trade was in its favour, and the Under Secre tary for the Colonies, Sir Charles Fitzroy, Governor of Ni w South Wttler, the Governors of Ne w Zeeland and Van Dieznen'e Land, were all fur the theory of having two chambers. He contended there was not the slightest evidence to prove that the colonies of Victoria, Western or South Australia, were in favour of one chamber, and approved of the present Bill, net because they were sa tisfied with it, but, in the aosence of a better. it was also said, over and over again, that New S suth Wales was in favour of its present constitution; but he con tended that there was no evidence on that subject to jus tify such an opinion. The Hon. Baronet having read a dispatch of Earl Grey, dated last July, in reply to which the inhabitants of New South Wa:es met, and denounced the constitution which he proposed far their adoption, in a memorial addle seed to her Majesty, proceeded to say that they showed, by that document, their disgust et the experiment of the Colonial office. and all desirest institutions as near those in existence at home as possible whenever circumstances permitted. Then, as to the power of oetering their constitution being vested in the legisla tive council, he denounced it asfatile. Let the Government propose t sat a convsution be summoned in those colonies, as was done in the United States cf America. There acre in that country no less than 34 states planted by English colonists, who carried with them from this country those principles on which they were founded and flourished. feet them contrast that with the policy now pursued at the Colonial-office, where constitutions were either pro posed or rejected, according to the whim of the Minister or the Colonial-office. Compare this with the course proposed. In the first place, they 'began with a bad con stitution of a single chamber, in which there would be _ no control over the impulses of the democracy. But it might be said the Colonial-office would have a control ling power over the Le g islature. Did they mean to ex ercise that control? If they did, they would run • counter to the feelings of the colonists, and expose the Imperial Government to defeat and dishonour. He wished to ask the Noble Lord a question. It' these colonies proposed to make a single elective chamber, would be pledge himself to give the sanction of the Government to that single elective chamber? That was a question which would most certainly be forced upon his consideration by the colonies theintelves ? Lie would now give his reasons for sup porting a double chamber. A representative Legislature should be a reflex of the opinions of the whole commu nity. In every community there was an innovating and a conservative tendency, and the great object they should have in view was to prevent party innovation, without giving an undue preponderance to the conservative ten dency. Now, would a single chamber effect these two objects? He believed not; but, on the contrary, that a single chamber would cause an autegonisne between the colonies *led the Imperial Government. All experience proved that it was better that the struggle between these two opposing tendencies should take place in the bosom of the community in which they were developed= (Hear, hear)—because, as was shown in the case of the House of Lords in this country, however conservative they might be, their interests were identified with the great body of the community, and practically it was the wee, that whenever any public question had been decided upon by the great body of the people, the good sense of the House of Lords always led them to acquiesce in that decision.—(Hear, hear.) Now, it was ridiculous to compere a body of Crown nominees with the Lords. They could be only a purely obstructive body.—(Divide.) The Right Hoe. Gentle man said there were 110 materials for a second chamber in the colonies. He agreed with him in thinking that there were no materials for a nominated Chamber, vecause we had all too good an opinion of ourselves to believe that any body of men should have an irrespon sible control over legislation. He objected to a nomi native chamber, because it would lead to a conflict be tween the elective and the nominative Chamber; or, in other words. the Imperial Government. • For the same reason he objected to a single chamber, because it would lead to a struggle between the chamber and the gover nor of the colony; or, in other wards, against the Impe rial Government. But he supported an upper, and he proposed that it should be composed of persons having double the property qualification of the Members of the lower chamber; that they should bo elected for nine years, and be older men, because elder men were less innovating—(Laughter)—and as smell bodies were less liable to impulsive action and innovating tendencies than large bodies, he proposed that it should be smaller in number; that the Members should not be elected at the same time; that they should be all elected by the people. Under such regulations, he believed, they would secure all the advantages arising from a double chamber, give both the conservative and the innovating instincts of the colonial communities legitimate and con stitutional methods of expression and action, and pre vent those conflicts between the Imperial and Colonial Governments, which would ensue from a single chamber, composed as the measure new under consideration pro posed.—(hear, hear.) Mr. PEEL supported the amendment, thinking it most important to assimilate the institutions of the colonies to those of this country, and to introduce the features of the British Constitution into the cnlouiel governments of the empire. It was very desirable that the House should not take a false step on this occasion, becalso whatever might be the form of the constitution recom mended to Australia, it would have to rest exclusively for its support on the influence and authority of these who would constitute the governing body, and the good opinion of the governed.—(Hear, hear.) If the system was to obtain permanence it must be congenial to their wishes, and he would leave Hon. Gentlemen to judge how far an assembly, two pasts elective and ono nomi native, were likely to secure the good opinion of the colo nists, or to command their acquiescence in the decision of its majorities.—(Hear.) He bad heard no argument in defence of a single chamber, unless that it was the form of the constitution in New South Wales, and that a wish had been expressed that no alteration should be made without their consent.