The Sun. — London, England, 1851-05-20 00:00:00

ir II E S U N, gorse ..to proceed in the usual =lens ; namely, to post ~f tialo preamble until they hed discu..eed the clauses e Bill. He had, upon the suggestion of an Hon. t ut, consented once to discuss tlse preamble first; ienue_te the difficulties that subs questiy arose in con w'e s he wee warned a ga in s t agreeing to such a course Lot t )es , o UNCONIBE-13ut what about the rescript? tf he _ 4 , J. RUSSELL said it was (pie) clear that even toti ; nsented to discuss the preamble it would lead to t zr „' . l: practical, for then the Hors. Member for Fins eN,iv ould ask for the rescript. If, thee, they laid the Irt upon the table the Hon. Member would ask for 4 t thority to prove it to be the One upon which they tte . f e e,2 ) lating. Why, when they were discussing the of tb t ,i O -9 he might as well have asked for the proof els, tact of certain Roman Catholic bishops assuming re : ~Pal fillets in Et gland and Ireland. Why as to the Pri )or Pt the matter was notorious, and required not any 4 t - (Hear.) :,(/‘ 7 a few worels from Mr. T. DUNCO M BE, in reply , thi By MODE remirded the Noble Lord that whet...- 14 0 , 1 1 lot Lion. Gentleman the Member for the Univer f,l`, Oxford ventured to express an opinion upon the the ; it use, the Noble Lerd said he °onto not have read sto le ! Imble of the Bill. and unless he read the pre eh 1 was impossible he could understend the first ths That was then au argument in favour of ei,4 'discussing the preamble of the Bill bJore the s it a. aelj AGLION BY thought that the Noble Lord him "as to blame for so much time belie; occupied in lord Tay He did not think the statement of the Noble 4 110 et all satisfactory. No doubt it was the general to to postpone the preamble; but this was a mea hsi ohich did not fall within the general rules. It was 0 44 a principle or form an ordinary Bill. He con by saying, that if Hon. Members wished the Pt~Oinl . to be discussed, he certainly would support that itt sition. KEOGH said he gave notice of a motion that the ets u o should not be postponed, but should be dis k;r , n first. Th ere w as a complaint that they made no Nit ' 5 . He could tell the Noble Lord why they bad Ilit tod 0 progress that night, or since the Bill had been "ft. ° He wished to take the Noble Lord out of rt 'cuitY. The reason was, that he had not defined (Ik e tl 3 wanted to effect. He stated that he did not thi ld to go beyond the necessity of the case. Why ttd 14 he not state what it was that was necessary, 4, 1 bat the necessity required. He did not do that. t hi 'Ll constantly chopping and changing. He first ~1 4 44 1 1, P a clause at the instance of the Irish Members, Under pressuee, takes a clause from the on. str for Midhurst. Ho takes from the same part H y a ti' the preamble, and then, on the other side, gives bit of the preamble. He did not know his own k ti Then he struck out four lines from the ori trial after he (11r. Keogh) had challenged the i k ( tißeers of the Crown to state that the allege contained in them were true in law and in fact. l oble Lord framed his Bill by balancing between pot Eta parties. Not fixing upon anything defiuite was 1 / 41 t csots they made no progress with the Bill. The hy e -Lord gaze facilities to other gentlemen which ' lid not possess, on finding that the Honourable for Midhuret gave notice of an amendment .originally stood in the first clause, and now s tood ! ti e , , seeond. This arose from the accidental meeti n g Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Attorney hi"r al, by which his amendment would apply to the h a , et form of the Bill, but they hed not the good for kh,t 0 meet an Attorney-General in search of a pre or a Minister in search of a clause.—(Laughter.) Vo nsequence was that an amendment of hi s w ou l d t. the Bill. He asked was that fair? The Noble 44YIN m itta was the universal practice to pos t pone the io r° No, but that was because the Bills introduced were ' 4 - upon some principle clearly defined. Was that ki i ,ctf so in this instance? At one time the Noble Lord was to repel Papal aggression—at another to pre t,et •tiodical action—and then it was to meet a wide qitt conspiracy formed against civil and religious „4,a The Attorney-General said it would prevent 4 1 %al action. Was that the object of the Bill, or do „ le Noble Lard retired from it? He was an , to take the preamble first, because he felt ests n's id be a ble to show that it was not true, and if they Pe t , " 1 ess the very basis of this measure, the super cern I b e, re must necessarily fall to the ground. He had ; - ,di on to present the other evening against the Ec 40e`llst ical Titles Bill, signed by a perish priest in the 1 6e a ! ) of Raphoe. Knowing that the Hon. Baronet masher for Oxford took exception to similar signa -140 lie asked if he would take an objection to this pe when the Hon. Baronet answered " diminionis." Sold not notice it. The preamble referred CO a re hiPet giving titles. Now the only rescript of the Pope di o , they knew of was that of dividing England into e hd' e "*!B, but in that rescript there was no mention ti, y .,,of Cars risme. ThenAttor- N e 'rolloral, dinal when Wiseman he explained the object of ti the Bill, t oi C n ts different version from that urged by the Solid esi:heral. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then 1,,..1tv led that th e section of the Bill which made it 8l her ar c hbi s h o p s an d bi s hops to take titles, would or t i. the Charitable Bequests Act. The 15th section e o it Act enabled parties to bequeath money to t he t e t aissioner s o f Charitable Bequests, for the use and ti ta tif) h of archbishops and bishops of the Roman fade4tll( ilic Church in Ireland. If a bequest wa s „ to, for instance, the Roman Cat h o lic Bisho p of t a, be would not be able to receive this bequ est, be et" " h te it would be illegal for him, under this Bill, to take CPOa himself the title. Sir F. kelly, Mr. Brodie, and clans„* laddeley held that such would be the effect of the in the Biil before the House. No answer bad t7 3 ' l ,given to this. It was, therefore, the blunders of th a ,‘ 3, owernment, and not the hostility to the measure, cee used the Bill to be delayed in its progress. Th e SOLICITOR-GENERAL said it would have been Wel l if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman should e ,.." 3 at .uck to the precise question before the Committee le 3 ,ely, whether or net reamble was to be post- C e u- Instead of doing this , the Hon. and Learned m e . c . tl eman raised up a host of objections to every e r n"ca of the Bill, and treated the House to ingenious Ouctents as regarded the effect which this Bill would t e le upon the Charitable Bequests Act. He reserved aself the power of replying to this objection when htiroper time arrived.—(Oh!) Surely no argument t,;"' 'teen urged to show that the prea mble should not v.Postponed until the clauses were ag reed to. Such : i the constant practice of Parliament. H e denied otetithe Bill was at all changed.—(Laughter, and cries v en ,: O, ) The object of the Bill was to pre but 'the assumption ot titles, but it was shown that theclauses in the Bill would have interfered with t h e functions of Roman Catholic bishops, and these 0 4 % were struck out, and all the alterations that had 4 41 nude in the Bill bad been with the view of carry dont the original intention of the measure, without in th`,l,eting with the functions of the bishops. He denied 1 4 ' 4 any communication bad taken place between the A officers of the Crown and the Hon. and Learned f e Mber for Midhurst since Friday night last. He per- G ec tiy agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir G. grey) that there was every propriety in inserting the n. Member's preamble as a declaratory clause in the 104 1 0 1 . Again, the Hon. and Learned Member for Ath ,(Mr.(Mr. Keogh) raises a very strong objection against 'be insertion of the word " dean' after the word ` bishop," but, for his part, he could not account for ileh opposition on such trivial grounds.—(oh, oh.) He 7ltti also astonished that the Right Hon. Gentleman 0 4r. Gladstone) should hazard his opinion by stating `Atit there were new features in the present Bill, for be !ttured the Committee that there was nothing new what 'ter in it,—(Laughter.) , The gallery was then cleared for a division, but none %it place. eOn our return we found Mr. R EYNOLDS addressing the Committee amid general expressions of impatience. Ile complained that the Attorney and S olicitor-General ,ad thrown no light epos the matter, and he called upon the latter Hon. and Learned Gentleman to answer this question: —Did he mean by the preamble of the Bill and , 111 ,_e few clauses that were included in it to interfer e with e free action of the Catholic bishops and clergy of t he 'n United Kingdom in the aischarge of their clerical duty? Did h e mean to repeal the provisions of the Bequests Act, or to direct attention merely to that rescript of which the Hon. Member for Fiusbury said they ought to have a copy upon the table? At present they were dis cussing the matter in the dark, and he thought he was warranted in moving that the Chairman should report Progress and ask leave to sit again.—(" Oh, oh.") Mr. ROEBUCK, who was scarcely audible, said no body could be more opposed to this Bill than himself, but, if they were to govern the country by means of a deliberative assembly, certain forms of order were abso lutely necessary.—(Hear, hear.) He was sure he was addressing gentlemen who would believe that ho had the same object as they as far as regarded their opposition to this measure, and that he would do all he could by fair argument and by an open and honest opposition to put an end to the Bill; but he entreated Hon. Gentlemen from Ireland, as they had a regard for their own coun try, not to condescend to this species of opposition.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Let them go to a divi sion. Let them be beaten. They would not be con quered because they were beaten.—(ear, bear.) R e believed that the sooner the B ill should H b e brought into action as a law the better, because so soon as it became a law its impotency would be discovered, and the imbe cility of the Government that framed it would be made notorious to the world. Let the Government have their Bill; that was the way to do them the surest mischief; but he entreated Hon. Gentlemen from Ireland to adopt a fair, honest, open opposition.