The Sun. — London, England, 1845-03-12 00:00:00

4 Ana °"-ea icslog T et- O'Ca" s RAI on t he line t he ect it 111 " 0 , to he CornP'froil e es tiinat el 13, 74 A ' to be e prove" o yor hail been 131 11 ' . s idin° i° ' 0 of ill and 5,10 luv yjng c! . . or:leP LW.A, l ithe p oel op llal bee'' i z i oiway'i o s o gc"d ftl in the in, I,l'th rri d orais neatBt •gdon' ?et' s. s. an d 11 ,1 been adverts' DER' ~600 the ,tt mco o iner cA 'j e bol d le 3 13 ,. 11 roo t , w ou/ .. ,1 , riso ner f or sec ure s ' s d• o one ``' A s 0 1 ° Os 600. ,u ffo , Holed to iyo ui Cle r r t e ,r. 115 e A t al' Si. 11 ° 111"r5 0 [CC .- m 'il b ' O tp ffice O r I' o l son e, 7 no c. 'Trott on t 000 NEB P ROJECTED RAILWAYS. RAIL. (From th e G azette of last Evening.) II'ILWAY DEPARTMENT, BOARD OF TRADE, i WHITEHALL Manor 11,1845. Minute is hereby given, that the Board constituted by the I::itiete (i f tha Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for ,--, for the transaction of railway business, having had )e-er eansideration the following schemes, for extending rail -I,,t,e' e'annunication between London and York and in the Wit,.k:viezd.iate districts to the east of the present lines of rail- Th e '-- I,4Barnsley and Goole, Thee bedford, London and Birmingham, e - , Cambridge and Lincoln, ihDirect Northern, e Eastern Counties—Cambridge and Huntingdon, Th e ,rti Eastern Counties—lily and Lincoln Extension, e , Easter n C ounties—Brandon and Peterborough De r\iation, I t Eastern C ounties --Hertford and Biggleswade Ju nc ti on , T he f ':.) and Lincoln, Th e "Ole and S na i th, `1: Great Grimsby and Sheffield, . 4011 and Gainsborough, Tl:t(indon and York, Ti e i v i ! le ° lll , York, and Leeds. The Midland Railway—Svston to Peterborough, Th e Midland R ailwa;'—Nottingham and Lincoln, ,„-"diand Railway —Swinton to Lincoln, The The 40therham, Bawtrv, and Gainsborough, Sheffield and Lincolnshire, Ilie j v°t' a tenhani and Farringdon-street Extensi on , Th k etield, P on t e f ract, and Goole, T h e e ,ork and North Midland, and Doncaster, 41 , , ti Mt and North Midland, and Goole; kiit t , tern nned on reporting to Parliament in favour of the C 4,4,11.., London, and Birmingham, bit Ald ge and hct .. ,Lincoln, . .. ortnern (as to the portion between Lincoln and p .its l t oll4 , tilBttriarli Count ies —Brandon and Peterborough Deviation, G N e t 6 ( ;' °unt ie ' s—Hertford and Biggleswade Junction, ki,li 'riniaby and Sheffield, 1 killll4 Ilailway—Syston and Peterborough, Ili(iie'ld Railw ay —Nottingham and Lincoln, ,bet4wlll Railway —Swinton to Lincoln (as to the portion 15tt,,,.,`e1l &Winton and Doncaster), il,l'"ant and Farrin don-street Extension, ki t4ld , p g , . kw, ontefract, and Goole , L gist th e 'asl e threttl: and Goole, ' 4 41(1 13rtbe rn (as to the p or ti on b e t ween Li nco l n and .rite""), tern e r „ C°lint ies—Cambridg e an d H un ti ng d on , ,land -un ties--Ely and Lincoln Extension, ,rle aLincoln, ell ati li d Snaith, N o 4 Gainsborou h l ko lklll4 Y g ' 1 4 , orli, dudl°4,, and Leeds, L' e tls '4iiwa Y—Swinton to Lincoln (as to the portion ilit,.(ii'en boncaster and Lincoln), ; 4 eld a a rn ' ll3 a . wtry, and Gainsborough, k 1 4 , Lid Lincolnshire, tit4l`,4-L'iortli Midland, and Doncaster, 4 ..ort,ll Midland, and Goole. ... sLEy. A.LHODLISTE. C. Ar; p k G. R. PORTER. .1, ° BRIEN. S. LAING. I t t ~, ....................-________ , SuAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE ,,-I„heEll , W HITEHALL, MARCH 8. )il' i Yle r has been pleased to grant to the Rev. James I t t Of tj .1) .4, the place and dignity of a Can d oi n i I void dtatild' Cathedral Church of St. Paul, Lon o , I lit, () , I' . t he Rev. Svdnev Smith. . itae,, ', _ OR EIGN-OFFiCE, MARCH i . 4 is6,,, l 'as been pleased to approve of Mr. .oseph r ' BOl at Jamaica for his Majesty the King o 5..,, h as t," l ,' l \'e l :',, • also been pleased to approve of Mr. Robert ' f ait' , " Consul at Port Louis, in the Isle of France, 4105', State s of America. kl, 51 1 the Lord-Lieutenant of the North Riding of tl, . 1, l Ael , the County of York. i'l'i'.kilkroer Beresford, Es. tbe Deputy-Lieutenant ; i tto V a nk, Eso to be ditto s ; M. Wyvill, jun., Esq., 1 ,'"1. ' 'arch 8, '' '4 PaYI BANKRUPTS. . . 1141 'cli ' , I. ' draper, Whittlesea, Cambridgeshire, to sur- N4tey (; t ee 42 t two, and May 5, at one, at the Court of Court 'l lti llb lityn, official assignee, and Soles and Turner, 4;%ee lhaa,arp,Othecary, Brighton, March 25, at half , li t e , i i ' a l s z-!, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. g Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; 4%torttilf°o4l.,l7. 7 ai i i i d ee ß' enthall, Coleman-street ; Free- No ru, Brighton. th.°llll, grocer, Stratford, Essex, Marsh 19 1 , 1 _a_t i:t:ll4',:ad April 23, at twelve, at the Court of ‘ Ba k 4 1, r ,l3 ' oftcial assignee, Basinghall-street ; Wright, %., k , ar e , 1104 Y.•-street. k!ttlzer;ll,,,cnaoliellnleran Brighton, March 20, at two, and ( i11,,, e e n, , at ' the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, ro ti4d l, ondon. -street, London ; Soles and Turner, i 4 , l ,ht l'istY whitesrnith Wakefield, March 26, and ' t 7"1 . at the Leeds District Court. Young, ,tllee,''''eeils• Fiddey, Temple; Brown, Wakefield. i t .k . gr oc er,Liverpool, March 24 and A oN p o ril o 2 f i c , i a a t l IS101:erp,..,(:)11v!rgtol DiscCo a u n r c t i . j a C c a a e o n n, k ' ' 4oB ; arpe, 1 Field, Bedford ii rii , ,,, , Liver . pOO . i q4(l . V p ' r • ii artion t eer, Blaenifed, Cardiganshire, twelve, at the Bristol District L ' l 9 l er' Aril aa l sigi a lee, Bristol l ; Smith, Cardigan. ehll :JIVIDENDS DECLARED. ~ l efil ic4 ii ' ci l ' ll il") owner, Abchurch-lane—first div. of I, c ,' ' Ni " larc h ls , and , any subsequent Saturday, 1: 3 1i o „ t - 1 , 1 '• it , a d, F Frederick's-place, Old Jewry. 1 F `alrellerNNßr';htorne first div. of 2s. 4d in the I ' I N IS ' and ' anr n subsequent Saturday, at the office kk‘,,% . T, , Pred ericies-pl'ace, Old Jewry. u ,N rs l :• ,Trapp, tallow chandlers, Church-street, ' tf l '.ttle b ",., d 'v. of 20s. in the pound, and second div. i' " off,: ti nd, March 15, and any subsequent Satur ‘ • "' of Mr. Edwards, Frederick's-place, Old iiii4l )kha o ,, 'Was. cjien manufacturer, Saddleworth, Yorkshire ''N,_ .Iht the in the pound, March 11, and any follow ', ) 4 r" , t0,t,',,,e °Mee of Mr. Hobson, Manchester ed 4 ",,., 1( Maker, Reading—first div. of ss. in . the -s ` t av, at the office of Mr. Pennell, Basing • 1 , ,) 13°,,°Itaeller, Wi nc h ester — secon d d i v. of 2s. 6d. 4 ' W ednesday, at the office of Mr. Pennell, 'l l l a ht ' h Aaf' t ~,4;ula4 * dealer, Liverpool-first div. of 10s. in the Sl,l()ve, i.nd any subsequent Thursday, at the office ,' W fi l - e rPou 1. 11t,'• of ( 4 - "uead, worsted-st uff manufacturers, Brad :'ll,4esd ' B * in the pound, March 12, and any sub i'„,':,;,,ortha,3, at the office of Mr. Freeman, Leeds. e :,,,,15;1i0 i., \worsted spinner, Halifax, lor b ir ' , ll;'aS,: t 4 ,,,Ve not yet received a former div. may re `)'l ti),..,,"' in the pound, and those who' have re a -.' tQceive further div. of Is. in the pound, ' 4 a, t'_'3' , - a Wednesday, at the office of ,li feed* Sequent '144, • 1 ,,, 4 41 0 ,'04 t , DIVIDENDS. S'eo:lil,l% of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. ','k t vel i " , ulo okseller, Theobald's-road, Bedford. row, „,.'' p7a, 14'1 Seven- and R. H. W. Drummond. 4104,1'„aodes 11 ' - h rf Mile-end, April 2, at ,Nl(l,b"e,", I: c rv e e .‘‘ ew a Sa ' April 9, at eleven N,..pt,s,tlrer. Panton-street, Haymarket, April ~ t',4e,ilarwick, Old-street, St. Luke's, April 1, Oto h 'aim ... In the Cou n t r y. t th'ns, cotton-spinners, Manchester, April I,lolilltet Manchester District Court-G. and S. ,tot,i,,,ra, Chorley, April 10, at elev . en, at the i, liltil i":', Court -H. Hardie, commission agent, ,V , t t 4 N, l ,,,`', at eleven, at the Manchester District la;,',Paner hanger, Manchester, April 2, at Liirehetlester District Cuurt-W. H. and 'l'. B. ~trlLtre.,tie,l's, Blackburn April 2, at twelve, at the iki r l ; t%ourt-E. Sheppard, ' sen., and E SheP- V 44, tlice,`-dey, Gloucestershire, April 2, at one, at „`-ourt--W. Rees and G. Edwards, gar wrqtt,,Tetshire, April 4, at eleven, at the Bris - - ' I :Apri l ~a n d W. Withell, ship builders, Pad .„'ep e y,,,,at one at the Exeter District Court !rl t , t ‘ tl e ',,;_ , w illingt on West Farm, .N ort hum b er ,lll\ Ntr, beer u t the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District_ NitiAili „, housekeeper, Two M ileouses, ..'S ot c, b i ' t , yaiat eleven, at the Leeds District . Court , "le t Coo,le engineers, Leeds, April 8, at eleven, , L S , tii rts--J. L. and T. Tabberner, auction ei . .s, 1 , 1: 4 0 ti , i g h t , at eleven, at the Birmingham pis hAi t1 k. ,4 i i . , g.rocer, Hanley, Staffordshire, April 5, Itli4;:ilrg.p)liTingham District Court-H. iNewto a n t „ ' t l ie k tts }) iiitri e e r t b & April 4, at half-past eleven, , 0 4t _ t o 1) ,, urt. C1i,1 4 1.,„ 1 ",ary , 7._granted, unless cause . be shown to h I,l' A lat of , , u4 the day herein mentioned. 'kl4 4 {sli t " , Fr manufacturer, Upper 31ary.l.eb.one kli ' tli t , ' lc is, W. Davey, and 31. Francis, iron- Niti e Iti thire, April 3-J. Hegginbotham and k) l te ', 4, aYers, Manchester, April 3-T. Ross, 't;', , til 4 ,t l, l et' 1-- . I J. R King, druggist, Bath, April t.4,`;tot *--,l',''arsons merchants, ' Baglan, Glamor- Wil'''ll"'3l4eh. proprietors, Painter Livrpool, April 1-A. I ' A'4l-t F,roprietors, Hull, April 1-G. Craven, A, tvenehl Aril 1 W Hill, builder, Wool ,rii , „.„ ~, , - • . klvo,. I-...6' rolger cabinet-maker, High. street, lt 1 : 11 , 1%,' "tea .‘-',botesio' hotel keeper, Slough, April 1 V 1 1,, s `'Iti 'ls4ther, Bradford, ' April 1-A. Padbury, Ntits4Cl*&,ril , 1 .1 4 %‘ 14 11(1 11 81- 1 I PS DISSOLVED. 1 , ,,, ,,_ 0„ Binney share brokers, Bradford-- t ikl 44 $..11.-4. hill f Wa't, and J. Lindsay, silk Nt ' ll' Y :I. fl,es ' a i V I Todd, tailors, BOurn ttlill' • Ale, - t e :P r i n l, n l ( ine N n . drapers, Swansea-R. Canal-bank, Old ia t qept, l4 Q e a „ rl d P. L e ong' , Surre y coach proprietors, Man- Nj 11 ,117 aticC A '',and C. S - Bales* beer brewers, Ips .V. }lake:A* L awren . ce, boarding-school ing-school keepers t,184,11t,A,()L1it,,_, Millers, Brighton -J. Ouston, R. C. 1t00'N),...1, in merchants, Hull (so far as i Qpi:t- , ..j it. Paulkner, J. Pollitt, and T. Taylor, I llt . k t i 1 , 48 ;13,1 . - v ie.Y, J. Bayley, T. Kitts, and J. it tt, ht eheil, and (so far as regards T. hitt a s i ) .l -- 11 , he l r, ,I.c, fa r l'• J. Stones, edge tool it f it ,' 4.t,ta, `Torte`, 7 11 ri rega i i;cls ,Ai J ,;l 3 e li , tc a h n e d Mitchell)-J. Alor I stc ) S. Morley, \ , ,ItidtZlstreet,.e'llea. pside Morley, and far as regards I k t kli t 'A ti e tl N'A (... I,°rl e3')-31. Hooper, C. W. Hooper, k N til . : l Ptllist'ii'rbllge-road, Bermondsey-T. Cross lf. jltir A - ' S. 'IR.'S, Lancashire-J. Smith, jun., 'i.)ll'k'ilaye"Qtt.enith, T. Holmes, F. Hurst, and J. :1i)111,,,r)--..0, Chesterfield (so far as regards F. , i\l,'thi ' • higgins, J. Higgins, J. Higgins, 1 ‘ t!' 4 Nia.ali t i e r , ril akers, Salford (so far as regards ,". --- --j k, and H. Hemmings, Paddington '7 JAN.., . '''3'rncouth and W. Rigby, attorneys, i , „ , k , 4 tr, kr' l El ltti SP ti • t th ‘ 'Qll E - i t lt e aioi th , STRATTON S. ItAtilte, o*t c e , viasgow, March 14, and April , :i th ilztit lt of J. Fleming Glasgow. tihtli,,h4aiLer el', Aberdeen March 17, and April 7, p i tPlila B p, C't. A-- and Webster,3:Aberdeen. ,'I )41 t, Duridee M hl5 rind April 5, at ,p,„ ..„... Act,,i , ~, 1 _ , arc , , \ cl to ,k h' ''' nciee. kt, :Its L-- -------- . ' Zs_rl elect e d City Pleader by a -e ve Su. Waiter Riddell, the only other IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HousE OF LORDS, March 11. The 1..612D CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at Five o'clock. THE WELSH BISHOPRICS. Viscount STR ANGFORD presented a petition from the University of Cambridge for the repeal of the Act uniting the bishoprics of Bangor and Si. Asaph. CANALS AND RAILWAYS. