The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-17 00:00:00

eeobacy. He wished also to deny that it was the precursor to an endowment. He did not, however, believe that the ano maly of El State Church for the tenth-part of the people of Ireland could be long endured. It should be put an end to by the Government in some way ; and, whether it was by the voluntary system, or by reconciling the people of Ireland to the esemtinued existence of it by endowing that which should be 4a-bd the national Church, he did not see how that endowment was hastened by this grant. It would be worth while to analyse the grounds on which the opposition rested, the elements of which would be found not only to be heterogeneous, but absolutely conflicting with one another. The Non-conformist petitioners concur in the opposition to the grant, because they thought it was infringing the rights of eenecience to grant any sum of money to another Church, the tenets of which they did not believe, and because it would inflict a greater wrong on them than any other class of Pro testants. But what did the Protestants say ? That it would be endangering the establishment. One party opposed because it would uphold the Irish Church, and the others because it would tendto subvert the Irish Church. It could not be true that the same measure would have opposite effects at the same time. He did not believe that it would tend to subvert the Church of Ireland, nor did he think that that was its intention, and he, as a Protestant himself, would say that opposition from that quarter was unbecoming and ungenerous. The non conformists, if they believed that this may lead to an en dowment of the Roman Catholic Church, were consistent, but he should like to know upon what tenable ground of prin ciple or justice the members of the Established Church of Ireland could object. It could not be because it was an en 000ment. Could they object upon the ground that the Chum of Rome entertains and disseminates erroneous doc ; the Protestant Church could not take up that trines urch that was built absolutely upon the right ground. No LT. ' : "';set up such a claim, because the very of private judgment el. 7 . eivate judgment implied that the admission of the right of 1 ,l au admits, in allowing the very Church that asserts such a e. n . he wrong, and that its right of private judgment, that it may opponents may be right. As a member Jf that Church, he would aver that it must be conceded that the Prote:tant Church Establishment was anomalous, in so much as it was no. to he defended by ecclesiastical reasons, but by abstract princ:' pies, and merely upon the ground of expediency. Upon these grounds he would ask, was it becoming in the members of the Church of England to come forward to oppose any provision for the religious instruction of their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen ? The g reat bulk of the Irish people were not to be looked upon as Dissenters. Ireland was not a case where the people had seceded from the Church, but where, by brate force, the Church had been thrust upon the people. Endowment was not the question before them, it was a grant for educational purposes, and upon that ground he would support the measure ; and he implored the people of England, upon every ground of justice, generosity, and pru dence, so to consider the matter before them. He did not agree with the Right Hon. Baronet as to the sources from whence the money was to come ; he would support the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield, that it should be paid by Ireland. And he felt that, even if his Honourable Friend failed in his motion, he would, nevertheless, support the grant. This was the only measure which could gain for them the affections of the Irish people, and he would not take upon himself the responsibility of opposing it. He would ask those who opposed the measure, were they prepared to leave Ireland in its present state—a state in which they retained one portion of their empire as if it were an enemy's country, by artillery and the bayonet.—( Hear, hear.) And if they were not prepared to leave her as she was, what measures were they competent to pass, by which they meant to attach to this country the affections of the people of Ireland; and it was essential that they should be attached to this country. With that country hostile, England would not be safe for a day, and they would lose that opinion of their strength in other countries which would be the best substitute for its existence. He did not think that it was too much to say that every petition opposed to that grant which was laid on that table would have the effect of materially retarding those who were negotiating even on the very shores of the Pacific. He could not, of course, approve of the whole policy of the Right Hon. Baronet who proposed the measure, and of course he regretted the per versity of fortune that compelled him and others under the guidance of one who appeared to concede to fear that which he refused to justice. If the Hon. Baronet had net acted under motives of a higher nature which he attributed to him, if he brought forward this measure merely through necessity, he ( Sir William Clay) was vet of opinion that he acted right, and that on that occasion he would have his cardial snpport. He was bound to say that if they who opposed this grant were prepared to afford a double impulse to the repeal agitation, and to renewed declamation, rather than give a few paltry thousand pounds to the education of the Irish priests, then let them throw out the measure, and touch the Irish on that point in which they were most sensitive, by telling them that they were to expect no redress from the British people or from the British House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) Let them see the use already made by Mr. O'Connell of the spirit which had been manifested in London against this grant. If the Bill were thrown out he should scarcely know how to blame—enemy as he was to the repeal cause—a reneoed agitation of the repeal ; he should scarcely know how to hope for the time when a real union could exist ; and for himself he should almost despair of ever seeing the two countries reconciled. Lord BERNARD said that, representing as he did a large con eieuency, and considering the corrupt state of the registries of Irelans!• and recollecting the intimidation that was used and encouraged by the priests at the last election, he felt he was riot warranted in expressing any other opinions than those he was about to exhibit on the present occasion. However painful it might be to . himself, be was coming forward to express an opinion in direct opposition to that Government to which he was, on other questions, enabled to give his support. He considered that en this question mere personal feeling should be as dust in the balance. Before he entered into this question, ha would call the attention of the House to one speech which was de lisered yesterday evening —it was delivered by the Hon. Mem ber for Cork, who stated that if Hon. Members knew the state of education in Ireland, they would have known that one of the bootie which were most zealously sought for was, that Trinity College should be thrown open to all classes of her Majesty's subjects. Now, why did he quote that particular part of the Hon. Mem ber's speech? It was for this reason —because that Hon. Member might be looked upon as an authority in all matters relating to the education of Roman Catholics in Ireland ; and because it would appear by the Hon. Member's speech that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were ready to abandon not only the education of the middle classes, but to make the most im portant and extraordinary sacrifices rather than yield up their right to political agitation, or the power of aiming another blow at the University of Dublin. Bat now let him (Lord Bernard) state why it was that he opposed the present measure of the Government. It was for this reason amongst others— that he bad always opposed the grant to Maynooth, and he had yet to learn why he should not do so now. He would ask, was he bound by any compact, or fettered by any tie ? He denied that he was ; and he defied any Hon. Mem • her in the House to prove the contrary. Let him ask fur ther, was he bound to vote for the grant of a sum of money for the support of a religion he did not believe to be true, which vote would, in fact, amount to a vote for the suppression of a reli gion which he did believe to be true ? Now, let him call to mind one of the alleged grounds of this compact. He would undertake to show that it was, in fact, no compact at all ; and in doing so he would not weary the House by referring to the speeches of Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland in former days, for this reason—that they did not differ much from the speeches he had heard delivered in that House. But let him call the attention of the House to the fact, that in the year 1795, this grant to the Raman Catholic College of 3lagnooth was made solely for this reason, that the Roman • Catholic priests had, up to that time, been in the habit of re ceiving their education in continental countries, where they imbibed feelings and opinions not consonant with the princi ples of English G wernment and English feeling; and also be cause at about that time Woulfe Tone and others of his party were about to establish a demouatic seminary for the education of the Roman Catholic priests. There was a pamph let published at that time by a member of that party, which, amongst other statements, contained one to this effect : —That " it would be much better for the Government to educate the clergy of the Roman Catholic reli gion at hone, than to send them abroad; arid that, therefore, it would be expedient to give this grant, and that for the pre sent, at least, it would look plausible." But in an other part of the same work it was stated that it never could have been contemplated to continue such a sum for the mere purpose of educating the Romish youth of Ireland, and when such a proposition was proposed to the Legislature, a considerable number of Members left the House." this was a statement that was made in the year 1799. Let him now remind the House of statements that had been made upon this sane subject at a later period by Hon. Members, in what was called the Protestant House of Lords, alit the Protestant House of Commons ; and the votes that h uenlinen given in favour of this grant, which it was well known had Never been intended to continue for a longer period than twenty years. The Hon. Member for Newark had called the atteatien of the House to the speech of Mr. Percival in confirmation of the grant who, the Hon, Member con tended, had spoken in confirmation of the grant and that it should be maintained ; but the Hon. Member had forgotten that Mr. Percival had made that speech at a time when the twenty years had not yet expired ; and, therefore, that argument could not apply.—(Hear, hear.) Another speech had been alluded to as made by an lion. Member pro posing that this grant should be increased to 13,0001. That was in the year 1817 ; but in the meantime, before that preposi tion could be carried out or considered, the Government were dissolved and a new Government came in ; and by that Go vernment the grant was again renewed for the usual sum. But it was not then understood that it was to be compulsive, fur if it were to be looked upon in the light of an unwritten compact, and binding as such, why should it not apply with !suet force to the Charter Schools of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Why, on the other hand, should the Government of the country take away from the Established Church in Ireland, revenues to the amount of 75,0001. per annum, by the suppression of certain bishoprics in that country.