—(Cheers.) Let them not trifle with the forms of the House, which a long.atittl experi encecre. had enabled Englishmen to use with adv Don't let it bo said that it was reserved for gentlemen from Ireland to prove that the House of Commons could not govern itself.—(Hear. hear.) Mr. MOORE fully appreciated the advice which the Hon. sad Learned Gentleman had just tendered them, but how stood the case? Her Majesty's Government had that day introduced a Bill into the House which every Hon. Gentlemen, with the exception of the mem bers of the Government, had stated that he did not un derstand, and even the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself, who had as acute a mind as any one in the House, had said that he could not understand it. It was unreasonable to call upon them to proceed with the Bill under these circumstances. Mr. ROEBUCK quite agreed with the Hon. Gentle man that the postponement might be asked for the pur pose of letting the subject be understood. Mr. MOORE—That is my object. Mr. ROEBUCK—But a proceeding having that object did not begin with a discussion as to postponing the pre amble, and then accumulate opposition by a motion to report progreee. They ought not to take any course which might expose them to the imputation that they were not fighting fairly.—(Hear, hear.) If they said openly that they were not in a ' position to fight the Bill because they did ash) ueaerea.ea it, 'hey aagas t, e e) . „, once, "Give us till to-morrow." But they had been dis- HOUSE OF LORDS, May 19. cussing the preamble, and now came to a second propo- The LORD C AtICS'LLOIt took his seat upon the Wool , sition that the Chairman should repo rt p ro g ress. at Five o'clock, Mr. IvIOORE observed, that the lion. and Darned Member for Sheffivld had not been present durin2; the evening. Tee Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone heel never put his amendment. There hid been nothing but a desultJry conversation.--(0h, and a laugh.) The expression was not his, but had been applied throughoui the evening. That desultory conversation was raised on the statement of 6he Attorney-General. The opponents of the Bill had never raised a discussion on the question that the preamble be postponed; he repeated that the Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone had not raised the pesiien. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY thought it I would be allowed that to the last moment they had dis cussed the postponement of the preamble; and the Hon. Member fur Dublin had moved that the Chairman should report progress. He (the Etrl of Arundel and Surrey) hoped the Hon, Member would withdraw that motion.—(Hear, hear.) If they divided on the post- Innen:lent of the preamble, which did not affect any part of the Bill, he trusted the Government would not press the Committee to proceed further to-night. Mr. P. HOWARD begg ei to add his testimony to Viet of the Noble Lerd.—(Heer, hear.) Me. REYNOLDS stated that Lone of the appeals which had been made convinced him he was wrong in taking a division. The Committee then divided. The numbers were— For reporting progress 30 Agaieet it 9 7 1 m i j e s a ity 241 The Committee then divided on the question that the preamble be postponed, whe,n there appeared— For postp.)niag the preamble ... 253 Against it Majority —213 On entering the gallery, we found The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY expressing a hope that the Government would not press the House to a consideration of the clauses of the Bill that night. He trusted they would allow the Chairman to report progress, and obtain leave to sit again; oral, if no one else did so, he would make a motion to that effect. Sir G. GREY said, the greater part of the Bill turned upon the first clause, and it was important that as soon es possible they should proceed to the consideration of it. At that hour of the night (20 minutes after 11) it was not unusual to enter upon business of a similar kind, and he therefore thought they should proceed Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL appealed to her Majesty's Ministers whether they could ask the House seriously to go on with the clauses that night. Mr. REYNOLDS said, it occurred to him that both the Noble Lord the Member for Arundel and the Hon. Member for Kerry had claims upon the Government, for neither of them had voted against Government on the division before the last. They went to the library.—( A laugh.) He should be glad to know what they gained by going to the library? He did not think they were likely to get much information, nor had much courtesy been extended to them now.—(Hear.) hear.) What did the 12 or 13 Members who were op posed to the Bill, and who went to the library, gain by going there ? He male these remarks in order that a few who opposed this Bill of pains and penalties might see the necessity of standing together.—(Hear, hear.) They gained nothing by political gentility; they gained nothing by bowing and scraping to the Trea sury benches.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Mem ber for Sheffield had appealed to him not to press his motion fur the Chairman reporting progress, but he could not, as a Catholic Member, acquiesce in that view. He should like to knew what the Honourable Member for Sheffield had gained by the course he had taken ? Why, the Right Hanourable Gentleman (Sir George Grey) refused to postpone the consideration of the measure till another day. He gave the Govern ment notice, however, that, without pursuing any course that could be called factious—(A laugh)—there was a sufficient number of honest men in the minority to pre vent their passing a single clause that night—(Hear, hear)—no matter bow many divisions might be necessary for that purpose. Mr. ROEBUCK said, the Hon. Gentleman had asked what he gained by doing what was right?—(Hear, hear.) He would reply that he believed a large majority of the people of both countries would acknowledge that they wens honestly opposing this Bill when they acted on the principle of the Constitution as embodied in the rules and laws laid down by Parliaments—(Elear, hear.) Any attempt to render those rules mischievous must tend to injure the great cause of constitutional government.— ( istear, hear.) He did not mean to express the slightest disrespect for the strong feeling of Irish Members on this question; but they would do well to consider the strong feelings of English Members, who had fought the great battle of constitutional government in that House before there were any Catholic Members from Ireland connected with it.—(Hear, hear.) He recollected well that Mr. O'Connell never acted in the way now pro• posed; and, though in 1833 end at other times he was nominally beaten in that House, his victory over the Treasury Bench was nevertheless most significant and striking.—(Hear, hear.) He must say, however, to the Government that there was good reason for post poning the clauses of the Bill. The alterations had been made suddenly, and it was but fair that time should be given to consider fully the bearings of the measure. He hoped the Government would give the Irish Members no reason to say that they were opposed by a tyrant majority, but that they would afford them at least twelve hours to consider the clauses so suddenly intro duced into the measure.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. INGLIS said, reference had been made to a tyrant majority, but he would ask the House whether they could not cor.ceive such a combinatme as wouid justify the appellation of a tyrant minority?—(Hear.) Repeated divisions bad been token—in one instance he b.-lieved the majority was nine to one—and he must say that, in such circumstances, it might be the duty of the Government to protect the House against a tyrant minority.—(Hear.) The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY expressed his extreme regret that any Catholic Member should have said one word against any Protestant Member who sup ported their cause in that House, still more against one who had supported it with so much ability, zeal, and dis cretion as the Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffie d had done. He trusted the Government would yield to the appeal which that Hon. and Learned Gentleman had made to them. Sir F. THESIGER hoped the Government would ac cede to the application. It was important that they should do so. Government had adopted the amend ment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Midhurat, making a declaratory enactment in the Bill applying merely to the rescript of the Pope of the 29th Septem ber, 1850: the Solicitor-General had said, in answer to Mr. Gladstone, although that declaratory enactment applied solely to England, that it would have such an effect upon the law that the judges in Ireland would feel themselves bound by it, and would consider any similar brief in Ireland to be illegal and void. He (Sir F. Thesiger) assumed from that statement that it was the intention of the Government that any similar brief in Ireland should be deemed illegal and void. If so, it would be better that that intention should be declared on the face of the Bill. It had therefore occurred to him desirable to introduce an amendment into the first clause, to make it apply not merely to the particular brief to which it was at present directed, but to all similar briefs and re scripts both in England and Ireland. It would be impossible to enter into the consideration of that amendment at the present time. Ha therefore hoped the Government would accede to the appeal that had been made to them for allowing the Chairman to report progress. Mr. GEACII said he had hitherto voted against the Bill, having been pledged to do so, but he did not feel it right to join in the course taken by the Hon. Member fur Dublin, which he considered was frittering away the time of the country without any practical use. Sir G. GREY said that after the divieion, considering that the previous discussion had turned very much on the first clause, be thought it was the duty of the Go vernment to ask the Committee, having regard to the public time, which the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Geach) had properly said should enter into their consideration, to go on and