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from the Birming• ham and Staffordshire Canal Company, which he considered of some importance. The petitioners represented the canal interest as distinguished from the railway interest. For his own part, whether for•his good fortune or misfortune, he had no connexion either with canals or railways, and he would only stare the ease of the petitioners, as they put it themselves. They did not object to the formation of railways, but they complained of the unfair course adopted towards them by the railway com panies. They admitted that they were beaten by the railways as far as the carriage of passengers was concerned— Lord BROUG AM—And speed.—(A laugh. ) Lord CA Al PBELL—But the petitioners said they could beat the railways in the carriage of goods, if it were not for the unfair means adopted I.y the railway companies to ruin the canals. The railways carried goods at so low a rate that the canals could not compete with them, and thereby the former would secure a monopoly, so that after the ruin of the canals they would charge the public what they pleased for the carriage ofgoods. At present they charged ten times as vouch for the carriage of a ton weight of third-class passengers, and thirty times as much for the carriage of a ton of first class passengers, as for a ton of goods. By this means they made up, by the excessive charge for passengers, for the loss they had on the carriage ofgoods. The petitioners prayed that there should be a fixed ratio between the charges for passengers and that for goods. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that he had presented, some time ago, a petition upon the same subject, and that (as we andersood) Lord Normanby suggested that an Act should pass to prevent the charges of railway carriage when once lowered from being raised again. SPIRIT LICENCES FOR TOLL-HOUSES IN SCOTLAND. The Earl of MINTO presented a petition from several places in Scotland against the granting of spirit licences to toll-houses in Scotland. The Noble Earl said that this was a great grievance, of the extent of which he believed their Lordships were not at all aware; but he could assure them that the gra n ti ng o f li cences to tese houses was a source of great evil and immorality to the country. A plea had been put up, on the ground that the opportunities for the accommodation of travellers in Scotland were so few, that it was absolutely necessary to grant licences to these houses. He believed the evil did riot exist equally in all the counties, but in fact he could say that it existed to a very great extent. These toll-houses were become regular houses for drinking and intoxication, and great inconvenience often arose from the blocking up of the road by carts and other vehicles, and the consequent tumult of ch arose. He believed tha his Noble Friend opposite (the Duke of Buccleuch was aware of the extent of 'the evil, and the l'uke of Roxburgh had attended a meeting the other day, in which the evil was loudly complained of, and he believed that no remedy could be applied until there was a shange in the law. The grounds of the evil appeared to rest upon the pecuniary inte rests which the magistrates had in these toll-houses. They were fearful that it these licences were not granted the revenue would merely be raised to satisfy the necessities of the trusts and pay the interests of the several debts. Tne Duke of I3UCCLEUCH said that as his Noble Friend had appealed to him, he must say that certainly great evil did exist, and he believed that there was some reason in what his Noble Friend had said respecting the pecuniary interests of the magistrates ; but he believed that this representation had been greatly exaggerated.—( Hear, hear.) He had, it is true, made an effort to introjuce a clause in the Ge neral Turnpike Act of Scotland to abate the evil. But with respect to the pecuniary interest of magistrates in these tolls it should be observed that the gentlemen for the several counties had given their guarantee for the satisfaction of the claims on the trustees, so that the plea of those houses being licensed tor the sake of revenue was evidently groundless. Lord A BINGER said, that he could bear his testimony to all that had fallen from the Noble Lord opposite respecting the evil of those houses, and one of the few measures which he would venture to recommend to their Lordships would be one for throwing some additional obstacle in the way of granting licences to those houses. He thought the doing so would greatly abate the evil and immorality which those houses occasioned, and he hoped that a measure would be introduced for altering the law respecting them. The petit ion was then ordered to lie on the table. ECCLESIASTICAL CONIMISSION. The Earl of CA DOGAN moved for certain returns relating to the Ecclesiastical Commission, which were ordered to be laid on the table. SCOTCH CURRENCY. The Earl of ROSEBERY presented a petition from Inver ness against any alte:ation in the Scotch currency. The Stamp Duties Assimilation Bill was read a second time. On the motion of the l)uke of BUCCLEUCH, other Bills were also read a second time, but the titles were not heard in the gallery. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. March 11. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Twelve o'clock, and the House immediately afterwards went into Committee on THE LAND CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION BILL. The Bill went through the Committee pr oforma. The House then resumed, and the Chairman reported ac cordingly. The Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Thursday. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. Mr. CARD WELL brought up this Bill, which was read a firm time, and ordered to be read a second time tomorrow. RAILWAY CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION BILL. On the motion of Lord G. SOMERSET, the House went into Committee on this Bill Lord G. SOMERSET informed the Committee that lie proposed to strike out the 44th clause, and substitute another for it. The new clause provided that all railway companies should erect stiles and gates, wherever a public foot or highway crossed on a level with their line. The clause was agreed to. Lord G. SOMERSET said it was of importance that the Com. mittee should proceed in discussing the various remaining clauses with as little delay as possible, or it would be quite impossible for Parliament to dispose of the railway business which was likely to come before it in the course of the present session. Mr. HODGSON suggested that provision should be made in the Bill requiring railway companies to give sureties for the due erec tion of gate: and stiles in those places where a public road crossed their line. Lord G. SOMERSET apprehended that power was given to the sitting justices of the district to compel railway companies t• comply with the provision of .the Bill. Mr. PAKINGTON asked the Noble Lord whether it was his intention to introduce a clause urging railway companies to pro vide an efficient police on their line for the protection of the public P Lord G. SOMERSET replied that the subject had not escaped his attention, but it was so surrounded with difficulties that he had not yet been able to come to a just and proper conclusion. Mr. GILL admitted the force of the suggestion made by the Hon. Member for Droitwich, and hoped it would be hereafter acted upon by the Government. Mr. DARBY thought a clause might be framed so as to meet the necessities of the case. Mr. FOX MAULE reminded the Committee that the Rural Police Act compelled railway companies to provide a fence, where it was necessary, for the protection of the publie. Lord G. SOMERSET promised to look into the Act mentioned by the Hon. Member, but if his recollection cl.cl net deceive him he was inclined to think that the Rural Police Act made ample pro vision to meet the exigencies of the case. At all events he would examine into the matter and communicate the result of his in. quiry when the report was brought up. After some further discussion the clause was agreed to. Clause 54 was, after some unimportant observations, agreed to, and clauses 55, 56, and 57 were :,greed to without remarks. On clause 58, which prohibits railway companies from appro. priating minerals to their own use, a sharp discussion ensued. Some Hon. Members contended that the claim to those minerals which were discovered in the course of borings and cuttings on railways, attached to the company, while others as stoutly insisted that the right was vested in the persons from whom the company originally purchased the land. The clause was, however, agreed to. Clause 59, providing that no minerals should be dug within sixty yards of the railway, was then put. Mr. A GLIONBY said that it was necessary to make some al. teration to protect the interest of the owners of the mines. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET said he wouid take a note of the suggestion, and avail himself of it in a future clause. The clause was then agreed to. Clause 62, that companies shall give compensation for injury done to mines, &c., was next agreed to, after a brief conversation. Clauses 63, 64, and 65 were agreed to without discussion. Clause 66, empowering railway companies to make and use car riages, engines, &c., for the conveyance of passengers and goods, having been read, Mr. STA NSFIELD said that the clause was merely permissive. He thought it ought to be compulsory, for the companies availed themselves of the latitude of their present powers greatly to the dis advantage of the public. They should be compelled to use loco motives. He would also recommend that the words "or lessees" be added. Lord G. SOMERSET said the only object of the clause was to enable the companies to use locomotives, as in some instances those were used only by the lessees. He disapproved of the altera tion proposed, as it would raise a new question. Mr. F. MAULE said, that it sometimes had happened that a railway was made without any intention of its being wed, but only to abut out the competition of another line; and (as we understood) be, therefore, thought there could be no objection to make the clause compulsory. Mr. PARKER opposed the amendment. Colonel SIBTHORP hoped he would see a great many of those lines shut up. —(A laugh ) He was opposed to the whole system. There was no attention whatever to the wants and convenience of the passengers, especially of the poorer classes. People were hurried away a hundred miles or more without rest or those opportunities which were naturally required in the course of a long journey. There ought to be some kind of accommodation provided for the passengers on long lines. He had heard of an instance where a woman being in the family way, was taken ill, and was hurried en to the end of the line. Then she was put out with her child, to make what shift she could. Besides people, tra - •elling by railway as well as by other modes of conveyance, might be subject to illmess, and accommodation could and ought to be provided. He thought this a very important consideration, and that the House, if it gave those companies so many powers, ought at the same time to protect the public. He thought they ought to be compelled to have proper carriages on the line, and besides, to have omnibuses or other vehicles at the end of the line, to enable pas sengers to go to their destination at a reasonable cost. Lord G. SOMERSET said that it would be absurd to compel a company to work a line at a total loss. Mr. ALDAM said that the case of the Leeds and Selby Rail way was in point. There were two lines there, but it was found more profitable to work only one line and shut up the other. The accommodation of the public was not considered. Mr. STANSFIELD said he would take the sense of the House upon the ansendnaent. Mr. AGLIONBY would support the amendment Companies did not construct railways for mere pleasure, or for the mere ac commodation of the public—(Hear)—and he thought they should be compelled to attend to the latter.—(Hear.) Was there no such thing as getting up a railway scheme, and making a railway that never could be worked with a profit, throwing, in the meantime, the ordinary roads and modes of conveyance out of use ?—(Hear, hear.) In his opinion the employment of locomotives ought to be not discretionary, but compulsory, if the object of the House was to consider the interests of the public, not those of railway specu lators and jobbers.