—(Hear, hear.) Many Hon. Gentlemen who entertained objections to the present measure considered it unnecessary to press them, on the ground that the provisions of' the Bill would enable the people of Australia to alter and amend the constitution at they might think fit, and to adopt a double chamber if they should wish to do so. Now, so far from the sug eested remedy satisfying his objection, it aggravated 'the inconvenience, and the disastrous policy of the course now proposed to be taken, beceuse no sooner would the legislative assembly meet than they would be called upon to discuss a great constitutional question—to con sider and review the fundamental principles of their con stitution, and to re-arrange and remodel the form of their legislature.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be ex pected that the members would act harrnoniouly to gether, because the interest of the elective members would appear to be opposed to those of the nominated members. This, measure, therefore, would lay the ground for future dissensions and local jealousies, and would also hazard the good understanding which ought to prevail between this country and the colonies. — (Hear.) It was very possible the legislative council would come to a resolution that the legislative power ought to be vested in a single chamber, purely elective, entirely popular, without any admixture of nominative members, and he apprehended the Got ernment at home could not consent to a legislative assembly so consti tutedet—(Hear, hear.) It was said that there would bo some difficulty in constituting the upper chamber, but if Hon. Members would turn their attention to the example of the United States, they would find that diffi culty not insuperable. In every one of the states the legislative power was vested in a Senate and a House of Representatives, the population of some of the states not exceeding that of New South Wales. In Pennsylvania, the legislative power was at first invested in a single chamber, but afterwards remodelled upon the plan which had received the sanction of the other states. It was the same in Rhode Island. Ho supported the double chamber because he thought the form of the legislature of each colony would materially influence the form of the general assembly.—(Hear, hear.) He considered it essential, if the independence of the several colonies composing too union was to be preserved, that the power of the general assembly should not be exercised by one legislative house; and he could not give his sanction to an institution which was admitted to be de fective. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said that he had come down to the House with a strong preposses sion in favour of two chambers, but the arguments which had been adduced in the course of the debate had entirely chan,gel his opinion.—((tear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said the lion. Member for Leo minster had put the arguments in favour of the amend ment in as strong a light as possible, and yet he had failed to show any good reasons why the House should vote for the amendment. It was said that the Govern ment were now introducing a new constitution into Australia—that they were putting into the legislature of New South Wales that which never existed before, namely, members appointed by the Crown, and starting a constitution wholly unknown to them. Now, this made it necessary for him to state what had been the course of legislation on this subject. In July, 1840, he had the honour of introducing a Bill containing a pro vision for calling in a council in New South Wales of thirty-six members, of whom twenty-four should be elective, and twelve nominated by the Crown. In the year 1842. Lord Stanley succeeded to the seals of the Colonial-office, and introduced a Bill of a similar description. This was a strong presump tion that no great discontent or dissatisfaction had arisen in New South Wales between July, 1840, when the first measure was introduced, and 1847, when the Bill was brought in by I.ord Stanley.— (Hear, hear.) That Bill nett with little opposition, and became Act of Parliament. From this time this eenstitution, which was repreteated as so monstrous, as a machine which could not work, es a thing utterly un known in principle, as wholly impracticable, bad been working in New South Wales, the population of which had not yet discovered its faults.—(li:ar.) This was a presumption that in introducing a Bill at the present time, it was at least a safe course to proceed upon the foundation which had been already laid, and which hitherto had nt t failed. When Hon. Gentlemen said there tam to he fl COBStitlient assembly in New South o W u t al s e a S y , i n a g e d o t r h a a g t r t e t e te in c g o ntsht 4tu c there i l ' i o t o u should be a l i;t'' this ;c , _M ; s' t ._t out -- tout assembly, he said they must preserv e o ne of tw o av"; thieoe—eitner that tee Legislature which they were now confirming, end not introducing, was one that could be repeated either by the two chambers, or by some depute form of appointment mad election, or else the present constitution would last as one that was perfectly satin factory to the people of New South Wales. Now, if this constitution was to be changed, let them wait until they heard the opinion of the people.--(Bear.) If they had a house utterly unfit to live in, and le:paired a new one, the prudent course would be to remain in the old one until they had settled the plan of the new.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what had taken place with respect to this measure? A report of the Privy Council—a report written with great ability, and showing not only the course which the Government proposed to pursue, but the reasons and grounds upon which it was based—was laid before her Majesty in council, and approved and printed in May, 1848, and in that report a strong suggestion was made in favour of two chambers.—(Hear.) All the reasons derived from the constitution and the state of the laws were adduced in favour of the Bill, and the whole of the arguments in favour of the conclusion the Commito e of the Privy Council adopted was supported by evidence to the same purport. While all the general arguments were given in favour of the alteration, the main ground against it was stated to be the public opinion of Now South Wales? Nothing, he thought, could be more obvious than that if' public opinion was in favour of the two chambers there would have been petitions from the colonies. What were the allegations be found in the pe tition he had had the honour to present, and which bad been signed by the most considerable firms who had connexions in New South Wales ? It was stated in the petition that the report of the Committee of the Privy Council having reached the colonies of 1 New South Wales it appeared to have been received 1 with a high degree of satisfaction by the people of each colony, and it observed that the proposed arrange ; ment was calculated t secure the listing' attachment of the colonies to the Crown and interests of the mother country. Now, there were persons having a strong in terest in the welfare of those colonies, and having re ceived all the intelligence from those colonies which either public or private letters