make some further progress with the Bill. But, as time was now passing, any discussion that might now take place it was clear could lead to no practical result in the way of advancing Uwe measure tonight. It was true the Bill was not deliteved to Members be fore that morning, and that certain ly was, a ground for acceding to the proposal for reporting progress; he t h ere fore only hoped that on comin g to t h e Bil on Friday next, which was the first day they could ap proach it, they would be allowed to go into Committee at five o'clock, and then proceed with the consideration of the clauses. The House then resumed; and the Chairman re ported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Fri day next. ' The Ilainault Forest Bill, and the sale of Arsenic Regulation Bill were severally considered in Committee. The Appointment to offices, &c., Bill passed through Committee, and the report was brought up and ordered ' to be received. CUSTOMS BILL. On the nalti)n for the second reading, Mr. HERRIES appealed to the Government not to press so important a measure at so late an hour, when many Hon. Members who were opposed to the Bill were absent. The CHANCELLOR of the 'EXCHEQUER said, it was rather a hard task Hon. Members imposed on him. The Right Honourable Gentleman blamed him now for bringing on the Bill. The last night it was before the House he ('the Chancellor of the el ::::nwtvaisthredardawa Exchequer). had been blamed for not proposing the Bill becaus e it was unopposed. Re would postpone it. The Gunpowder Stores (Liverpool) Exemption Re pealn.second time. Leave was given to Lord SEYMOUR to bring in a Bill to extinguish the right of the Crown to deer in the New Forest, and for other ur d fi t • me. in and rea a rs ta P poses; and the Bill was brought On the motion of Mr. S. HEe Passen gers H a wes, Admiral Act RBERT, the Select Com mittee was nominated:—Mr. Clements, Mrthe Passenge HERBERT, the Select Coni rs Act was nominated:—Mr. Clements, Mr. Mel gund, Mr. Adderley, Mr. Vernon Smith, Viscount Miles, Mr. Divett, Lord Naas, Mr Smith, Mr. William Sir John Young, Sir Thomas Biral Sergeant Murphy, Mr. Henley. , Mr. Willcox, and On the motion of Sir W. G. CRAIG ' the Sele ct Committee on Annu it y -tax (Edinb urgh) w" a pp o i nte d: —Sir William Gibson Craig, Mr. Tufnell Sir Clerk, Mr. D eedes, Mr. John Benjamin Smith, BOUTCIIO, Mr. Forbes Mackenzie, 'Viscount Melgund, Mr. Mr. Heald, D r . Power, Sir David Dundas, Mr. Smollett, Mr. Ban bur y , Mr. Edward Ellice, and Mr . Adderley. Oa the motion of Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL, Mr. 1 Keogh was substituted for the Earl of Arundel and Surrey on the Mortmain Committee. The Helize atljurn:-',? 9 t a C'elartr - r hefare One o'clock. PETITIONS. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition in favour of the Copy hold Enfranchisement Bill, from some gentle men who, under the present lea., had had several valuable racehorses seized as an heriot. The Berl of EGLIN'TON presented, from the borough of Ayr, the most numerottsly signed petition that had ever been presented from that place. It was against Papal aggression, and he could bear witness to what had been stated by the Noble Duke (Argyle) as to the feeling generally prevailing in Scotland against thia ag gression. The Noble Earl presented several petitions to the same effect. Lord CAMPBELL would bear witness to the feeling in Scotland on the subject, and he had to present several petitions from parishes in Scotland against Papal ag gression, which had been signed by the whole of the in habitants, male and female, of those parishes. Tne Kiri of SANDWICH presented a petition from places in Huntingdonshire, praying for a restoration of agricultural prot , ction. Lord S isANLEY presented several petitions with a eimilar prayer, and he was convinced that before any long time had elapse l they would be compelled to pay attention to the claims of the landed interest. The Noble Lord also presented several petitions against Papal ageressioe.; also a petition from Belfast, praying for the establishment of an Irish 'Tran,letlantic packet station. The Bishop of OXFORD presented several petitions against Papa' aggression. The Earl of WlL'e - GaILSEA presented several peti tions campiaininz of agricultural distress. Earl Fl TZ WILLIAM presented a petition from Not tingham against Papal aggression. Lerd STANLEY presented a p3titiln in favour of the Neer Brunswick and Nova Scotia Railway. The Earl of W ALDEOR AVE presented a petition in favour of the Copyhold Enfranchisement Bill. EXPENSES OF CRI MIN AL PROSECUTIONS BILL. Lord CR ANWORTH moved the second reading of this Bill.—Agreed to. PROPERTY-TAX BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second reading of the Income and Property-tax Bill. This was the Bill of the session, which was of the greatest financial importance. He believed that however imperfect the wording of the amendment introduced into this Bill by a majority of the House of Commons— introduced into this Bill in opposition to the wishes of her Majesty's Government, might have been, it would not affect the legal effect of the Bill. But he would call the attention of their Lord ships to the provisions of the Bill, and although he was not one of those who could be cansidered as an advocate of direct over indirect taxa tion, and although no one was more aware than himself of the imperfections of this tax, which imperfections had been most ably set forth by the Right Hon. Baronet, now no more, who had first proposed this tax, yet he felt bound to propose the renewal of it as Et temporary measure. He was convinced that Parliament never could remedy the glaring inequalities of this tax, and he thought it was the duty of Parliament to make these immense burdens as palatable as possible. But these objections were subject to two qualifications, the first being how far by the continuance of this bur den they could facilitate the importation of raw produce into this country, and how far by doing away with other taxes they would so increase the revenue, by encouraging increased importation and increased consumption, so as to enable them eventually to do away with the income-tax itself. Without troubling their Lordships with figures in any detail, be would ask them whether they really thought the tax during the time it had lasted, from 1842 till the present time, had in any visible or tangible form crippled or diminished the commercial prosperity and revenue of this country? If he asked himself this ques tion he found an unanswerable reply in the state of the revenue, not only in one particular portion hut in every part. They had at this moment to provide 50,000,0001. of revenue; they had still to provide for the burdens arising from 787,000,0004 of debt. What had been the progress of the revenue since 1842? 48,084,0001. was the whole amount of the revenue in .1842. Since that time 10,251,000/. of taxes had been repealed, and in 1850 the nit revenue was 52,810,0001., showing an increase of income of 4,726,000/.; so that the entire amount of the taxes which had been surrendered in the course of the ten years had been nearly restored and replaced by that development of the increased prosperity of the country which had taken place under the income-tax.; They had, by the employment of that tax, given to the reproductive industry of the country a power which could not other wise have existed, and they had placed themselves in that fertunate position in which they had to consi der, not how they were to obtain a surplus revenue, but how they were to dispose of it. But as that sur plus was not sufficient to enable them to get rid of the income-tax altogether, he believed they could not pursue a wiser course than to continue the tax in its present form, and to employ it for the purposes pro posed by her Majesty's Government—namely, for the purpose of reducing the duties on those imported articles coffee and timber, and of removing the window tax, which not only pressed heavily on persons of every class in this country, but also, at the same time, most prejudicially affected the sanitary condition of the great mass of the people. The repeal of the window-duty would tend greatly to improve the physical condition of the working classes, by procuring for them more light and air, and a better class of dwellings, in conformity with one of the great tendencies of the present age. They had every reason to believe that a reduction of the duty on coffee would lead to an increasing consumption of the article, and that under that change the revenue might reach the amount produced by the higher duty; for that was precisely what had happened on a pre vious occasion. The fact was, that when the duty on coffee had formerly been reduced, the amount of the duty had actually increased in the course of four or five years. Then, again, with respect to the reduction of the timber duties, he found than since the proposal upon that subject had been submitted to Parliament, a new impulse had been given to ship-build ing and a reduction in the price of timber had already taken place. The Bill then before their Lordships was but a transcript of the Act which had already on more than one occasion received their sanction, with this ex ception, that it would relieve the tenant-farmers from a grievance under which they had complained that they had hitherto laboured. The tenant-farmers had until the present moment been compelled to pay the tax on one-half the amount of their rents, but under the amended Bill then before their Lordships any tenant who could prove that his profits had fallen short of that assumed amount would be entitled to a proportionate reduction in the charge to which he would be liable. The tax was only to be continued for one year, and at the expiration of that period they would again have an op portunity of considering the whole question. Under these circumstances he believed that, with a due regard to public credit and to the promotion of that develop• ment of the national resources which they might carry still further by persevering in the policy they had hitherto adopted, they would feel it their duty to adopt the Bill as it had been sent down to them from the other House. He therefore moved that the Bill be read a second tima—(Eiear, bear.) Lord STANLEY said the Noble Marquis had moved the second reading of the Bill upon two grounds—first, on the necessity of maintaining the public credit of the country, and on the impossibility of finding a substitute for the income-tax in the present year; and, second, on the ground from which be (Lord Stanley) dissented, that it was necessary for the purpose of extending the pre sent commercial system, and for facilitating the impor tation of those articles of foreign produce, the importa tion of which he (Lord Stanley) believed had already in flicted such injury upon the agricultural interest of this country.