The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-17 00:00:00

Zbirb Xlvition SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock, LONDON, OXFORD, CHELTENHAM, and GLOUCESTER RAILWAY (DIRECT LINE). l'fospc.ctuses, announcing a highly influential Local Direction for carrying out the above important undertaking, will be published Immediately. Applications to be made to Messrs. Bridges and Mason, solicitors, Red Lion-square. London, April 17, 1845. RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (THIS DAY.) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) SOUTH EASTERN LINE. This Committee met this morning at Twelve o'clock. in Comraitte:Sub-room No. 4, Sir W. Heathcote in the chair. The first question argued before the Committee by the petitioners against this line was, that the contracts were bad, inasmuch as that the money subscribed had been borrowed money, and not the money of the parties themselves. The Committee decided that they had nothing whatever to do with the question. MAIDS TONE AND ROCHESTER► LINE. The Committee decided that the standing orders in this line had been complied with. TUNBRIDGE WELLS LINE. In this line it was decided by the Committee that the standing orders had not been complied with. ASHFORD AND HASTINGS LINE. Standing orders not complied with. DEAL EXTENSION LINE. In this case the Committee declared that the standing orders had been complied with. LONDON AND GREENWICH LINE. In this case the Committee found that the standing orders had not been complied with. QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) SOLOMONS V. LAWSON. This was a case of libel against the Times newspaper, which was tried at the last assizes for Surrey, in which the plaintiff obtained a verdict to the amount of 500/. damages. The case originated in some letters which appeared in the Tim , s, respecting the state of health in which the passengers of the ship Moffat arrived in this :country, in consequence of the badness of the water supplied to her from a vessel, fitted up, as was alleged, with copper tanks, belonging to the plain tiff, who is a n hotel-keeper in El. Helena. Mr. Sergeant SHEE now moved for a rule for a venire de novo, or for an arrest of judgment, on account of excessive damages.—Rule granted on the latter ground. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT. GLOBE.—The Tory supporters of the Maynooth Bill (we now speak only of those) chiefly patronise two lines of argu ment—one cheap and easy—the other in a very high degree damaging and dangerous. It is cheap and easy to deride fanaticism, and condemn calling the Pope "Antichrist." These may be fit answers to ignorant declaimers, but not to calm critics. They may be answers to those who would deny all large measures of justice _to Roman Catholics ; but not to those who think themselves at liberty to question the structure or the source of this one small one. We should no more adopt the Biblical Billingsgate of calling his Holiness the Pope " Antichrist," than enlightened Roman Catholics - would approve the Tablet in almost calling Mr. Shell "Anti christ," because he expresses some sort of esteem for the Church of England. The other Tory line of orgament— the damaging one—is that which, as we have said, has been most practised by those Members on the Ministerial side, . who have hazarded any wide range of argument at all. What a damaging speech was Lord John Manners', to the Ministerial party, as regards the consequences of the mea sure which he accepts and contemplates. It would be un fair to say that those consequences are contemplated by its supporters generally ; but it is quite fair to say that such anticipations, from that section of Anglican churchmen, who have recently won themselves a " bad eminence" (as regards public opinion in England) are enough to warrant alarm in all who still call themselves Protestants ; and to demon strate (if the will of chur c h men lik e Lord John Manners were seconded by the power) how soon all that constitutes Protestantism—all independent and private judgment— would be crushed under the Juggernaut wheels of Church idols—irresponsible clerical powers. It is these, as we have said, that constitute Popery—we care not one single button whether their future head-quarters should be established at Rome or Lambeth—or rather, if we do care, it is merely because Rome combines the dangerous qualities of irresponsible spiritual dictatorship with the subtlety, and foreign standing room, of an Italian Court. To that extent, we maintain " No Popery" is a rational ral lying word—to that extent every vigorous prince in our history inscribed it on his banners ; and it was lett for a soft scion of the" old nobility," misrepresented by him, to find out that the way to manage Rome is to admit, and exaggerate, its " tremendous power" That power is a power founded on moral weakness in those who truckle to it. None of the great States of Earope do ; but if Lord John Mannerses fishify our flesh, we shall. We repeat, that Protestants would have a right to be alarmed (were the champions a shade more vigorous) at the new-old notions of exclusive Catho licity (a contradiction, by the way, in terms) which these Young Englanders would import from college cloisters into political affairs. Catholicity is asserted by Rome of hereelfsolely—and by these young gentlemen of Rome and England. Until we force ourselves into Roman alliance (an alliance which Rome disclaims, and knows of nothing but re bellion or subjection to her authority)—until we do this impossible, we " separate ourselves from the whole of Catholic Christendom"—Catholic Christendom, according to these fancy churchmen, not including the Scotch, German, or American Churches of any model but our own—and, according to Rome, just as little including the Greek Church, and the English Church. This will-o'-the-wisp if we pursue properly, in couples with those who won't couple with us, Lord John Manners almost engages " to seeder England again what she was once, the queen of the nations, towering aloft amid the empires of the world, striking her roots down deep and wide into the richest memories of the past, and spreading her fruitful branches to the measureless expanse of an un seen futurity." It is difficult to nail Young Englanders (gentlemen who seem resolved never to get older) to any fixing in the nature of facts and dates. If we could hope to do so, we should ask Lord John Manners which is the happy era he refers to, when England was once " the Queen of nations ?" We, however, partly learn when it was net. " Those who liked," said this young Old. Noble. " might refer all the glory and renown of old English monarchy back to the Dutch conquest of 1688, which subverted it, but he claimed a right to ascend higher, and to consider it just as if William 111. had died Stadthol der of Holland." If William 111. had died Stadtdolder of Holland, Louis XIV. had very handsome prospects of adding England to his European dependencies. We are sorry to learn that Somers and Marlbo rough did nothing for England's greatness—but let that pass. How far back are we to go for times truly imperial? William and Mary won't do. Will Philip and Mary do ? Cer tainly not Elizabeth, erroneously supposed to have done Eng land some credit. That heretical drubbing of the Invincible Armada, doubtless aided by le diable, qui noya les autres— separated us sadly from "the whole of the Catholic Chris tendom." Shame, shame on the son of England who reads ber annals through priests' spectacles! England, to have retained her greatness in Lord Manners' eyes—must have lost it. She must have first tyrannised, then stagnated, like Spain —must have lain in cold obstruction,and rotted, beneath her Jesuits and her Inquisition. Truly, Austrian and Bourbon Charleses and Philips, who preserved that monarchy, were other guess people from Dutch William, who subverted this one. There can be no doubt that the " monarchy" would have flourished vastly under Kirke and his lambs, under Jefferies and his juries, under the pupil of Father Petre, the introducer of standing armies, the royal restorer of Oxford back. to the bosom of" Catholicity." Why will these boys provoke us to these remembrances? We will be provoked DO further by them. ~STANDXRD.—The debate on the Maynooth grant was once more adjourned last night. The best speeches delivered in last night's discussion were those of Mr. G. Hamil ton. Member for Dublin University, and Lord Ashley against the Bill, that of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer in its support. Mr. Hamilton, who is, indeed, a fine contrast to his colleague in talent, as in all else, judiciously for his purpose seized upon the mis chievous arguments of Mr. Gladstone and Macaulay, founded upon the duty of religions [indifference, and easily dimposed or them. But these are riot the arguments upon which the real friends of the Protestant faith found their support of the Bill. We must ever approach Lord Ashley as an opponent with the greatest diffidence, and we have given, we trust, sufficient proof that no difference of opinion can ever impair our veneration for his noble character. On the question now before the public, it is our misfortune to difl'er from Lord Ashley, but US his Lordship has reminded us, not for the first time, though sixteen years have intervened. Lord Ashley was a parts- to the granting of power to the Roman Catholic popu lation in Ireland. We trust that we need not say what part we acted upon that occasion. Lord Ashley too, as he stated last night, was not, like the Minister, an unwil ling giver in 1829, and Le seems still to adhere to the wisdom of that most unhappy gift, irrespective of the temporary necessity, which is the real justis tication of the Duke of Wellington's Cabinet. His Lordship says that in 1829 lie assisted to give freedom of action to the Roman Catholics; as if they had not, as a hody, far more freedom of action before the Emancipation Act than they have had since. His Lordship, no doubt, did give freedom of action to the Roman Catholic priests with a vengeance, as has been proved by their power of driving electors to the hustings and to monster meetings— W 4 has been proved by their extortion of hundreds of t housands o f pounds from the most misera b le popu l at i on o E urope to b r ib e l ay ag i tators, and mill i ons upon m illi ons for themselves —the priests. Yes,_ ample freedom of action was given t o th e priests, but to the Roman Catholic popu lation, such freedom of, action as is enjoyed by the cattle driven to Smithf ie ld , the sheep sh orn t o th e qu i c k. once mistak en , evenanlif not still und er a d e l us i on upon a matter so important, L A s hl ey may b e m i