conveyed, they came to that House to ask them ta pass the Bill and not to adopt the great alterations proposed. Now, if they were to adopt alterations in the Bill, the question was what alte rations should they adopt in place of the present consti tution? The proposition of the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman was a proposition which went not to make alte rations for the present, but a great series of permanent alterations in the constitution of he country ; because the Honourable and Learned Gentletnan meant to pro pose that the legislative council should be elected for ten years, and after that the legislative council should be (4.14 for life. What he intended, therefore, was a permanent change in the constitution of New South Wales. He proposed two councils, one a representa tive assembly. and the other t s be appointee by the Crown. He doubted whether a council appointed by the Crown, and having the power to stop a Bill coming from the representative assembly, would give satisfac tion to the people of New South Wales. He had the opinion of the elective members of the legislative council on that point in their votes and proceedings of the 2d May, 1843, which had been laid before the House. In that case the council was disposed to view favourably the separation if the functions S f the nominees of the Crown from those of the people. By a majority of 9 to 4 of the elective council of New South Wales the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was rejected. He would ask whether, after having stated their with to consult the feelings of the people of New South Wales, their first aneration should be directly in the teeth of the recorded opinions of the representative council? If that clause was rejected, they were not without some resource. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman proposed that the district of New South Wale's should be divided into provinces, each electing three representatives—one of them for three years, another for six years, and a third for nine years. Now there were many objections to that plan, but the main one was, it was a proposition altogether unheard-of in New South Wales, and they wer e to adopt it without knowing whether five men in Now South Wales would be satisfied with it. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman next proposed that they should be elected in provinces, of the amount aad extent of the population of which, and' especially of how many had the qualification of 2001. a year in land, which he proposed, they were utterly ignorant; and in laying down such a constitution, they might find in some of these provinces not more than five or six persons likely to be elected, and they would thus make a close monopoly of it. That was another strange reason why they should adopt the proposition. The effect of it, in all probability, would be to form an oligarchy, who would be found objecting to and obstructing popular measures. It was calculated to set up a monopoly in the hands of a few persons. The Right Honourable Gentleman opposite hail another and a more complicated plan, but one which could not be safely adopted by the House. The other proposition, which made a separate council of the nominees, was sure to be distasteful to the colonists. New much stress had been laid upon the constitutions of the other colonies, but ho thought they would much err if they adopted them as the rule. 'rake the case of Jamaica. The first constitution was that of a governor and council and a house of assembly. The governor and council sat together, and they were se it were the executive of the Governor. Gradually they adopted the privilege of sitting alone; but he asked, would New South Wales he satisfied with such a council as that, composed of the judeet, the attorney and solicitor-general, and persons named by the Crown ? Lately there was a proposal far retrenchment of expenditure in Jamaica, which lead been rejected by the council. Suppose that had been approved of in New South Wales, could any per son imagine the amount of the discontent that would be excitul? lie called then upon the Committee to affirm the proposition of the Government, because it had been favourably received in the Australian colonies, and could be adopted without danger.—(Hear.) Mr. GLA.DSTONE would not trespass long on the time and patience of the Committee at that late hour of the night, and hoped for its indulgence, as he was anxious to express his opinion on the two propositions before the House. Amidst the multitudinous business of Parliament, it was difficult for Members to give their minds fully to all subjects; but he implored the Com mittee to recollect that they were now about to give a constitution to five colonies, on which might hinge the fate of those colonies, for good or for evil.—(Hear, hear.) The great question .was, whether they were to give to the colony a double or a single chamber. He could not but admit that great credit ought to be given to the Government for the liberal spirit in which it had come forward on this subject; but the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had gone too far in saying that the proposition of the Government had been well received in the colonies. It had been well received, but it was only comparatively well received. The Noble Lord had not said one word of what went Wire. Taey had it, for instance, on the outhority ef the Government of New Zealand, that the people were desirous to have an upper chamber, and so, in like manner, they had it from the Governor of Van Diemen's Lend that an upper chamber was desired in that colony. They had district councils introduced by the Government into New South Wales, and those district councils were a sore and a festering cause of discontent between the Government of this country and the colo nists, and the question of those district councils was not yet given up by the Government. Did the Govern ment, he would ask, not propose to make important changes in the constitution of N ew S o uth Wales, by the present Bill, without the con sent o f t h e people of that colony? Undoubtedly they did. The change which they proposed indicated an enlar g e me nt of the constitu tion of the colony, and that inai cat i on was a warrant to those who supported the motion now before the House that they, too, should endeavour to enlarge the consti tution of the colony still more. He had no hesitation in saying that the measure proposed by the Government would, if carried, although somewhat enlarged in its view, lead to the greatest political discontent, and to a constant agitation, until, in one form or another, that consitution should be changed, He thought the Committee and the country were greatly indebted to the able pamphlet of Mr. Mackay, which pointed ont the manner' in which the proposed con stitution was likely to act in New South Wales. He (Mr. Gladstone) objected to the Constitution proposed by the Government on several grounds, as not likely to be productive of satisfaction to the colonise, and as cal culated to create an anti-British feeling, which would recoil upon them, and that their measures were allied with something calculated to give a distaste for British institutions. He con s id ere d t h at the one chamber, pre posed by the Governme n t ( w ith twelve of its members mere " nominees of th e C rown ,") would prove a source of constant political discontent, and thus it was that he should give his vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. and Learned Memb er , w hi c h proposed to give to the colonists two chamb ers , on a sound constituConal prin ciple.