—(Hear, hear.) The Government had brought up a till, the passing of which, in some shape, was ne cessary for maintaining the credit of the country. He was not the person who would contend that, in the course of this year or the next, they could dispense with a certain portion of the income-tax, and he, and those who acted with him, would not sanction the rash and reckless reduction of taxation which would make the country unable to meet its expenditure.—(Hear, hear.) As the present Bill was a money Bill, their Lord ships had not the slightest power to alter it.—(Hear, bear.) The question was, whether they would sanc tion the renewal of the tax for one year, on the ground stated by the other House of Parliament, or re ject the Bill altogether.—(Hoar, hear.) By rejecting it,. about five millions would be struck off the anticipated income, and taking the present surplus at about two millions and a half, they would, by rejecting the Bill, reduce the surplus to a deficit of similar amount. He thought, under such circumstances, they could not hesi tate how to act. It appeared that a blunder had been committed in tho Bill as it now stood for continuing the tax for one year, and the Noble Marquis had said that that blunder had been caused by the introduction of the amendment. He (Lord Stanley), however, thought that the blunder was in the Government not taking care that the amendment agreed with the other portion of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) They might, however, pass the Bill, blundering as it was, or reject it altogether. He had not for his own part any desire to offer opposition to the Bill, notwithstanding its blunders. He agreed in what had been said by the Noble Marquis opposite, as to the impossibility of altering the Bill as altogether to avoid inequalities. In point of fact the income tax, as it at present stood, was anomalous in theory and had inequalities in practice. The anomalies might be diminished, but he agreed that they could not pass a Bill upon the subject that would be in every respect just.—(Hoar, hear.) He could not give his consent to continue this anomalous and unjust measure, not as it had been proposed by Sir Robert Peel, as a temporary Bill merely, but as one bound up with the taxation of the country, and kept up for the purpose of carrying out that commercial system to which he was opposed, and which had already been the means of effecting so much loss and injury. —(Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that the House of Commons decided wisely in coming to the determination that the measure should be reconsidered at the expiration of the present year.—(Hear.) He thought that House had decided wisely in determining that whether it was to be conti nued for two years or for three years, they would in quire whether, at the expiration of the present year, the anomalies and inequalities could not be reduced and made less oppressive in their operation.—(Hear, hear.) Ho thought, however, the House of Commons acted wrongly in not adopting the proposition of a Right Honourable Gentleman when be proposed that, without endangering the public faith or the public cre dit, the House should declare that at the earliest pos sible period the tax should be reduced, and that it should not be continued for the indefinite reduction of indirect taxation. The House of Commons had not thought proper to take that course, but had determined that the tax in its present shape, should only be conti nued for one year. Their Lordship bad not passed any opinion on the other measures of her Majesty's Govern :beet, but he (Lord S,anls3) would bo prepared to go into a discussion of the poticy which had been pursued when the proper time arrived.—(Hear, hear.) It ap peared that in ord er t o accomp li s h an indefinite deve- , LO N DON, T OESDA lopeoaent of the present commercial system, they were to have an indefinite reduction of indirect taxation and direct taxation, for the purpose of increasing theimporta tion of foreign corn.—(Hear.) By such a course they were sacrificing a large amount of revenue annually, which would enable them to relieve the pressure of the income-tax, and while they were losing revenue, they were not gaining in the price of the article which would compeesete fur the loss of revenue. As to the reduction in the duty on coffee, he thought it was inflicting injury on the colonial grower, while the consumer did not re ceive compensating advantage. He knew it could be said that the reduction in the consumption of coffee was to be ascribed to the adulteration of that article. That would be raising another question which made the conduct of the Government incompre hensible, by refusing to bring in a measure to prevent the adulteration, and to protect the consumer. He could not understand the conduct of Government in not re medying that evil. He did not know that the country would derive the advantage anticipated from the reduc tion of the duties on coffee and timber. He thought the country would lose by the latter reduction.—(Hear hear.) There had been no fall in prices commensurate with the reduction of the duty, and the consequence was that the foreign producer was the gainer. --(Bear, hear.) As regarded the measure now before them, the question was between the adoption of the Bill ae it stood, or its rejection altogether. Their Lordships had not the power to make any alteration. The Noble Marquis had taken great credit for one redaction which had been effected in direct taxation, and he (Lord Stenley) was not going to say that the abolition of the tax in question was not an advantage. But in doing away with the window-tax they had imposed on the same class of that community a house-tax. Tina window-tem eltogether was le ried upon 500,000 houses, but the house-tax would fall upon 400,000. The tax was so charged as to exempt a certain pottion of that class who claimed the exerch,e of the elective franchise.—(Hear.) Now he did not know why there should be th'tt sacrifice of revenue.--(Hear, hear.) It might be very convenient to increase the influence of certain metropolitan Members ; but he could not see why the owner of a 10/. house should be exempted from all taxation.--(Hear, hear.) He thought they might have obtained all the sanitary advantages by doing away with the window-tax, and laying a house-tax to the same extent; or they might have retained the win dow-tax, and enabled the parties to compound for it, and permitted them to open as many windows afterwards as they might think proper. Ho regretted her Majesty's Government bad proceeded on so objectionable a prin ciple, that while the income-tax was admitted to be a temporary measure, taxes were being taken off, and they were continuing to bring down the revenue so nearly to balance the expenditure, that it was impossible they could any year have a sufficient surplus to enable them to do away with the income-tax.—(Hear, hear.) How ever the Government might make professions on the sub ject, the country would come to the conclusion that whatever they might say in theory, in practice it was their intention to continue the income-tax. He (Lord Stanley) was, however, of opinion that it was their duty to take measures for doing away with the income-tax as soon as possible.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord concluded by saying, that it was not his intention to offer any opposition to the second reading of the Bill. The Earl of MALMESBURY wished to ask, upon what assessment the house-tax was intended to be taken? If upon the poor-rate assessment, that varied in different parts of the country; and if upon the income-tax assess ment, which was supposed to be more fair and more ge nerally equal, slew commissioners would have to be ap pointed when the income-tax should cease—and we were surely not to assume it to be perpetual. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed, that the House-tax Bill had not yet passed, and the subject was under consideration in the other House. The Noble Marquis added a few words which were inaudible in the gallery, but we believe they referred to there being means of having the poor.law valuations equalized. The Earl of MALMESBURY repeated, that these local assessments varied 20 or 30, if not 50 per cent., from the real value in some cases; and nothing could be more unfair than to base the house-tax upon them. Lord BEAUMONT apprehended that there were always two columns, one stating the rack-rent, the other the rateable value. The Noble Lord seemed to ima gine that the second column would be taken ; that would be monstrous, for one part of the country would then be paying much more than another. But, if the law had been complied with, there was a fair and com plete account of the gross value; and upon that the house tax might be based. The Earl of MALMESBURY did not think the law was observed in that point ; he thought the Noble Lord (Beaumont) was mistaken as to the practice. Lord BERNERS considered it a duty to endeavour to make the law as little objectionable as possible, and would, therefore, inquire whether the Government con templated any check upon frivolous and vexatious sur charges ?' The way in which the tax was assessed in some parts, in Leicestershire for,one, excited general in dignation. There might be one check by allowing the appellant his expenses. The Noble Lord also suggested an alteration in. regard to the number of commissioners who had to decide on such cases. Lord MONTEAGLE agreed that it was desirable to diminish any oppressive incidents of the tax, but must say that, considering the circumstances of its introduc tion, there being but one gentleman remaining in office who hal been acquainted with the previous tax, nothing could be more praiseworthy than the moderation and good sense with which this law had been generally ad ministered.