—( Hear, hear.) Upon a late occasion he ( Lord Bernard) presented a petition from the grand jury of the county of Cork—one of the most im portant bodies in Ireland—praying that the Legislature might extend rear the s a me protect i on to C atho li cs as t o Protestants in f 4 t . f, education, and that petition was signed by four Roman Catholic ge n tl emen. —( Hear, hear.) He could bring. forward many other arguments, to show how dangerous it would be to carry out the establishment of this principle ; but h_7(t apply7ouitlcohtesnt_ to himself with th ose h e h a d a l rea dy given, w h e t , e me oi l e f re no r anotherhim ask, branch o f t h e su bj ec t. N ow let this grant should not t ons stated befor e th e H ouse , why be withdrawn? Was it not notorious that the doctrines taught in the College of Maynooth were such as were not thoseasti;iatt should be encouraged by the not well known that the Ro , British Government? . man Catholic priests were the leaders e of the agitation that had spread all over Ireland about two The great public a l g Von by the Roman meetings that then took place isre a r r e s men must either Catholic priests; and, therefore, thos e e e ' l have approved of these meetings being held, rgy they had not the power to restrain the people from attending them. o the one hand, the Roman Catholic priestswe And if, on those meetings, then would the Heuse be holding out leaders of for the promotion of that agitation ; or, on the other, t a Go vernment should not assist in aiding the promotion f th a e sell.- . gious persuasion in Ireland that led to such results.—( Hear, hear.) He would say, also, that he would opp ose this motion on religious grounds, though he was aware of the difficulty and dan2,er of introducing such a topic in that assembly. Yet let him remind the House that they had been told that if this measure should not pas it would have the effect of increasing the repeal agitation. H e • elenie.d that such would he the effect; on the contrary, his opinion was that if this grant were agreed to they would have concession after concession demanded and proposed. The grant would, undoubtedly, have the effect of endangering the estab lished Church in Ireland; and if so, let him ask how long would it be before it would have the same effect in this country? —( Hear, hear.) Let the House observe how dangerous it was to 4yeari the public money in support of the Catholic religion in Ireland at this moment, when it was a well-known fact that large bodies of those who professed that religion doubted the truth of it, and were about to abandon it ; and, therefore, let bi n eel, was this House to come forward, and, under those cir• ctimetanees, stop the progress of such a reformation in that country? As to the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield, he ( Lord Bernard) would not anticipate the result upon the dis ussion of it, but he wo uld make a remark or two on the speech delivered by the Honourable Member for Montrose, last night. That Honourable Member stated that a large sum had been pieced at the disposal of the Ecclesiastical Com an 44ioneri for the purposes of the Protestant Church in Ireland , but iv: (Lord Bernard) begged to say that nothing could be hatemor totally unfounded. The fact was so much the coetrar he Protestant Church in Ireland at that moment was very THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY' MORNING, A PRI L 17, 1845. poor indeed.—(Laughter, and ironical che' re from the Oppo sition.) lion. Members might laugh, but he would repeat it, that applications had been made to these C.,mmissioners for the repairing of churches that had gone into a most dilapidated state, but the invariable answer received was that the Com:nis sioners had no funds, Irides i, in he dioeve in which he re sided, there were no fewer than fifty places licensed for publ:c worship, in which there was no church, while in others, the churches were in so dilapidated a state, that he had seen the rain falling down through the roof during the period of public wor ship. Yet, though he heard much said of the poverty of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, let him call upon the House to look at the poor miserable schools the Protestants of Ireland were furnished with, and contrast them with the magnificent cathedrals that the Roman Catholics had erected for their places of public worship.—(Loud cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) Hon. Members opposite might cheer and laugh ; but if they had seen these edifices as he had, they would not do so.—(Continued laughter, in which the Hon. Member for Waterford, Mr. Wyse, joined.) The Honour able Member opposite laughed, but he (Lord Bernard) would ask him, was it not notorious that in addition to the Roman Catholics having erected splendid edifices for their worship in Ireland, they had actually remitted 10,0001. a-year for the purpose of propagating the Roman Catholic faith in countries which he (Lord Bernard) was ready to admit were colonies subject to the British Government. If such then was the fact, why should not the Roman Catholics support themselves, and be above demanding any support from the State? With respect to the statements that had been made, to the effect that the revenues now enjoyed by the Protestant Church had been taken from the Roman Catholics, he begged to say that never was an historical fact more contrary to the real state of the case.--( Laughter from the Opposition benches.) He was prepared now, or at any other time, to defy any man to prove that such was the fact.— ( Renewed laughter.) The Noble Lord then entered into a disquisition on the history of the events that took place in this country, in Ireland, in Scotland, and on the Conti nent, immediately prior and subsequent to the Pro testant Reformation, which, he contended, plainly showed that the revenues now in the possession of the Pro testant Church properly and legally belonged to it, :tad concluded this branch of his observations by stating that the only incident which the Protestant Church had to deplore was that by which it was for a time deprived of its lawful rights was when Pope Adrian the Fourth sold Ireland to Eng land.--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then again adverted to the present state of the Protestant Church in Ireland. He contended that the ministers of that Church were self-deny ing, zealous, and disinterested, and were, therefore, held in the highest esteem by their flocks. He denied that the Roman Catholics did not seek for supremacy in their Church. Al ready they had attained supremacy in the corporations, and if they got this measure they would never cease until their creligiou was supreme. Let him ask if the Roman Catholic lergy were to receive two hundred pounds a year each, how was the Government to maintain the clergy of the Protestant Church who were now so poorly paid?—(lronical cheers.) He would call on the House to pause. Let them consider the position in which they stood. They were not to imagine that because no petition had hitherto come from the Protestant population of Ireland, that therefore they approved of the mea sure then before the House. Let the House recollect that Catholic Emancipation had been granted, and he would ask whether the effect had been to conciliate Ireland? Concession and conciliation had only produced fresh demands in Ireland. He would again call upon the House to pause, for let them recollect Facilis descensus Averni Nodes atque dies pmtet atri janua dais, Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras Hoc opus, hic labor est. Sir J. EAST HOPE, who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery, said he had presented a petition, agreed to at one of the largest meetings ever held in the town which he had the honour to represent. One of the allegations of that petition was, that this Bill, if passed, would prove the first step to wards supplanting Protestantism by Popery. He could not help believing that these assertions were founded in error. He believed that the alarm which had spread through the country, with respect to this measure, was entirely unfounded. Pie be lieved that no Minister, however strong he might be with re spect to numbers in that house, would ever have a chance of car rying any measure, whose effect would be to endanger the exist ence or stability of the Protestant Church. hut that was not the question they had to discuss. The plain question was, whether they should govern the Catholics of Ireland in a spirit of jus tice, kindness, and conciliation ? It was not the question, whether the institutions of the country would be affected, but whether eight millions of people were to be cared for ? The ques tion was, whether they could resist the demands of the people for instruction? Those demands which they had a right to make. What objection could be made to the priests of Ireland being educated in their own country ? Every one knew of the efforts which had been made to drive those priests to other countries. They knew, and every one must know, the beggarly state of their principal College, and the state of degradation— he might add, destitution—into which the students there were thrown. He could not help feeling that it was worthy of remark their not seeing on those benches to support this measure, that Hon. Gentlemen, and those who were in immediate connexion with him, who had led the agitation for repeal of the Legis lative Union ; and he could not help feeling that there was good ground for expectation, if justice was done by this measure, that agitation would cease. What was Mr. O'Con nell's atrength but Ireland's wrongs? What was an adequate and fit redress but kindness, conciliation, and justice? Those were the views which had influenced him, painful as it might be, in placing himself in opposition to those who had sent him to that House. As he entertained these opinions, and he entertained them strongly, ho felt that it would be unworthy of the confidence of those who had sent him to that House, if he did not support that opinion by his vote, in spite of those of his ccnstitueuts. He believed that this measure would have the effect of suppressing a dangerous agitation— that it would cure complaint, that it would redress grievances, and inspire confidence in this country on the part of the Irish people. He confessed that when a good gift was offered, he was not very much disposed to complain of the donor. In con sidering this question, he did not think it necessary to make lany complaint of inconsistency on the part of the proposers of this measure, although he regretted that the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had so badly de fended himself with respect to that subject.—( Great laughter.) But he thought the less said on that matter the better. He gave credit to those who had embarked in this course for being actuated by good motives, and he did not stop to con sider whether there was consistency in their conduct or not. There was one thing he could not pass over in this discussion, and that was, the absence of those Gentlemen from whom they had so often heard of Ireland's grievances. He thought it was remarkable that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Mem ber for Cork, and those who were associated with him, were not in their places to support this measure. He (Sir John Easthope ) cared not for the expression of approbation —he cared much more for action. He believed that this measure would contribute towards the stilling of agitation. The people of Ireland would be in better temper with the people of England. 'When he said the people of Ireland, he did not mean the 800,000 Protestants in that country, but he meant the 8,000,000 of her inhabitants. He believed that the 800,000 Protestants of Ireland would be delighted to find that the 8,000,000 were more contended, that they had been taken from agitation to improvement, and that they had been in duced to take a course, which would increase the welfare and prosperity of this country. HP believed that the interest of the whole empire was involved in this measure, and he be lieved that it was one, which every good, every reflecting, every honest, and every patriotic man ought to support. If the motion of his Honourable Friend the Member for Sheffield could be framed so as not to impede this measure he should give it his support; but if it should have the effect of impeding this measure, he should feel it his duty to vote against it. Lord JOCELYN said he was aware that his Noble Friend who had lately spoken, spoke the sentiments of a large portion of the Irish Protestants, and that he had spoken the sentiments of a body of men who from his (Lord Jocelyn's) earliest youth he had been taught to respect. If any stranger had en tered that House during his Noble Friend's speech, and who had been unaware of the subject under discussion, be might have been led to believe that the measure which was under discus sion was one fur the abolition of the Irish Church, if not for the destruction of the Protestant religion in Ireland. He (Lord Jocelyn) looked upon this measure in no such light. He looked upon this measure as a measure of justice and true policy. He felt some difficulty in addressine . the House in a debate which had lasted upwards of four nights, for he felt that every argument had been put for ward both in support of, and in opposition to the measure. But he felt, at the same time, that in the position in which he was placed in Ireland, and considering those with whom he was connected, he was called upon to state the grounds upon which he gave his warm and cordial support to the measure which had been proposed by his Right Hon. Friend. His supporting this measure was' not incon sistent with his previous course. The very first vote which lie had given in that House, and the first speech which he had addressed to it, were in support of the grant to Maynooth. Hon. Gentlemen had taxed his Right Hon. Friend, with whom he had the honour of acting, of changing his principles on this Bill. But it was an extraordinary fact, that during the whole course of this debate, not a single expression of his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Go vernment had been brought forward in proof of this asser tion. When his Right Hon. Friend came into office, he declared that he felt Ireland would be his greatest difficulty. He subsequently dec!ared that it was his intention to con duct the Government of the country firmly but justly, and in a spirit of conciliation.