—(hear, he ar .) I t wa s q uite unnecessary to go upon which the Right Hon. Gentleman into the grounds the Member for So ut h war k c learly demonstrated the ne cessity of constitu t i ng t h e go vernment on this principle. Much as he was a t tac h e d to the principle of the double chamber, and tho ug h d e l a y m i g ht be a great evil, still, if the Government were unprepared to introduce a mea sure this session to carry out the principle, ho would much rather send a good constitution to South Aus tralia in 1851, than a bed one in 1850.—(Hear, hear.) Tho principle of nomination professed to be that which the Government, and he was wi llin g , l it was not; it p ro f esse d to place before the country as men w h o d e p en ded upon an act of the will of however, to make vital matter fo r th e prese nt moment; but it was neces sary concession to the Noble Lord that this was not a to make preparations fer the future; and however they might be willing to keep it out of view for a reason they ought never to forget that it materially affected the future prospect s o f the colony. On this subject he quoted from the work of M. de Tocqueville to the United States of Ameri ca , an d b e quite agreed with his Hon. Friend the Member for Leominster, in the appeal which he had made to the United States, as au example of the o operation of this principle. In 1621, the first Assembl y Virginia sat ; in 1624 the pat ent of the non-resident company was cancelled; 1628 Massachusetts obtained its charter, and in 1629 it fixed the seat of power on the other side of the Atlantic. Thus the colony was really governed by local influence. When young states were to be launched into the world, under the difficult and critical circumstances which it appeared to be decreed should then sur round them, it was necessary above all things to provide principles of a sound constitution. It was by means only of the double chamb er that that g reat man Washington was able to bring h is countr y throu g h the ' dangers which menaced it fro m domestic disorganize ; tion. When the feeling of the Americans was so strong against anything participating in the nature of hereditary transmission of power, if they examined into the facts . of the case, they would find it was the princ i p le of t he division of the legislative power which proved the saviour of the ceunt-v. In 1794, a Bill passed the federal chamber to stop ell commerce wiCti Eugraild, but it was thrown out by the senate. Again, in 1795, a Bill passed the House of Representatives, giving Frame a commercial Oven- tag° over England. That Bill, also, was thrown out in the senate, which showed itself, by acts like these, e.coa trolling power, holding in check, by its wisdom and sta bility, the popular element, which partook too much of popular passion, out of door:. In spite of these great disadvantages, Washington, by means of the upper chamber, was enable•l at length to conclude a treaty of pe:ce and amity with Great Britain. On those grounds ho hoped thr, whatever the Committee might be dis posed to do, it would not, at the present moment, sanc tion the principle of the single chamber.—(Cheers.) Colonel THOMPSON said that though it was his original intention to vote for the amendment, yet having heard the Noble Lord in his speech refer to a future in t,ntion of the Hon. Baronet in which ho could not coin cide, ho would support the Bill of the Government. The Committee then divided; the numbers were— • For the original clause 198 Against it ... 147 Alujority in favour of Government —5l The House then resumed; the CHAIRMAN reported progress, and asked leave to sit BUSINESS OF THE MOUSE. Lord JOHN RU S SELL made the following state merit rrspecting the business of the House think it will be convenient Lu state the course which I intend to pursue in regard to the business cf the House on Monday. I propose to allow the lion. Member for Ta • visteck to make his motion fir a Committee on the duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster b-fore the orders of the day on Mond sy. It will be then necessary to take a vote on account of the Ordnance Estimates, as the House will not meet again till after the expiration of the financial year. We shall take a vote, therefore, and then postpone the Ordnance Estimates until the end of April. It will be necessary, of course, for the House to sit on Tuesday, to receive the report of the Committee of Supply; and, as I find that many Members, who have notices of motion standing for that day, are willing to give theta up, and many Members might be able to leave town in the course of the day if the House met early, I propose that the House should meet at twelve o'clock`on Tuesday, and I will then give notice that the House, at its rising, adjourns to Monday, the Bth of April. I now propose to postpone the Chief Justices' Salary Bill till Monday next. The Process and Practice (Ireland) Bill was com mitted. Mr. GROGAN made an attempt to procure direct compensation for some of the officers whose situations would be affected by the Bill. Sir JOHN ROMILLY suggested that the matt.zr should be left in the hands of the Lords of the Treasury. Mr. GROGAN acquiesced. Mr. REYNOLDS advocated compensation for the copying and engrossing clerks. Sir JOHN ROMILLY said that if they were entit:ed to compensation, it would be competent for the Lords of the Treasury, under one of the clauses, to remunerate them for the loss of employment. The Bill was ordered to be reported with amendments. The Charter Trust Bill was postponed until Mon- day, and the Factories Bill went through Committee pro forma. Sir W. G. CRAIG obtained leave to bring in a Bill for erection on the Carthen ground, in the city of Edin burgh, of buildings for a national gallery, and other purposes connected therewith, and with the promotion of the fine arts in Scotland. Mr. HEADL AM withdrew the motion of which he had given notice, relative to the substitution of Mr. Headlam's name for that of Sir James Graham, on the Committee on County Rut ,, s and Expenditure Bill. The House adj nulled at a giartcr to Two o'clock. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PLYMOUTH. MAnca 21.