—(Hear.) It would hardly be politic to diminish the powers for enforcing a tax so easily evaded. —(Hear.) But he should be sorry to be considered as approving of such a tax as this, except upon the ground of necessity. In great exigencies it was to be regarded as our great resource; and when the safety and inde pendence of the country were concerned, objections vanished. In fact, it was almost analogous to the press gang. But it ought to be reserved for a great occasion, and especially we ought not to get blindfold into a sys tem of perpetuation under cover of a periodical renewal, without a revision to see how it could be made just and equitable.—(Hoar.) It was even more dangerous when renewed for only a short period, because at every re newal the Government must make sacrifices of other taxes, not because they disapproved them, but because they warp unpopular.—(Hear, hear.) Like other leases, there was a fine to pay on renewal.— (Hear.) It was proposed for three years, and we had had it for nine; it was to prologs less than 4,000,000/. a year, and it had produced above 5,000,0001.; tho Go vernment asked fur 11,000,0001,5nd had got 49,000,0001. —(Hear, hear)—and yet it was to be renewed again.— (Hear.) And why? Because we had been repealing various indirect taxes. No doubt 1842 presented a case of emergency; but, saying nothing of 1842 or 1845, it was impossible to deny that if we wont on after the fashion of 1848 no one could: see any end to the conti nuance of the income-tax.—( sr, hear.) It was pro posed now to commute the window-tax for a house-tax. The repeal of the former bottle-tax was forced upon a most reluctant Government; -and when the new house tax got into play, we should have the same agency brought into action, and probably with the same success, as in the case of the former, house-tax. The small as sessment of great houses would be produced as a griev ance. Great mansions paid heavily to the window-tax, but, taking the only just testa the test of value, and not of cost, the King's Arms or the White Hart in the county town would seem to pay in a greater proportion than the country gentleman's house.—(Hear, hear.) It WB3 quite right to give 'relief from the window-tax with a view to purposes of health; but in this commu tation the new tax would — be placed in a position of greater danger than the old o and we should have a larger amount of the public revenue in a position of danger. He was satisfied that if, - they wished to maintain the public credit, and the means of supporting the public establishments, they coulel not let the property-tax re main on its present footing, at the risk of an adverse vote of the other House, or of an adverse pressure out of doors. Last year the Government, with the prospect of the discontinuance of the - property-tax before them, gave up 1,100,0001. of public revenue, including some 500,000/. or 600,0001. of stamp duties, for which he had never heard any one out of doors express the least thankfulness. He considered that it would be most dangerous to place the credit of the country to a great or an increasing ex tent upon the foundation of direct taxation. In 1842 his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies (Earl Grey) expressed his Sense of this the d in a c ti o g m er e ,.. t a am nd s C h a o l u le ld d Init to its continuance, upon Parliament to consider what would be their situa tionand how much embarrassment and how much danger to reius n e a t t o ure su ot the national credit such a state of things would occasion. it the oppressive ht when they found the proposition by Govern mentHe thought of an incoreiptax for three years met by a resolu tionk the countra' of the other House that it should be continued for only one, that the results contemplated by his Noble Friend might be actually approaching, an d t h at next year Parliament might determine that this tax should be altogether discontinued. He wished before he sat down to call their Lordship's attention to a singular fact. They bad heard it said, and it was not denied on either side of the House, that the agricultural interest was at present suffering the greatest depression, while they had been told to-night that the interests of productive in dustry, as represented by trade and manufactures, wer e , on the contrary, flourishing. Now it was in some mea sure a demonstration of the evils incident to the pro perty-tax, that that tax upon agricultural property, even in a time of distress, had gone on Bug• menting, while the amount of the same tax derived from o ther descriptions of property, trades, professions, and commercial profits, had diminished, although they were told those interests were most prosperous.—(Hear, bear.) He would take the comparison of two years. In 1843 the amount of property assessed to the income-tax under schedule A, which, he admitted, comprehended mills, buildings, and other things besides land, was 85,000,0004, and in 1850 it had risen to 94,000,0001. He found that the property assessed under Schedule D, which included,all the interests admitted to be the most prosperous, had fallen off from 63,000,0001. in 1843, to 54,000,0001. in 1850 —(" Hear, hear," from Lord Stan ley.) This had taken place concurrently with an in crease in the official value of exports from 131,000,000/. in 1843, to 190,000,000/. in 1849, and an increase in the value of imports from 70,000,000/. in 1843 to 105,000,0001. in 1849. He considered that the general financial con dition of the country was satisfactory, but ho thought they ought carefully to consider whether a tax of the nature of the- property-tax should be continued upon light grounds,: and especially upon a principle which extended to its perpetuation, or whether they should not reserve such resources for great and important exi gencies. Earl GREY said he would first answer the question of the Noble' Lord opposite with regard to the mode of assessing the income-tax. The Noble Lord had stated that he'thought the same remedy ought to be given in cases of surcharge under the income and property-tax as in cases of surcharge in the land and assessed taxes, and that the general body of Commissioners should have a voice in the matter. In the case of the income-tax the difficulty had arisen from the secrecy which it had EVENI.?“A- ) been considered, and justly considered, advisable to preserve with regard to the exact profits and business matters of a private and confilential nature. Accord ingly the Act had provided that seven Commissioners should be selected from the Commissioners of Land and Assessed Taxes, to whom al appeal should he made in the first instance, with an app el, if desired, to a special commissioner. He was afraid that the appeal could not be carried further consistently with an income-tax. and with that secrecy which was due to the private - affairs of individuals.—(Neer, hear.) With regard to the observetion of the Noble Lord who had last spoken, he was not about to express any opinion very different from that which he had formerly ex pressed as to the objectionable character of thee income tax as a fixed tax. Ho had expressed that opinion very strongly in 1842, and he still entertained that opinion; but at the same time he was bound to say that experience had convinced him that the immense advantage procured to the country by means of the income-tax wr,s worth the sacrifice which had been made for that purpo (Hear.) The Noble Lord had remarked that the income tax had been calculated only at 3,a00,000/., and for three years; while it had produced upwards of 5,000,0001, and had been continued for nine years. It was the pro ductiveness of the tax beyond what was anticipated that formed one of tee reasons why he should be reconciled to its being imposed. In 1842 hie op pion was, that for so small an amount as 3,000,0001., it was hardly weiah while to resort to an objectionable a tax as an incense tax; but when, in consequence of its greater productive ness, the Government were enabled to make reforms in our financial system, that result was one well calculated to alter the opinions he at the time entertained. It was with extreme astonishment that he had heard the Noble Lord opposite assert that the imposition of the income tax hat enabled the Government only to got rid of taxa tion the relief from which had been felt by no one— Lord STANLEY—I spoke with reference to the pro posed reduction in the timber and coffee duties. •. Earl GREY—The statement of his Noble Friend near him (the Marquis of Lansdowne) appeared to him con clusive as to the advantages which the country bad de rived from our late commercial policy. His Noble Friend had told them that putting the income-tax out of the question, the amount of taxes remitted since 1842 had been not less than 10,000,000/., and that notwith standing such a remission the loss of income did not ex ceed 700,0001.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed he might say that by the remission of taxes which never went into the Exchequer, but which fettered trade, the total amount of relief given was not over-estimated at 20,000,0001, — (Hear, hear.) He should not follow the Noble Lord through all the taxes to which he alluded, and which he thought ought not to have been repealed. He was, however, surprised that his Noble Friend should have adverted to the reduction of the stamp duties as an alteration not worth the sacrifice of income it had en tailed. It was the fate of Chancellors of the Exche quer to be very little thanked for their services, but his Right Hon. Friend had considered what was best for the public, and had deemed the alteration worth the sa crifice. It had been admitted that the schedule of stamp duties was one full of injustice and inequality— that it pressed on smaller transactions in a manner that rendered these transactions frequently impossible, and that it placed obstructions in the way of transfers of property, and other commercial and business transac tions. By a small sacrifice of revenue the stamp duties had been placed on a fair footing, and the reports re ceived from solicitors throughout the country proved that the effect of the alteration had been relief to an almost incalculable extent on transactions among persons in the humbler ranks of life. The full benefit of such reduc- tions might not be reaped at first, but their Lordships might depend upon it that every obstruction taken out of the free career of