—( Hear.) A short time after his accession to office an agitation broke forth in Ireland, which was likely to lead to a dismemberment of the empire, and his Right Hon. Friend, without having recourse to any new measure for the suppression of that agitation, effectually put it down by the existing law. That agitation having been put down, his Right Hon. Friend in order to keep his pro mise of conciliation which he had made, brought forward the present measure.—( Hear, hear.) For himself, even if he had not long ago formed his opinion on the merits of this measure, the arguments which he had heard during the present debate would have led him to the conclusion to which he had already arrived as to its justice and policy. He would appeal to any person connected with Ireland—he would appeal to his Noble Friend the Member for Bandon, whether the political evils of Ireland might not be traced to their religious prejudices? He therefore thought it a wise and sound policy to endeavour to connect the people to the State by the ties of gratitude. Seeing that there were seven millions of Roman Catholics in Ireland, that their priesthood had the greatest influence over them, whether for evil or good, it appeared to him to be sound y to show that they sympathised with their wants by im provingpo policy the hear.) peoplelr.) If Ire land the look tl e ie d c gr on it d h iti s o o n m of uch thu r s e e s u pe p c o t n . Hon. Member for Newcastle had not commenced his speech respect.—(lleac , by saying that he was opposed to the measure of his Right lion. Friend, he ( Lord Jocelyn) would be led to believe that he was a supporter of the measure, for his arguments were rather in favour of it. He admitted that there was a certain degree of compact, that there was no ne w p rinci p le involved, for the principle was admitted in reference to their policy to wards the Roman Catholics. With regard to the analogy :which the Hon. Gentleman drew from the conduct of Prussia, he did n o t thi a k t h at it applied, for the people of this countr y world not su b m i t to have their children educated by the State. But with respect t regard to the brilliant did not think the to the system of ecclesiastical education, he the Member for Edinburgh, different in eHon. Gentleman would contend that it was tleman had no nrgh, Prussia l.a front what it was in Maynooth. With Right Hon. Friend, speech of the Right lion. Gentleman, he thought the Right Hon. Gen ,foundationf in justice for his taunts upon his Gentleman himself, or rr to oe t w he oukd oh a l p e pe L al or t d o t t h h e at l ß ie i m gl h i t er lio fo o r . ie,thfeiirlohweercsonfs,,lde.red himself responsible for the opinionsLond on, ofw hh ciltiistance, the opinion which were , b a e n c e g a w e u e believed it was just, promulgated at the Corn Ex r would a g n i a v e that cor dialthie support to the measure were o grin span, n and ßoman hat i t Catholic introduced priesthood n years ago, and he means of education. He had bee n i n Maynooth two want in of the could confirm the stateme n t w hi c h had been made by his It 2' " Hon. Friend. He felt that tho se w h o h a d been brought upint that institution, as they were brought up, could not have any strong feelings of attachment for a State which left them in such a condition. He believed the religion which he himself pro_ fessed was the true one, and he felt such confidence in its truth that he had no fears of an additional grant to Maynooth doing any injury to that religion, while he trusted it would lead t o the happy result of uniting more closely than they had been heretofore, the Protestants and the Roman Catholics of Ire land.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. BRIGHT said he was anxious to say a few words on this question, because the principle on which he shou!l give his vote had not et been fully stated to the House, and also be. muse he believed he would find himself on this ocelsion in the same lol.by v‘ith those from whose principle. he entirely di:- ,ent, d. And, a.ter the speech of the Notl'e Lord she NTemh , r tir Bandon, he thxtwht that any man who v Ite on the same aide with him nuf.zht to explain his , ronocls for (loin , ' go. for anything more intolerant. he miv,ht say irsane, with remird t o the poqcv which ought to bo ursued toward Ireland he had never heard—( Hear)—and he could not believe it till he had heard it that any person coming from Ireland would have used such language.—( Hear.) He did not think that this question should be favourably or unfavourably regarded on account of the party from which it proceeded. The Right Hon. Gen tleman had been charged with inconsistency with regard to this measure, but he thought that the grounds for that charge arose from the unfortunate circumstances connected with the late Opposition, and which were of such a nature that he could not, when in power, propose any good measure without being charged with inconsistency of conduct.—( Hear, hear. ) He ( Mr. Bright) should consider the measure on its own merits, without reference to party. His opposition to the measure was grounded on his objection that the public taxes should be made to contribute to the support of any institution purely ecclesias tical, or the rearing of the priesthood of any particular sect. He opposed it because, from all he could learn from bo•h sides of the House—from the public press—and even the organs of the Ministry, there was no argument used in defence of the present measure which would not be as valid in defence of further measure=, not for the endowment of the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth only, but for the endowment and payment of all priests connected with that Church in England and Ireland.--(" Hear, hear," and "Oh, oh.") He admitted that the principle of the argument which justified the original grant would be good to the same extent to justify the present vote. The Right Hon. Baronet said the principle was already conceded, and that the question now was as to a difference of a few thousands. But in ten or twenty years hence some Prime Minister would stand up and say that in 1795 the principle was conceded, a❑d again in 1845, and arguing from those two case& it wnu'd be easy to demon‘i'trate that there ought to be the es tablishment of a new Church in Ireland, and this adding to the monstrous evils which had already flowed upon Ireland from one Church connected with the State.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet paid no great compliment to the Roman Catholic gentlemen of Ireland when he said that the grant of 9,000/. was sufficient to damp their generosity. If 9,000/. damped their generosity 27,000/. would be likely to destroy it altogether ; and when he recollected that the Roman Catholic gentry in Ireland paid no income-tax— (Cries of " Hear, hear" )—no property-tax—no assessed taxes.—( Hear, hear)—He thought that it ought not to be altogether impossible or unlooked for, that they should support a college for the education of the priesthood of a religion to which they were so much devoted.—( Hear, hear.) But he also objected to the measure in another point of view—a point of view which was totally opposed to that of the Hon. Member for Leicester, who approved of the measure because it would scothe the discontent of Ireland. Did that discontent arise from the priests in Maynooth not being sufficiently well educated ? He thought it arose more from the fact of one-fourth of the population being paupers, and there being no regular employment. That was a Cate of things which was most disastrous, and he should not lik e a measure which would have the effect of making the wrongs of Ireland less known to the people of Ireland. One great means of influence possessed by those who agitated the wroegs of Ireland was to be found in the support which the Roman Catholic clergy gave to the various associations which had for their object the removal of those wrongs. His objec tion to the Bill was that it would tame down agitation—it was a" sop" given to the priests—it was "hush-money," that they might not proclaim the wrongs of the Irish people to the whole country, to Europe, and to the world. The Protestant Church in Irsland was at the root of the evils of that country ; and the Irish Roman Catholic priests would thank them mere for sweep ing out that foul blot than if they established their own church alongside of it.—(Hear. hear.) They had everything Pro testant in Ireland—they had a Protestant clique dominant there they had a Protestant Viceroy, who distributed all the places and emoluments of office amongst that clique—they had Pro-. testant Judges who polluted the stream of justice.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") They had Protestant magistrates, before whom iti a thousand cases no Catholic peasant could hope for justice. —(Renewed marks of dissent.) They had Protestant ex terminating landlords, whose extermir ating principles chiefly fell upon the Roman Catholics upon their estates.—(No, no.) They had more than that—they had a Protestant soldiery who, at the beck and command of a Protestant priest, killed a son even ,n the presence of a widowed mother.—(" Hear, hear," and marks of disapprobation.) Why, these things were notorious —he merely stated them without bringing any proof to establish their accuracy—(Hear, hear) — but the person who was not convinced of their truth must have paid very little attention indeed to passing events.— ( Hear, hear.) The consequence of all this was, the extreme discontent of the people of Ireland; and because they were not prepared to take those measures which would be really just towards Ireland, and do away with that Protestant Establish ment which was certainly the most disgraceful institution which existed in Christendom. Because that House was not pre pared to do that, it was going to muzzle the watch-dogs of the people, and to take from Mr. O'Connell the sympathy of the priests, in rousing the people of Ireland to a sense of their wrongs. They were going to give the priests of Ireland a little more of Latin and of Greek, in order that they might become as tame as the priests of Suffolk and Dorset, who. when the horizon was blazing around with incendiary fires, had not dared to speak of the wrings of the people amongst whom they lived. (Hear. hear. ) And when pauperism was staring them in the face, the priests would not dare to assist in wresting from an oppressive Go vernment those rights to which the people had a just claim. He objected altogether against the system of paying priests for any purpose, under any circumstances, or at any time what ever. Nothing could be more disastrous to civil liberty— nothing more injurious to religion itself, than such a system ; and if they wanted to make the Catholic priesthood of Ireland as useless for all practical purposes as the paid priests of their own Establishment, he asked them, by all means, not only to give this 26,000/. a-year, but as much as the Government could induce the House to grant. His firm conviction was that Ireland suffered from one Church, and not from having two churches. He admitted that equality must be obtained by the abolition of one or by the establish ment of the other, for whilst there was a Church with a small congregation and overpaid ministry, costly establish ments and little work, it was impossible they could have peas.. and contentment in that country. But this measure, not with standing all that had been said by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, was for the purpose of staving off the nece sity to which they had nearly arrived, of making some change in the Establish ment. If it were possible to give to the Catholic priests a por tion of the public funds, as they had already given the regium donunt to the Presbyterians of the north of Ireland, they would find them united with the Established Church, as the Presbyterians then were, against any step taken for the pur pose of overturning the whole system of Church and State in that country. He was of opinion that the experience of a State Church was net of that favourable character which would admit of their going further in that direction.