—Her Majesty's ship Superb, 80, Captain Edward Purcell, hove in sight round Penlee Point, at la-past two o'clock this afternoon, from Queen's-town. Wind, southerly. CHATHAM, MARCH 22.—The Nankin, 50 guns. which was taken into dock on Monday last to be brought for ward for service, has a great number of hands employed oa her to exrdite her fittings; but as she has neither her bulkheads nor other fitments pat up, it will be full three months before she is out of hand. WOOLWICH, MAnc 22.—A very pretty little vessel has been constructed at Chatham from the laanch of the Vernon, .50-gun frigate, and was brought round to Wool wich.on Friday last. To-day the vessel was taken up to Greenwich, to be rigged by the boys there. She has been painted to represent a frigate, and has a neat bust of Vie Prince of Wales in his naval costume fur a figure head. The general impression is that this miniature frigate is intzudvd fur his R )yal Highness the Prince of Wales. THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION. The Intrepid, sister screw stem-vessel to the Pioneer, was taken into dock at Woolwich yesterday, and all hands that could find room to work put upon her, to take out and re-adjust her engines and boilers. The shipwrights, under the directions of Mr. Laing, are also most actively at work, as if the getting the vessel resdy depended upon the individual exertion of every person employed upon her. The Commodore-Superintendent has ordered that the greatest exertions should be made in all the departments to expedite the vessels fitting for the expedition, and Captain Austin and Captain Om manrey have been in constant attendance at Woolwich fir several days past in personally superintending the preparations fur their voyage. A numtm. of convicts were brought down the river to-day in a roamer to be put on board the Blenheim, hired convict-ship, Mr. Molison master. The vessel is moored opposite the Royal Arsenal, and will be under the charge of Sargeon-Superintendent C. li. Fuller. The destination of the convicts is Van Diemen's Land. GREAT FIRE AT MANCHESTER. DESTRUCTION OF UPWARDS OF £lOO,OOO WORM OF PROPERTY AND LOSS OF LIFE. MANCHESTER, MARCH 22.—At midnight last night one of those disastrous and destructive fires which have frequently visited this manufacturing town, broke out in the warehouse of Messrs. Wood and Westhead, small ware manufacturers and general dealers. Tho premises were situate in Piccadilly, ono of the groat thorough fares in Manchester, and precisely opposite the Royal Infirmary. The flames were first discovered about a quarter before twelve o'clock, issuing from the packing room, which is on the ground floor. Very few mi nut .s had elapsed before the fire was seen isming from the top of the building, which was six stories higb. The alarm was soon given, and the firemen with the engines were soon on the spot, but the de vouring element raged with such fury and rapidity that before any effective resistance could be made to its progress, the whole of the building and its valuable contents were totally destroyed. The activity of the firemen, aided by an abundant supply of water, pre vented the flames from extending beyond the warehouse itself, and, therefore, the only thmage done to the adjoining property was confined to the blistering of the wa'ls and the charring of the window-frames and doors, occasioned by the intensity of the heat. The stock con sisted of small wares, hardwares, silks, satins, ribbons, lace, and hosiery of every description, and was of great value, amounting to neatly 100,000 L, the whole of which was entirely consumed. So rapid was the fire, that the whole contents of the building, together with every floor, roof, &c., were totally destroyed in about an hour and a half. In fact, by half•past one the fire had so com pletei the work of devastation, that there was nothing lid, for further destruction. The workpeople were ut work in some part of the wa-ehouse till half-past eleven, when the doors were closed and all appeared safe. The stock was insured for 84,000/. The building was insured to near its value, but in what offices did not transpire. From the time the fire was gut under, at about two o'clock, the men were engaged in clearing away the fallen ruins, and 'preparing fur the recovery of the sal vage; which work went on with great spirit till about one o'clock at noon to-day, when the eastern gable came down with a tremendous crash, burying six of the fire men beneath the ruins. The shrieks of the crowd were at this moment heart-rending, but after a short pause all hands were at work, to reJover the unfortunate men, whose lives were despaired of, and by the most praise worthy exertions of the people and the firemen, five were taken out alive, but ono of them so severely injured as to leave but little hope of his recovery; his name is J. Naylor. The sixth was taken out dreadfully mutilated, but died shortly after; his name was Charles M'Ciary. The other four were not so seriously injured as to render their recovery a matter of any doubt. They were all taken to the Infirmary, where every attention is being paid to their respective cases. This disaster will throw at least 150 young men out of work for a time. The walls that are still standing appear in a dangerous state. EXHIBITION OF INDUSTRY, 1851. A meeting of the Royal Commission for the promo tion of the Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all NsCons, to be held in the year 1851, was held yesterday in the New Palace of Westminster. The Commis sioners present were .the Earl Granville, Lord Over stone, Sir Robert Peel, the Right Hon. H. LabouJhere, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Mr. Braley, Mr. Cob den, M.P., Mr. T. F. Gibson, Mr. Gott, and Mr. Posey, M.P. Mr. Stafford Northcote, secretary of the Com mission, attended. Sir Henry T. lie la Beale and Dr. Lyon Playfair, of the committee on the mineral king dom, were present, Colonel Reid (chairman), Mr. 11. Cole, Mr. C. W. Dilke, and Mr. F. Fuller, attended on behalf cf the Executive Committee, with the secretary, Mr. D:gby Wyatt. The following Mayors, Provost.; Bailiffs, and High Constables were present with the Royal Commissioners : Mayors—Dublin, Bradford, Winchester, Wolverhamp ton, Kendal, Bury St. Edmund', , , Carlisle, Bucking ham, Worcester, Manchester, Bridgewater, Salisbury, Warrington, Dover, Portsmouth, Canterbury, Newport ( Monmouth), Launceston, Leeds, Leicester,.Birmingbam, Ntetiugbaaa, Preston, Coventry, Gravesend, Tiverton, Bridporr, Halifax, Limerick, Cork, Waterford, Bolton, Stockport, Southampton, Oxford. Provosts—Edinburgh, Paisley, Glasgow, Leith. Bailiff,—Jersey, Guernsey, Stoke-upon-Trent, D tt lington. High Constables—Brighton, Huddersfield. Returning Officers—Knaresborough, Blackburn. The principal topics of discussion between the Mayors and the Commissioners referred to the appointment of local commissioners, and the beat