industry and enterprise was at no dis tant period productive of the most beneficial effects. Amongst all reductions which had been made he believed few were likely to be more beneficial than the alteration of the stamp duties. He thought the Noble Lard opposite must in what he had stated on this subject have entirely misunderstood what had fallen from his Noble Friend near him. The Noble Lord had represented the proposal of Government as implying a determination gradually to get rid of duties on customs, and to trust for revenue entirely to direct taxation. When the Noble Lord found grounds for such an interpretation of his Noble Friend's speech he was at a loss to know, for his Noble Friend had specially guarded himself against saying anything that could jus tify such an implication. Perhaps their Lordships would allow him to state what he conceived to be the real principle of this Bill. He considered the object of the Bill, not to be to get rid of custom duties as distin guished from other indirect taxes, but to get rid of those taxes, whether of custom or of excise, which were ob structions to the industry of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Ho might remind the Noble Lord that a very large por tion of the revenue which had been sacrificed in conse quence of the income-tax ,had been derived, nct from custom, but from excise duties ; and that the reduction of the duties on bricks and on glass had been no incon siderable items of relief. Never had two articles of tax ation been so judiciously relieved. Their Lordships were all aware of the brilliant display in connexion with the manufacture of glass that the metropol i s exhibited at this moment. The improvement in the manufacture of glass had been going on, for the last few years, from day to day; and dated from the time when the exciseman s in terference was put an end to in the works. Although the reduction of the brick duty had only been made last year, still it had been most beneficial. A landowner himself, and, like others, feeling the pressure of the times, ho was yet sensible of the advantage of the reduc tion of the brick duty with reference to buildings and useful works. With respect to the proposed reduction of the duties on coffee and timber the Noble Lord opposite seemed to think that the consumer would not be be nefited. Only on Saturday last he had read in a news paper the circular of ono of the largest commercial houses in this country as to the effect of the alteration of the timber duty. Though the Bill had not yet passed, the reduction had been in operation for some weeks, and the statement of the firm to which he alluded was, that as regarded colonial timber there had been no re duction in price. Ho was fully prepared for that, because for some years the import of colonial timber had been con fined to timber of a peculiar quality which the Baltic timber seldom came into competition with. But, as regarded Baltic timber, the circular stated that the consumer in many cases benefited to the extent of two-thirds of the reduction of duty, in other cases to the extent of a half, and in some cases to the whole extent of the reduction. He believed that that was even more than the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had calculated upon as the im mediate effect of his proposal. The extraordinary ac tivity in all those trades in which timber was much used —such as ship-building—proved the advantage which would be gained to the consumer by the alteration. With regard to coffee, the Noble Lord thought that the reduc tion of the duty would be injurious to the colonies. He had had communications with persons growers of coffee in the colonies, and though it was not usual for persons engaged in a particular occupation to recognise the re duction of any protection enjoyed by them, yet none of the persons had said that any disadvantage would result to them from the proposal in question. Ceylon alone produced a larger amount of coffee than this country consumed, but the protection it enjoyed was utterly valueless, for the surplus produce regulated the price. On the other hand, the reduction of both duties would be of the first value to the Ceylon planter, be cause it would extend consumption. The Noble Lord had complained that the Government had done nothing to check the adulteration of coffee, but had rather fa voured it than otherwise. Not only the present Go vernment, but also that of which the Noble Lord had been a member, had found it impossible by restrictions or by excise interference to prevent adulteration. The other day, when visiting the Geological Museum, he saw some specimens of very pure chalk, and was informed that it was used for adulterating the best Durham mus tard. He believed the only remedy was for the con sumer to deal only with the respectable trades man, who sold a genuine article; but as regarded coffee the present measure, as far as it went, would check adulteration; for any reduction of the price of the real article must hold out less inducement to substitute for it an adulterated compound. He did not think it would be advisable to establish an exciseman in every grocer's shop in the kingdom to prevent the adulteration of coffee. He should add, with regard to the continuance of such a tax as the income-tax for a single year, that ho concurred in the observations of the Noble Lord who spoke last. It was a dangerous measure, but it was one for which the Government were not responsible. After a few words in explanation from Lcrd BER - NERS, Their Lordships adjourned. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS, From tte Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons MONDAY, MAY 19. ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES ASSUMPTION BILL. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Pre amble be postponed :" Whereupon Motion made, and Ques tion put, " That the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again." The Committee divided : MINORITY-AYES, 46. Armstrong, Sir A. Howard, P. H. O'Flaherty, Anthony Arundel, Earl of Hutchins, E. J. Power, Dr. Barron, Sir H. Keating, Robert Power, Nicholas Blake, M. J. Lawless, Cecil Roche, E. B. Burke, Sir Thomas 31`Cullagh, W. Sadleir, John Corbally, M. E. Magan, W. H. Salwey, - Colonel Crawford, W. S. Maher, N. Scully, Francis Devereux, J. T. Meagher, Thomas Somers, J. P. Duncombe, T. Mahon, O'Gorman Sullivan, Michael Fagan, James Moore, George IL Talbot, J.:1I. Fox, Richard M. Morgan, H. K. Vane, Lordy. Fox, W. J. Murphy, F. S. Wall, C. B. Grace, 0. D. Nugent, Sir Percy Grattan, Henry O'Brien, J. Greene, John O'Brien, Sir T. Higgins, G. G. O'Connell, John Horsman, Edward O'Connor, Feargus TELLERS. Keogh, William Reynolds, John MAJORITY -NOES, 262. Question again proposed, " That the Preamble bo post • poned :"—Whereupon Motion made, and Question put," That the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again." The Committee divided :- 111INORITY—AYES, 30. Barron, Sir H. Grattan, Henry O'Brien, Sir T. Blake, M. J. Greene, John O'Flaherty, Anthony Blewitt, Reginald Biggins, George Power, Dr. Corbally, M. E. Keogh, William Power, Is icholas Crawford, W. S. Lawless, Cecil Sadleir, John Devereux, John T. Magan, W. H. Scully, Francis Fagan, James Maher, N. Sullivan Mi chael Fox, W. J. M e agher, Thomas Talbot, J. H. Fox, Richard H. Moore, G. H. TEL LERS. bon, T. M. Morgan, H. K. G. Reynolds , John Gib Grace, O. D. O'Brien, Joha Keo g h, William ---------- MAJORITY-NOES, 271. At the rent audit of the venerable Duke of Port land, held at Dforpeth on Thursday last, his Grace, with cha racteristic liberality and consideration for the sufferings of others, raada a return of no less than 35 p er cent . to hi s numero us tenantry iu the county of Northuraberlancl..—.Yew code Journal M 1 Y '2O, .1861. PARLIAMENT AND THE EXHIBITION. Were it to be asked—What is there for Parliament still to do, and why should it sit till the middle of August, there are people who would be at no loss for a reply. There are people, that is to say, who at all times and seasons, and under all possible circumstances, will advise the immediate commencement of the most arduous nu dertakings, to be pressed with the greatest rapidity, in the face of the most formidable obstacles. What is there for Parliament to do! Parliament has to reform itself. Parliament has to deliver the administration of law from abuses a thousand years old. Parliament has to give the metropolis what it has not—municipal insti tntions, Parliament has to solve a hund re d problems that have long been vexing the brains of journalists, ani converting shiploads of good paper into unreadable pamphlets. Consult these people, and at twelve o'clock night they would , have the Cabinet on any Saturday summoned and Parliament assembled for the leer:le:Hate onaestreent of household suffrage and vote by ballot. On the prieciple that good deeds are never out of season, , they would have Parliament set about the entire mean- struction of the British C,austitution at the very moment when it is diCicult to muster a House for any purpose whatever. We are perfectly aware that we shall net please all men by suggesting the consideration of time and place; but believing, as we do, that there is a time for all things, and that opportunity is one ef the pied coedithets of success, we must say that just now it is not very easy to answer the question, ‘• What is there for Parliament still to do, and wily should it sit oil the vaiddie of August ?" The Great Exhibition has gilled everything else. The Court, the two Houses of Parliament, the nubility, the gentry, the coairoonalty, the army, the police, carriages, I cabs, and omnibuases are all d anc i ng at t en d ance upon , it. 