—( Hear. ) They had a State Church in this country, and many excellent men were connected with its ministry, but from time immemorial a spirit of persecution,' of a most deplorable and inju ious character, had existed, and even now did exist, pressing with relentless malignity, as in the case of an unfortunate shoemaker in Cambridge, who re fused to pay, out of his hard earnings, some 16s. or 183. for Church-rates.—(Hear, hear.) This poor man was pursued from court to court with a relentless spirit, which, one would hope, did not exist at this period. Sore lion. Gentlemen applied hard words to the Catholic Church, but they should re• collect that all the errors which they attributed to it, found a home and a warm welcome in the Established Church. In Wales, three-fourths of the whole people were dissenters from that Church. In the manufacturing districts of Lancashire and York shire, the Established Church was but an unwieldy machine, unable to minister to the growing wants and intelligence of the people. In Scotland, where the most perfect model of a church establishment was said to exist, they had there a Seces sion Church—a Relief Church—a Free Church, and that which the State upheld by compulsion—the Residuary Church. If the English, and Scotch, and Irish Churches of this description did so little good—if they had been productive of such serious evils, he would ask whether it was proper they should do any thing for the establishment of another? If he were at all in favour of this endowment, he would vote for this Bill with all his heart. He believed that if the principle of endowment was right, a. more just or wise measure than the present wa , never introduced to the Parliament of this country— ( Hear, hear)--because he had no doubt that the effect must be in some degree to create a kindlier feeling on the part of the people of Ireland towards the Government. —( Hear, hear. ) He regretted as much as any man could regret that there should be anything in the agitation against the Bill that tended to impair that feeling.—(Hear, hear.) There were two parties opposed to it. One party represented by lion. Gentlemen on the other side of the House—they stated that they considered the Catholic faith as a thing whi c h should net be established, or helped by the State ; but when their own Church was absorbing millions of the public money, whilst millions of their countrymen refused to enter its doors, he asked how could they for a moment object to the passing of this measure which would give some sort of show of assistance ti that Church in Ireland to which millions of the people of that country belonged ? There was another party of non-eon formists in Great Britain who were opposed to the measure, and he was sorry to say (it would be uncandid of him not to say) that these non-conformists allowed a spirit to enter into their agitation, which showed they did not understand, or did not feel, the force of that great principle of nonconformity for which their forefathers struggled.—( Hear, hear.) A large class, more especially a portion of the Wesleyan body, did not re pudiate the principle of endowment ; if those who remained persisted in agitation, it ought to be against the principle of en dowment altogether. When the Dissenters looked back to all their forefathers had suffered, even within a late period, they would be so recreant to their own principles as to merit the contempt of this House, and of the world, if they did net come forward and apply their own principle, and dissent from and oppose, to the utmost of their ability, the measure now under the consideration of Parliament. He (Mr. Bright) would oppose the measure in every stage, simply on this ground, that he believed the principle of endow ment' was most unjustifiable and injurious to the country. Whatever might be the effect of his opposition on any Govern ment—whether on that of the Right Hon. Baronet, or any pre ceding or succeeding one—there was no attachment t o p arty or Government whichwoul.l induce him for one moment to tam per with what he held to be the greatest and dearest principle which any man or body of men could take up.—( Hear, hear. ) When he looked back at history, he saw that all they possessed of liberty did not issue from the portals of cathedrals and parish churches, but from the conventicles ; and when a good and liberal measure was to be carried in the House, it was generally carried by the representatives of the non-conformists of Great Britain. They must see from the past and the present, that State religions ha I been always opposed to civil and religious liberty; that they, in a great measure, destroyed the vitality of religion ; and, holding these opinions, it was impossible he could give a vote which should in the smallest degree give any assistance to the principle of endowment. In conclusion, he would say to the Dissenters of England that in all opposition to this or any such measures they should form no union—make no alliance with men in favour of endowment—they should stand on the great, pure, and unassailable principle of non-endowment ; for that they should manfully contend ; and if they continued to do so, the time might come—nay, the time would come—when that principle would be adopted by the Legislature of the country.—(Choers. ) e n r n v m a t e i o n n c e s staiyat,iingt.a,utehnaftr from the lion. Member who had just sat down as strong as if they L wouldor ‘lhjaOvelicNonsildArNedNtEhße l i s t a wl b irch had proceeded from any ot h er M ember. He confessed he thought the epithet insane did not a pp l y with any great jus tice ; and he felt surprised that, even from the Hon. Member for Durham, such expressions should issue, as that history informed them the liberties of this country had pro ceeded from conventicles, and not from the portals of cathe drals.—( Hear, hear.) What did the English nation owe to conventicler ? Was it from the conventicles that Megna Charta had sprung ?—( Hear, hear.) lie could not, however, congratulate the Right Hon. Member for the University introducem ent that ; of 'Oxford upon this.—( Hear, hear, from Mr. Shed) ii r e e l awn would ' ul s : e s h ue b op u np t a co s h er He was one of those few Members who, in 1841, I the affairs of Ireland had been discussed-at great length, had ex ,: a s i o, vn S , s t a h ff tah o d: r d n , Pressed an opinion that remedial measures should be applied to reachedtod T by yr ai c t o sin nn ieim e m l b; mightteosr_rof(a.i_tih,P.eaw:G.th,teohnveerano -"although the Government now introduced this measure. theßill, and was • • willing to share in the odium which at present he was willing to share in w was poured upon the Government — which the Government the disadvantages and all the un popularitynment incurred—( Hear, hear) on the Maynooth question. He did not at all agree with these who said th it tieere was anythin is in the religion of the Chuff iih of tertgesrel re pugaiire to such an tindowme .t, nor ass thee , - n it, weir ch preclaimel the Catholic religion in Ireland as an . i - Christ i an. eu I . y, and schismati .—(Hear, heir ) Nor did he think that they entertained any doubt of the secur i t y of that Church, and with those opinions he could not refuse to supp itt the grant to Maynooth. Tie Established Church did not regard the Irish Church as otherwise than a branch of the Church universal, and he would ask were two gentle sisters united in the bonds of harmony and affection to be dissevered by the rude violence of merely political predilec tions ? He agreed with the Noble Lord the s lember for Dor setshire (Lord Ashley), who spoke in the early part of the debate of the evening, that religious considerations did not enter into any part of this question. He could not believe that this grant would in any way endanger the position of the Church in Ireland. If the st ability of the Irish Church was in any way endangere d, it was not by the machinations of the supineness Jes sts , i notth ;that by leftth e t to proceedingstakerevenues, and disregard the of May noo th, b u t by th e duties of the Church whose offices they fulfilled, and for the advantage of which the whole of Christendom had been laid under contribution, for the support of witchcraft and selfish ness. Seeing this he could not but regret the words which had been uttered by the present holder of the seat which had been formerly so worthily occupied by Jeremy Taylor, he could nut but regret that these principles should have been so prominently introduced, nor could he help comparing them with the Roman Catholic primate of Ireland eDr. Crolly). and he was tempted to place in opposition with the arguments which had been used by the Protestant martyr on the seaffiold, and to plead that the Church, if in danger at all, was in danger from its own acts--and it reminded him of the proposition in which the oak lamented that its own body was riven by a fissure made by a wedge constructed from its own body, and if there was danger, as he regarded the ques tion, it was not from the Jesuits that danger was to be appre hended. Whether the churchmen would support or oppose this grant he could not say, but it was as a statesman that he must act—(Hear, hear)—he meant, that he did not speak as a statesman invested with authority, but as one who, taking part in the Legislature of the country, and as a statesman opposed to anti-Christianity, that he must support this grant from motives of State policy ; and he felt that he must not oppose it from any feeling of u ltra-Protestantism. If he traced the progress of feeling from the rise of this ultra-Protestantism, if they looked to its origin, they would find it in the Dutch Conquest of 1688.—( Hear, hear.) From that time they must date the origin for the penal code—( Hear hear) — which, under the present circumstances of the country, it would be imp ossible to su pp or t , and which , if William this 111. had di e d Stadtholder of Holland, in s tead of Ki ng o f was Gr the eatßfarci.tta? Did establishment ex i s t i n spite of, or dis in, would never have bee n en f orce d. B u t w h a t regarded by, the State Quite the contrary ; the establish ment was founded at the express desire of the State. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool had stated that the Church of England had no reason to support the Ro man Catholic Church of Ireland. And what, he would ask, was the use of being at the expense of 160,0001., as had been suggested by the settlement proposed by the Fo. reign Powers at the conclusion of the war? At that time the object of the Foreign Powers had been that the Irish church should be supported ; but that great man, the Duke of Wel lington, had been compelled to strike his pen through the whole of that arrangement. But was the delinquency of which the House complained to be ascribed to the Chapel of St. Patrick, or the mansion of St. Ste phen Was the 9,0001. --a miserable dole, te be divided amongst the men who held in their hands the spirits and the minds of the people of Ireland, to be subjected to the depression of poverty, the pressure of want, and the vileness of all those necessities which make the body minister to the mind. He was aware that such was the custom with all those who were the agents of passive obedience and Christian for bearance. He might cite the opinions of the titular Bishops of Armagh and Dublin, and he thought, without con tradiction, that the ascription of theoretical loyalty and theological truth would have been more effectual, if the provi sion for the temporal wants, for the spiritual necessities of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland, had been more tenderly cared for. In zeal, energy, and perhaps he might say discretion, few men would exceed himself in the sober estimate of the requirements of the people of Ireland. He was anxious to exhibit a conscientious regard for the interests cf all classes who were not immediately concerned in the benefit of this grant. Ile might say, with Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, that it was a mistaken notion that a support to the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland was an injury to the rights of the Established Church of either of the two countries, for with him he also repudiated the doctrine of the supremacy of dogerel. Yet while advocating this grant he did not forget no bish op b could exercise his functions—that no archbishop could enter upon his office without the investiture of the pallium from Rome—that neither bishop nor priest, nor archbishop, could exercise his functions without permission from the Church of Rome : yet while looking at the interests of the Church, he did not at the same time forget the interests of the empire.