means of establishing a practical and satisfactory means of communication be tween the local committees and the commisioners. It was felt that the result of the present interview was such as would tend greatly to dissipate any prejudice that could exist on the subject of carrying the principle of centralization too hr. The question of the selection of articles engaged considerable attention; and after a full examination Sir Robert Peel drafted a letter, which be suggested should be issued by local com mittees, and which received unani mous approv a l.. Lastly, the subscriptions, and the ne cessary amount to be raised, were alluded to, and the beat feeling prevailed towards using the greatest exer tion to enable lEe Commissioners to at once commence the building with perfect confidence in ultimate success. The conference with the Royal Commission com as:need at eleven o'clock in the morning, and broke up at three o'clock iu the wternoon. HIGHLAND SOCIETY of LONDON; Oa Thursday evening the members of this venerable society held their anniversary festival, in commemo ration of the, victory cf Alexandria, at the Free masone Tavern, when an elegant dinner was provided for the occasion by Mr. Bacon, the proprietor of the tavern, a haggis (chieftain of the pudding race) hav ing been sent all the way from Dingwall for the feast. The society was established in 1778, and incorpo• rated in 1815, " for preserving the martial spirit, dress, music, and language, the remains of Celtic li terature, and the antiquities of the ancient Caledo nians ; encouraging a kindly feeling between High landers in all parts of the world, and in other respects promoting the general welfare of the northern parts of the kingdom." Lieutenant-General Sir James Macdonell, K.C.8., presided over the ffstivities of the evening; and amongst the company present we noticed—Major- General Sir John Rolf, K.C.8., Colonel Sir John M. Wilson, Sir J'ohn Campbell, K 0.11., Colonel Crabb, Sir Charles Forbes, M.D., Captain John Forbes. R.N., Captain Lamont, R.N., Captain Jay, R.N, The Chisholm, W. Bisset, Esq., of Lessen drum ; A. White, Esq , Deputy-Inspector-General of Hospitals; the Rev. Chas. Mackenzie, Alex. G. M'Kenzie, Colonel Brandling, Major Moneypenny, Dr. .Este, J. A. Beaumont, Esq., James Murray, Esq , Major 111.‘Queer, G. Bain, Esq., D. C. Guthrie, Esq , Hon. Edward Wret tesley, Sr Robert Murray, Bart., Charles R. Mackenzie, Esq , dr.c. The company consisted of about one hundred gentlemen, many of whom were dressed in military, naval, and Highland costume; and the gallery, across the feot of the magnificent room in which the festival was held, was filled with a number of elegantly dressed ladies. The band of the Caledonian Asylum boys played during the dinner, and subsequently the Queen's piper and his brother, the Society's piper, played several airs, appropriately filling up the pauses in the entertainment. We have seen a larger proportion of the company present arrayed in the Highland garb on former oc casions; but the festivities of the evening were car ried forward with unusual spirit, and the sense of enjoyment never appeared to flag for a moment. Mr. C. Cooper, on the special request of the Chair man, sung the fine old Jacobite song, " Heigh Johnny Cope," with so much of true taste and genuine nation. ality of feeling, as to elicit the enthusiastic accla mations of the company over and over again. Upon Mr. Cooper the mant:e of Wilson, the Scottish vo calist, whose death we had recently to deplore, may be said to have fallen. He sings the airs of Scotland with a pathos and a beauty scarcely, if at all inferior to poor Wilson, and which point to him as his only legitimate successor. Departing in some measure from the prescribed list of toasts, the Chairman gave to the festival a pleasing absence of farmality, which would not otherwise have characterised it. The usual loyal toasts having been drunk, The Gallant CHAIRMAN next gave "The navy and army." lie cheerfully gave the precedence to the sister service, because he himself belonged to the army. Captain FORBES, R.N., returned thanks for the navy, and in a vivid and true sailor-like style de scribed the landing of the British force, as be had witnessed it under cover of the English fleet on the beach, prior to the memorable battle of Alexandria. Major-General Sir JOHN itOLT returned thanks for the army in suitable terms. Mr. GUTHRIE, in a very able speech, proposed the health of the Chairman, and in doing so made honour able mention of the heroic conduct of Sir James Macdonell, while defending the farm of Hougoument against the French at the battle of Waterloo. The Gallant CHAIRMAN responded to the toast in a corresponding spirit. The CHAIRMAN then rose to give the toast of the evening. He said as there were strangers among the ' company, he would take the oppportunity of stating that, from the commencement of this corporation it had annually commemorated the victory of Alexan dria, with the view of doing honour to those who had taken part in that memorable achievement. He had now to propose to them that they should drink to the memory of Sir R. Abercrombie tied the heroes who fell with him in Egypt. The toast was drunk by the company standing, in solemn silence. C iptain FORBES, R.N., acknowledged the toast. Colonel CRABBE, of the 74th Regiment, returned thanks to the toast of " The Visitors." The CHAIRMAN then gave " Prosperity to the forthcoming Exhibition of Arts and Manufectures in 1851," to which Mr. WESTMACOTT responded. The toast of " Chiefs and Clans" having been given from the chair, and drunk with the greatest enthusiasm, The CHISHOLM rose to acknowledge it. He said he hal hoped on that occasion there would have been present another individual of that order to which he himself was proud to belong, another Highland chief, who would have relieved him from the duty which had now devolved upon him. But to speak the truth he (the Chisholm) bad so often been called on to re spond to that same toast, and generally before many whom he now addressed, that he found it somewhat difficult for the hundredth time to play on the same chord, and to produce a varying sound.—(Cheers.) He would assure those whom be now addressed that the topic was one of which he should never become ashamed.—(Renewed cheers.) And why was he proud to stand there, as one of the order of chiefs and clans, to respond to that toast in the name of that order, and in the name of the clansmen who formed the most material part of that order ? Why was he proud to stand there to answer for them ? It was simply because he believed national institutions to be the real basis of the cha racter which his countrymen bad earned, and which, up to this day, he was proud to say they had never disgraced.