—(Cheers from Colonel Sibthorp.) Mr. PA KINGTON thought that, at the present stage of rail way legislation, the interests of the public could not be too care ful y watched. He did not go quite the length of the amendment, but he thought that an enactment to meet the views of the Hon. Member fur Huddersfield might be introduced in a future clause. Mr. DARBY opposed the amendment on the ground that if it were carried he conceived that they would compel railway com panies to work a railway whether they realised a profit or not ; and that in that case the railway, if worked at all, would be worked without proper repair, and the consequence would be that it would be worked with great danger to the public. Mr. GILL conceived that if this clause were inserted it would greatly tend to destroy railway property, for if a line were to he yr:irked at a lo.s by compuhion, the pmprieters would loon throw up their shares, and the railway itself would cease to be worked at all. Mr. HOMAN taw a great difficulty in carrying out the pro. T. 111 E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 12 1845. visions of this clause, for he thought it might lead one main rail_ wry to shut up one or more of its branches; but he thought that a clause might be framed which would effect the object of the amendment. Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE opposed the amendment, for ho thought that it would greatly tend to produce the effect which had just been state'. Though this might be obviated by Parliament watching very closely all attempts to amalgamate railways, the instance of the Leeds and Selby Railway was not a sufficient case to justify any departure from the general law. 'That instance had not arisen out of any defect of the general law.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. and Gallant Friend might depend upon it that, if this attempt were persevered in, it would have the effect of rendering the railways either very rich or very poor. Now he did not think that it was wise to have poor railway companies, for if that were to take place, the public would not realise the same advantages which they now did. He (Mr. Gladstone) conceived that it would be in the highest degree unjust to compel a company to work a line after it had become unprofitable, and on Dragoons, Foot Guards, Horse and Foot Artillery, Corps of Eligineers and Sappers and Aliners, Infantry of the Line, and Marines, with the average effective strength of each branch of the service, for each year, from 1834 to 1843. Also, the ave rage age of the pensioners when received on the pension estab lishment; specifying the average ages of the pensioners from each branch of the service. Also, the average service of the pensioners at the time when received on the pension establish mer.t ; distinguishing the average period of service of the pen sioners from each branch of the service. Also, the number of pensione • rs who have died in each year, from the year 1834 to the year 1843, both years inclusive, with the average ages of the pensioners at the time of their decease. Also the total number of pensioners of all branches of the army on the establishment, in each year, from 1834 to 1843, both years inclusive Agreed to. occasion, raise the genera l quest i on, but he had raised it, and insinuated that the Colonial-office had been guilty of a gross breach of faith. He went on to make charges against the Go verment respecting their honour and public conduct. Mr. AGLIONBY said he had rot made these charges, he had only stated that such allegations had been in circulation. Mr. HOPE—No, the Hon. Member did not make a charge, but he made insinuations, and expressed his belief in them. That was precisely what he complained of. The motion for papers was a mere pretence. All the papers the Government was in possession of had been before the country for months. The subject had been adverted to in every newspaper. In one publication, a full statement regarding the affairs of New Zealand had been made, under the authority of the Company. The whole question he repeated had been before the public, and before Parliament, again and again. Why, it had been even stated that it was the intention of the Government to Impeach the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies for his conduct in these matters ; and it was even hinted that the reason why the Noble Lord left the House was to escape from these charges. But what he chiefly complained of was that charges were made out of the House by Hon. Members which they could not substantiate in the House. When an Hon. Member insinuated that Members of the Government were guilty of a breach of faith and want of honour, it was only right that that Hon. Member should substantiate his charge or dis avow it. Nothing could:be more unfair than the Honourable Member's course in making certain random charges against the Government, and then moving for papers in order to extract from them some f oun d at i on for those charges. From a coin cidence of untoward circumstances, they had not been able to obtain any official information!from New Zealand. The issue of the debentures had not been approved of by the Government, and were withd r a wn , a t th e i nstance of the Government. They had not been done under the warrants of the Government, nor sanctioned by it. Respecting the proposed tax, he had not ' received any information, and, with respect to the recent outrages alluded to, the last advice he had went no further than to say that troops had been sent for to Sidney for the purpose of repressing those attacks. With regard to the fifth head, all he had to say was, that all the information the Government possessed had been laid before the House already. The Hon Member for Cockermouth (Mr. Aglionby) had taken a most extraordinary course, for he seemed desirous of attacking all that had been done. He seemed to imply that the Noble Lord had acted on an exparte statement, and even seemed to think that he had acted on the exparte statement of the very murderer himself. But, en the contrary, a magistrate had gone out to inquire what the facts were, and had personally investigated those facts in the Bay of Islands. A difference had ensued between the natives and the settlers. The former conceived that the latter had in fringed their rights, a conflict had ensued, and blood had, un happily, been shed. Every effort had been made to remedy the evils which had ensued, and to do justice to the parties, but some individuals seemed to think that some other inquiry was requisite than that which had been appointed by the pro per judicial authorities. He (Mr. Hope) thought that he need scarcely refer to the disasters produced by collision under such circumstances as these—he need scarcely refer to the little consideration, indeed to the want of all law, which necessarily attended those who left their native country to settle in remote portions of the earth, and he could not admit that the feeling was universal that such collisions were unusual. When such col lisions had taken plasm, it had often been absolutely impossible to apply to this country for 'assistance or redress. What was the case in this instance ? A number of British colonists had settled among a people rude, savage, well-armed, and above all, deeply sensible of their rights and determined to uphold them. Was it to be expected that when in the pos session of their lands, and with such habits as they had of using them, that they would willingly or easily resign power ? The Hon. Member for Cockermouth (Mr. Aglionby) complained that the white man was neglected while the black man was protected. The Hon. Member had alluded to correspondence, and had adduced letters which he supposed had been sent out to the colony, as if there was some collusion in the case. He (Mr. Hope) did not know whether the Hon. Member for Cockermouth had any peculiar means of information, but this he would beg to say, that if he (Mr. Aglionby) was alluding to the letters of the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, that there were none of any importance in this transaction, the contents of which were not in cluded in the reports. The Honourable Member alluded to Mr. Shortlands, and bad seemed to imply that that Gentleman's conduct had been indefensible on this oc casion. He regretted that Mr. Shortlands had net been pro duced. Mr. Shortlands was acting-governor at that time, and en his return had requested to be put on his defence. He had also spoken of Mr. Bushy, and had wished for the information which that gentleman waa able to give, but he (Mr. Hope) did not think that Mr. Busby was able to supply any infor mation which was not already possessed by the Government and the House. The Hon. Member had also wished for Mr. Cotes' letter, and seemed to conceive that the letter which had been transmitted to the colony, had been a mere transcript of Mr. Cotes' letters. When the fact was that the instructions had been sent out to New Zealand before Mr. Cotes' in formation had ever been heard of. Indeed, on a reference to the documents he found that Mr. Cotes' letter bad been re ceived the day after the dispatch bad been sent off to New Zealand. With respect to the observations of the Hon. Mem ber, upon the coincidence of the contents of that dispatch and the letter of Mr. Cotes, he thought it not at all extraordinary, for it was not at all surprising to him (Mr. Hope) that two persons writing on the same subject, in possession of the same information, and entertaining pretty nearly the same views, should come to the same conclusion, and express themselves in very similar terms. With respect to the circumstance of sending for troops to Sidney to repress the outrages, he must say that the Hon. Member had very greatly confounded the facts, and he appeared at the same time to be wholly in the dark respecting them. With respect again to the right of pre-emption, the course taken was this. The Government deemed it necessary to secure a revenue, and for this purpose had secured to itself the right, in the first place, of purchasing the waste lands, and then to sell them atan ad vance. These had been the instructions of the Marquis of Normanby and not of the Government of which he (Mr. Hope) was a Member. He was not now about to criticise those instructions, but he merely referred to them in order to show how the system had arisen. The natives having ascer tained that land had risen to 20s. and 30s. an acre, naturally became discontented at the price they received, and they ac cordingly called upon the Government either to give them an advanced price or leave them open to the offers of other per sons who would do so. But their doing so would have left the colony without funds. The land was originally purchased and then an advance of 20s. an acre was put upon it; 10s. were applied to the expenses of the colony, and the other 10s. were used in the transference of labour to the colonies. This plan had been introduced by the predecessors of the present Government, but it had entirely failed. Under the circumstances of the case, Lord Stanley could not eo otherwise than apply the land fund as he had done. He (Mr. Hope) was ready to produce all the statutes on the subject; and, with respect to the papers which the Hon. Mem ber desired to have, he might have had them a fortnight ago. There was no information in the possession of Government which the Hon. Member could not obtain from the papers themselves ; and from the papers which had already been pro duced, the House was practically in possession of all that the Hon. Member required—( Hear, hear)—and he thought that the Hon. Member would have been better advised had he re frained from moving for a series of papers, not at once, but at different times, and bringing on a series of discussions which were as useless as they were unjust and unjustifiable to the Noble Lord under whom he served. In the amendment which he (Mr. Hope) intended to move to this motion, he should certainly apply for the whole of the papers; and he thought that the Hon. and Learned Member had better pursue that course or else abandon his attempt. Mr. A GLIONBY explained that he intended:no reflection on Lieut. Shortlands; and he begged to be understood that in the i motions which he intended to make for papers, t was not his wish to bring on any discussion whatever. He wished to ob tain information exclusively with respect to the affairs of the Company, and his object was not discussion, but the pap ers necessary to come at the real state of those affairs. Mr. CHARLES BULLEFt said that