—( Hear, hear. ) These were the reasons which had weighed with him in coming to a decision upon this most important question. He had not endeavoured to reply to some of the arguments which he had heard made use of, but he could not refrain from expressing his cordial concurrence in some of the argu rents made use of in favour of the grant. He did not, like some of his Hon. Friends, vote for this measure because it was likely to create a feeling in favour of Protestantism in Ireland. He voted for it as frankly, and generously, and confidingly as the Right Hon. Baronet intended it to be received. But he would remind the House that the Roman Catholic Church was not the only ecclesiastical body in those realms to which the Government might be expected to act in a kindred spirit. The opposition which this grant had received from so large, and respectable, and influential a portion of the Church of England was not the less strong, because they saw that the conduct of the Government was based on a totally different principle from that which was exhibited towards themselves. When they looked to the con duct of the Government in relation to the English Church in Canada, in Australia, and above al in Wales, they felt them selves aggrieved, slighted, and wronged. He thought he might draw an augury from the conduct of the State towards the Irish Church, that they would also reconsider the claims of the Church of England. He should be glad that happier days were returned to the Church of England, but he voted for this grant because he regarded it as one honestly intended as a measure of justice towards the Roman Catholics, whom they had so long oppressed and injured ; and however they might wish the advance of that faith which they humbly pro fessed, lie thought that by measures like these they would hasten the day when Protestant and Catholic alike might kneel before a common altar. He trusted the period had come when the wounds of bleeding and distracted Ireland would be ballad up, and win n England would endeavour to retrieve her ancient name by granting in some degree justice to the in jured sister country. Mr. RUTHERFORD, who could scarcely be heard in the gallery, in consequence of the noise prevailing at the bar and in the body of the House, was understood to say that he could not think of giving a silent vote upon a subject like the pre sent, for whether he looked to the history of Ireland or to the original institution of the College of Nlaynooth, in every aspect he friend that this measure was imperatively called for. This Bill was an earnest to Ireland that she would now reap the fruits of her union with this country—a union which might be supposed, if they looked merely to the past, to have been en tered into for the mere purposes of oppression and degradation, but which now, he trusted, would be used for nobler pur poses. He might not please his constituents by the vote he intended to give on this subject, but minor considerations must give way before the performance of his duty. He should, therefore, support the second readi ig of the measure. Mr. SMYTHE remembered having read a remark made by the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government, when he proposed the Catholic Relief Bill—a measure somewhat analogous to the one under discussion. In bringing forward tha - measure he stated that one reason which would induce him to be aware that the measure must sooner or later be carried was the fact that all the young men of the day who were sent from the Universities into that House, were in are or less in favour of Catholic Emancipation. He thought it was somewhat strange that the anttl larg e, mean the Se cre t ar y a t W ar , an d b y wisp, and conc ili a t ory course Right Hon. Gentl eman, who had himself pursued a large, a wise, and concili ator y course in introducin g that mea s ure , bhyis shouldtßh ieg behnt Right tib followed ton r Hun. Friend Gentleman Fnh ed that eveni ng , th e M em b er f or L ynn, Gen tleman the Chanc ellor of the Exche q uer, who, still true to his ancient reminisce nces, could not speak of the Roman Catholic priesthood, even w hen bringing forward a measure of concession, e i r while at the same time it was curious that the Ri g ht Hon. without declaring the present system of education at 3lay nooth as disgraceful to the country which awarded the means fur the s ustenance of that education as it was de grading to the priests who received it. The Hon. Gentleman the S eretary for Ireland spoke of this measure as an act of charity. Now, feeling strongly upon this subject, it was a different spirit that brought him to support the measure. Some time ago, it would be remembered, he anticipated the Right Hon. Gentleman so far as an increase in the grant went. His watch, however, was five minutes too fast, but he need not tell the House that there was a considerable difference between coming before and coming in company with the Right Hon. Baronet. But he remembered he was met on that occa sion by some obloquy and some compunction from many Gen tlemen who then b e lieved that concession hail been carried out to the ut,nost.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) In particular, the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool spoke warmly on the subject, but he could assure the Noble Lord that he war not then going to criticise him with the severity and harshness with which the Noble Lord had treated his proposition. If the Noble Lord; w as still of the same op in i on as he was then, he would vote again - i t that g rant as an absurdity ; but if the N obl e Lord did not in tend doing so, the wantonness of the insult of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool would be manifest. But the Noble Lord was an hereditary waverer, and he would only take his revenge of the Noble Lord, by stating that the Right Hon. Baronet was a better judge than he was. The Right Hon. Baronet had been justly characterised by the Hon. Member for Sheffield as the greatest doer of his age. He had done Emancipation, and by his extreme Protestantism he had deceived the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford. The Right Hon. Gentleman was said to be the enemy of Ireland, but he (Mr. Smyth e ) had some misgivings whether Ireland Honourable Baronet. was not the enemy of the Right Us tried to be as court e ous, as ce neiliatory, as tender, as if t was in opposition. as caressing —almost as caressing He caressed all the measures at once, and amongst those mea cessary than the pre sures none were more wise, or more ne • II sent, and among the contrasts which the Right on.Gentle man'swas none which history long career presented, there vo urably, as the would deal with so l en i ent l y, an d report contrast between M r . Secretary Peel and so f Pri a me Minister Sir Robert Peel. The yours, proscribing partisan had become the triumph an t benefactor oflr-elanci—the young Octavius of in tolerance had merged into the August us of conciliation.— Right Hon. Baronet he (Loud ch eers .) In supp orting the knew q u it e we ll thatsliesh outd be offending( an arehiepii•copal constituency, because he had once before been at issue with them on a similar aubject. But he alto g ether preferred his own convictions to the whims of his constituents. lie was sur prised to see the number of pamphlets which h ad been distributed am ongs t th e itinerant lecturers, trading in their own ima ginative turbulence, which had gone amongst the constituencies of the country. But he was still more so to see a Noble Lord string together a rosary of abominations,—(Laugtr ) Now suppose the Irish were to retaliate —suppose they were to com pile an annual for the class-books o f the colleges and schools , ere was, to say the least of it, something suspicious in the epics of Oxford...eq.. giver. ) Suppose they were to take an one of the traged ies of Eurip id es a nd form it into an ar • title. If they were to take the sentimen • ts of Socrates would quite put in the s he thne g ht it • sh shadeuld they have the tirades of Wesley ans and Independents. Then why - o this one-sided, this farcical hy pocrisy ? But he was far from underrating the effects of aNo -Pop ery, ery cry, and he believed it would b e as easy to u t o it was in 1 8 07, 1827, g w h o in one du now asge or 1829. But th e pa 4 ties .• din this pry woeld still ender the cont ro l o f a man w h o made speeches in Par liareent. lie wished that some of these No-Popery cry en thusiasts—(in using the term enthusiast he did not mean to say there were any in that House) —he wished that some of these No-Popery cry enthesiasts would look bacl4 200 years, and review What they had beheld from Titus Oates to Lord G. Gordon, and front Lord George Gordon d own to their own th times, and then he thought -wou ld see with him that the superstition was not all on one side. At the same time they should take a retrospective glance at the literary articles, and then he thought they would be no less satisfied than they now were, and they would learn and know the providential in siruments of England's greatness. They would discover that they bad always been betrayed by their own leaders. The mo ment a great Protestant leader entered that House, flushed ivith enthusiasm, and with the doctrines of Exeter Hall still sindin, in his ears so nehow or other. he generally observed 'hat their common sense acted won.lerfully upon his religious opinions. and like a d .1-vise he went round—he went round b , 'ittle and little, hut still he went round. It was a Parliamen tary Polka which the Hight Hon. Gentleman the Chonceller .if the Exchequer and the Right tin e Gentleman the Member. fir Newark were practising at that moment.--(Laughter. r His Right Hon Friend, late a Member of the Cabinet, hart several times opposed himself to the principle of the measure. Hut it could hardly be judged by the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman whether he would not vote at last against the Bill. He the more feared this Bill because he thought it was an at tempt to restore the opposite principle of uniformity. The periods referred to in the history of Protestantism were all periods when the resistance to Popery were most prominent— when the Grahams took the lead.—(Cheers.) He would not go into a detail of the circumstances, but he would reply to the Minister in the words of Colbert to Bossuet— that he spoke not for the Church but for the Sorbonne. There were some Members in that House who supposed that • they were benefiting the people by making the priests gentle men. Yes, they would make them more of the abbe than the cure—something more of the chaplain and something less of the priest; men who would look more to the patron and would look less to the poor; men of this world, and not men of the next world.—( Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that this Bill would fad in doing that; but if it succeeded, he pitied their Short-sightedness, because the priests would lose their influence over the people—it was because they were of the commons that they led the commons. He knew that a greater legislator than any of them, Napoleon, gave it as his opinion that the priesthood, to lead the people, should be of the people. He was at Maynooth some time ago. It was a day of solemnity, and he saw about the men there none of that array or that pomp which the Church of Rome was celebrated for. There was no splendour, no pomp, no representation. He (Mr. Smythe) was wrong, there was a representation---;t was a representation not of many thousands of pounds, but of many millions of souls. With even that the Right Hon. Ba ronet was about to make them his friends, for they would re member that, notwithstanding powerful opposition, the Right Hon. Gentleman brought forward a motion of reconci liation without restriction.