staken again ; arid, inde e d, even _in' th e matter of fa c t hi s L or d s hi p is plainly misinf ormed. Generally in his speech th e Noble low Member for Dorsetshi re rates the Irish P rotestants as be one million ; and, in one calculation, actually rates n T The numbertriitli their number as less than half bein‘a, , , that the Irish Protestant million' I re rejoice to much nearer to three than to two millions rite these inaccuracies, because they prove always feels rightly and always reasons ri t onenwhir„ premises are sound, forms an erroneous judgilleeS. y w s h i s e iS, I , s - cause he is raj:Unformed. Lord Ashley, again saisstliatifT voted for the Bill before the House of, Commons, h e must feel hound in honour to follow up the vote by voting for the endowment of the Roman Catholic cl ergy i,ecause lie could not think of e d ucat i ng men to qualify them; for a cestain rank without maintaining them in that rank. What does Lord Ashley say to all our public schools, in all gradations of rank ? Take a medium school —the ' .clue-coat School, in Newgate-street. Are all the boys educated in that noble establishment annuitants for life upon its funds? Has any such principle as that asserted by Lord Ashley ever been admitted as a condition upon the gift of education ? Arid here let as parenthetically remark, that in considering the Maynooth Bill as anything less than a part of a general system of education, much zoo narrow a view is taken of the religious as well as the po litical hearing of the subject. The religious grounds upon which the question is opposed, carried to their legitimate ex tent, would withhold all education from all Roman Ca tholics, lest they should read the Breviary or the Cate chism of n'Pht. We are not, however, afraid to teach Roman Catholics to read, even though the first use they will probably make of the power will be to read Roman Catholic books, because we know that with the power of reading these books, we give t the power also of reading the Bible. Apart fro iteration, Lord Ashley point of honour. may be perfect at.: es There no dun r. Rolllllllc, '.. dernriests being edu cated above th r ofliving. On the average, the Ro e men, living in the very cheapest Ro man Catholic a uropeudominions, have . country et J. l ; - - ' v moneys numbered" larger incomes than the highly educated English clergy from Oxford and Cambridge, far higher incomes than the clergy educated at Trinity Col lege, Dublin. As to any other reason why the grant to Maynooth must be followed by an endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy, we are wholly at a loss to guess at it. We are quite persuaded, too, that not one of twenty who support the Ministerial Bill acknow ledges the obligation in honour to which Lord Ashley refers, and of course they who, upon principle, opp ose the grant to Maynooth of 17,0001., are not very likely to approve of a grant of two millions or two millions and a half to the Roman Catholic clergy ; and less would not compen sate to them their present revenue. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met at Five o'elock. The Earl of RIPON presented a petition from the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, praying that the corn and wheat of that colony may be admitted into this country on the same terms as the corn and wheat of Canada. The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions against the additional grant to Maynooth, the sale of intoxicating liquors on the Sabbath, Sunday travelling, and the system of national education in Ireland. Lord FARNHAM presented petitions against the grant to Maynooth and railway travelling on Sundays. Petitions against any further grant to Maynooth were presented by the Bishop of Lichfield and several other Right Reverend Prelates. The Bishop of CHESTER presented a petition from his own diocese to the like effect. The Right Reverend Prelate, however, heartily concurred in the expediency of the Government measure. He considered it was a measure of concession, and by no means a violation of the sacred rights of the Protestant religion. Lord FEVERSHAM presented a large number of petitions from various plcces in Yorkshire against the grant, and took occasion to declare his perfect concur rence i i the prayer of the ptCtioners. Lord BROUUHAM presented a petition from five individuals, who were the creditors of certain turnpike trusts, complaining of the injuries they sustained from the construction of railways in this country. In this country the credit of the turnpike trusts amounted to nine millions sterling, in Ireland to half a million, and in Scotland to somewhat less. For thirty y( ars past the interest amounted to nearly five per cent. ; but owing to the advancement of railway communications. it had been considerably reduced. A trust that paid 4,0401. in 1838 now only paid 1,5001., and in another instance where the amount was 1,8001. it now only paid 9001. The petitioners, therefore, thought they had a large claim upon their Lordships' consideration. In the north of this island the inhabitants are said to possess a peculiarly good sense of perception of their comforts, and of providing for them, whilst we in England were living for the omission of turnpike charges ; but while they in Scotland were enjoying an immunity which we in England could not obtain, for after obtaining the benefit themselves, the excellent Scots came down to the ether House and voted agaiust them. He held in his hand the Railway Consolidation Clauses Bills for Scotland and England. In the first of these a clause, the 56th clause, there was a provision for the turnpike trusts, but in the latter there was no such clause, and this he took leave to think was an unjust omission. He hoped he should; not be charged with want of feeling if he made a selection of the cases which had been confided to him, but he would for the sake of their Lordships' time select one. This was the case of two ladies, and a gen tleman who had married a third sister, who possessed a farm of two hundred acres, through which one railway already passed, but now they were called upon to suffer six other railways to be made through it. The estate was, he believed, at present in a flourishing condition, but if these Acts passed, the Diss and Colchester, the Diss and Chelmsford, the Harwich and Colchester, and other Railways, which, if carried into effect, they would cut up this estate into pieces, not larger than their Lordship's table, and thus these parties were sub ject to seven wicked spirits instead of one. He (Lord Brougham) was almost tempted to establish a company himself ; he should, indeed, be very liberal in the pre sentation of shares to their Lordships, he should take care to have a full and proper list of the owners and the occupiers of the land through which his Railway would pass so that there should be no possible to it from want of form, and he should take care to select his directors, chairman, and all the subordinate officers, from among their Lordships so that there should be no difficulty in passing this Bill . If this railway did interfere with the property of land owners in that House, of what consequence was it, com pared with the good of the public. He was aware that since a plea had been put in, in favour of additional drainage and improved farming, and he was quite ready to concede the claims—the reason able claims, the reasonable claims of the landed interest ; but still he must say that that interest ought to yield to public convenience, and he could not con sent to allow even their claims to interfere with his Company. But seriously speaking, be thought that the plans of the party who had intrusted him with their petition, and who had affirmed that they were able to prove their case before their Lordships' House, ought to be taken •into consideration. If a man went into a court of law and proved his case, he obtained costs against the wrong doer, and he (Lord Brougham) thought that the same principle ought to prevail with regard ;to railways—(Hear, hear)—and he should, therefore, beg to lay an order on the table of th e House which would compel railway companies to pay costs to the parties aggrieved, who came before the Com mittees of Parliament to establish their rights. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE so agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend, that he was unable to refrain from expressing his assent to the order which he had just preferred. It was now impossible to remedy the evil with regard many English railways, but with respect to Ireland they had a carte blanche, and he hoped that as the at tention of Government had been called to this sub ject, he hoped they would not compel parties in that country, who proposed a railway which was likely to pay to a certain distance, to carry it oL to a termini when i was sure not to pay. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that though he was as anxious as his Noble and Learned Friend to put an end to this gambling mania of which he had made so much complaint, yet he trusted that he would not as he proposed throw au obstruction in the way of forming railways, and give as this order appeared to him to give a bounty to litigation. He thought, that if something like the French plan was adopted of making the interest in these properties terminable, that there would then be a prospect of public utility which might justify such great encroachments on private property. Alter a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, the matter dropped. Lord KIN NAIRD presented two petitions from the working men of Leeds against the Maynooth grant. Several other Noble Lords presented similar petitions. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the inhabitants of Coventry, complaining of the Bill passed last session for abolishing imprisonments for debt, and praying the Houle to pass a Bill establishing County Courts. The Bishop of St. DAVIDS presented a petition against the grant to Maynooth, and nine petitions against the union of the sees of Bangor and St. Asapbs. The Right Rev. Prelate also presented five petitions from cer tain parishes in Wales, and two from Maynooth, praying the House to establish local courts. The Earl of BREADALBANE presented upwards of 40 petitions from the Free Church of Scotland, against the grant to Maynooth. The Noble Earl reminded their Lordships, that the Free Church of Scotland brought up, and maintained its own clergy. It had never re ceived any support from the State, but on the contrary, it had been frowned upon and persecuted by those who ought to have supported it. SHERIFFS (WALES) BILL. Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved the second reading of the Bill for assigning Sheriffs to Wales, the object of which was to plaee sheriffs of that principality on the same footing as those of England. Lord CAMPBELL regretted that the provisions of the Bill did not extend to Scotland. The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. THE MUTINY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. THE MARINE MUTINY BILL. This Bill was also read a third time and passed. GLASS DUTIES BILL. The Bill fur repealing the duty ou glass was read a third time and passed. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that on Tues day next he would present a petition from the Le gislative Council of New South Wales, complaining of certain grievances, and especially of the Act passed two years ago, in so far as it related to the disposal of land in that country. rLEFT SITTING.] HOUSE OF COMMONS. RAILWAYS. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. Mr. Fox Maule presented a petition in favour of the Edinburgh and Perth Railway ; and petitions were pre sented by Mr. Ward, from the shipowners of Newcastle against the New-castle-on• Tyne Railway ; by Mr. Becket, in favour of the Caledonian Railway, and against the Lordon and Richmond Railway ; by Mr. Lockhart, from the Chamber of Cummere of Leith, the Town Councils of Inverness and Lochmahen, and the inhabitants of Lochmaben, in favour of the Caledonian Railway. TIDE-WAITERS. theSirmJadynHr:N elloArpNorMatEin, n MANNER p a re d sen o te th d er a Hull, statinat the tid ewa i ters are underpaid, and their belief th at the revenue suffers thereby. inhabitantspetitionfroomf g th FORTH AND CLYDE NAVIGATION BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. BIRMINGHAM AND GLOUCESTER RAILWAY EXT ENSION. On the moti on of Mr. KEMBLE, thi s Bill was read the first time. YORKSHIRE RAILWAYS. Mr. FERRAND presented petitions in favour of the Leeds and West Riding Railway, against the Leeds and Dewsbury Railway, and against the West Yorkshire Railway. IIAYNOOTH. Mr. HINDLEY presented sixty-two petitions against the Maynooth grant from the following places :—The Inhabitants of Over, Cambridgeshire ; Belton and its vicinity, Rutland ; Ridlington, and its vicinity, Rut land ; Melrose, and its vicinity ; Winston, Durham ; Protestant Dissenters, Wilmot -street, Bethnal-green ; Christian Institution Society, St. Paul's, Shadwell ; Hanover Chapel, Stockpert ; Maberley Chapel, Kings land, Middlesex ; Princess-street, Devonport ; Lake- street Chapel, Leighton, Bedfordshire ; Down Altringhain ; Willingham, Cambridgeshire ; Bed minster, Dorsetshire ; Ascott, Oxfordshire ; Oak-street, Accrington, Lancashire ; Hartlepool, Durham ; Pately Bridge, Yorkshire ; Shipston, Oxfordshire ; Zoar Chapel, Neath, Glamorganshire ; Godney Hill, Lincolnshire ; Sutton St. Edmonds, Lincolnshire ; Edington Aston,lnear Birmingham; Hallaton Hawston ; Milton, Oxfordshire • Bethesda Chapel, F ores t- row, Sussex; Tunbridge Wells; Ashwell, Hertfordshire ; Chad lington, Essex ; Providence Chapel,Throwley, Devonshire; Shilton, Leicestershire ; Nairn, Scotland ; Beerford, Ox fordshire ; Havant, Hampshire ; Baptists, Wandsworth ; Heasham, Derbyshire ; Whitefriars-lane, Coventry ; St. Clement's, Norwich ; Downton, Wiltshire ; St. Mellon, Monmouthshire ; Fishguard, Gl oucesters hi re ; Old Lampford, Essex ; Dublin ; Kingiland, Mid dlesex ; Wesleyan Methodists, Ramilton, Done gal • Skibbereen, Cork ; Ballinasloe, G a l way ; Clough jordan, Tipperary ; Ballyshannon, Donegal ; Far ringdon, Berkshire ; Petigo, Donegal ; Cwm, Avon; Michaelstone, Glamorganshire ; Bromsgrove ; James Cameron, minister, Dumfries ; Calvinistic Methodists, Hay, Brecon ; Forest, Brecon ; Teachers of Sunday- Schools, Carnarvon, North Wales ; Leighton, Bedford shire; Hallaton; Oak-street Sunday-School, Accrington. Lord BERNARD presented petitions from Brandon and from several parishes in the county of Cork against the Bill for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and also against the system of national education. Mr. STUART WORTLEY presented petitions against the Maynooth grant, and also against the Parochial Set tlement Bill. Lord ALFRED LENNOX presented a petition from a congregation assembled at Providence Chapel, Chi chester, against the Bill for the endowment of May nooth. Mr. DARBY presented a petition from the Wes leyans of Slough to the same effect. Lord NORTHLAND presented a petition from the town of Southampton against the Maynooth grant. Petitions against the grant were also presented by Mr. Hastie, Mr. Turner, Mr. Plumptre, Mr. Buckley, Sir John Hanmer, Mr. Bright, Mr. Octavius Duncombe, Mr. Tufnell, Mr. Shaw, Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. M. Gib son, and several other 11( nourable Members. The Earl of MARCH presented a petition against the Parochial Settlement Bill. Petitions against the grant to Maynooth were pre sented by Mr. S. Crawford from Fifeshire and other placcs, Mr. Stansfield, Mr. S. O'Brien, Mr. Blewitt, Dr. Bowring, Mr. Williams, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Newde gate, Mr. Gisborne, Mr. Adderley, Mr. J. Neeld, Mr. Wodehouse, and Mr. Duncombe. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the colliers of Northumberland, complaining of the state of the collieries in that county, and praying for inquiry. Petitions against the grant to Maynooth were pre sented by Mr. Howard, Mr. Beckett Denison, Mr. Villiers Stewart, and other Hon. Members. Mr. S. WORTLEY presented several petitions against the West Riding Junction Railw ay. JUSTICES' CLERKS BILL. Mr. T. EGERTON presented a petition against this Bill by the justices of the county of Chester. MAYNOOTH. Lord HARRY VANE presented several petitions in favour of the grant to Maynooth. Mr. ENTWISLE peesented several against it. Mr. HAWES presented seven petitions from places in Surrey, against the grant to Maynooth. Mr. TANCRED gave notice that, on going into Com mittee upon the Maynooth College Bill, he would move that it be an instier4tion to the Committee to make an assessment on the land in Ireland equivalent to the reduction made by the Tithe Commissioners, and upon any surplus in the hands of the Commissioners, for the purposes of the Maynooth College Act. SIR H. POTTING ER. 31.. HUME postponed to this day fortnight the mo tion of which he had given notice for this day respecting the services of Sir H. Pottinger- POOR-LAW (IRELAND). Sir R. FERGUSON moved for a return, giving the date of the formation of each union under the Poor Relief Act in Ireland ; the date of the first admission of the poor ; the expense (prepared from the audited ac aunts) in each first and each subsequent half year for which the accounts have been audited, with the sums paid for maintenance and clothing in the first co lumn ; those paid for the proportion of establish ment charges, repayment of workhouse loan, collec tion, burial and all other expenses, in the second; and in the third, the total expense, the number relieved in each workhouse in each half-year, the average number re lieved half-yearly, the average cost per head per week for maintenance and clothing in each half-year, and the date at which each half-year ended, and marking the half-years in which instalments of the workhouse loans have been paid. Return, giving the names of the unions in Ireland in which the provisions of the Act 6 and 7 Vic. c. 92, have been acted on in respect of fever patients, spe cifying the cases in which the Poor Law Commissioners have sanctioned, first, the appropriation of a part of the workhouse for a fever hospital ; or, secondly, the build ing of a fever ward, its distance from the nearest point cf the workhouse, the number it is calculated to contain, the cost of it, and in what manner the money is ob tained ; or, thirdly, the hiring of a house, the number it will contain, and the rent thereof. Also, a return o the number of fever p at i ents relieved under the 15th and of those relieved under the 16th clause of the above. named Act, and the average weekly cost .. 01 each.- Ordered. SHERIFFS—SCOTLAND. Mr. HUME then moved for a return of the number of days in the years 1842. 1843, and 1844, on which each sheriff, in Scotland (excepting those f r the counties of Lanark and Mid-Lothian), officiated as judge in his county Court, and whether the nature of the business was civil or criminal, or both, each day. Similar separate return fur each of the counties respectively of Lanark and Mid-Lothian.—Ordered. THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. Colonel SIBTHORP moved that there be laid before this House a return of the numbers of petitions that have been presented for and against the present pro posal on the part of her Majesty's Government, of an increased grant out of the Consolidated Fund to the Col lege of Maynooth in Ireland, with the number of signatures annexed thereto ; distinguishing, where possible, Ist, those petitions which object in toto to all endowment of any religious worship ; 2d, those petitions which obtect to any grant of any kind to Maynooth ; 3d, those peti tions which object to the mersure of her Majesty's Go vernment. The above return to be made up to Friday, the 18th day of Apra—Ordered. Mr. THORNELY said that, as Chairman of the Committee to whom petitions were referred, he begged to inform the Hon. and Gallant Colonel that reports were made twice a week to the House of the number of petitions and the number of signatures attached to them. On Tuesday last the Committee made its last report, and the number of petitions up to that date presented against the Maynooth grant were 671, to which there were attached 88,378 signatures. A further rt►port would be made at the proper period, but it would be perfectly impracticable to comply with the Hon. and Gallant Member's motion before that time arrived. Colonel SIBIITORP—What can't be done can't be done.—(Laughter.) The Hon. and Gallant Officer then withdrew his motion. CALICO PRINT WORKS BILL. Lord ASHLEY, on going into Committee on Calico Print Works Bill, moved that it be an instruction to the Committee, that they have power to extend the pro visions of the Bill to the regulation of the labour of young persons and women, and to all print works, and to the processes incidental to the labour in print works. —Agreed to. The Bill was then re-committed to Wednesday next, and ordered to be printed. Petitions against the BiII MAYNOOTIL were presented by Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Cooke, and Mr. Henley. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. The question having been put by the Speaker, Mr. C. BRUCE said that when the question was first introduced to the House, he felt it his duty, in com pliance with the feelings of his constituents to express his own convictions regarding the measure. Ile op. Fused this Bill on that occasion both on principle and on the ground of expediency. He would ever sup port to the utmost of his power the Protestant religion. The title to the British Crown rested upon it. The rights of liberty rested upon it ; and under its protection our national greatness—witness our prospects and our pre-eminence in learning, in the arts and sciences, in ma nufactures and commerce—had been created. Under its protection this country had attained its present glo rious position. Its roots were imbedded in the firm soil of English hearts, and in the consciences and convictions of the Scottish people. Like the oak of England, the storm passed over it and harmed it not. It might echo through its branches, and scatter its green leaves to the winds, but after the storm had passed over, it stood aloft in the glory of its position and the magnificence of its strength. Like the meteor flag of England, its banner had braved fur upwards of 300 years " the battle and the breez'." Because the favour of God was upon it. He who alone governed the destinies of nations, and who was greater than all the world in arms. He feared that the Right Hon. Gentleman had forgotten the principles which were inculcated in their common Alma Mater. The course" of his Right Hon. Friend's vision seemed to be dimmed. Time was when he (Mr. C. Bruce) had learned from him that the principle the Government was now advocating was wholly visionary. The seminary of Mayusoth would be a thorn in the side of this country, as long as it continued. Such bad been the dictum of the Right Hon. Gentleman and his arguments and reasoning had convinced many ; but his Right Hon. Friend had now made the discovery that the principle was only vicious because it had not been prac tically carried out, and they were now given to under stand that it only wanted the endowment of the Catholic clergy of Ireland to effect that improvement. Mr. GLADSTONE—No, no. Mr. C. BRUCE was glad to hear that his Right Hon. Ffiend did not hold the doctrine of venial and mortal sin as propounded by the Church of Rome. The Raman Catholics had it that if they stole 9,000 L from a rich man, that was a moderate sin ; but if they stele 30,00 0 1, that would be a mortal sin. But the Right Hon. Gentle man thought differently. With him 9,900/. was a mortal sin, but 30,0001. was no sin at all. His Right Hon. Friend ascribed the practical failure of the College of Maynooth to their not carrying out the intentions of William Pitt, to their not endowing the Catholic clergy of Ireland in giving up his former principles, the Right Hon. Gentle man had fallen in with others which would not meet vv vslil i ier h ausl e de qu h a av, l v.ee a rt p eh p o ro ,, bation from the people of England— principles which, to use a homely and common from his habits of th e pound foolish." " doeply regretted that the Right Hon. Gentleman h pe t n it ny nece vi s i s s a e ry a e n ve i n for a single so welt qualified to renderuriotrlhnheedus, from his high attainments, mo ment, to depriveegcountry of those services which curable feelings, be Ras , beeau t s o e :la r t a h e n g e d r e retirementttfe d o m it st i his l i o s ul f Right Hon. Gentleman, and he j He greatly regretted! had been the means of ' attracting- the attention of the coun t r y t o hi s change. of opinion—he would not say to his change of principles. He had raised up obstacles to his ability to render for i the future any serv i ce to hi s coun try. He could not imagine any speech more calculated, he would not say, to shake the confidence which the public reposed in its public men, hut to bewilder the minds of the people as to the principles professed in public men, than the speec h of the H on . G ent l eman i n this sudden change of opinion. He regretted it exceed ingly. lie did not qu estion the sinc e rity o f th e Ri g h t Hon. Gentleman's motives. No perscn was more en titled to the respect of the country than the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he could not but feel that such would be the effect of the Right Honourable Gentleman's sudden change of odinion. The Right Hon. Gentleman might depend upon it that if the mind of England could find no exponent for its convictions a mong t h e l ea d ers an d statesmen of that House, it was not so destitute of ability as not ere long to find other leaders, or so benumbed and paralysed as not to make any effort to endeavour to find them out. He the more regretted the course the Government adopted on the present occasion, because, on all other occasions, he had been its advocate arid supporter ; and he deeply regretted that anything should have occurred to shake, not the position of the Government—for he had no fears on that score-13W the confidence and respect which they had hitherto so fully enjoyed and deserved for the able manner in which they had conducted the business of the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh, in a speech characterised by that ability which characterised all the speeches of that Right Honourable Gentleman, had divided his argument into two branches. Like a Scotch sermon, he had divided it under two heads, each of which contained various subdivisions. Under one of these divisions he gave her Majesty's Government credit fur their superior party tactics in introducing this measure. He had listened to the speech of the Right Hon. Gentle man opposite (Mr. Macaulay) with great attention, and he felt compelled to say that the arguments of the Right Honourabte Gentleman, in his wonderful oration were rather falacious, while the speech it self was full of specious and u nconv i nc i ng de ductions. It was a tissue of ingenious sophistries, in which he had drawn a picture that exhibited a magnificent embodyment of e n th us i ast i c f anat i c i sm and indomitable courage in one of whom he was speaking, and therefore it would not be w on d er f u l if t h e Ri ght Hon. Gentleman had imbibed some of that religious spirit which ha appeared desirous of infusing into the House. In Maynooth the students appeared to be still inspired with the spirit of that character, the great original of which the Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken of in such glowing terms ; but he (Mr. C. Bruce) would be far from saying that this House had adopted any of the views or feelings of the Right Hon. Gentleman The Right Honotiiabie Gentleman abused the Go vernment for their conduct in respect to the Free Church 'of Scotland ; but it was his opinion that the Government had acted in accordance with the opinions of nineteen-twentieths of those who were interested in the matter, and they deserved the thanks of every Scotchman for the course they had pursued. He did not agree with the Right Hon. Member for Perth in his statements respecting the flourishing condi tion of what was called the Free Church. And as to boast of the six hundred new churches—that was only part of their tactics. They built- a church in every parish, and built it as near as possible to the parish Church, whether the site was convenient or not. With regard to the argument that the present measure was necessary to carry out the implied faith of the Act of Union, and the spirit of the Emancipation Act, he must say that he did not think the en dos meat of the Catholic Church was part of either The grant to Maynooth by the Irish Parliament was a measure for the removal of civil disabilities ; but it would be absurd to say that the present measure could be looked upon in that light. He thought that the Irish Parliament were wrong in pass ing that measure ; but their conduct would be much worse, arid they would be more guilty, by agreeing to the present measure for it was of a much graver and more serious character. He would judge of the expediency of the grant to Maynooth from the fi nits borne by Maynooth. Looking to the con duct pursued by the Roman patholic priests —to the language which had been used by Dr. Miele and others towards the Duke of Wellington, he did not think the Duke of Wellington could be accused using exaggerated language, if be used the language which had been used by the Duke of Ormond in speaking of the Roman Catholic bishops of his time. His words, as reported by Walsh, himself a Roman Catholic, were these : He declared to me, " For these 20 years that I had to do with the Roman Catholic Bishops, I never found any of them either to speak the truth or or to perform his promises."—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") These were not his (Mr. C. Bruce's) words—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") they were the words of Walsh, and he continued by saying that the Duke put his hand to his heart, as a man and a Christian, and spoke with an earnestness which he had never seen before or after. That state of things had lasted fifty years, and it could not be denied that , it had utterly failed in the pur pose for which it was established. The grant should be, therefore, altogether withdrawn. He might quote a living author, to show that the education at Maynooth was most imperfect and improper. Men who had been edu cated there—Crolly, O'Beirne, and Baptist Noel used language of censure in this respect much stronger than that used by Mr. Walshe. Did the Government propose to remedy this state of,things.—(Hear, hear.) Far from it—they meant to increase the grant without any attempt to remedy the faults of education there. He knew Roman Catholic Members would tell him that they did not hold these doctrines. —they repudiated them, bat if this were the case why were they not expunged and rejected altogether.— (Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government said he slid not wish to detract from the grace or favour of the grant. [LEFT SPEAKING.] NEWMARKET RACES. (THIS DAY-BY EXPRESS.) 504 Plate. D.M. Little Finch ................................ 1 Ajax......................................... 2 Match, D.M., AI 200.—Duke of Bed Ford's thelotran.lVonby f a length. ord's Prolo gue b eat Lord Powlett's Energy. Sweepstakes of 100 sous. eaeb. D.M. Lord Stradbroke's Idas . ............... 1 Lord Exeter's Wood Pigeon ............ 