he could not but reprobate any attempt to put down any . Member of that House in the endeavour to obtain information respecting any public circumstance. He thought it was perfectly, fair for any Nlember of that House to make any statement in that House a subject for discussi on , an d i t did , i n d ee d, surprise him that any Member of any Government should presume to call in question the right o f any M em b er to express h is opinion on public affairs, or o f any port i on o f t h ose a ff airs , without doing it amid all those taunts which had been thrown out against him. Mention had been made of these matters so long ago as June and July last, and yet it was unreasonable, even under these circumstances, t o as k f or papers i n t h e possession of the Colonial -office. He did not mean to impute to the Hon. Member the Under-Secretary for the Colonies any want of care or consideration for the country, but, when these papers were called for, it was, he must confess, to him perfectly ludi crous to turn round and say that all the information they pos sessed was before the House, or ready to be given, when, in fact, the House was in possession of no information at all, or, at least, of any information that was available for the purpose. —( Hear, hear,) 'I he Hon. Gentleman said that these papers w ere b e f ore the House, and yet he pro mised them. He must say that in this matter the Honourable Gentleman seemed to be playing fast and loose with the House. Why what was the fact then ? There were no less than six subjects of complaint in the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cockermouth—debentures, imposition of taxes, the commission of outrages, the disallow ance of land sales, and the proclamations of which so much had been said. Now, on five out of these six subjects there was absolutely no information before the House at all, and yet it was the duty of Government to express displeasure at the application for any other papers except such as were laid on the table of the House. Was this, be would ask—was this a decent answer from a great public department to a Member of that House ? A statement was made that an accident had happened to the correspondence. He did not know what that accident was, but he presumed that it was not the accident of which the Hon. Member far Finsbury (Mr. Duncombe) complained the other night—( Laughter)—and if it were, he did not see how the Government could be in possession of less information on that account. IWas he to say that the papers were wrong ? And if they were not, where was the information of which the Howie was said to be possessed ? Mr. HOPE intimated his dissent. Mr. C. BULLER—Did the Honourable Gentleman mean to contradict him ? He would repeat that there was not a single itom of information on five out of those six sub jects in the papers before the House. He did not wish to enter into any controversy with the Hon. Member the Under- Secretary for the Colonies on that subject. The matter of which he had to complain was one of greater importance—a larger question. The matter of which he had to complain was not the ill usage of New Zealand only, but of all the colo nies—of the utter ignorance —the gross, the utter ignorance of every person connected with th e co l on i es an d o f t h e colonies themselves, from the Governor up to the very head of the Colonial-office himself. Some two years ago he had drawn the attention of the House to the state of the colonies, and he had to express his thankfulness to the House for the atten tion with which they had favoured him on that occasion ; and he had also to express his gratitude to the House and the country for the weight with which public opinion and the force with which public feeling had been brought to bear upon this question, in consequence of that attention.—( Hear.) Ile would again apply to that public feeling, he would again evoke that public opinion, and he did hope that both would be made available on the present occasion for the benefit of the colonies and the country.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. C. Buller) had always in former days understood that when an English man left the land of his birth he carried with him the birth right of an Englishman ; that he was entitled to the same privi leges as he was in his native land, and that he was nowhere subject to be taxed without his consent. But now matters were changed ; and if the colonies were thought of at all, they were only thought of as the colonies of the Crown. Did the Hon. Gentlemen of the Colonial-office know what a Crown colony was ? When the colonists, in early days, left this country to found those splendid empires in the west, they felt that so long as an Englishman retained his connexion with this country he felt that he was en titl e d t o it s privileges. He felt that he was entitled to all the benefits of a representa tive Government ; and when the State of Pennsylvania and Rhode Island, and other of the American States, were founded, there was every care taken to secure a representative Govern ment for them. Indeed to such an extent did this go, that Rhode Island had a domestic Legislature, though the number of its inhabitants did not exceed five thousand. But now, the system pursued to w a r d s the colonies was one of despotism, a despotism which, but for the supervision of that House, would be a perfect despotism, and this was the system they pursued towards New Zealand—a system which prevented all l ia b i lity on the part of the Governor to have his conduct or his mea. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. Mr. LAIIOUCHERE said that he understood that the Sugar Duties Bill had been brought in and read at twelve o'clock this morning, no doubt thro ug h i na d vertence. He did not feel the smallest disposition to obstruct the Bill in its pre sent stage, but he thought it would be inconv en i en t t o a ll ow any stage of a money Bill to pass without notice. He ob jected to it as a precedent, although, in this instance, he had no doubt it had been done through inadvertence. He trusted that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert Peel) would concur with him, and would not object to say that such should not occur again. this ground alone he should oppose the amendment. Mr. F. MAULE said that, if the Noble Lord would give a guarantee that he would provide some means for carryigg out the provisions of the 106th clause, which provided fur the leasing of a sailwav, without the looseness which now seemed to hang over it, he would advise his Hon. Friend to withdraw his amendment. Mr. DARBY said that he really would recommend the Hon. Member to withdraw his amendment, for lie believed with hie Hon. Friend for Newark (Mr. Gladstone), that if it were adopted it would be impossible to carry it out, and that it would be such an impediment to the working of railways as to become practically a great injustice, indeed he would say an impossibility. Mr. AGLIONBY said he had risen some time ago to make a suggestion which he thought would obviate the diffi culty. He conceived that if a starding order were in stituted to compel a company before they came into Parliament to provide for the maintenance . of its branches after they should have got into working, the public would be se cured, and yet the railway company would not be injured. The Hon. Member might then with safety withdraw his amend ment. Sir ROBERT PEEL entirely concurred with the Right Hon. Gentleman in the general principle which he had stated, and he might depend upon it that in future no money Bill would be taken at the morning sitting without notice. Mr. HUME was understood to ask whether, at a future stage of the Bill, there would be an opportunity of bringing forward the question of a drawback ? The CHANCELLOR of the - EXCHEQUER said that notice of a motion on that subject—for the addition of a clause at the end of the Bill—would be brought in upon the third reading. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET said that there was already a standing order which compelled Companies to make a provision for working their line. Mr. AGLTONBY said that that order did not go far enongh. Mr. STANSFIELD said that he should press Lis amendment. In answer to a question from Mr. F. FRENCH, Sir T. FREMANTLE said that his attention had been brought to the subject of carriage duties in Ireland, and he thought that many parts of the law would admit of an alteration. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. SONIES, without making any observations, and merely stating that ho thought the papers ought to be laid on the table of the House for the information of the public, moved for " Copies of all correspondence between the Colonial-office and the Governor of New Zealand respecting the issue of deben tures, and the rendering them a legal tender. Of all corre spondence between the same respecting the taxes pro posed in the Legislative Council of that colony. Of all cor respondenee between the same respecting recent outrages by the natives in the Bay of Islands, and the abolition of the custom-house of that district. Of all correspondence respect ing the measures taken by the Governor of New Zealand to fulfil Lord Stanley's agreement of 12th May, 1543, respecting the grant of a conditional title to the lands of the New Zealand Company. Of all correspondence respecting the disallowance by the Governor of New Zealand of any awards made by the Commissioner of Land Claims respecting the Company's lands. Of all correspondence relating to a proclamation issued by the Governor of New Zealand allowing the sale of lands by the natives at a less price than that fixed by the Act of 5 and 6 Viet., c. 36." Mr. AGLIONBY seconded the motion. He should not, in doing so, offer many observations to the House, and even those he should address to the House he should offer with considera ble diffidence and hesitation. From inquiries that had been made from him by several Hon. Members, he collected that it was imagined there was an intention to hang upon this mo tion for papers the whole question between the New Zealand Company and her Majesty's Government, or rather he should say the Colonial-office department. But it was not his inten tion, nor that of the Hon. Member for Dartmouth, to raise that question now ; it was one that might ultimately come be fore the House. The House and the public were well aware that grave allegations had been made by the New Zealand Company, that they had been treated by the Colonial-office with a gross want of faith and injustice. The House and the public were also aware that allegations had been made publicly to the effect that the Company had been thwarted in all their attempts to colonise New Zealand, that the progress of their settlements, and the happiness and interests of the settlers had been threatened by the hostility of the local Government of the islands, which was supposed to carry out the views of the Co lonial-office. It was alleged also that the local Government continued its hostile operations both under the late and present governors there. It was com plained that the late governor had a preference for the settle. mints in the northern part of the island, which were partly founded by himself. As to the present governor, he was still more unfortunate, for he was complained of by all parties. Even the papers published in the seat of the local Govern ment stated that its proceedings were now, and had for some time been, of a character not to be justified by any kind of policy. It was not his intention to raise the question of the claims of the colonists, which had been discussed from time to time, and which had been referred to a Committee of that House ; and he only alluded to the labours of that Committee for the purpose of stating his opinion that their report, which em bodied the results of their labours, ought not to be allowed to sink. That report had not been yet produced, out of consi deration to the Government and to the Right Honourable Baronet who was at the head of it, and who had before them matters which pressed more upon their attention. The question was now brought before the House because the claims of the colony and of the colonists had not met with that consideration which they deserved. The whole statement of the case was well worthy of the attention of the House. He had no intention, however, of entering fully into the subject. He had no wish to make this what was com monly called a New Zealand debate. If he were asked why the Hon. Member for Dartmouth, who was chairman of the Company, and himself, who was one of the Directors, brought forward this motion for papers, he would say that it was be cause they knew more of the evils suffered by the colony —more of the wretchedness and misery endured by the colonists—and which were entirely attributable to maladministration, than any Hon. Members of the House. The attention of the Prime Minister was seldom called to the colonies, and the Colonial Department, as at present constituted, was utterly indequate to the management of colonial affairs.