—( Cheers.) They had now an entente cordiale with France ; when that failed, they would have an entente cordiale with Ireland to supply its place.— (Cheers.) When the Right Hon Gentleman should be called upon to rally round him the energies of this mighty empire. he would be heard to say to his enemies, be they at Washing ton or at Paris, in the beautiful language of the Noble Lord the Member of London, " Our Queen reigns over an united people."—( Cheers. ) Mr. REDINGTON, as an Irish Member, and a Roman Catholic, wished to express his opinion, which interested the religion which he professed. Whatever turn the debee may take, the question would be of the greatest importance to Ireland. As an Irish Roman Catholic, he wished to express his gratification on account of the tamper, tone, and manner in which this question had been discussed. The eloqii-nt !em ber for Canterbury, and the Noble Lord the Nlemlier for Newark, had made speeches which ought to he models to the peel le of this country ; they would have the effect of recon ciling two nations which, if they were to be united, ought to be united in every sense of the word. He heasd, at the same time, opinions which ought not to weigh in that assembly on the measures which were now before them. He would now turn to the question that had been repeatedly put, namely—Why did not the Catholic people of Ireland en d rw their College themselves? And in answer to that he would ask another question, namely— In what position were the Ca tholics of Ireland left in the year 1795 ? The Catholics had been up to that time banished from their country, and left without religious places of worship—without property—without anything. Pitt established the College of Maynnoth in 1795, but up to that time, all the institutions of the Irish Catholics having been abolished, it was scarcely to he hoped that May. tooth should be the first to engage their attention. Let it be recollected, that the Catholics of Ireland hail supported the Colleges of Armagh, of Tuam, of Wexford, and many others, of the wealth and usefulness of which they hail been twice plundered, yet had twice endowed.—( Cheers. ) He had heard it said that the people of Ireland were idolators, but he would pass over that, as unworthy of notice ; neither would he stop to answer the accusation that Roman Catholics worshipped the Virgin Mary, for in doing so he would be attempting to defend a faith that had endured, unchanged, for eighteen centuries. But this he would say, that if the English Government were anxinua to have the union of the two countries as a real union of Great Britain arid Ireland, they would treat Ireland with common justice. He had heard much said about the voluntary prin ciple—he had great respect for those who held that opinion, for he would say there was more danger in paying no religion than in paying one. But he would say the English Govern ment should adopt the plan of continental countries, and pry all instead of paying but one.—( Hear, hear. ) He felt that the Right lIOn. Baronet had generously come forward with respect to this measure. But this was not the first time that the Right Hon. Baronet had bowed to a moral necessity which he could not cont rnul. He (Mr. Redington) remembered the time when Members of his persuasion were first allowed to enter that House. At that time the Right Honourable Baronet bowed to a moral necessity which he could not controul. He (Mr. Redington) believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman had 3ct many more necessities to bow to. Although the Rieht Hon. Baronet had come forward in a generous manner, this measure could only be ►ooked upon as a triumph of those prin ciples which had always been so co"sistently supported by the Noble Lord the Member for London. He ( Mr. Redington) could not forget old friends for thc;se who offered new favours. The Noble Lord and his Colleagues had for many years supported conciliation to Ire land; and he (Mr. Redington) felt that his humble tribute was justly due to the Noble Lord. Mr. C. BRUCE moved the adjournment of the debase. Colonel Sibthorp rose at the same time, and there were loud cries for the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman. Mr. C. BRUCE said he did not wish his motion to stand in the may of the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman if he wished to prolong the debate. Colonel SIBTHORP—I rise, Sir, to move the adjournment of the debate, as I do not intend to speak until the Hon. Mem ber for Cork (Mr. Murphy) is present.—(Laughter. ) The debate was then adjourned. Sir IS. PEEL said he hoped the notices of motion for to. mar-ow (this day) would be disposed of in the same vi ay as those of Tuesday, in order to allow the adjourned debate to proceed. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE consented to postpone his motion re specting the Board of Trade until Monday. Mr. NYSE also consented to postpone a motion which he had on the paper. The Auction Duties Bill and the Sugar (Ex;•ise Duties) Pill, were severally read a third time and passed. The Museums of Art Bill passed through Committee pro ferns ;. The following Members were appointed as the Select C.nn rnittee on Smoke Prevention Mackinnon, Mr. Beckett. Viscount Newry, Mr. Brotherton. Mr. Hawes. the Earl of Lincoln, Mr. Octavius Duncombe, Lord Francis Egerton, Mr. William Henry Bodkin, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Borrhwick, Mr. Hindley, Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Ricardo, and Mr. William Williams. Colonel SIBTHORP renewed his motion for the printing of the number of pe•itions against the Maynooth grant, with the number of signatures attached to them, but there being no seconder, the mot ion fell to the grounA. The Hon. Member gave notice that he would move it to-morrow. The House then adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY Di% ISIUNS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the Mouse of Commons.) TUESDAY, APRIL 15. _ _ HEMEL HEMPSTEAD S 7 MALL TENEMENTS BILL. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be now read a semi,' time :"--Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months :"—Question put, " That the word now' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 69. Allis, J. P Gaskell, J. M. O'Brien, A. S. Arbuthnott, 11. Gore, Montague Patten, J. W. Arkwright, George Gore,:W. It. Plumptre, J. P. Bailey, J., jun.: Goring, Charles Pollington, Viscount Baldwin, Barry Greenall, Peter Powell, Colonel Beckett, William Greene, T. Rendlesham, Lord Borthwiek, l'eter Grimsditch, T. Rolleston, Colonel Broadley, 11. Ilami.ton, Lord C. Rushbrooke, Col. Buckley, Edmund Bantle, J. 11. Ryder, G. D. Buller, Sir J. Y. Ilodgson, Richard Sandon, Viscount Carew, W. 11. P. liouldsworth, T. Shaw, Frederick Cholmondeley, 11. In , lis Sir It 11. Sibthorp, Colonel Collett, W. R. Johnstone, Sir J. Smith, Abel Colgnhoun, J. C. Jolliffe, Sir W. Spoonar, Richard Connolly, Colonel Lockhart, W. Trotter, John Copeland, Alderman Long, Walter Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Dcedes, William Lowther, Colonel Verner, Colonel Dickinson, F. 11. Lygon, General Waddington, IL S. Douglas, Sir H. _Mackinnon, W. J. Wodehcuse, Edmond Douglas, Sir C. Manners, Lord J. Wortley, John S. Douglas, J. 1). S. Marton, George Wyndham, Colonel E!.7erton, Sir I'. Masterman, John TELLEas. leilden, W. Maunsell. T. P. Grimston, Viscount Fuller, A. E. Mundy, E. M. Oswald, Alexander ➢IINORITI—NOES, 39. Aglionby, H. A. Dundas, Admiral Smythe, George Baillic, H. J. French, F. Stansfhdd, W. R. C Barnard, E. G. Gibson, T. M. Strickland, Sir G. Berkeley, 11. F. Hallyburton, Lord Thernely, Thomas Bowes, John Hamner, Sir J. Tufnell, Henry ilowring", Dr. Hastie,:Archibald Vane, Lord H. Bright, John Ilumphery, Alderman Warburton, H. Brotherton, Joseph Hutt, William Ward, H. (I. Busfeild, William Lascelles, W. S. Wawn, John T. Butler, Colonel Listowel, Earl Worsley, Lord Divett, Edwlrd Marsland, llenry Wrightson, W. B. Duncan, Vlicount Plinnriiige, Captain TELLERS. Duncan, George Roebuck, J. A. Hawes, Benjamin buncombe, T. Ross, D. It. Cowper, W. P. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY-MAIDSTONE AND ROCHESTER LINE. Mr. Bushe appeared as solicitor for the promoters of the II! and Mr. Dyson for the petitioners against the Bill. The usual matter.of-course evidence was given as to the service of the requisite notices, &c.; and the case was then postponed to await the arrival of witnesses ; and that of TUNBRIDGE TO TUNBRIDGE WELLS was called on, it being on the same line, as are also the following : —Ashford to Hastings; Branch to Deal, and Extension of the Suuth.Eastern, Canterbury, Ramsgate, and Margate; Hung r ford-bridge to Chilham, with Brandies; and Lewisham to Tun. bridge and Paddock Wood. The Solicitor for the promoters of the Bill for the Tunbridge and Wells line, gave evidence as to the services of notices, &c., and said they abandoned all such portions of the .ine as the Board of Trade had not approved of. ASHFORD AND HASTINGS. Mr. Dyson appeared as solicitor for Thomas Fortune and Robin. son Lattee, petitioners against this line. DEAL AND RAMSGATE AND MARC ATE EXTENSION BRANCH. The same solicitor appeared on behalf of Robinson Lattee, peti tioner against this Bill. SOLITH-EASTERN LINE.—WIDENING AND EXPAN SION OF THE LONDON AND GREENWICH RAIL WAY. There were three petitions against this line; one from Mr. S. James, one from Mr. Heywood, and one from Mr. Robinson Latter. HUN I GERFORD-BRIDGE AND CHILHANI, WITH FIVE BRANCHES. Five petitions against—from 'Aiessrs. M. Carr, Robinson Latten, Sir Isaac L. Goldsmid, and two from the owners and eccupiers o property. PADDOCK WOOD BRANCH. Three petitions against—from Messrs. J. Ingerstein, Sir Guldsmid, and the owners and occupiers of the land. LONDON AND CROYDON BRANCH. Messrs. Dyson and Hall represented the petitioners. The list having been gone through, the Committee adjourned, REPRESENTATION OF WEST KENT.—The Maid stone Journal of yesterday contains a statement that both Lord Holmesdale and Mr. Frewen have retired from the field, and that Colonel Austen, of Rippington, Sevenoaks, president of th e West heist Agricultural Protection Society, will come forward to seek the suffrages of the electors of this important district. The reason of Lord Holmesdale's retirement is the opposition which he raised to his own election by declaring in favour of the Government grant to Maynooth. Mr. Frewen, it is alleged, has also consented to retire in order to make way for a gentleman who will possess the entire confidence of he electors. SALMON tiISIIING.—The fishing this week has been rather more productive than for several weeks past. The prices continue at Js. bd. per lb. for salmon, and trout Is.—Berwiele Warier. LAW INTELLIGENCE. POUR' . OF (,)17E...0-..YS REACH. .Ip , il 16. The Court was occupied during the morning in hearing motions, ione of which possessed any general interest. BAIL Co '1.% UT, Ap, i 1 16 (Sittings at Nisi Prius before Mr. Justice COLERIDGE.) GARTER V. DAVISON. This was the first case called on, and was an action to compel compensation for labour done, but as it is likely to last over the evening we refrain from noticing it in its present stage. There were no motions of the slightest interest this morning, COURT OF EXCHEQUER, April 16 Sittings in Banco before the LORD Crittr BARON, Barons PARKE, ALDERSON, and ROLFE.) Their Lordships were occupied the whole morning with motions of no general interest. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, April 16. :Sittings in Banco before the LORD CHIEF JUSTICE, Mr. Jurtice COLTMAN, Mr. Justice CRESWELL, mid Mr. Justice ERLE.) COOPER V. WILLAAIOT. This was an action of trover, the details of which were not pe. culiar, to recover the value of goods alleged not to be the property of the person for whose debt they had been distrained and sold.. l'he verdict was for the plaintiff. Mr. Sergeant SkIEA, after a long argument, obtained a rule nisi for a new trial. ARCHES' COURI, April 15. CLOWES AGAINST CLOWES. This was originally a suit of nullity of marriage by reason of fraud in obtaining the license, promoted by Mr. Edward Clowes against Harriet Jones, falsely calling herself Clowes, who had been married in the name of Emily Harriet Geraldine Terry, and repre. sented herself as the daughter of Admiral Terry. Mr. Clowes, a young man, had become acquainted with this person in November, 1840, when she was only 16 years of age, at a certain house in George.street, Adelphi, where she went by the name of Harwood, and she agreed to reside with him as his mistress- On the llth of December, 1841, they were married, she having previously im. posed upon Mr. Clowes, in June, 1841, a child, of which she al. leged she had been prematurely delivered, during his temporary absence, as their own. After their marriage Mr. Clowes disclosed the fact to his father, and, in order to make him believe that the child was born in wedlock, by postdating, concurred in altering the certificate of its birth. The deceptions which had been practised by Mrs. Clowes having been discovered by the father of Mr. Clowes a suit was commenced to avoid the marriage, on the ground of fraud and deception ; but the Court held that there was no error de persona, and that the misrepresentation of name and citcum- Aances was no ground for annulling the marriage. The wife en grafted upon the suit a prayer for restitution of conjugal rights, 1 which was met on the part of the husband by a plea of adultery, and this plea was in its turn met on the part of the wife by a charge of malicious desertion by the husband (who had gone to reside abroad) and of persecution on his part and that of his family and agents, which have left her in penury and destitution and driven her, or rather entr +pried her into the commission of adultery with a person who went by the names of Cooper Pardy, and Godfrey, and who kept, or was connected with, a place for the sale of dogs, ca led the Canine Repository, in Bury-street, Blooinsbury-square. the facts of this part of the case were detailed in our report of the argument. The Learned Judge was of opinion, the fact of adultery oeing thus admitted, that the articles in the wite'sal'egation which pleaded circumstances whence malicious desertion and persecution were sought to be inferred were left without proof, or were dis. proved. These Courts had never decided that malicious desertion per se was a bar to a husband's suit for a divorce by reason of the adultery of his wife ; the dicta went the other way ; but in this case the point was not raised, as there had been no malicious desertion, the husband having been rather desirous (as appeared from his concurrence in the fraud practise I upon his father and by his letters) of sustaining the connexion with his wife. It was certainly, the Learned Judge observed, a strange and inex. plicable thing that Mr. Edward Clowes, the husband, should have been imposed upon by the improbable representations of Mrs, Clowes respecting the child—which it was clearly proved had been procured by her from Wales, she having never been delivered of a child—and that he should net have made inquiries into the matter. But this had no effect as a bar to his remedy. With regard to Mr. Clowes, senior, and his family, no imputation whatever rested upon them ; they had had recourse to miss other measures than were perfectly justifiable, though the Court might regret that the allow ance made by Mr. Clowes, senior, to the wife, of 30s. a week, had been withdrawn, since its continuance might have prevented this suit. But it had been withdrawn for very sufficient reasons, namely, the suspicious conduct cf Mrs. Closes, in receiving the visits of an elderly gentleman, who made her presents, and was once admitted into her bedroom. There was no evidence to show that Mrs. Clowes had ever suffered from penury or distress ; on the contrary, she seemed to have had the command of money from some source. Upon the whole, he had no doubt in pronouncing that the wife had entirely failed in the proof of her allegation, and that Mr. Clowes was entitled to the sentence of divorce he prayed _ _ CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before the COMMON-SERGEANT.) EXTRAORDINARY CASE.—John Potvrie, a baker carrying on business in Finsbury.pavement, and Caroline Powrie, his wife, surrendered on bail to answer a charge of conspiring to get rid of an infant. Mr. Prendergast and Mr. Parry appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Doane for the defendants. It appeared that the male defendant met a young woman whom he knew, named Gillespie, but who neither knew him by name or occupation, in Smithfield, on the 16th of January, and a.ked her if she would take charge of an infant, then unborn, and get it on the parish, if he gave her 51. She refused, but said she would speak to her landlady, Mrs. Milbourne, living in Field.place, Fetter-lane about it. She afterwards tact him at his request, and took him to this person. Mrs. Milbourne met him by appointment in Fetter lane on the night of the 11th of February. The female defendant was there with an infant in her arms, which she gave to her, to gether with a 5/. note. Mrs. Milbourne had previously communi cated with the police, having had her suspicions strongly excited and City police-constable Finn, having been placed on the spot, came up and took the female defendant into custody. The male defendant took to his heels on seeing the constable. He was afterwards taken into custody, and both were held to bail at Guild. hall Police-office to answer the charge for which they were in dicted to-day. The intent was but a few hours old i.n the day mentioned, the 11 th of February, and Mrs. Milbourne was di rected by the male defendant to endeavour to get it into the West London Union, and was to receive 5/. fur her trouble. In the conversation which he had with both her and the girl, Gillespie, he expressed his anxiety to get rid of the child altogether. Whose child it was, or why so much anxiety was evinced to cast it off and disown it, heedless of its late, and in the heartless manner described, was not ma e public. The COMMON-SERGEANT stopped the case, saying that therm was nothing to support the charge of a conspiracy, and the defendants under his direction were acquitted. SURR NESS(t)Ns-'j` ESDA V. ( Before PUCKLE. C hairman, and a Bern hof Magbarates.) JOHN CHASE V. TILE REFUSAL OF THE JUSTICES OF THE NEWINGTON DIVISU)N TO GRANT HIM ♦ VICTUALLERs' LICENSE Mr. Bodkin and Mr. Knapp appeared for the appellant; and Mr. Wallinger and Mr. Corder for thy Justices. The case has excited considerable interest, in corvvquence of the numerous statements which have already appeared in the papers. It appeared that Mr. Chase was the landlord of the Black Prince Princes street, Kennington, and had only recently taken possession of the house. In cons queme of the numerous complaints against the manner in which the house has been conducted, made by the neighbours to the twice, the superintendent of the L division directed one of his constables to watch the house, and the con. stable, in February last, saw a judge and jury club held there on Sunday evening. There was a great disturbance, and he heard trials going on very frequently. In consequence of this intorma. tinn the superintendent felt it his duty to report the same to the Magistrates, and on the following day the Justices suspended the license until the adjournment day. On that day the case was gone into before the Licensing Justices in Petty Seesions, when it was proved that Mr. Chase permitted gambling in his house, and suf. fered Sunday trading to a great extent. Inspectors Tapp and Ferguson proved that Sunday trading had been going on since December un to the last fortnight ; that there had been disturbances between two and three o'clock in the morning, and there were cries of murder and police. Fancy balls and concerts were held twice a week, and fancy characters, in the costumes of clowns, were seen in front of the house. Mr. Matthews, a neighbour, who lived opposite to Mr. Chase, complained of the great nuisance created by disorderly people at Mr. Chase's house. On one occasion a prostitute, of the name of Caroline Turner, came out of Mr. Chase's house between two and three o'clock in the morning, in a state of beastly intoxication, and it took the united exertions of font' men to take her to the station house on a stretcher. There were a great many disorderly men and women in front of the house, who were creating a great dis turbance, and the neighbours threw up their windows to ascertain what was the matter, there being cries of " murder," tire. The Magistrates, after calling on Mr- Chase for his defence, who merely stated that he conducted his house as well as he possibly could, and denied that he pprmitted Sunday trading, was or. dered to withdraw, when the magistrates unanimously resolved that the license should not be renewed, against which Mr. Chase appealed. The appeal consequently came before the Court to-day, when evidence to the above effect was produced by Mr. Wallinger on be half of the licensing justices. The Learned Counsel called several witnesses In support of the justices, who fully confirmed the charges brought against the appellant. Mr. BODKIN next addressed the Court at exceeding great length on behalf of the appellant, and said if the decision of the Court was adverse to his client it would involve him in utter ruin, having embarked his all in the speculation. Mr. Bodkin said the Legisla. Lure never intended that a licensed victualler should be suddenly and totally ruined. The 21st section of the Act said that for the first offence the defendant should be fined, for the second offence a higher penalty should be Imposed, and for the third complaint the matter should be referred to a jury, who had power to take away the license. The Learned Counsel then went on to show that there was not sufficientevidence to warrant the Court below in with. holding the license from the appellant, particularly when he had such fearful interests at stake. The Learned Counsel s..id, that he was not there to justify that it was proper to hold a judge and jury club on a Sunday evening, but Mr. Chase ought to have been properly warned of the great impropriety of his conduct, and said that proper notice had not been given the appellant to that effect. The magistrates would take into their consideration that the appellant had abandoned the holding of clubs and concerts, and therefore had done all in his power to comply with the wishes of the Court; he therefore hoped that they wou:d see fit to renew the license. As to prostitutes, surely those poor unfortunate crew. tures, who were deserving of great commisor ition, were not o be denied shelter from the pitiless storm, and denied refreshments to support their exhausted frames. This he hoped no humane ma gistrate would ever make a ground for refining a license. The Learned Gentleman concluded a long and elaborate argument, by stating that the House had been shut up fur some time, which probably the Court would deem sufficient punishment, and act as , a warning to the appellant for the future, The Chairm Ln and Magistrates then retired, and after some con. sultation, the former, on his reti rti into Court, announced that the Court had come to the unanimous de.ermlnation to disallow the appeal. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. (YESTERDAY.) MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Robert Peel, aged 22 years, was charged with the following rob. beries. It aprared that the prisoner, for upwards of two years past had been a porter in the emp op of Mr. William Wootton, of Frederick.street, Goswell.street-roal, accountant. On Wednes day, the 26th of April last, the prisoner absconded, taking with him a cash-box, containing 15 sovereigns, a 51. Birmingham bank note, three bills of exchange, for 31. each, and various memoranda. No tidings whatever could be gained of him until last evening he was take❑ into custody. On being charged with the robbery, he confessed It, and said he had spent the money in roaming about different parts of Kent. When apprehended he had no money in his possession, and was evidently in a state of extreme destitution. Mr. MALTBY asked him if he intended to say any thing then.— lie replied, " No; I've nothing to say for myself." lle was fully committed. A second charge was gone into against him, on which he was also sent for trial. - - LIGHTHOUSE AT GALVESTON.