2 Won easy. GRANT TO MAYNOI)TH. The great question raised by the Maynooth Bill is I n s the gover nment of Ireland t o nment really this—How is the government of I re l an d to be carried on? This is the question which every man who pretends to statesmanship must anasnadvrinctleegarriltyy ofto his le say " ay" or " no" to th e Go vernment o ls i mind, proposition.befo rehe e "' be maintained by force, or by gaining th e good will of The repeaal of the union may b e Winos ph empire,r e e r s e p n eo pt time. n i c h l i es is Looking the great to a the n d safety ursrent q uestion of the sible, but war with America or with France is not im possible, o. and in either case a union supported by E n - lish troop s wou ld add at least as much to o ur anx i eties as to our s t reng th. The main argument for th e May nooth Bill, then, is, that it is a measure of conciliation. It will confer solid benefits on the religious instructors to whom the Irish people are attached, and, however it ceived by all men of common sense as an evidence of th e may be u se d by th e leaders of agitation, it w ill b e re - friendly disposition of an imperial Parliament. We have no doubt, indeed, that many of the most ardent opponents of the union secretly dread the success of the measure, on account of its tendercy to allay the fervour of the popular hostility to England. By whom, then, is the Bill opposed? By two parties who, on all other o ose, pp questions, r e li g io us an d political, and even in the reasons of their opposition to this measure, are as muc h to each oth e r us li g ht a nd darkness. Of one of these parties we would a l wa y s speak with the respect which is due to honesty and consistency. Protestant Dissenters, who, on the ground of the voluntary principle, oppose the Maynooth grant, are open to no imputation, except one, and that is, that they are suffering themselves to be egregiously duped by the more powerful party from whose intolerant and exclusive principles they themselves have long suffered. The voluntary principle is in itself free from every taint of injustice, and, whatever may be thought of its practical effects, it must be admitted to be a grand conception. It arises in religious minds from zeal for the purity of the Christian faith, and it implies an entire reliance on the power of that faith to maintain its hold upon society without legal institutions. Its ad vocates, too, may plead that it would furnish one mode of removing the difficulties of government in Ireland. They say, " Leave the education of Irish priests to be supported by those who want their services. Withdraw the Maynooth grant altogether—but withdraw also the endowments of the Protestant and Presbyterian Churches. Sweep away every vestige of the legal establishment of religion now existing in Ireland. Let the whole of its Church property, the Presbyterian regium donurn, and the paltry Maynooth grant, be applied to general education, or to some other purpose of general utility. Place the ministers of all sects on the equal footing of dependence on the contributions of their flocks, and leave Protestantism to contend with Popery, by its own intrinsic strength alone." This is, at least, a clear and consistent answer to the question, " How is Ireland to be governed?" The scheme, too, is precisely that which w ould be most welcome to the Irish Catholics. They would admit its perfect justice, and close with the proposition at ()Lee. hatever might be its effects upon the character of religious teaching, it would undoubtedly remove that which supplies. the chit f fuel to popular dis content. But the reasons for insisting on the voluntary principle in reference to Ireland derive all their force from the assumption that it can be applied there in its integrity. To enforce it upon the Church of the ma jority, and not upon the Church of the minority, is both unreasonable anti flagrantly unjust; and it cannot be re garded by the Irish in any other light than as an injury. The Irish Catholics are very well disposed to the volun tary principle; but if they find its English advocates em ploy it to defeat a Maynooth grant, while they are unable to disturb the rich establishment of the Protestant mi nority, they will hardly giv e h: the friendly feeling and l ove of equal justice which they profess. We cannot b ut think, therefore, that Pro testant Dissenters, wh o upon this ground are joining in agitati t o s o e f ad T v o o r c ie a s te a s n c ( r i e h d: i t g f h o . r * the present No-Popery Churchmen, should consider well what is likely to be the result of their efforts, and whether, if successful, they will not contribute to the triumph of the greatest ene mies of religious liberty. Let it not be forgotten that a Whig Government tried, not to abolish, but to reduce within moderate limits, the Irish Protestant establish-' meat, and, failed in that attempt for Kant of popular support. The history of the appropriation clause does not furnish much ground for expecting that Protestantism in Ireland can be made dependent on the voluntary sys tem. Is it wise, then, that Liberal Dissenters should now aid the supporters of Protestant ascendancy in that country, in withholding from Roman Catholics a slight but welcome alleviation of the justice which they sus tain? Under the circumstance of the case, neutrality would be wise and unbecoming. If they ever become strong enough to enforce their principle, let them get rid of Maynooth grant and Protestant establishment to gether ; but in the wean time let them not lend the strength and moral influence of that principle to the achievement of a most sectarian triumph for its greatest foes. It is obvious that the defeat of the May 'tooth grant, if it should be defeated, will not be a triumph of the voluntary principle. It will be a triumph of No-Popery passions and prejudices. The victory may be one by the junction of two parties, but the stronger of the two will absord the fruits of the conquest. When Liberal Dissenters find themselves following Sir Robert Inglis and Mr. Plumptre, and ad ding their voices to a No-Popery war-cry raised by clergymen of the Establishment, they ought surely to have some misgivings as to the course which they are taking. It may be true that -Sir Robert r lnglis and his friends are using suicidal arguments ; it may be true that, in declaring it wrong to be obliged to pay for the inculcation of doctrines from which we dissent, those persons acknowledge a prineiple fatal to all State endow ments ; but after such arguments have served their tem porary purpose, of what value will they be ? Are tilt:) , not evidently taken up for the occasion, and will they n-it be thrown aside with the same discreditable facility? What if Dissenters, attracted by the voluntary principle arguments of Sir Robert Inglis, should first enable him to defeat the Maynooth grant, and then beg the very small favour that he would embody his new views in a Bill for the abolition of church-rates, would not the High Church leader smile at their simplicity ? The present agitation is, we repeat, a No-Popery agitation. No- Popery is the burden of the speeches by which it is carried on, and even some advocates of the voluntary principle are so far carried away by religious excitement, as to mix up that principle with appeals to sectarian and unsocial feelings. We cannot but think that the excite ment of a No-Popery cry, however honestly engaged in, involves at the present time a peculiarly deep respon sibility. Considering the difficulties of the question with which e started—the question of how Irelar.d is to be governed—it is a course fraught with peril to develop to the utmost possible extent the religious an. tagonissa between the two countries. When the religious feelings, potent as they are, become blended with party movements and popular agitation, they easily acquire a fierce and fanatical character. What will be the pros pects of the empire—of the union—of religious liberty —of social tranquillity, if Protestantism in England and Catholicism in Ireland are excited by all imaginable stimulants to mutual and deadly hostility? Men may persuade themselves that they always distinguish between the belief and the believers, and that when, with passionate fervour, and in the presence of excited multitudes, they denounce doctrines as false and immoral, they do not give admission to a shade of hostile feel ing towards those by whom the doctrines are held. We do not know bow far this blending of the fierceness of zeal and the mildness of charity can take place in our frail human nature, but it will hardly be denied that the hot No-Popery invectives, in which members of the Tory party are and have been so much accus tomed to indulge, do produce irritation snd bad feeling in Ireland. If the tone of Exeter-ball should unfortunately become so prevalent as to appear the tone of the English people, and to govern the deci sion of the House of Commons, we really de not know by what arguments the connexion between the two countries is to be maintained. By " shrapnell and grape-shot" the thing may, no doubt, he done; but it will not be much to the honour of our Christianity if we should ever have to think of such means.—Chronicle. THE IRON TRADE. DUDLEY, SATURDAY NIGHT.—The last of the iron masters' quarterly meetings was held this evening. The prices agreed upon at Wolverhampton were maintained, and may be quoted as follows : .C. s. d. Bars Common nail rods Rail. Hoops Plates Sheets ___ Pigs (Shropshire) 6 10 0 Pigs (Staffordshire) There is a prevalent opinion that the last advance of 2/. was uncalled for, injudicious, and likely to prove in jurious both' to masters and men. This extraordinary price is, however, justified upon several grounds. The great advance which has taken place in the price of coal and limestone, combined with at least 25 per cent. in crease in the wages of the miners, has unquestionably compelled the ironmastera to put a high figure upon their make. Coal at the present moment, owing to the preva lence of local strikes in certain districts, is extremely scarce, and in many oth er p ar t., w h ere the men are ap parently satisfied with the wages given, the miners do not work more than four days a week. It is a fact to be regretted, seeing the great demand for coal, and the ad vance of miners' wages, that the men in many districts of the Staffordshire coal-field, in. consequence of their absenting themselves from their work, are in the receipt weekly of little more than when the iron trade was at its lowest ebb. The advance in the price of coal in con sequence of the flourishing state of the iron manufacture and the demand of the colliers has not been less than 3s. per ton. Still, it is thought, that even the increased demand, • great as it was, and the high price of materials, did not justify the advance in bars at one sudden step from 101. 