—( Hear, hear.) The affairs of each separate colony did not receive that attention which they were entitled to. He did not intend to raise the question of colonial management, but he believed that no single office, constituted as the Colonial-office was, could pay that attention to colonial affairs which they demanded. The reason why he addressed the House on this subject was, because he believed that he knew more about it than any other Hon. Member unconnected with the colony. He would ask, if any other Hon. Member had the slightest idea of the proceedings complained of by the colonists, and he thought that he might be eliciting information that could not be elicited by any other person. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government was not aware of the state of the colonies. According to the routine of office, the affairs of any particular colony were not brought under the Right Hon. Baronet's consideration, except under special cir cumstances. The Colonial -office itself did not know as much of the affairs of this colony as was known from private infor mation and accounts in the newspapers. But that in formation was as a sealed book to the generality of Members. It was not his intention to go into the details of this matter, but without embracing it in some measure, he could not per form his duty either to the New Zealand Company or to the public. Among the regulations of the Colonial-office was one preventing governors issuing debentures wtthout its au thority. He begged to ask whether the Government had sanc tioned the issuing of debentures for 15,0001. ? He wished to Majesty'ssYste Ministers—whether the m of governing the colony waswhether w an the by present system governor of the colony had power to i ssue d e b entures w i thout the authority of the English Executive? H e s h ou ld b e g l a d if h e could have the governor's minutes prod uce d . I t was a document sctioned which certainly did not form part of the present notice, but probably his calling attention to it would induce the Under- Secretary for the Colonies to lay it on the table of the House with the other papers. If the policy pursued by the local Go vernment were sanctioned by the English Government, he must say it was highly improper. He gathered this policy principally from those common sources of information which were open to everybody, but he could assure the House many of his private correspondents had confirmed the statements made in the local papers. What would the agricultural Mem bers who occupied the opposite benches say to a Government imposing a tax of 103. upon every sheep imported into the colony—a tax upon the very means by which an infant colony could thrive? But this was not all. What would they think of a tax being imposed upon every dog required to hind their sheep ? It might be very well to tax dogs in England, where clogs were superfluous, but Hon. Members must remember that New Zealand dogs were rarely to be met with. One would think that the Government of a new colony would hold out an inducement to cleanliness —habits of health— morality, and decency. But what would they think of a local Government who proposed a tax of 1/. upon every room above three ? So that a family, large or small, had to herd themselves together in three rooms. This was a state of things that ought not to exist. He would not go fully into the subject, but he must remark, that in consequence of the course that had been pursued, nine of the countrymen of Eng lanebhad fallen in cold blood, and after they had given up their farms. Had there been any inquiry into this subject? There had not ; and when it was demanded it was refused. He saw the Secretary for the Colonies had given a notice to !love for the report of the Governor of New South Wales ; that might throw some light upon the subject, but he was afraid it would not be productive of much good. He had to complain of another mode which had been resorted to, which was most unfair. Papers had been sent to the Co lonial-office by individuals, and had been issued thence as if they were official. The grossest acts of cruelty were perpe trated upon the settlers by the aborigines, and even up on wo men. The only puni s hm en t w hich had been inflicted by the Governor was, to take ten muskets from ten of the worst of the rioters ; but lest this punishment might be considered too sesere, the muskets were again restored to them. He would not now enter fully into the subject, but reserve himself for a future occasion ; nor would he mix sp the claims of the Corn: pany with the questions which he now brought forward. He would, on a future occasion, move for papers showing the mode in which the Company had been treated by the Govern ment. He wished to call the attention of the House and of the Government to the sales of land which had taken place in that colony. The House was aware that, by Act of Parlia ment, the minimum was fixed at 1/. peracre. This was in 1843. But it was currently reported that this Act had been evaded, and that the Governor by proclamation had allowed sales to take place by paying 2s. 6d. to the native, and 17s. 6d. to the Go vernment. He wished to know whether that was the case ? It was further said, that the Governor of the Wellington dis trict had felt the injustice so much, that he issued a notifica tion to the effect, that no persons could purchase, except from the Crown. The House and the country should bear in mind that the colony of New Zealand contained 17,000 inhabitants, 10,000 of whom were recent settlers. He was sorry to perceive that among these the greatest distress prevailed, and there was little doubt but this distress arose from the maladministration of the local Government. The Company were not in any way an swerable for these results. With respect to the settlement made by the Company, he could only say that, from having been most flourishing, it had been brought to ruin by the acts of the local Government ; and it was further to be observed that the distress in the Company's districts was not so great as thoie districts immediately under the subjection of Goverr ment. The colony was one of the greatest importance, and under good government might become a source of great advan tage to this country. It had the finest climate and the finest soil of any island on the face of the globe. It had wonderful capabilities in point of naval accommodation, and possessed harbours and means of fitting out ships, which, in time of war, might be most useful. He would not raise the question whether or not the settlers went out advisedly or not. They were there, and must now be protected. The distress of some of them was so great that they had been maintained at the sole expense of the country; and although the affairs of that country were most depressed, they had expended 30,000/. in public works, for the purpose of i g.v.ng employment to these poor people. Some of the colonists had escaped to Sidney and some to Valparaiso, but those that remained were in great misery. After saying that, he would in a few days move for other papers connected with the subject, and ultimately bring the affairs of the company before the House. The Hon. Ment hes concluded by seconding the motion. Mr. G. W. HOPE would protest in the strongest and most earnest manner against the course pursued by the Hon. Mem ber who had just sat down. The Hon. Member moved for in formation which a fortnight ago was at his command. The course tair%utel towards the Government by the Hon. Member was most unfair. He stated he would bring the case forward by bits, and ultimately bring the whole of it under the notice of the House. The Hon. Member laid he would not, on this The gallery was cleared, and the Committee divided. The numbers were-- For the amendment Against Majority against the amendment • Lord MARSHAM moved that the word " reasonable " be omitted from the clause in reference to the charges, and that there be added the words, " provided that they shall at all times make an equal rate of charge for the use of locomotive engines, and other moving power on every part of the railway." After a short conversation the amendment was withdrawn, Lord G. SOMERSET premising to reconsider the clause. Mr. ENTWISLE suggested that the word " toll " should be struck out altogether, and the charges made subject " to the special Act of the Company."—The clause was then agreed to. Clauses 67, 68, and 69, were passed without discussion. On the reading of clause 70, giving companies the power to levy tolls, Lord G. SOMERSET said that this was a very important clause. It was likely to give rise to much discussion. He thought it better to postpone the consideration of it till Thursday, when hehoped to get through the Bill. The House then resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Thursday. The House then adjourned till Five o'clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. NEWCASTLE AND SHIELDS RAILWAY. Mr. ORD presented a petition in favour of the Newcastle and Shields Railway. TRENT VALLEY EXTENSION RAILWAY On the motion of Mr. M. PHILIPS, the Trent Valley Extension Railway Bill was read a second time. SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY EXTENSIONS. Mr. ESCOTT brought up the report on these extensions. It was stated that the standing orders in this case might be dispensed with, and leave was given to bring in separate Bills. NEWARK AND SHEFFIELD RAILWAY. On the motion of Mr. STRUT T, leave was granted to bring in the Newark and Sheffield Railway Extension Bill. Several Hon. Members brought up Railway Bills, in which the standing orders had been complied with. HUDDERSFIELD WATERWORKS BILL. This Bill was read a first time. Mr. HAWES presented a petition from the rated inhabi tants of Lambeth in favour of the South-Eastern Extension Railway Bill. Sir H. DOUGLAS presented a petition from Liverpool, praying that those merchants who had a stock of sugar on hand might be allowed a drawback. The Hon. and Gallant Member heartily concurred in the prayer of the petition. Mr. THOS. DUNCOMBE presented a petition signed by 3,000 miners of Durham, complaining of the explosions that had taken place in that part of the country, and praying the House to take the subject into its consideration. Mr. LIDDELL presented a petition from a place in Durham, praying that public-houses might be closed on Sundays. Lord G. SOMERSET proposed the following Members for the Committee of classification on Railway Bills :—Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Fox Maule, Lord Mahon, Sir Wm. Somerville, and Mr. Wilson Patten. Mr. ESTCOURT moved that no private Bill other than Railway Bills be read a second time after Friday, the 18th of April next, and also that, as soon as the agent for any private B:11 shall have received from the Committee of Selection notice of the hour and day fixed for the Committee on such Bill, he shall forthwith give notice thereof to the clerks in the Private Bill-office. The motion was agreed to. SUGAR DUTIES. Mr. HUME presented a petition from several sugar refiners in Scotland, praying, before any alteration was made in the sugar duties, a delay should be granted them in order to dis pose of their stocks in hand. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from the Com missioners appointed by Act of Parliament to consolidate certain Bills affecting the borough of Southwark. RAILWAYS. Mr. HUME, on behalf of Mr. Wallace, postponed his mo tion relative to railways, and railway passengers and traffic. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Sir R. PEEL gave notice that on Thursday next he would move the adjournment of the House from Thursday, the 20th instant, to the Monday week following. The state of public business would not admit of a longer postponement. WEXFORD, CARLOW, AND DUBLIN JUNCTION RAILWAY. Mr. W. COLLETT presented a petition in favour of the Wexford, Carlow, and Dublin Junction Railway, from the Harbour Commissioners of Wexford. BUENOS AYRES AND MONTE VIDEO. Lord PALMERSTON said he rose for the purpose of putting to the Right Hon. Baronet a question, of which he had given notice a few days ago, with regard to the hostilities now being carried on between Buenos Ayres and the State of Monte Video. The House well knew that between these two States there had existed for three years past a state of hostility more or less violent ; and that the British Government at one time endeavoured, by an offer of mediation, between the two parties to put an end to that hostility. The question which he was going to ask was founded on documents which had been published in the newspapers of Monte Video, in which had appeared a correspondence between the British Minister at Buenos Ayres, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs at Monte Video. Founding himself entirely on that correspondence, he learned that in the summer of 1842 the British Government determined to interfere, and to put an end to these hostilities by foreign interference. Now, without at all expressing any opinion one way or the other upon the policy of the question, as to whether it was one which should warrant the interference of the Government of this country as a third party, he would say he was en titled to an answer.—(Hear.) It was quite true that those two States had an undoubted right to quarrel amongst themselves ; and, therefore, without saying which party was in the wrong— whether either, or one, or both was to blame, he would still contend for it that his question should be answered. It appeared by a letter which he had read, and which had been sent to Mr. Mandeville, the Monte Videan Consul, by the 'ecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that it was the wish and the intention of the British Government to use every effort to put an end to the war. However, in the year 1842, Lord Cowley had an interview with M. Guizot, and the latter gen tleman concurred with the Noble L'ird that there should be an end to this war, and that he was ready to enter into any ar rangement that might be proposed for that purpose. On the 113th of December, 1842, an official note was sent to the Go- vernment of Buenos Ayres, with an intimation to Mr. Mande ville, which he would now recd. The letter appeared in a Monte Video paper, and had been translated into Portuguese ; he would endeavour to read it, making allowance for some ver bal inaccuracies. The Noble Lord having read the letter, went on to say :—He wished to know what were the grounds which led to that change, and whether that change was fully communicated to the two Governments concerned. And he would also ask, whether there was any objection to lay on the table of the House such papers connected with the matter as might be communicated without injury to the public service ? Sir ROBERT PEEL said the statement which had been made by the Noble Lord with respect to that which had been presented by our Minister and the representative of France to the Government of Buenos Ayres was substantially correct. He ( Sir Robert Peel) held in his hand the formal note which had been presented, and although there were some variations in expressions, yet still the Noble Lord was sub stantially correct. In December It 42, the representatives of the two countries made communications to Buenos Ayres, to the effect stated by the Noble Lord. In January, 1843, they went further, and stated that the fleets of England and France had sailed from Europe for the purpose of forcible intervention. In June, 1843, he ( Sir Robert Peel) was asked, whether or not the representatives of this country had been entirely justified by their instructions in making their communications to Iluenos Ayres ; and whether they had full authority to inform that Government, that in ease of amicable intervention failing, there would be forcible intervention, for the purpose of putting an end to those lamentable hostilities which even then had so long prevailed. He stated that the representatives of France and England had been instructed to urge on the Governments of the two belligerent Powers the policy of suspending these hostilities, and terminating theta by amicable negotiations. He stated at that time, that those re presentatives were not justified in holding oat the menace of forcible intervention. He thought the Ministers of France and England had gone beyond their instructions. The Noble Lord had alluded to the correspondence which had taken place between M. Mandeville and the Secretary of Fo• reign Affairs in France. There was now the most cordial un derstanding between this country and France with respect to the termination of hostilities between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. Mr. Mandeville had read a communication from the Secretary of State, and it was owing to that communication that Mr. Mandeville drew an erroneous inference with respect to the intentions of the two Governments; and though Mr. Mandeville had exceeded his instructions—though he had done wrong in, stating to the Governments of Monte Video and Buenos Ayres, that he had good reason to believe that hosti lities would be put an end to—yet, looking to Mr. Mandeville's position, and the extreme difficulties he had to contend with, he was yet bound to do justice to the motives of Mr. Mande ville. Certainly, after what had taken place, seeing that Mr. Mandeville, the representative of this coun try to Buenos Ayres, had carried on a confidential com munication with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs at Monte Video, they thought that he had put himself in such a position that he could not resume his office with efficiency in that effect but at the same time there was nothing in the conduct of Mr. Mandeville to disentitle him to the confidence of the British Government. Acting as he did, on the best intentions, he should be sorry to imply any strong censure upon the con duct of a gentleman placed in his position. As they were about to renew their representations to the Government of Buenos Ayres, acting in harmony with the French Govern ment on the subject, most earnestly imploring that they would put a stop to their senseless hostilities, it was not the time to lay on the table of the House the communications which bad taken place. Lord PALMERSTON said he thought that Mr. Mande ville had been officially employed to negotiate a treaty with Monte Video, and that it was necessary on his part that ho should be in communication with Mr. Vidal. Sir R. PEEL said that Mr. Vidal was sick at the time, and it was an act of treachery to publish his letter. Mr. HUME moved for a "return, showing the total number of pensioners frGi,:: ar,oy, on the pension establish ment, from the year 1834 to the year 1643, both years inclu sive; specifying the number received in each year from each branch of the service, viz., from the Dragoon Guards and Gentleman made against the Colenial-mice, he (Colonel R. Trevor) had nothing to do. He had only to deal with the charges against the Gallant Officer at the head of the colony. There could be no objection to a Member of that House malt ing charges against any servant of the Crown. But he thought any Member went too far when he drew unfavourable in.. ferences frcm general statements, without any specific facts. He thought it would have been better to wait until the Govern ment and Captain Fitzroy had an opportunity of communicat ing the facts to the House. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said that Captain Fitzroy made up his mind upon the informa tion he received from the murderers, without hearing the colo nists. But this was not the fact, for the opinions stated by that officer were the same as were expressed by the Colonial Secre tary before Captain Fitzroy went out to New Zealand. The Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard himself admitted that the warrant was illegal, imprudent, and injudicious. Mr. C. BULLER—I did not say illegal, I said imprudent and injudicious.—( Hear, hear.) Colonel TREVOR —The Attorney-General of the colony denied that it was illegal. He would not have risen but for the extraordinary, unfair, and unbecoming language used to. wards Captain Fitzroy.— (Hear, hear.) That officer had de voted all the energy of his mind for the benefit of the colony, and it was very hard that he should be assailed in his absence at so great a distance. No voice could be raised in his behalf in answer to these charges, for four or five months, whilst those charges rested only on partial information.—( Hear. ) Captain Fitzroy had been so much occupied with the affairs of the colony, that not one of his relations had received one line from him.—( Hear.) It would, therefore, have been only justice to an absent officer to abstain from attacking him, until his friends were in a Position to explain his acts. Colonel WOOD would not go into the merits of the case, but he would protest against two epithets applied to Captain Fitzroy, who was a distant connexion of his (Colonel Wood's). He trusted the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard would, on reflection, regret that he had applied to a gallant naval officer the terms " foolish and incompetent."— ( Hear.) Captain Fitzroy had been many years in the service of the country. He had been long employed in the survey of the coast o f S ou th A mer i ca , a f ter w hi c h h e b roug h t his little vessel, at great cost to himself, round the world. In that voyage he touched at New Zealand, and he ultimately accepted the Governorship at the request of the Company itself, after he had refused two or three other lucrative appointments.--( Hear.) Mr. BULLER—Not at the request of the Company. Colonel WOOD found that he was wrong, it was at the re quest of the Colonial Secretary.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) If the whole transaction were before the House, it would bear a very different complexion. Sir W. JAMES said it should be remembered that the at tack upon Captain Fitzroy was founded upon very imperfect information.—( Hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard himself said that nine-tenths of the information on the affairs of Zealand was from the newspapers. He hoped, therefore, that it would go forth to the country that this was newspaper information and a newspaper spirit.—( Hear, hear. ) He could not conceive that any facts could be brought forward to justify the assertion that Captain Fitzroy had, on any occa sion, been guilty of conduct unbecoming either a gentleman or an officer, nor did he believe the statement the Hon. Member had made would increase his character or reputation in the country, unless he were prepared substantially and most accu rately to prove it.—(Hear, hear.) He would sympathise with the Honourable Member for Liskeard, when he lamented the death of his friend, and if the Hon. Gentleman bad not made use of language in reference to Captain Fitzroy which was un justifiably strong, he would not have ventured to trespass upon the time of the House. He hoped, however, the Hon. Mem ber would see the necessity of retracting some of the expres sions which he had thought proper to use. The expressions if unfounded in fact, were certainly unbecoming a gentleman, and he therefore hoped the Hon. Member would either bring forward some exceedingly strong facts, or else withdraw the expressions altogether. Captain Fitzroy had, in more than one instance, proved himself to be a valuable servant ; and if there was a person upon whom he could lay his finger as a man remarkable for public integrity, er remarkable for his pri vate virtues or humanity that man was C apta i n F i tzoy. Sir CHARLES NAPIER admitted the justness of the cu logium which had been passed upon Captain Fitzroy by the Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House. He was a remarkably clever man. He had made discoveries and surveys in a most singular and peculiar manner, but the House must re member that a man might be able to make a very good survey, and yet be a precious bad Governor.