—(Cheers.) He might be asked, as he bad been asked recently, why should he in the pre sent day, whilst they as well as others acknowledged the integrity and unity of this country, take part in any society the object of which was to keep alive any peculiar sentiment of nationality ? His short re sponse to such a question was this—because he was proud of nationality.—(Cheers.) But in these days of utilitarianism he might be expected to give some better answer than that, and his answer was, because he believed a spirit of nationality to be so essentially a mainspring of action in promoting emulation among the various classes and the various nations which form our united kingdom, and to give so essential a stimulus to their exertions, that be thought it was useful to keep it alive.—(Cheers.) That nationality was already recognised in the services which were re presented by the Gallant Chairman himself and other gallant gentleman whom he saw around him. They found in the British army, that the spirit of nation ality was recognised ; and, if he might be allowed to indulge his pride, he thought that spirit of nationality might be carried even still further into the sister pro fession.—(Hear, hear.) He could not forget that a certain frigate was manned by some of the natives of this isle, who bad been cradled on the billows, which wash our northern and or western shores, and that that frigate and that crew were sailing under the command of a certain rum Commander of the name of Napier.—(Cheers and laughter.) And it would take a good ship and a smart crew either to capture or to out-sail her. But they were not allowed to dwell on theories. They had practical experience before them, and the British army furnished them with that expe rience. They had heard this evening allusions to Corunna and to Sir John Moore.—(Cheers.) He (The Chisholm) spoke in the presence of those who had had more experience than himself, and whose military education might, perhaps, have enabled them to form a better judgment than his own; but he knew no name he would pay greater homage to than that of Sir John Moore.—(Cheers.) They saw the advantage of appealing to nationality on the occasion when he drew up his horse on the heights of Corunna. When Sir John Moore passed his Highlanders, what were his words? They were words which might well be mentioned in such an assembly as that, in the presence of those who hore part in the dangers and who witnessed the glorious achievements of his countrymen in Egypt — (Cheers)—and they might well be mentioned at a meeting of the High land Society on the 21st of March. His words were "Highlanders Remember Egypt." (Great cheering.) Did any one whom he addressed think that there was a heart which beat beneath the broad plaids of that gallant and isolated clan which did not respond to the spirit-stirring encouragement which he gave?—(Cheers.) Did they think at that moment there was a single man who had not the firmly-knit brow, the firmly-compressed lips, and who did not preserve the death-like silence which characterizes the Highlander in the hour of difficulty and danger? Did they think there was one who did not feel within himself that he would remember the deeds which his father had done ?—(Cheers.) What was the result ? When the spirit of the gallant Moore was ebbing away, and when the wounded man was being borne in the plaid of a Highlander, he asked his staff—" Do the Highlanders stand their ground ?" He was told by an officer that they did, and ere the spirit of Moore fled to its rest, the same officer was enabled to tell him "The Highlanders are advancing." Now he (The Chisholm) held that was an illustration o ` the effect of nationality. He spoke under the correction of military men of experience, and he said he could not lay his hand on a regiment which bad in any way distinguished itself and which had not been animated by that feeling of nationality. He spoke not now of his own countrymen alone, but of those of every other part of the dominions which formed our common country. And he thought there was not a Highland regimeet which might not lave been led into actiun by the same memorable words of Mucre on the heights of Corunne, whether it were thh 26th Came replan?, the 42d Highlanders, the 74th, or any other. It might be that among the too thick sprinkling of black and blue coats, which he (The Chisholm) saw around -him, for lie would rather have seen more kilts —(Laughter)—there might be Sir Joshua Walmsley, Mr. Cobden, or some other member of the Peace Society.—(Laughter.) If so, he had one word to say to them, and it was this, that the recollections of glorious achievements in war were the elements which constituted the distinctive characteristic of the glory of the Highland soldier, which made him, he would not say the b es t, f or he believed the English, the Irish, and the Welsh soldier might be just as good as he was, but among the best of soldiers, these were the elements which made him one of the best citizens of the world. There was, in the first place, a spirit of loyalty to his Sovereign, which was born with bitn.—(Cheers ) In the next place, there was a spirit of subordination which he held to be bred in him, and which took its rise from the orders of chiefs and clans.—(Cheering.) And then there was the indomitable courage which possessed him, and if any one doubted that, he (The Chisholm) would appeal to the gallant officers around him : anal then there was that endurance of suffering and diffi culty which nothing in the world could subdue, and these were tempered by that practical morality which has for its basis the only foundation of all true morality—namely, a good religious education.— (Cheers.) And that brought him (The Chisholm) to say—and he said it with confidence—that wherever he might meet a countryman, he would not use the words which Sir John Moore addressed to his Highlanders, but he would say, " Highlander?, wherever you are, remember you are Highlanders." (Cheers.) There was a talismanic power in that word, and he repeated it, that there was not one who bore the name that would dare to disgrace that name, or who would do an act which would sully the deeds which his fathers had done, or the glories of his country, the " Land of brown heath and shaggy woo 3. Land of the mountain and the flood."—(Cheering.) Other toasts followed, including that of the "Branch Societies," "G. Bain. E-q., the Hon. Secretary," "The Ladies," &c. The proceedings were sustained with great animation till a late hour. In conclusion, we may mention, that in the Com mittee-room we were shown a painting by Mr. Wien, representing a party of Highlanders defend ing a pass, which the distinguished artist has gener ously given to the society, with the view of the picture being raffled, or otherwise disposed of; for the pur pose of contributing to the relief of the frightful des titution which now pervades the Highland district of Moidart, a spot well known as the first place where the Pretender landed. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Court and Privy Council yes terday afternoon, at Buckingham Palace. Viscount Ebrington had an audience - of the Queen, and on his behalf, his father, the Earl Fortescue, re signed his wand of office as the Lord Steward of her Majesty's Household. The Marquis of Westminster had an audience of her Majesty to kiss hands on being appointed the Lord Steward of the Queen's Household. The Noble Marquis received from the Queen his wand of office. The Marquis of Lansdowne had an audience of her Majesty. Toe Privy Council was 'attended by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, the Marquis of Lansdowne (Lord President), Llrd John Russell (First Lord of the Treasury), Sir George Grey (Secretary of State for the Home Department), Earl Grey (Secretary of State for the Colonies), the Earl cf Carlisle (Chan. cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster), Sir John Hobe house (President of the Board of Control), the Mar quis of- Westminster (Lord Steward), and the Marquis of Ilreadalbane (Lord Chamberlain). At the Council the most Honourable Richard Marquis of 'Westminster was, hy command of the Queen, sworn of her Majesty's Most Honourab!* Privy Council, and took his seat at the board. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Ciuncil in Waiting. After the Council the Queen gave audience to Lord J. Russell. The Court was attended by the Mitrquis of An glesey, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the Treasurer of the Household, the Vice-Chamberlain, the Comptroller of the Household, the Earl cf Morley, Lord in Waiting ; and Mr. R. Ormsby Gore, Groom in Waiting The Queer, with the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, attended by the Lady in Waiting, the Viscountess Jocelyn, took a drive in an open carriage arid four, yesterday. The Equerry in Waiting, Lord Alfred Paget, attended on horseback. His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yes terday afternoon at a meeting of the Commission for promoting and encouraging the Fine Arts in re building the Palace of Westminster. His Royal Highness arrived at the new Palace at three o'clock, attended by Colonel Bourerie. The Commissioners present were the Earl of Aber dven, Viscount Canning, Lord Colborne, the Right Hon. the Speaker of the House of Commons, Viscount Mahon, the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, th e Ri g h t lion. ir James Graham, Sir Robert H. Ing'da, and Mr. Hallam. The Secretary, Mr. E sstlake, was in attendance. The meeting broke up at a quarter past six o'clock. The Queen had a dinner party yesterday evening at Buckingham Palace. The company included Baron Koller, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Ashburton, Lord and Lady Colborne, Lord Fitzroy Somerset, Lord and Lady Marcus Hill, Sir William Gomm, Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Mijor Itaw linson, and Mr. Hallam. The band of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards attended in the Palace during the dinner, and, under the direction of Mr. Tuttou, played the following deces Overture, " Lodoiska" C berubini. Waltz, " Caroline" Selection "La Favorita" Polk, "Enchanted Hope" Prince Alfred, the Princess Alice., and the Princess fielena, took their accustomed exercise yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace. Viscount de Moncorvo, the Portuguese Minister, had an interview with the Right Hon. H. Labouchere 3 etterday. The Belgian Minister had also an inter ; iew yesterday with the Right Hcn. Gentleman in the office of the Board of rrede. His Excellency tEe American Minister, M. s. and Miss Lawrence, have left town on a visit to his Grace the Duke of Rutland, Belvoir Castle. The Right Lion. T. Milner Gibson. M.P., Mr. Bright, M.P., and a deputation, had an interview with Lord John Russell yesterday at his official residence in Downing -street. Sir Hedw•orth 'Williamson and Mr. Hudson bad an interview with the Right Hon. H. Laboucbere yes terday. The Mayor of Halifax and Mr. Gregory attended at the office of the Railway Commia3ioners to present a memorial. Dispatches were sent off last evening from the Co lonial-office for the Governors of the North American Colonies. ENTERTAINMENT TO MAJOR EDWARDES, C. 8., AT SHREWSBURY. The gallant Major Edwardes was entertained on Wednesday last, by his fellow-townsmen of Shrews bury, at a grand banquet, at which nearly 300 guests were present. The entertainment took place in the Music Hall, the worshipful the Mayor presiding. On rising to return thanks for his reception, the Major, after a warm compliment to Sir Richard Jenkins for his administration at Naupore, thus narrated the events of his own career : " I was sent out to India by Sir Richard Jenkins, and that appointment removed me at once from the cold mother country, where I bad neither health nor talent to s t rugg l e for t h e s l ow pr i zes o f civil life, and transferred me t o th a t mo re genial clime, whose boundless plains are only emblematical of the fields of usefulnrss and promise which they open to every one who ventures forth m a right spirit, pur posing o nly to become great himself by being use ful to others. Once launched in such a service as that of the East India Company, it would have been my own fault had I not by industry risen to independence. But it I had done more than that —if I have arrived at honour, I owe it, and desire to acknowledge that I owe it, under Providence, to the staunch friends I have met in life—Sir Richard Jenkins in this country ; Lord Gough, Lord Ilar_ dingo, and Sir Henry Lawrence in India. In 1845 I had no interest of any kind ; I was a poor subaltern in my regiment, when Lord Gough, then Sir Hugh, elected me t o fill a vacancy in his per sonal staff. This was in the beginning of November , 1845, and only a few days afterwards the Siekh army invaded British India, and we were plunged into the first Siekh war. Here wa s I t h en at once placed in a position to study war practically, on the largest scale, and under the greatest advantages, at the right band of the British general. And I can tell vou that the man who rides by the right hand of Hugh Viscount Gough through a campaign, as the Irishman would say, is in a " mighty convanient place to see a good dale o f it . " If he wants an insight into the principles of war, he, is likely to meet with a good many eye- o p eners i n such a situation : and I can tell you a story in proof of it. In our very first battle of Moodkee, en the 18th of December, before the two hostile lines of infantry had met, two staff officers simultaneously galloped up to the commander-in chief—.' The enemy's cavalry . , your Excellency, h ave outflanked us on the right, said one.--' The enemy's cavalry, your Excellency, have outflanked us on the left,' said the other. So there were 15,000 horsemen turning each flank at the same ma THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, o;51)