--We learn that ar rangements will be made immediately for the erection of a 14ht. house at Galveston, in accordance with the Act lately passed by Congress. This Act appropriates 7,000 dollars to be paid out of the tonnage money for this purpose. The lamp of this lighthouse is to be at least 75 feet above the level of the sea, and will be discernible at the distance of between 10 and 12 miles. —New York Paper, .1 MARKET NEWS. (YESTERDA • EXCHAGIVE The supply of English Wheat was but limited, vet the demand for that description of Grain was in a slugg Whea i:h stat, e, at barely previous currencies. In tine Foreign as well as Corn under lock, we have very few sales to re p ort! Barley and Malt were extremely dull, and prices were not supported. Oats, Beans, and Peas were quite as dear. Wheat. 4,9 1 0 qrs. ARRIVALS. Barley. 3,550 qrs Oats. 1,030 16,350 1,270 Floor_ • w 1,2 ___— 1 t„,, „rtt 4 eT t t ,„ u English Irish ...... .. Foreign .... 740 Malt 2,360 qrs. • V7HITEC HAPEL- We had a fair average s ppluy of each kind of Meat, yetp..e general demand ruled steady at full prices :—Beef _1r617; 2s 8d to 3s 8d ; Mutton, 2s lOd to 3s 10d ; Lamb , 5s t ° Veal, 3s 8d to 4s 8d ; and Pork, 2s 10d to 43 per 81b, by the carcase. COAL MARKET. Prices per ton at the close of the market :—Adair's 15s; Carr's Hartley, 16s; Chester Main. 15s; Claverins i s. Tanfield, 13s 6d ; Felling Main, 15s ; Hasting's Har tle n ' t Holvwell Main, 15s 6d ; Nelson's West Hartley, las: 6d Tanfield, 14s; Old Pontop, 13s ad ; Ord's Redheugh , 13s Old Tanfield,l4s ; Pontop Windsor, 14s ad ; Townley, 15539; West Hartley, 16s ; West Wylatn, 15s 6d ; I,d ' 41, Wall's-end, Gosforth, 16s 6d ; Heaton, las 6d ; , 15Nev:15grt 6 s 6d ; Ne 11 march, 14s 9d ; Northumberland. , Walker. 15s 6d ; Wrickington, 14s ad ; Braddylrsrth 18s9d ; Hetton, 18s 94; Hylton, 16s ; Lambton, 185;_,,", Hetton, Lyons, 16s 6d ; Pemberton, 16s •, fiel d; 18s ; Stewart's, 18s ; Hartlepool, 18s ' 9d ; Kelloe , 170 , a . Sharp's Tanfield, 13s; Adelaide, 18s; Barrett, 163: ffl e dAV' ttidi Hartlepool. 17s; Evenwood, 15s ; Maclean's Tees an s Park, mixed, 15s; Richardson's Tees, 15s; Seymou r T 3 ee d: 17s ; South Durham, 16s; Tees, 17s 9d ; Tees Heiton ,lss Hartley, 15s 6d ; Llangennech. 21s ; Powell's Duffryn Steil 225; West Hartley Netherto”, 16 , .—Shins arrived, 52. REASONS WHY THE FI rA - R % ll . TRIUMPH OF THE HYGETAN CAUS E - ( 1 1 QUIRES THAT T' 'E FX-INGRF,DIEN TS , MORISON'S PILLS STTOULD BE KEP I SECRET. By Mr M•DOVE. I,•htea Morison was the fir s t of h usnan beings that exel-1 medicine in the f , rm of a science ! That hived it, ° Ti , principles that never can he shaken. That carried 'reit nut into a practice so successful that the old law' bui e Esculapian mass is already shaken to its centre Ow totters to its fall. Who that contemplates this mighty subject, w ith t ugs interest which it s i m p ortance d eman ds, but o ti n s t dwell with delight on the dignified, the triump h 4 ,11 position of the man w h o fi rs t r e mov e d from hi e l s- e r a malady from which no mortal before his was known to recover ; and then conferred upon a lie treated world that which tend, d to change 0 f ecto s , state of others from misery to happiness, with n certainty. He has been blamed. with a very ha d d r ft ,„ge by those who hive to cove r a ll their sayings an u e ' - r o t relative 'o medicine under dense veil of myst-rY,' not making the ingr , di , tots of his medicine known. 'air not to mention his right to reap the reward of e covery of ruch universal benefit, it may be inferred no -- 0 , certainty, that had he at once divulged of what — ,.to sists, and what proportions its different materials b et each ~ t he-, its adaptation to every ailment would n it have been known. Medical men would have then v'i9 able to prepare it. And whether they did so Or 11°t ' e lti it to be thought that any person who c alled for it W cP- ce , have been refused something of the same apra rtiri and possessed of the same name. Can we doubt fario moment that, under such circumstances. the r e° d P ie. would have been made to experience that Morison 's be covery was of no consequence ? That many °t oll things sold in the drug-shops were of equal, if not In to ; greater, efficacy than it. And if it should be said t 'b -e i the people would not have trusted to doctors—that lt would have made the medicine themselves —we " e O 4 the assertion. Not one of a thousand who ar e the confirmed in Hygeian principles would, un der ri , above circumstance, have heard of such a the ..litf What is it, that has taught vast numbers the abstlyoss of common medical practice ? Is it not, b e causeSdi , who prepare and vend the Vegetable Universal Xf or , tines, by keeping it totally distinct from every et , its have enabled converts to the Hygeian theory to te s " t be truth, by the only test that can be asked or givecuit virtues of the medicine. The knowledge of the sY s firt4 anti the virtues of the medicine, mutually n e l; the each other Arid while men remain ignorant 0 , 1 be former, it will seldom happen that a fair trial e l ' n ie. given to the latter. One observation more on thial.°,4o Had the publishers of the Hyg e ian Sy s tem of bifeu l ; oo , not secured to themselves the profits of that whic k l a it firmed th e t rut h o f w h a t th e y p roc l a i me d, how e (41 0 0' have been ma d e k nown ? Wh ere i s th e man, or ' - c or pany of men, who would for twenty years ha ve „nor tended with the whole tribe of doctors, expending MO mous sums in rebutting sl an d er an d misrepresentatieth; in enlightening the people on a subject of lif e and d e /o) and in exposing a system, support e d (through igttor°4oot by the influential, and the great; publishing volatile ii iboir volume, and tract after tract continually, to mainta i i , standingagainst such an overwhelming force, anuj the ultimate triumph of truth. We ask, who wol%,;sl# one even a tithe of this for nothing ? None. e di though the' ingredients of the medicine are core'a. s tio and we have seen that their concealment is essentl ito• the final triumph of the Hygeian cluse—that sYst etn or der veals what qualities any substance must possess in to its being medicinal. viz , a vegetable puntat ive n vir thus enables all .‘ho acquaint themselves with its ivbe ciples, to know what is hurtful and not curativ e ' 0 0° ever therefore puts himself to the trouble to rle rbs the vocabut try of the old school. will see that th e r 4 &pal , hings denominated medicines there, are P 4se i ttb° to' qu a litie, at n ir.coucilable war with the health lif e of n o on. (F rom M r . M.D ove ' s E ssa y on t he x• — e l o tgi Liberty of the SII hj , et, to he had of all the Hygeian go. :mice 6d.) British College of' Health, New-road, Lo_ PENIASULAR SE.F.TCIIES, EDITED BY W. I t fA' WELL. ESQ , A UTIIOR OF " THE LIFE OF W E LLIO- C yr , &C.—Mr. \la xwell here ushers before the public 9 `; his wh eh is likely t att lin as great a popularity . 11 0 the •• Stories ~f Waterloo." The arduous strueg e 1,0 lb{ Peninsula. front the opening action of Rolicti rowning victory at Toulouse, may be found, in 171 0 / t- irn rta , r c i .h t ;th ee ( u ., r as r l en s c t .e s, of I.itliatrhrfautliyes ld d es e c sc ri r l i t p ed tiv i e ll :) f fr t o ti o . ; Jorious and pt otracted contest for the most ps r s 0 0 4 4 top ns of thc callant actors who took a prom ine ee the war, and who have purtrayed the stirring eediSti that stt+ missively took p ace under their own j E T l' daril'P ....reaten. Such records of British vaiour an" n we el f alth..ugh so ....times as it were constituting th e f r t i rf ° i th.. war. and therefore rot detailed in any h'3",(„rotl h.. rriod, must pr. ve cordially welcome to e /e " who rejoices in the name of Englishman. C o >' n MAIDS OF HONOUR. A TALE OF TO F GEORGE I.—Everybody (says the c o urt will talk shout this work--everybody must read 1 0 1 0 :1 is a suue.sion of amusing scenes, introductorYgote.t extraordi ary characters, male and female, that h , Of ; at the Courts and in the councils of George " - ciro: and ef his hopeful son and heir. The wits, tbe f 00' t 1 ,;eves, the intriguers, the creatures of both sexe s ! $ O 5 and infamous, including the pair of what 11 ' 5 t oci g(l .: 4 Highness used to call the " dam antiderluvian Po V, dies, der Schulenberg and der Kielmanseggaie'aderd brou.4ht upon the stage in a lively manner, and 011 , ;nay oif their vices, their follies, their eccentric itie eatie their amours, to the infinite amusement of tbe " The beautiful Molly Lepel" is the principal h er° . l , these tableaux, and her abductions, her flirtatioeri hair-breadth 'seeps before she finds a refug e , to l arms of " Hervey the Handsome," are sufficient tisfy any appetite for amorous adventure. SUICIDE IN THE SERPENTINE —Oa Tlr -a litPli Bedford held an inquest at the Matpas Arms, Cha r "'"yr6 Grosvenor-square, on the body of a man unknown, 111,,V0r0 about 45 years of age. It appears that about half-past eig b e of on Saturday night last the deceased was observed by " (O f Alf Royal Humane Slciety's boatmen, walking backward 0 o°'o on the north bank of the Serpentine, in Hyde-Pa ri `.o4 6 "l l afterwards a plunge was heard in the water, about flftY yang pt the receiving. house. A skiff was rowed to the sP °t ',.,„ t t lr dragging about eight minutes the body was found 3 "L.11y yards from the shore. It was conveyed to the reee i°- - 040 1 and the usual restoratives applied, but in vain. The de ef e d fair complexion, with light brown hair, and his right •pet', blackened with a blow. He is about five feet seven osh height, and was dressed in a black dress coat, drab wi' ,s " ,c bei duroy trousers, blucher shoes, mid linen shirt. All his c l° , -, , 11 4 '- very old. No money or papers were found upon biro to discovery of ifris friends. Verdict, "Found drowned. ------.....----- A O 211BTH,N ii er"' On Tuesday, the 15th inst., the lady o f Charles I'd Elsley, Esq , of a daughter. CO . On the 15th of February, at Bona Vista, in the „40 Islands, the Hon. Mrs. H. W. Macaulay, of a son . r .„ Ifr On the 4th inst., at Rye-terrace, Peckham, 31r- 31' Morris, of a Sion. t he IS On the 10th inst., at York terrace, Peckham •latie' 0' tliP of Thomas Parker, E ' sq., ofa son. r j a J On the 12th inst., the wife of John Bawtree, ~,.. #' of Colchester, of a daughter. wife & OR the 14th in-t., at King street,. Stepney, the - vil 'clg , 11' illiam Squires, of a daughter. del l I On the 14th inst., at Langham-place, Mrs. Fi ll Jo je Cope, of a son. t r IP On the 11th inst.. Mrs. Christopher Cuff, of 'L ` 4 40 Jr street, Piccadilly, of a daughter. Dav id ~/ On the I 1 t It inst, at East Bourne, the lady of fi, o 11311, Esq.. M.D.. of a 'laughter. Wit ° On he Ilth inst., at Grodmanstone, Dorset, the 010 ' Rev. 'F. Ferris, of a son. 13 3, ° On the 3d inst., at Pau, south of France, the , 11.bni., the e C 6 a t r ii r i , u , ,, ,f t. a , ',ra g ' ) II a e rManchester, Mrs. S. L. Be" . 0 ; of a son. , tbe' ls On die 9th inst ,in Bedford-place, Ru.Asell-squ are ' V' of O J il l t , ii l e V l i o g t h h t, in E s t t.2 q. a , t of t j a p s p , e m r t i t s ti l d in c g la to u e Ler rs .. geor y si lli of a daughter. 0 4 ~, D _ . 1 . 11 P..b. Mr , l nceol On th' 12th inst., at West Hackney Church, ~..- -, ,,,iror,Dr Richard Lawrance, youngest son of M r . James L',',. Ill" , St. Helier's, Jersey, to Alicia, onh daughter a --. J r, ,velmter, of Kingsland. e, A t ;IS C' Ou the I Ith inst., at St. Mary's, Spital-squ ar to frimen, Esq., ar c hite c t, o f Ad am - s t ree t, AdelPh i l lp, eldest daught e r of J. J. Buttres s , E sq ., o f Spitaifi e rle ............. , iii 6 e- :„e%P re e tl( l i , On the 15th inst., after a short illness, to tile i i V l use'', , er• grief of his parents, in the 17th year of his age , \y l i Ce surviving child of Mr. \V. C. Evans, Gr.:.nd 1 0 li °te ' 0' garden. re b • t ' A t, On the 13th ult., at Bow, Middlesex, Eltze be ' the late Rev. r. ewman. v On the 13th D inst. N , Richard, eldest son of Richardcifo Esq., of Albany-terrace, Regent's-park, aged * o g Y 1 , On the 14th inst., Edward Chinery, Esq., of ' 4° () VI Suffolk - SersP -1 On the 14th inst., at Bath-place, Peckham , . , 9 the wife of Mr. John F at earn. „ leg; f i l oy n the 14th inst., Twickenham, Mrs. E. 1 -' 3 , ; a el I On the 12th inst., Emma Josephine, wife of SO' st' Jones, aged 22. plitlP On the 13th inst., at Upper Brunswick-terr lice ' 1 115 c Mr. W. B. Broadwater, aged 34. 9 'o On the 9th inst., Oliver Colt, Esq., of Rownha shire, aged 85. 1 Ni SO.(; , 1 ;'1 London: Printed ai-1. 112, Strand, Printer. at The Sun Ow h " Co Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, iu Middle:9z, Thursday, April 17, 1845. 111111