—(Laughter.) The Govern ment, in his opinion, made a grand mistake when they sent Captain Fitzroy to govern New Zealand. He would have made a much better Chancellor of the Exchequer.— (Laughter.) Nevertheless, he was a gallant officer, but in stead of shaking hands with the murderers of Captain Wake field, he ought to have executed them.—( Cheers. ) An Hole. 51E3IBER said he knew from other sources than the public prints that, from some cause or other, the conduct of Captain Fitzroy had not been such as ought to be expected from a public officer. He should not, however, have addressed the House had not the Hon. Member for Liskeard alluded to a gentleman with whom he was personally acquainted. He knew from private information that the conduct of Capt. Fitzroy to wards Mr. Dillon had been, he would not say, ungentlemanly, but certainly it was not such as generally characterised the usual courtesy which was due from one gentleman to another. Sir R. PEEL regretted that the debate had extended so fare It would, he thought, have been much better if Hon. Members who had lately addressed the House had, like the Hon. Gentleman who moved for the papers, allowed the motion to pass without remark. Had this course been pursued, he did not anticipate that any opposition would have been offered to the motion, as his Noble Friend at the head of..the Colonial. Department, and the Hon. Gentleman who represented him in that House, were perfectly ready to give the Hon. Gen- tleman all the information he required. If they had de sired to call in question the acts of Captain litzroy, he thought it would have been fair to postpone it until they had got the papers before them. But, as it was, he thought injustice had been done both to his Noble Friend at the head of the Colonial-office, and to Captain Fitzroy, by the comments which had been made that night. One Hon. Gen tleman had gone so far as to say that the Colonial Department showed great ignorance in their policy towards New Zealand, because they, as well as the public, had been in possession of certain information three months, and yet his Hon. Friend had not recalled Captain Fitzroy. Another Hon. Member had made use of language which, he must say, was highly unjus • tifiable. The Hon. Gentleman said it was the duty of his Hon. Friend to send over a keeper for Captain Fitzroy. bow, in his opinion, there was nothing to justify this remark as di rected against Captain Fitzroy.—( Hear, hear. ) What were the facts of the case ? Why, true it was, his Hon. Friend had not formally made a statement to the public with respect to this paper currency, but he had nevertheless declared the fact that Captain Fitzroy had, from some cause or other, omitted to send any information on the subject. It was possible, however, that there might have been some cause to prevent Captain Fitzroy forwarding his papers. But be that as it may, Captain Fitzroy had omit. ted to send them, and it would be for him to give some reason why :this deficiency should be overlooked. There was no doubt, then, that his Hen. Friend was not in possession of any official information on the subject, and would it therefore be just to condemn, still more to recal an officer performing duties in a distant colony upon newspaper information?—( Hear, hear. ) Such information as the Colonial-office was in possession of, should be freely given. His Noble Friend was perfectly right in postponing any comments upon these acts of Captain Fitzroy, until he should have received an explanation from that gentleman. It would be unjust for his Hon. Friend to condemn Captain Fitzroy, without giving him an opportu nity of explaining his conduct. They were not in possession of the ordinance relating to the unconvertible paper cur rency, and still less were they in possession of any official ac- . count from Captain Fitzroy, stating the circumstances under which that order was issued ; and therefore the com ments of the Hon. Member upon the ignorance of his Noble Friend were entirely out of place, and unwarranted by the facts. With respect to d e be n tu res , there was no act of Captain Fitzroy of which' they had not taken official cognizance, and when they thought them good they approved of them, and when the debentures were unsatisfactory they directed them to be modified.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman con demned his Hon. Friend for appointing a naval man to the office of governor of a colony. The Honourable Gentle man said it was not proper to take a man from the quarter deck, and set him to perform functions which attached to a civil Government. Now he was not prepared to acquiesce in this doctrine. He should be sorry, indeed, to say that either a military or a naval officer was incompetent to per form such functions. He could see no reason why gen tlemen who had distinguished themselves in one of the two services should not be appointed to these offices. But they were talking of a man who had distinguished him self not merely in active naval service, but in the scientific part of that profession. He was a man, moreover, who bad a kindly disposition, and had throughout life been distinguished for strict honour and integrity. The New Zealand Company did not object to his appointment, because he found, after the appoitnment was made known to the New Zealand Company, Mr. Ward, the Secretary of the Company, addressed a letter to Captain Wakefield, wherein he expressed himself warmly in favour of Captain Fitzroy. Then the Company had a personal conference with Captain Fitzroy, and afterwards they con sidered it to be their duty to notify to their agent in the colony what were their impressions with respect to this officer; and, again, Captain Fitzroy was spoken of by the New Zealand company in the inost favourable towns. That was the opinion expressed by the Company after communicating with Captain Fitzroy, and therefore whatever the Honourable Member opposite might now say with respect to the disqualifications of Captain Fitzroy, his answer was c mclusive and complete. It must be remembered that Captain Fit zroy relinquished a seat in Parliament, and gave up a lucrative situation, to un dertake the government of New Zealand. The gallant gentleman could not, therefore, be said to have taken office with a view to remuneration. On the contrary, he believed that Captain Fitzroy was actuated in such a step only by a sense of public duty, and by a benevolent desire to become an instrument of good. He fully sympathised with some of the feelings and sentiments of the Hon. Member for Lis keard, for it was not to be wondered at that the Hon. Member should lament the untimely fate of his friend.—( Hear, hear.) But still lie must ask the House to suspend its final opinion upon this case of Captain Fitzroy until they could hear from the gentleman himself. It was consist f e r n o t tn w c ith apt j a u i s n tieethat they should wait until they had a report Fitzroy, who certainly had omitted to forward them c er ta in in formation, thletart? Thethi Hon. Member for Cockermouth had delayed a motion on the this but he would ask the House , whether it so o m f e accident probab o ilit r y ot subject of New Zealand and the Colonial-office, to give him an owmasissinoon not within wi b t e h e in n occasionedthera range e y opportunity to make himself master of the subject ; but he could assure the Honourable Member that whenever he brought his motion forward, he should be perfectly pre pared to take his part in the debate. His Noble Friend had laid on the table of the House the dispatch rela tive to the report of the Committee. It was in pos session of the instructions he had given. His Noble Friend did not shrink from any examination of his conduct. ~H e .as s; c • o o l u n l e d say e n n o in upon ong Gentlemen sb n sb o ew prepared; but the to bringtim e forward a motion, if they intended to do so, so as to enable his friends in that House to vindicate his Noble Friend. Lord HOWICK said that, as it was evident this subject must be brought forward in a shape which would enable the House to pronounce a judgment upon both the conduct of the Government and Captain Fitzroy, he would not on the present occasion enter upon the field of discussion. He rose for the purpose of saying that he did not think there was anything in the language used by his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Buller) of which the Right Honourable Baronet could justly complain. His Hon. and Learned Friend felt strongly upon the miscon duct of the Colonial Government, and in a speech, no less dls tinguished by moderation than ability, imputing no blame to the motives of Captain Fitzroy, he condemned—what every person was at liberty to condemn—the exercise of his judg ment, and in his (Lord Howiek's) opinion his Hon. Friend could not condemn that judgment too strongly.—( Hear, hear.) He concurred with his Hon. and Learned Friend in the opinion that the conduct of Captain Fitzroy, so far as his judgment was concerned, was utterly without defence. The Right Hon. Baronet said that they ought not to condemn Captain Fitzroy unheard, and that the reports of newspapers were not to be de pended on. But the newspapers gave formal reports of what took place in the colony, so that it was not mere rumour. When they had dependencies at such a distance, care should be taken to inform Government of what was going on. Cap. tairi Fitcroy might, at least, have sent home a dispatch which would arrive as soon as the newspapers , and there was no pos sible justification for his not having done so. — ( Hear, hear. ) While the welfare of 12,000 or 14,000 persons was in peril from a total disorganisation, and while accounts of an alarming na ture had been brought home far a long time, it was with sur prise he learned that her Majesty's Government had Dot led sures canvassed by the colonists. They had in the island a legislature, it was true, but it consisted of the Attorney-General, the Colonial Secretary, and the Colonial Treasurer, and three independent members; but the three official members, by the assistance of the Governor, were always able to outvote the independent members. There was no disgrace in that matter. The whole thing was a perfect despotism—a round-about despotism it might be, but a despotism nevertheless. Of these three despotic go vernors, two of them had belonged to the Royal Navy. He did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the Royal Navy, but he must say that the Royal Navy was the very last place to choose a governor from who would be vested with de retie powers. They had no light charges to make agailist Governor Fitzroy. He would state three instances of his mis management while governor, that must convince every person of his utter incompetence for that onerous position. It was said and maintained, that the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet had disseminated the soundest views with respect to currency, and it was therefore the more extraordinary that the Governor of New Zealand should, upon the . subject of finance, differ as widely as he possibly could from the Right Hon. Baronet. Would the House suppose that in any part of the world there existed an inconvertible paper currency? Could they imagine any thing mere monstrous? And yet such had been established in New Zealand by Governor Fitzroy. In In England they had, at a considerable sacrifice, returned to a gold currency, but in the colony of New Zealand they had got an inconvertible currency established. In this country they never allowed a paper currency to be issued for any amount under a pound. But Captain Fitzroy had issued five shilling and two shilling assignats. There was something wicked in such bad political economy. What was the object of this issue of ss. and 2s. assignees ? They were issued to pay work men's wages. And what were the consequences of that issue? This—the depreciation of that currency. These assignats were in a course of deprecia tion at the very time the Gevernor issued his proclamation. But supposing that some accredited party had stated that the parent country gave no authority to the Governor to issue these assignats, what would then be the consequence? Why, it must naturally have followed, that the credit of the colony would suffer by the conduct of the Governor, and that the depreciation of the currency would be reduced to the very lowest scale. What would be the further consequence when the 2s. assignees would perhaps have been depreciated to 2d. ? Why, that they would have to pay 15,1001. on as signals for which they would not get 15,000 pence. Was not that scandalous ? Was it to be tolerated that any Governor should so trifle with the community, and so violate the most simple 'principles laid down by the Government which had ap pointed him? Captain Fitzroy was not merely incompetent. He was pesitively mischievous and dangerous, as in every blunder of his kind he entailed the most extensive harm...