'l' he shops are unfrequented. The places of public amusement are comparatively deserted. Even the rail ways lose their summer excursionists. Hainnton Court and Greenwich exhibit in vain their h orse chestnuts in bloom and their whitebait ire season. We question whether even the great Derby-day will attract so large a fraction of a million as it has usually done. The tall plant in Hyde - park has smothered everythin; in its neighbourhood. The Exhibition ihition is London ; th e Exhi bition is the Parliament; it is the British empire ; it is house and home; it is drawing-room and study; it is parterre, conservatory, and promenade; it is park and club; it is shop and bazaar, theatre, picture gallery, panorama—everything, in a word, which a man or a woman wants in the metropolis. Th e possessor of a season ticket, with a small surplus for cabs, or, in default thereof, a good pair of legs, is set up for the season. In a palace large enough to be a glass - case for Versailles, or Windsor Castle, filled with all that is ingenious, precious, beauti ful, curious, or rare, he walks at large, monarch of all ho surveys. From the regalia of Indian dynasties to the last invention of European science—from the rude manu factures of people who dwell by the desert, or under the mountains of the Moon, to the patent for separating the long and short fibres of wool, which is to found a new family of millionaires, everything that the eye can gaze on or the mind can comprehend, invites admiration. There is no door to be opened—no wants intimated—no importunity to be repelled—no purchases expected. To all appearance some twenty or thirty thousand of this metropolis have resolved to enjoy themselves in this palace till they are compelled to he content with two days in the week, or to be lost in a crowd still larger than themselves. But such days and such insatiable wanderings are very exhaustive. Even two or three hours amid " the hum of nations" is enough to knock up a strong man ; and we question whether, since the war, there ever was such an amount of physical and mental fatigue es there has been in this metropolis every evening since the first of this month. Parliament cannot continue to sit with any effect in the face of so powerful a rival, and with so great a drain on the strength of legislators as well as of all other classes. June and July, too, have other attractions, which will begin to hold up their heads and exert their influence, should the novelty of the Exhibition woar off. The season will probably be one of more than usual hospi tality; for there is hardly a family of any position or means in the country that will not find its way to town. With so much to distract, and no much to fatigue, it is useless to say that Members of Parliament ought to be at their posts, to make a House when wanted, to support their party, and do other political drudgery. They ought perhaps, but nevertheless they will not. The sessions will he the struggle of a sleepy man under a long and heavy sermon. He may open his eyes, shake him self, and pinch himself, but all to no purpose. After a hundred convulsive efforts at attention, he will be utterly unable to state either the text or the subject of the dis course. He will have lost an hour, and gained nothing but the discredit of an involuntary inattention. Perhaps the House of Commons ought to do more this session; but, in matter of fact, it will do no more. It will only waste its time, and injure its character by an obstinate and slovenly perseverance in its duties, when it has neither the heart nor the strength for them. Under such circumstances the sooner it shuts up shop the better for itself, and the better eventually for the business of the country.— Times. HER MAJESTY'S STATE BALL. The Queen gave last evening a State Ball at Buck ingham Palace, to a most brilliant Court, the invitations exceeding 2,100, The arrangements were similar to the first reception this season, the entire suite of State Saloons being opened and brilliantly illuminated with handsome crystal lustres and gilt chandeliers; the Gar ter-room and Ante-room at the south cad of the Picture Gallery wore also opened for the accommodation of the numerous visitors. The choicest exotics and fragrant flowers were tastefully arranged in the alcoves behind the elevated seats reserved f,n. her Majesty and her Royal guests, both in the Ball-room and also in the Throne-room; groups of flowers also adorned the Pic ,ture Gallery and the Grand Hall. ' The company began to arrive soon after 9 o'clock, those having the entree alighting by the temporary gar den entrance, and the general circle entering the Palace by the Grand Hall. All the visitors were conducted by the principal staircase through the Green Drawing room to the Picture Gallery and the Grand Saloon. Her Majesty the Queen and his Royal Highness the Prince Albert entered the Grand Saloon at a quar ter before 10 o'clock, accompanied by her Royal High ness the Duchess of Kent, their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Prussia, his Royal Highness Prince Frederick William of Prussia, his Royal High ness Prince Henry of the Netherlands, his Royal High ness the Duke of Cambridge, their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha, his Iloyal Highness the Duke Ernest of Wurtemburg, His Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningen, and his Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar. Her Majesty and her august circle passed through the ' assembled company in the Grand Saloon, and were con ducted by the Lord Chamberlain to the Ball-room, where Mr. Boose's quadrille band was in attendance. The general circle followed the Queen and Prince Albert and their Royal guests into the Ball-room. The Queen wore a blonde dress over white silk, with coloured flowers of various kinds worked on it, orna mented with bunches of flowers to correspond, and dia monds. Her Majesty's headdress was formed of a wreath of flowers of various kinds to correspond with the dress, ornamented with diamonds. Her Majesty opened the ball with his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia, in a quadrille, at five minutes be fore ton o'clock; the vis-a-vis being his Royal highness the Duko of Saxe Coburg Gotha and the Duchess of Sutherland. The other members of the Royal party joined in this quadrille. After this dance, a number of quadrilles, waltzes, and other dances were performed in the Ball-room, by Mr. BOOECS quadrille band. Dancing afterwards commenced in the Throne-room, (where Jullien's band was stationed) with The Great Exhibition Quadrille ..... • Jullien. In the orchestra were Herr Kcenig (cornet 1 piston), M. Collinet (flageolet), Messrs. Baker, Cooper, Doyle, Lavigne, Cioffi, Jarrett, C. Harper, Anglois, Collins, &c. The following dances were played by the band during the evening:-- Quadrilles. La Tempesta, from Ilalevy's Opera. The Nspaulese ... ... Jullien. Enfant Prodigue Auber. ••• Vahes. Dabatanteu ... Mariette ... •.• La Mandolins ... ... Straus. ... Kcenig. ... Ksrl Buller. Karl Buller. Bon. Capt. Mildmay Jullien. Doyle. Polkas The Crystal Fountain ... Die Zapfenstreich Polka des Poignards The Koh-i•noor Galops. The Amazon and Tiger Karl Buller. The Raview ..• Jullien. The Derby Jullien. During the evening the company were served with re freshments in the Garter-room and the Green Drawing room. A State supper was served with regal magnificence, s o o n after twelve o'clock , i n the principal dinuar-room, on long ranges of tables; the splendour of the service being heightened by the consummate taste of the decoration. They were most brilliantly lit by gold candelabra. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Prince and Princess of Prussia, Prince Frederick Wil liam of Prussia, the Duke and Duchess of Saxe Cobourg Gotha, and the Duke of Wurtemburg, left Buckingham Palace at nine o'clock yesterday morning, to cont i nue the inspection of the Exhibition of the Works of In dustry of all Nations. The Royal suites consisted of the Hon. Beatrice flyng, the Countess A. de Hacke, Baroness Wangenheim, Col. Hon. C. G rey, Li eutenant - Colonel F. H. Seymour, Major von Buell, Lieutenant Heinsz, and M. B. de Treskovr. Her Majesty and Prince Albert returned to Buck ingham Palace at half-past eleven o'clock. The Prince of Wales and Prince Alfred, attended by Mr. Birch, also visited the Exhibition. The Duchess of Kent, accompanied by the Prince of Leiningen, and a tt en d e d by L a dy Fanny ll.°"T n t : Baroness de Speth, an d Sir George Cooper, also ' spected the Exhibition yesterday morning. turned to Prince Frederick William of Prussic reLiverpool. Buckingham Palace on Saturday night the Duchess paid a visit to The Duke and Duchess de N.cmoui rr°sin Queen yesterday, and also of Kent. t nant-Colonel F. H. visited the Prince Albert, attended by with the Princess Alice, In the afternoon the . Seymour, rode out on horseback w l 7' Queen, Prussia and the Duchess accompanied by the Princess of Prussia yesterday. C. Grey and car riageLieutE- and four; Colonel the 11 B o yle attended on horseback. of Saxe Cobourg Gotha, torj_k oe. d b r y ive tihneanproinpcene and nant-Colonel the Hon. R. Prince Albert, Williamaccompaniedof Prussia, am Duke of Sue Prince Frederick Cobourg Gotha, aid Duke Ernest of Wurtemburg, rode out on horseback at the same time, attended by Lieutenant-Colonel F. H. Seymour. A deputation, consisting of Mr. H. H. Wilson, Sir G. Staunton, the Right Hon. Holt Mackenzie, Sir Her bert Msddock, Sir Charles Malcolm, Colonel Rawlingua Colonel Sykes, Mr. H. T. Prinsep, Dr. J. Bird, Mr. G. Forbes, the Hon. 11. Stanley, Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Fer gusson, Mr. Bland, Mr. W. Strachey, Mr. Ravenshaw. and Mr. R. Clarke, had an interview with Lord John Russell yesterday, at his official residence in Downing street. Mr. W. 0. Stanley had on interview yesterday with Sir George Grey, at the Home-office. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office from the Governor of the Canadas, and from the Governors of the other North American Colonies. Dis patches were also received from the Lord High Com missioner of the lonian Islands, from the Governor of Ceylon, and from the Governor Western Australia. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yes terday. The I.Jrcl i o present wee.:, the Chicf Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, the Chr.ncellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, the Jatige of the Admiralty Court, and Si, Ed ward Ryan. The appeal " Lorni v. Ash well," (from the Prerogative Court), part heard, was heard. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. .TIMES.