1 to 12/. One singular reason, however, in addition to the more plausible ones already urged, has been given for this advance. It is stated, that it was suggested by some of the great firms, with a view to stop furl her orders. This may appear somewhat absurd, but if good authority is to be relied upon, it is nevertheless true. It is a fact, that many of the most extensive houses in South Staffordshire have more orders on hand than they can execute for many months to come; and it was hoped, by the means alluded to, to cause a pause in the demand. Unfortunately, however, this manoeuvre (if such it was), while it answered the . purpose of those by whom it was projected, has in some degree in jured other interests. Buyers ima g ine that there is something unsound in the rise—that the price is arti ficial, and cannot be maintained. As a matter of course there is at present considerable hesitation in the market —a hesitation which has proved extremely detrimental to the manufacturers and dealers in hardware goods. Travellers from Birmingham houses, during the last four months, have in some instances been compelled to decline orders, in consequence of the extreme rise or uncertainty in the price of iron. The factors of Bir mingham have suffered severely on this amount. With respect to Staflbrdshire pig iron, the opinion is it gill fall. It will be observed that, in the list given above, the prices of Staffordshire and Shropshire pigs are given as the same. So they were quoted in Bir mingham on Thursday. It was, indeed, stated that Staffordshire had been sold at 71. ; but the pu rc h aser could not be ascertained. N ow , th ground upon which a reduction in Staffordshire is expected is the known superiority of the Shropshire pigs, till lately selling at 61. 55., and now at 6/. 10s. It i s t h oug h t t h at the Staf fordsire makers cannot maintain an equality of price with their Salopian neighbours. It is but justice to the iron and coal masters to state, that hitherto they have, during their brief period of prosperity, exhibited a spirit of fairness and justice towards the mining population ; but it is to be feared that at the present time the colliers in some districts— in districts, too, where when wages are high men will not work full time—do not reciprocate the good and fair feeling manifested by their employers. Wages amongst the thick-coal men have, as before stated, risen 25 per cent. In the neighbourhood of Dudley a large number of men have, notwithstanding, struck for a further ad vance of 6d. per day, and the consequence is, that some of the furnaces have been brought to a stand for want of coal. The men have now assumed the mastery, and in sist on the price of labour keeping pace with, and even outstripping, the advance in iron. The advance of 6d. a day in a man's labour is estimated at Is. per ton on coats—a material consideration in the ironmaster's out- I goings._ _ his hoped these isolated local "strikes" will speedily be at an end. LLOYD'S SHIPPING. NOTICE TO MARINERS. VESSELS PROHIBITED ENTERING CARTHAGENA DURING THE NIGHT. British Consulate, Carthagena, April 2, 1845. Sin,—An order having been issued by the Governors of this city, to prevent vessels from entering the port during the night, excepting when compelled through stress of wea ther, when they can anchor to the north of Fort Naindael, I beg to apprise you of the same, that it may be commu nicated to the authorities of those ports which clear for the Mediterranean. I am, &c., (Signed) C. W. TURNER, W. Dobson, Esq., Sec. Lloyd's. Agent for Lloyds. COAX. 211AIMET. Prices per ton at the close of the market :—Adair's Main, 15s; Carr's Hartley, 16s; Chester Main, 15s; Clavering's Tanfield, las 6d ; Felling Main, 15s ; Hasting's Hartley, 16s ; Holywell Main, 15s 6d ; Nelson's West Hartley, 168 ; New Tanfield, 14s ; Old Pontop, 13s 6d ; Ord's Redheugh, 13s 6d ; Old Tantield, I4s ; Pontop Windsor, 14s 6d ; Townley, 15s; West Hartley, 16s; West Wylam, 15s 6d; Wylam, 15s; Wall's-end, Gosforth, 16s 6d ; Heaton, 16s 6d; Killingworth, 15s 6d ; Newmarch, 14s 9d ; Northumberland, 15s 6d ; Walker, 15s Gd ; Wrickington, 14s 6d ; Braddyll's Hetton, 18s 9d ; Hetton, 18s 9d; Ilylton, 16s; Lambton, 18s; North Hetton, Lyons, 16s 6d; Pemberton, 16s; Russell's Hetton, 18s ; Stewart s, 18s 6d ; Hartlepool, 18s 9d ; Kelloe, 178 3d ; Sharp's Tanfield, 13s; Adelaide, 18s; Barrett, 16s; Eden Hartlepool, 17s; Evenwood, 15s ; Maclean's Tees and Witton Park, mixed, 15s; Richardson's Tees, 15s; Seymour Tees, 17s ; South Durham, 16s ; Tees, 17s 9d ; Tees Hetton, 15s 3d ; Hartley, 1536 d ; Llangennech, 21s ; Powell's Duffryn Steam, 225; West Hartley Netherton, 16F.—Ships arrived, 52. A.F VAMILY OF D WARFS.—Judging from the success of General Toni Thumb's to our shores, one may rea sonably conclude that dwarfs are not quite so plentiful ai blackberries, and yet, at Kishorn of Apllecross, there is a family of that genus, each of them being of less di mensions than and as proportionate as Tom. The father of these pigmies (John Finlay) is a poor cottar of the ordinary or middle size, and the mother is rather beyond it. The eldest son, Master Finlay, is upwards of 20 years of age, and stands two feet 10 inches in height. The next is a girl, somewhat the junior of Finlay in years, and considerably less in stature, and the third, and last, is a boy, aged 15, a mere pigmy. It is ludi crous to see these little creatures sit around theio little dinner table ; but to observe them dance together, re minds one forcibly of the Celtic accounts of dancing elves (the fairies of the Highlands), whose fantastic measures so oft beguiled the wayworn Highlander, as he saw, or dreamed he saw them trip it lightly on the mountain side. Honest John should try his fortune in the south, where wonders always attract, one of the large gentte-; Mill playing the pipe would complete the matter.— Ron/tire Adve, tiser. ----- - THE SEASON AND TEE CRops.—The weather still continues very cold for the season of the year, but now that the rain has begun to fall freely, the temperature is likely to be come milder. There has never been a better season for getting the erring crops into the ground than the present, or one when the ground was in finer order for receiving them. In some places the wheat is salt to have suffered, but that Is not the case in this neighbourhood. During the last fortnight it has rallied wonder. fully, and with favourable weather for the rest of the season, will prove a very good crop. The great want at present is the want of grass, the pastures being bate beyoni all example.—Liverpool Times. Mr. Lawrence and Lady Jane Peel and family have, after a lengthened residence at Paris, retutnedtothis country. IVELODISTS.—There are four candidates for the prize offered by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge for the best convivial duet, which be awarded by his Royal Highness, at the Alelodists' Club, on the 24th inst. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF COMMONS, April 16. MA YNOOTH — ADJ OURNED DEBATE. Mr. ELLICE (Coventry), who said that it was not his intention (contrary to his general usage), to give a silent vote on the present occasion. So much c xcitement had been got up, and he bad received so many petitions from respectable bodies of' his constituents against the opinion which he entertained on this subject, that he felt himself com pelled, with much reluctance, to state very shortly the reasons which would induce him without the least hesitation to give his cordial support to the second reading of this Bill. He might probably hereafter vote with his Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield on the motion of which he had given notice, with respect to the quarter from which all funds should be taken for the advancement of religion and religious education iii Ireland ; but he (Mr. Ellice) was prepared now to state, that if he should fail with his Hon. Friend in carrying that proposition into effect, still he would give his support to the present measure, believing it to be an act of tardy justice, and a partial restitution to the Irish people.—(Hear and cheers.) He would not follow the Hou. Gentleman who had just sat down, in the religious objections which he had advanced to this motion. He did not think, after so many nights' debate, and with he prospect of as many more—(Laughter) —that he had any right to waste the time of the House in discussing that subject. He said this without the least want of respect to the Hon. G: ntleman himself, or the manner in which he had stated his objections on this subject. But he (Mr. Ellice) felt himself called upon to give an (pinion upon measures introduced for the benefit and advantage of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman into the ex pression of those opinions en the religious subjects which he had brought before Parliament He could not say that because his opinions happened to coincide with those of one-tenth of the people of Ireland, that ho should impose his opinions on the remainder. He could not conceive under what circumstances this country could persevere in a se': tem which thus outraged the feelings of a great portion of the country. According to the view of the Hon. Gentle man, those who constituted four-fifths of the population were to receive this grant of money from the Government of this country because they differed in opinion with him. Why, the Ho nourable Gentleman had expressed his approbation of the regium donum, and .of all the other grants to the Church of Scotland, and he could not conceive on what principle it was that, while he approved of those grants, and of the approbation bestowed on some congregations in the north of Ireland, he was so opposed to any assistance to the Church of Rome, and the several parties were with respect to the Govern ment precisely in the same position.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no," from Mr. Hamilton.) Wh et, did the Hon. Gentleman mean to say that there was a greater difference of opinion between the Church of England and the Socinians, than there was between the Church of Rome and the Church of this country? In giving his vote on this occasion, be should be guided by the same principles as those which had regul a t e d hi s con d uct during the whole of the time he had held a seat in that House—that principle was, that every man in the coun try was entitled to equal protection from the State, whatever might be his creed or opinion. He could as sert that the poor Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland were, in morality, general good conduct, and conscientious discharge of duty, behind no set of men in either country. And if they were accused— perhaps rightly accused—of being connected with the political agitation in Ireland, he would, in justification of the patriotic principles for which that body had ever been distinguished, ask "to whom the fault was to he ascribed? It was well known that the Catholic priest hood were dependent upon their congregations—that they were inwrought with them in sympathy and interest ; and if they saw a sinecure rector in the posssession of those revenues which had been wrested from them by the violence of conquest, was it to be wondered at that they partook in that agita tion through which those revenues were to be recovered? He did not go back to those subjects, in order to recall the past ; but in order to assign good reasons why the Roman Catholic priests had very little cause to be at tached to their institution. The only difficulty which he felt on this subject, was his great objection to vote money out of the public taxes for any sectarian purpose. But he believed that this was a great case of exception. —(bear, hear.) He thought that the funds applicable to ecclesiastical purposes in Ireland were those from which the wants of the Roman Catholic people ought to be supplied.