—. (Hear, hear.) Such blunders as these were enough to con demn any man, no matter how superior his other qualities might be. Let them now turn to his system of taxation. What did they find there ? Why they found that the Governor taxed every sheep imported 10s., and cattle 20s. Let them conceive a man doing all he could to destroy the resources of the country over which he was appointed Governor ; if he tried his very best, he could not do more than Captain Fitzroy had done.—( Hear, hear.) Since the time of the Houynyhms, they had never heard of such a thing as abolishing the customs in one part of a province, and allowing it to remain in another. —(Laughter and cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member then read a letter complaining of the misrule in the Island. The natives begged to have the custom-house abolished in the Bay of Islands, and they ended by pulling down the flag-staff. The Governor sent to Sydney for forces, he alarmed the authorities there out of their wits, and 150 men were sent to his assistance. The natives requested him to send them back. He did so, and in order to conciliate them further, he abolished the custom-house in the Bay'of Islands, and left them standing over the other parts of the colony. What could the man mean by leaving the custom-house in one place and abolishing it in another ? Helping the Bay of Islands and ruining the port of Auckland. What would they think of the Government if it abolished the customs at Bristol and left them in full and active operation over the rest of the country ?—( Hear, hear.) Did they suppose that any ship would unload at any other port while Bristol was so privileged ? Did they think that the Ministry would come down to the House and say that they ought to be supported because they had abolished the custom. house in Bristol ? The Duke of ituckingham, he thought it was, who, at some public meeting lately held, came down pregnant with information, and complained to the audience— an agricultural audience—of the Right Hon. Baronet, and of his speech on the budget. He complained that the Right Hon. Baronet did not mention the agricultural interest at all ; and he added, " We are treated as if we were a colony."— ( Very great laughter.) That was the way in which the Duke of Buckingham spoke of their colonies. " They care for us no more than if we were a colony."—(Renewed laughter. ) " They care nothing for us—let us legislate for ourselves." Such was the literal interpretation of this remark, "They care for us as for a colony." The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Aglionby) had touched but lightly on the subject of the proclamation. By the sth and 6th of Victoria it was enacted that no waste land in the colony should sell for a less sum than 1/. per acre, and the question therefore was, whether land held by the natives was to be considered and sold as waste land. If the House referred to the 23d section of that Act, they would find that waste lands were intended to de scribe the lands vested in the Crown with the sanction of the natives. This was a most just and a most humane enactment. It was intended to protect the savage by making all such sales pass through the hands of Government. All lands held by the natives and sold to Europeans became vested in the Crown as a matter of right ; and, under the terms of the Act, lands sold in New Zealand became part of the waste lands of the Crown. No man could doubt that such was the proper reading of the Act of Parliament. He (Mr. C. Buller) complained that by a single stroke of the Governor's pen he reduced the value of land in the colony from 20s. to 10s. They had asked for in formation upon six subjects connected with the administration of New Zealand, and they had only got information upon one of them. Some mention had been made of the Wahrou mas sacre, of the slaughter of nine gentlemen who had surrendered to the natives.—( The Honourable and Learned Gentleman was so much affected, that for several seconds he could not proceed.) He trusted the House would excuse him if he felt upon this subject. He knew one of these gentlemen well—he meant Captain Wakefield,—one of the most promising officers in her Majesty's navy ; and to think of such a man perishing in a distant colony, by the tomahawk of the savage, through the incapacity of a man like Captain Fitzroy, who had afterwards come forward and said that the conduct of those persons (referring to those unfortunate gentlemen) was an indelible disgrace to their country. He should be more ge nerous to Captain Fitzroy than he was to the unfortunate Cap tain Wakefield, and he would not go into that matter. It had originated in a dispute about land, in which the Commissioners of Colonial Lands would or could not decide the point of sale, because the natives were not present. The parties in the other cases had been before him, and he had decided that in those cases the property had been sold fairly and for its full consideration. They thought they had a right to that land, they went to survey it, and the natives came down and burned their houses. The magistrates at Wellington, on information of the circumstances being communicated to them, very un wisely and improperly issued a warrant against the natives. That course was irrational. They went out, and he must say for the ma g istrate, Mr. John son , an d th e ot h er gent l emen who accompanied him, that they were grievously misled in the characters of the people with whom they had to do. The natives in the neighbourhood of Nelson were few in num ber, and not at all of a warlike temperament. They generally submitted to the decisions of the law, and the unfortunate Mr. Johnson and his friends were not aware of the for. midable tribe against whom they were proceeding, or of their Raphuera, who was the principal object of their search. A conflict took place ; the gentlemen stood their ground, and were massacred by the natives. Savage and horrible as the customs of those people were, they had acted according to their established usages, and God forbid that he should say they were to be punished for them, according to the usages of English law. All he said was, that Captain Fitzroy ought to have protected the European in habitants, instead of encouraging the native aggressors. But his proclamation was, that he would severely punish those who had escaped from the tomahawk of the savage. The conse quence was, that the inhabitants of Wellington, who had held meetings for the purpose of defending themselves against their threatening a ssa il an t s , were t h rown i nto t h e greatest alarm. In such a state of things a wise Government would have said to those who had armed themselves to protect the settlement, " We thank you for what you have endeavoured to do, but now we have sent a body of soldiers for your protection, and you may return to your peaceable pursuits."—( Hear, hear.) But what did the Governor actually do? He issued a procla mation that such meetings of the inhabitants were treasonable, and if they were held again, those who took part in them should be cut down by the soldiers. He called a meeting of the inhabitants of Wellington, and denounced their conduct in the words which he (Mr. Buller) had mentioned. Having given every encouragement to the aborigines, he went to Nelson. Now, there were in that set tlement six gentlemen in the commission of the peace—and it was by no means unimportant to observe, that in so small and so young a settlement there were five or six gentlemen of pro perty and station fit to be placed in the commission of the peace.—( Hear, hear.) Well, Captain Fitzroy called those six gentlemen before him, and rebuked them for having issued the warrant—be it remembered that he (Mr. Buller) did not defend the warrant. The parties were in a state of war, and the issue of a warrant was foolish—it was most imprudent and injudicious—but it was extraordinary, that when officers were sent out to govern in any of the colonies, they sometimes thought they were privileged to overlook the feelings of other gentlemen, and to violate the common decencies of life. Captain Fitzroy accordingly thought proper to charge one of those six gentlemen with having written some statement its the news paper. The magistrate, Captain Dillon, said that he had not written in the newspaper. Captain Fitzroy told that gentle man " that it was not true !"—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) might be to'd that these things were not important.--( Hear, hear.) But he would say that they were of importance. If gentlemen were induced to go out as settlers to your colonies, you should take care that those who represent you should treat them as gentlemen.—( Hear, hear.) Captain Fitzroy had been but six months in the colony, and he had in that time contrived to wound the feelings and to endanger the property of the European inhabitants. The amount of the expenditure was 36,0001. a year. He (Mr. Buller) thought that was pretty well for the Governor of a colony of 14,000 inhabitants-- ( Hear, hear)—a colony new and struggling with every diffi culty.—( Hear, hear.) 36,000/. expenditure for the Governor of a population of 14,000 was two and a half times the expenditure of Britain, including the national debt. In justifying an increase of the expendi ture, Captain Fitzroy said that the greatest calamity which a colony had to avoid was to deprive the officers of their sale ries.—( A laugh.) Accordingly he proceeded to make up his revenue by taxation. He laid a tax upon the importation of cattle—( Hear, hear)—a tax upon sheep-dogs—( Hear, hear) and he issued assignats of 2s. and bs. for the payment of wages. But when the aborigines rebelled against the customs duties, to please them he abolished three custom-houses out of four.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) did not want to make Captain Fit zro y a monster. He did not want the House to imp eac h hi m . H e wan t e d to show what the Go vernor was worth by his own acts; d meat to pass no further censure upon tn him asked the Go than to osa ytb v a e t r h n- e was a very foolish man.—(Hear, hear.) He asked them what right xe theyzeal Zealand d d to to commit aoe, a t h man safety a a thisof 4 ? ~....00H 0 e r Englishmen hear.)H i n e w did not want to be hard upon the infirmities and a deficiencies of human intellect, but he did not think that they were justified in putting at the head of a colony a m a n whom they would not entrust in the common affairs of life.—( Hear, hear.) Wh en they had the proofs of his incompetency, what was the duty of the Government but to recal him?—( Hear, bear.) He (Mr. Buller) did not ask that as a punishment (though he deserved it)—he did not ask it as a warning to future governors, (and the warning was wanted) ;—but he asked it for the sake of the colony, which could never be prosperous or safe whilst such a man was at its head.—( Hear, hear.) What it was the duty of the Government to do was—to send out a keeper for Captain Fitzroy, and to send out his successor at the same time.—(Hear, hear.) They ought to have recalled him before this, and they ought to explain why they had not done so.— ( Hear, hear. ) He trusted the House would so express its opinion on this subject as to prevent the colonies from being exposed to misrale such as this. —( Cheers.) Colonel R. TREVOR would not, on this occasion, have troubled the House, but that he was the only near relation of the Gallant Officer whom the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard had so unjustifiably assailed in his absence. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said, in the course of his speech, that he did not wish to hurt the feelings of any one. (" Hear" from Mr. Buller.) He (Colonel R. Trevor) was glad that he, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, assented to his statement. With the charges which the Hon. and Learned 1 I