--Th e extraordinary t rans f ormations which the Ministered measure, no longer properly called the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, has undergone, and seems likely to undergo, lead the cont em pl at i ve mind to some curio u s speculations as to the noble science mad much-practised art of prepasing :tad passin g Acts of Parliament. The first question rcletes in preambles. The practice is in favor of considering the preamble last. Mr. Keogh is am sious to take it in this instanc e fi rs t. O t h er Mem bers consider that there need be no perseeactertbalien a p at sill. principle clearlypi f r i e t am b e b l ith e es i f s oou s rt a ei s aid to maxim contain t o the principle of th e Bill ; en d ie to apply i t, Mr. Keogh's view would seem not to be devoid of plausibility. It cer tainly seems more satisfactory to select a sound prin ciple and frame an Act upon it, than to pass the Act first, and then fish out its principles from its details afterwards. Much also may be said in favour of having no preamble at all. If t he ori g inal preamble of totally different can be struck out, and another ten dency can be inserted, the enacting part all the time remaining precisely the same, it is not easy to see what useful part in the constitution of a law the preamble can perform. But besides all these different questions as to the nature and use of preambles to which this Bill has given rise, there is yet another, more press ing and practical than any of them—the question as to the propriety of having two preambles quite independent of each other, and leading to different conclusions. The Ministerial measure as it originally stood was simple and intelligible enough. It recited a mischief, the vio lation, namely, of the 24th section of the Emancipation Act, by the assumption of territorial titles not strictly within its provisions --and extended the section so as to reme dy the mischief complained of. This manner of treating the subject had its faults, but it was at any rate clear and consistent with itself. The misfortune was, that it neither touched the grievance of which the nation complained nor applied the remedy which it required. The grievance complained of was not so mach the infraction of the 24th section of the Emancipation Act, about which nobody troubled themselves very much, es the intolerable insult received by the Crown, the Church, and the country; and the remedy required was, not the extension of what Mr. Disraeli c a ll s petty penal legislation, but the vindication of the national fullhou honour r r h a e n R d e2orpt o independence. ndth e People whose minds were Pastoral were surprised and displeased to find themselves, in the very heat and tur moil of agitation, called away from the exciting ques tions of the present to discuss them uudor the arbi trarily-selected and ill chosen form of an attempt to patch up the provisions of a penal law of more than twenty years' standing which no government had ever attempted to put into execution. The view of Mr. Disraeli, in Friday night's debate, which is substantially the same as that announced by Sir Frederick Thesiger and Mr. Walpole himself on the second reading of the Bill, was also simple and coherent as ori ginally expressed. That view was to substitute for the Ministerial measure a Bill which, avoiding the prudery of appearing to forget the very circum stances to which it owed its origin while they were yet loud in every one's mouth and fresh in every one's mind, should deal with realities instead of shadows, and, as it was undoubtedly caused by the Papal rescript, should be framed with exclusive reference to it. Such a Bill would be, as Mr. Disraeli phrased it, a purely retaliatory mea sure. It would meet the overt act of that great con spiracy against the liberties of Europe which Lord John Russell announces, and which the confiding leader of the Conservatives affects to believe, by a counter move proportioned to and directed against that act. Here again was a clear and logical Bill founded on a notorious aggression, and applying to that aggression an adequate remedy. The preamble to such a Bill would be, of course, a recital of the Papal rescript, and of the acts done under it. The Bill itself would declare the rescripts and the acts to he illegal and void, and inflict some punishment on those who put the rescript in use by as suming titles confirmed by it, or giving it e ffect in any other manner. Here are two perfectly distinct ways of treating the subject—the first, by patching up an old law; the second, by making an entirely new one. The original Ministerial Bill could not have omitted Ireland from its provisions without deviating from the spirit of the section which it undertook to sluiced, and intro ducing nu entirely new principle under pretence of ex tending au old one. The Bill not pretending to 'be formed on recent occurrences, but simply on former legislation, it may readily be conceded that to have ex tend. d the 24th section of the Emancipation Act to England alone would have been to have introduced an invidious anomaly against which the Irish Church would have had every reason to complain. This neces sary consequence of the form in which Ministers cast the measure was not the least among its defects. But if the Ministerial Bill necessarily included Ireland, the pro position of Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Walpole of founding the Bill on the rescript as necessarily excluded it. All the logical considerations which drew Ireland into the one enactment rendered it inadmissible in the other The Papal rescript had nothing to do with Ireland, and any measure really founded on the rescript could only embrace that country by forcing on the premises a conclusien wider than they could support, or by adopt ing new and complex principles, and so marring the simplicity and coherence of the original design. Thus, Mr. Disraeli, while he announces that he can only consent to a measure of strict retaliation, tells us in the same breath that it must extend to Ireland, and thas lose the very etaliatory character for which he stipu lates. There may be abundance of reasons why the Ro man Catholic Prelates of Ireland should be subjected to penalties and restrictions. It may be necessary to the security of the Protestant Establishment, it may be re quired to repress synodical action, but it certainly never can be required or justified on the ground on which alone Mr. Disraeli puts it—that of retaliation for ag gression on England. The absurdity which Mr. Dis raeli has announced in general terms Mr. Walpole has worked out in detail. The Bill, as he frames it, and as Ministers seem disposed to assent to it, has really two preambles, distinct from, and independent of, each o ther —one true th e oth e r f a l se; one natural, the other the causes which have put Parliament in motion, arti ficial; one introd uce d for the sake of truly to give an excuse for extending the m t e i a bl su e with its otenrxe to a case not covered by its principle nor co m p b s e lh , p t o other g ther not b e reasons, such as the Synod of Thurles, th e cousl a ob jects. We do not say that there Cullen; m c a t y ofPrinsate end u measures of educe, the interference with Gover nment it necessary to control with more strictness the condu ct o Lion, which might render of the Roman Catholic hier archy iu Ireland. But we do say that Ireland has every when the lhe an s d ym d m es e t t r r o y yed of t i h h e oßrdiellr toha thrust her into a quarrel in provoking which she h a d no share, though the p enalt y is to ali g ht e q uall y upon her bead. It might have been too much to ask th a t s h e been right t o purposely complain mutilated should have been made an exception to a measure in w h ose scope she was naturally included, but it was not unreas onable to ask that she should not b e i ntertwined by an odious parenthesis with a measure compl e t e w i t h out her, Butwhoa© the n organization ore strongly presence only ser ves t o destroy. we are impr esse d w i t h memberwhatever o t f th eoo m l p r li a s i h o E of s t a thel l i s a h h m s e e n n e t e w o o f u o h l a h a v d e these convictions the more cle ar ly we see that the most quarrel between E ng l an d and the Pope—the fromnd o e v r o i t g e th d hte more do we feel the helple ssness of the condition in which her Parliamentary champions have placed her. Instead of urging on the House the propriety of discriminating between the cases to which the rescript did and those to which it did not apply, we find theta labouring as ear neatly as Mr. Di srae li himself to confound the ease O totteringtotter and n ent i e d Wise' . man. coroner, re- Yesterday evening Mr. Payne, the b City THE VAUXHALL MURD E R . i rn a bout a fort. sumed the inquiry, commenced Y eesolice-constable of the night since, into the eireumstan b death of Henry James Chaplin, I? aseolence offered to hita L division .who was killed by tb discharge of his duty. attendant upon the by several ' men while in the ring been called over and The names of the jury be answered to, re . exam ined—The de cease d was a police-constable i Inspector Carter was in his di v ision. He was 23 years of Ha a l wa y s bore the character of a steady and well There wore, as he had already stated, age. conducted n in c ustody the deceased. He deemed that the man e . ustody and awaiting further examination already adduced would be sufficient for evidence b e e s of the prosecution, and therefore he had not the pur fsoervehraavlimnge murdered °s to bring forward any more. come prepar ed , , read overthe e The CORONER, upon this intimation, d - positions taken at the former examination, and then proceeded to charge the jury, explaining to them thoe, different circumstances which constituted the crimes ' m urder and manslaughter. He cited several instances,ne. s howing the difficulty of determining the precise bound my the my between the two offences; but added, that the circum. present ease no difficulty could exist, stances seemed to indicate that it would be all l' b e e e t I n' ore serious duty to convict the prisoners upon t to be a mild and charge. Here was a constable, prove d lenee that he eir bounden steady man, assaulted with such sur vived it but a short time, byaye men to whom he a set l e w hom he was remove had given no provocation, but w f t_ his office. He thought, strating in the due execution o for the capital offence. these men ought to be indictedss on, be the result of the case, that whatever might ultimatelyi After a few minutes' disc,u ' against Patrick Cane and verdict of " Wilful Murder the jury returned a John Thickey. i ssu ed his warrant in the usual the witnesees to give their evidetwe form, and hound over at the trial. The CORONER then *Wall ~~