—(Hear, hear.) There were large funds, and of all the complaints which he had ever heard in that House, the most senseless complaint was, that the Pro testant Church of Ireland was not amply provided for. He heard complaints of the want of funds for churches and schools for the Protestants of Ireland, but were not the funds which they possessed amply sufficient for those purposes? Why, the collection of tithes in Ireland was so odious that the clergy were obliged to give up 25 per cent. of their incomes. Whenever the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite wished, or was compelled to go forward in the course he had begun, he must look to those funds —(Hear, hear.) The State owed a deep debt to the poor Roman Catholic people of Ireland, and he had heard with great pleasure the idea of restitution thrown out during the present debate. Looking to the necessities of the people of Ireland, to their poverty, to their actual inability to supply funds for the religious education of their priesthood, he thought it would be an act of unmitigated injustice if the House were to reject the parsimonious grant now asked from the public purse. In the north of Ireland these was, he admitted, a majority of Protestants, but look at the anomalous position of the Catholics there. On the one side, he saw the Church of England and the landed pro prietors ; on the other, the poor Catholic cottiers, whilst the Presbyterians held the middle position, being for the most part the tenantry. They had endowed the Church of England there with the plunder of Roman Catholics, and they gave the Pres byterians the regium donum, and yet some would re fuse the Catholics this poor pittance.—(Hear, hear.) He asked the House whether after raising the hopes of the people of Ireland they would now disappoint them? He (lid not know what the intentions of the Government might be—their measures generally came unawares upon the House; but when be looked at tho Bequest Bill of last year, then at Lord Devon's commission, and then at this Bill, he could not help thinking they were embarked in a new course.—(Hear, hear.) A course which he en tirely approved of, and, he had much greater objec tions to voting away this money, he should be very reluctant, under the present circumstances, to give any opposition to it. The former policy of this House towards Ireland was now about to be abandoned, and a more conciliatory and healing course adopted. The people of Ireland had wit nessed the disposition of the Legislature. But what would the consequence be if they were to retrace their steps, reject the present measure, and resume their former unfortunate course of policy towards Ireland ? Why the people of that comity would be thrown into the most abject despair, and civil war would follow the return of this system. Ho had stated before, that the treatment of Mahomet over the nations he had conquered was merciful compared to the treatment of Ireland by England. Mahomet only persecuted one generation, whilst England had persecuted sevei al.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the policy pursued by the Government to wards Ireland was at present good. Much had been said about their motivee and certainly the propositions now laid before the House were very different from those which had hitherto emanated from a Tory Government. It was impossible any longer to continue Tory princi ples, and he was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site knew perfectly well the keen Opposition of those benches if he continued or maintained those principles. The principle of the old Parliament was to grant money profusely to everybody. They for instance granted 700,000/. to the Protestant Church in Ireland for many years, for the purpose of building Protesta n t Ch urches. They granted one million of money to indemnify the same Church, for its loss of tithes. How then could Par liament refuse this paltry grant under present circum stances ? There had been a great amount of feeling expressed on this subject out of doors. Some of them according with the sentiments expressed by the Honourable Member for Dublin, but the largest portion of them depended solely upon one point—namely, the grant of money out of the public taxes for sectarian purposes. He concurred with that principle, and as a rule he would grant no money out of the public taxes for the purpose of any religion, either in this country or in Ireland. But it seemed to him, that an exception was established in the case of the poor Catholics. It appeared to him that after the enor mous grants made to the Protestants, that House could hardly refuse the small pittance now proposed to be made to them.—(Hear.) If they refused the grant, it would not only be pregnant with danger to the country, but it would be an act of great injustice to Ireland, and widen the gap which existed between the two countries. He therefore coun selled the Right Hon. Baronet to go on as h e h a d com menced. He, however, did n o t wish to force him or the Government to prematurely ihtrotluce measures which might possibly create excitement amongst the Protes tant people of Ireland, but he was sure the Government, by preparing the public mind through calm reasoning, would at last succeed in reconciling the Protestant peo ple of England to measures calculated to do justice to the Catholic Church. He had to thank the House for giving him an opportunity of ex pressing his opinion on the subject. and he could as sure them that he never sat down with a greater convic tion that he was doing right by the country and by his constituents in giving his cordial support to the motion before the House. Mr. GORING rose in opposition to this measure, and said, in answer to the accusations made by Hon. Members against those Gent'emu,: on his side of the Hou s e, w h o opposed the measure, he would only tako the liberty of appealing to the Roman Catholic Gent e s : men on the opposite s id e w h et h er , if p u t i n their ti doctrinesleg they could consci en ti ous ly bestow money for exclusively intended for the promulgation of opposed to their own ? He would protest agat e as a t,, t o h n e truth of the sayin g th a t encouragement and tolr were t? :e same.—(Hear, hear.) He would c•PP u !'„, e this Bill, because he thought that it would be a L'e rious insult to the Prote s t an t Ch urc h of this country —(Hear.) It was s a id th a t t hi s measur e was intro duced to conciliat e th e p eop l e o f Ireland. Rednieads that such a Bill wo u ld p ro d uce suc h a resu lt. flu iv certain that it would b e regar d e d w i t h alarm by the . agricultural inter es t o f t hi s country—(Laughter " Hear, hear," from Colonel Sihthorp)—and it wpUld be a deep insult to the Protestants of Ireland. who Lord ASHLEY said that the position of those voted for this Bill was f ar If ss difficult than that of those aho opposed it. The former had not only t.o° speak of what may be considered an evil, but bad to speak to those Gentlemen here present who were dee_l!" l l . , interested. The latter had to urge what may be CO " . sidered speculation, against that which the others main tained to be accurate. They had to speak tothewl, and desires of many gentlemen there, differing iron! In_ ef s. but for many of whom they entertained the greates!7„ spect, and with whom they lived on terms of close tu__" . macy ; it was for these reasons that he felt a great c pugnance in opposing a measure which did nut ae with his conscientious belief. The measure, howeve r, , had been propounded by her Majesty's Government , a 1 they must address themselves to the discussion of it with as much forbearance as they could. He was at all times . unwilling to press himself upon the attention of abstain House, and if he could have found it possible to ab sl !_, altogether from addressing the House on a subj e c t of such painful anxiety he would have withheld ill observations. The question was one which ought to t , re ceive the most minute and full investigation.—M ea ver .l In importance, it exceeded any measure that had ever been introduced into the House in his remembrance' s (Hear, hear) For good or f or ev il to Ireland, a meas, lre 1 of more va-t importa nce h a d never b een i ntri d uc ed (Hear, hear.) It exceeded in importarce the Boma"Catholic Relief Bill. Wh en th ey remove d civil or abilities from the Roman Catholics they removed ka" strictions, and gave those who had suffered from tho se restrictions full scope for free action. But in the Pre sent case they not only removed restrictions but they joined in the flee action which that removal gave. -- (Hear, hear.) They gave all the support which they' could confer to the activity o f t h at tree act i on they had given by the measure of 1829. • If the meas u ;: , worked well, it would w or k t h e regeneration of Ire l a nd' —(Opposition cheers.) It w ou ld conc ili ate the affec,ion of the Iri e h p e opl e . H e a d m i tte d that such would be the s -case if the measure worked well.—(Hear, hear.) . 13et, on the other hand, if it wor k e d ill , he verily be l i eved , that it would lead to th e d es t ruct i on of the Protes tant Establishment.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side ot the House.) And he felt that the perils of the measu re were ten times more hazaidous than those of any In: sure that had ever been submitted to the considerath 9 l of Parliament. In disc uss i ng t hi s question they cools not but consider the cons( quences—t he natural, not t°. forced consequences— w hi c h m i g h t f l ow from the ena ct , meat of this Bill. He would not enter into the coos'' deration of the theol og i ca l quest i on—he woul d not enter into the examinatio n o f t h e quest i on, how far it was admissible to vote money for the fostering of a re ligion, from which those who voted that mon e y t e might dissent. That was no t necessary for th e line of argument whi c h h e i ntended to Oct., But there was an objecti on th a t h a d b een taken against measure, both by the people at large and by all who opPon the grant in that Hou se —th at i t would be an endowment the Roman Catholic Church by A ct o f P arliament. This 0 ob jection was common to all the memorialists and all the pear timers who had appeared in that House. Whether they , re e° members of Dissenting con nex i ons , whether they were at tached to the moderate party in the Church of England. O f whether they belong e d to those high ' theologian s w ho had ° I , late obtained so muc h not i ce i n t h e country, they agreed . this one respect, that they all objected t o th e grant. Now , was very true that th e original constitution of the College 0.! Maynooth was based upon an Act of Parliament; but an Act of Parliament of that day was very different from s u Act of Parliament i n thi s . Th e Act of Partial:ll°st by mliich Mayno o th was f oun d ed was a repeal of Ors . to penal A c t s b y w hi c h t h e statute- b ook was disfigured. With out the r e p ea l, h e b e li eve d i t would have been impossible , have found e d t h a t C o ll ege at all, and the Act which audit:AA:le' the establi s h ment o f the C ollege was only one in aid, and n' one for a n or i g i na l en d owment by the State. Now, the presen t Act was of a very different complexion. It gave this e ndow' ment to trustees in perpetual succession. It was a n endoW" ment in perpetuity by the Imperial Parliamer t, with the ail of 2‘i,000/,. The p eo pl e o f t hi s country could not understa n d on what principle the Government could either rely on theP re i vious Acts of P ar li ament, or justify the application of a sum ° f this amount to a 'Roman Catholic College, or why, a t the Pre" sent time, when there was no particular call for assistance, th e i - whole of the expenses o f th e C o ll ege should be provided by, t h e State. The previous g ran t s h ad been small sums, PI: in aid of contributi ons ma d e f or the education of Roman Catholic students in this College. But now the Ol t constituted the present pram a perpetual e n d owment. It plar`- that College on the same footing, but only in a more I ' o °7 able way, with the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge. Dublin, and he believed that the people of this country won rather than this end owmen t s h ou ld b e carried into effect th a t `the previous annual grant should have been increased tbreefoh; They said that this wa s a p er p e t ua l recognition of the Rom an Catholic Church as o ne o f th e stan di ng institutions of th i s e rn _ pire.—( Hear, hear.) He bad no doubt that this recog"'" n by the State of th e Ch urc h o f I re l and, as one of the instit u t i o n, of the country, h a d sun k deeper into the h earts of the peo ple o f this country than if they had increased the former grant. ‘VII,Y this measure amou n t e d t o thi s . I t d eclared, on the part of tee State, that as far as they cou ld, t h e R oman Catholic religioa, would never cease to be th e re li g i on of Ireland, because, shoe!' there be at any time a disinclination on the part of the peel° to spend money in support'' of that Church, the State would step in ER the purpose of keeping up th e College—by keeping up the supply which, if attar sisted by them, th e peop l e would also abandon. 11 % )° ,; this was certainly going beyond toleration.—(" Hear, hear, and cheer:.) It was going to an extent such as he was eel; taro no conscienti ous C at h o li c would himself go to. He not see how it wa s p oss ibl e , a f ter the House had affirmed this measure, to refuse its assent at a future period to an endear; merit of the Catholic Church, and the words which bad dropped in the course of this debate from the Right Hon. Gen' tleman the Member for Dungarvon would seem to justify the impression that ulterior concessions would be looked for There was a large party in that House who were of opini° ° that this Bill was but the herald of other measures still mor e If important. He wou ld spea k from his own conviction, that , he had made up hi s m i n d to vote for this grant, he should fee' himself bound to vote for the endowment when that question ' came before the House. If the object of the Government wa s h ' as stated, to e l eva t e t h e character of the Iris h priesthood, and t o i mprove the condition of t"'" people. If they, by those collegiate advant ages , raised the priests to a highe r l eve l, t h en he (Lord Ashley)' contend 4 they ought to keep them there. Theyought not to say to the Ine ° who had been el evate d i n the scale of reason by this coant .. .„l' " Now , go imitat e your predecessors, by travelling from h°" to house to earn a precarious livelihood. " Why, would no t that tend more to the degradation of the Irish priesthood, a fter the advantages they had received, than if they had left then' in their former position. If they did not carry out their polioy. to this ext en t, h e di d not see how they could improve the , priesthood. To make them independent in principle, the' should make th em i n d ependent of the people; and how cool they be i n d epen d ent of the people if the Government did not step in to their assistance by an endowment ? Were they no t told by an Hon. Gentleman that the sympathies of the Iri" priest must be with the flock on whom he was dependent ? they wished to make the priests draw their flocks and not be led by th em— i f they wished to make them independent of thei r flocks—f or i t h ad been admitted that that was necessary—they must endow the Irish priesthood, and recognise the Irish Church: Where would they end if they once admitted this princ e pie? They would have two co-existing Established Churche , - They would have the Roman Catholic Church established by' • statute, and they would have the Established Church of Enr land. What would be the result? They would have a pope' lation of 7,000,000 receiving for their establishment 500,1 10 " and a population of one million receiving double that amount:" —(Coed Opposition cheers.) The very instant they brought themselves to regard R"man Catholic principles as not dan gerous or subversive to the interests of the State, that veil instant a re-construction appeared to be inevitable. But even , before that, what would they require to do? Th e y would have t o ta k e from the Church as now established the jurisdiction which they gave to the other, and thus render' altogether nugatory the means which they had considered • best ealculatod to advance the interests of civilization and of good government. They would have two Establishments die' Proportioned in numbers, and animated by an unquenchable spirit of rivalry. He wished to observe that in objecting to his measure he was not acting from anyilliberal principles. Be acted as a friend of Ireland had done before in that House he he meant Lord M onteag l e, then Mr. Spring Rice, who 00- jetted to the removal of the grant from the annual estimates* because he thought that Parliament should have the supervision , of the grant year after year. As he (Lord Ashley) had said before, so he would say again, that there had been no part of the question which had excited more displeasure than the idea of making this a perpetual endowment. He did hope that ia opposing such a Bill he should not be considered actuated by any feeling of hostility towards the people of Ireland. He thought that the people of Ireland deserved not sympathy alone at their hands, but reparation also.—( Hear, hear.) He never c-uld read the records of that unfortunate country without a feeling of shame for the injuries she had suffered.—(Hear.) If he thought that this concession would really content the people of Ireland, he should hesitate before he opposed it. But he never yet saw any good come of what were generally consi dered concessions. There fell, the other evening, from a Right Hon. Gentleman, one of the more important of the Irish Mew' ' berm in that House, he meant t h e M em b er for Dungarvon . ' some remarkable words, to which he (Lord Ashley) paid at the time marked attention. He warned the Right flon. Baronet at the bead of the Government that the Catholics of Ireland wanted to be placed upon an equality with the Protestants of that country, and he told him that if the f . present system of exclusion from Trinity College were conti nued, the measure now brought forward would not have an swered . . the desired end. So that it appeared that even if this measure were carried there was at least another that must be . also carried before the Catholics of Ireland could be in any degree satisfied. Had these expressions come from any ordi nary person he (Lord Ashley) should not have paid the same attention to them, but coming from the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Dungarvon he was bound to respect them. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman was pellectlY , Justified i n t h ese expressions, for when the Catholic Relief Bill ens passed it was well under stood on all sides that it was but the forerunner of still greater concessions. If the promoters of that measure had said that concession had not reached its limit, then he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman was pet" fectly justified in stating what his demands were. Still more would he make that, concession, if he thought it was conferring • a lasting benefit upon Ireland, but they should recollect that disappointment in a matter of this kind brought increased misery and dismay upon the people. He was called on to give his vote upon that question, and he could not assent to a We'" sure that, so far from conferring peace, would, he was con vinced, engender most hostile feelings in the 'people of both countries. Neither could he consent to a measure that would , in any degree, suppress or retard the advance of that Protes tant faith, which he believed had been a main instrument in bringing about the present state of civilisation and religious freedom. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was aware that he was about to take a course which he felt wag at variance with the opinions expressed by many of his friends in and ou t o f th at H ouse. It had been raid by a Noble Lord that they were about to make an enormous grant for the endowment of the Roman Catho'ic priesthood of Ireland: but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that 17,0L0/. could be considered by any means an enormous in crease, when the purposes for which it was required were taker& into consideration. He should rather be inclined to say, tha t the satisfaction with which this measure had been received, the RSDAY EVENING, APRIL 17, 1845.