The Sun. — London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

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I's Stp ay-L aw we Notice th a t, p ursuan t t o the C ALtx 3 VITRA m pany, &NDER Act , the tO /14N . ,b„LI.TABEI WOLLASTON, Esq present i :ret A li 3 , SLOPER, Es , °Mee Ylliltne notice, in writing, Of their intention • - ti lditor, at the Election which will take lace at Brl dge - street, Blackfriars, in the city of the 7th day of November next. By order, CHARLES BURLS, Secretary. 4PISIDOU, ~, 4 and NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. 1041. pii.reet3r3 of a, TO BUILDERS. - 1 4; ‘ ,Drek red Te London and North-Western Railway Cti - n ' ?t i • d x , ,:his+,.. 0 receive TENDERS for the ERECTION of deor--,;IIIAGS at Bletchley Station. 11 % k _t Engl. te n,dering are requested to meet at the office of laitant f o ." - L. Futon Station, at Two o'clock on ThursasY. -, - 'titles, ' the Purpose of appointing a Surveyor to take , °tem ~.. 13 3" order, glet4 n 8, CHARLES E. 23E B ART, Secretary. i .,. !.U °4 lllli /q/ uon, London, October 23, 1651. 1..164:014 irttLAITCATION between ENGLAND ' 31 ' Nee —lll " 11 l liolYhead, Three Times each way on thik, y . 7% 0.221 Sundays.—Reduced Fares and Acceleration of "01Z; 2d ef: u rge 4% hours, London to Dublin 13 1 , , ,, , , hours. let xtutati4-1.2,42. 104:724, 2 1 ‘, . ;, Return Childrenb for a fortnig , h i t n )_, to inC" 4l ' ll Thr,•,..Y •a ", 31.; under 12 half-price. , .. ht tim...----.6h Tickets are also issued between the princi • • 11eaield!tnd Ireland. For full particulars, see Brad "`', and Walsh's Irish Railway Guide, page 20. „ ult i r p .. t. To sz e 4 1 T 0 EMPLOYERS. -ta Rtr A .r. Itle.„_' B .k ti.4ovrE,S OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS, 1 ~- -- Atas , n ---,IASTERS, RAILWAY OFFICIALS, 4 la t 0 '1'111(S, T RAVELLERS, AND OTHERS. .Llp, ASSURANCE and or A 3 27 R L u A - 3r d Fe - E h i COMPANY.London. iskltz lUrated nnderg .1, 4 804) Roxlta:stEsSlDVEtrthsr.ia, Cap. ll°. JA LET p —lit s ' - 4 (1., M.P., Dartmouthllouse, Westminster. • 4 a.ERSIAW, Esq., MX., Stockport. Nutter D TErSTEES. ' 4: l l 44b ier,, 4 loOr e -... °418 . 8 . Esq., 11, Queen-square. e . •L'i !b et v-s q., End sleigh-street, Tavistock-square. 1-7.,,,,e44.--4.l,Ae'll.ftlernins,ers-street, Oxford-street. . ti.. uttlate,n . at:...4.,;.;;;:: VI e LL ,D IE 3 R i S p , Berkeley-square. PAk eto Zti x -.4....,d. W ILD, Esq., M.P., Charing-cross. 4: l ° Persons requiring the same at the lowest mii;:iclikes Four -fifths of the Profits. Thus by apply ,T114:14„. 4' principle of Mutuality to Public Guarantee. , k ilt - Wat iti hlt,7 l3 t and i br being a am t - npaa hane.atyrifeeafne a 441 N 4 nvestment. libl kieS te „,. ~. 6d.UPWa rds• No charge for Stamps or extra h. N q t oOrka a in the Guarantee Premium where a Life As kostk.ll4444ll L” are onabined. ?MN la t ' I A ASSITR A N C E. N.' l iar: t ell as r, " Wtles, and Endowments. Payments taken ey -e 4 2 , Pl ital uft : erl Y , &n. ... ku k tie re ,z• can a -7 e in cases of Fraud. l 'lt tbZe das ure n d l a t :e with this Office to prevent the loss ofa .ftellts enable, from t emporary embarrassment, 1 / 1 4111 4 4 Tt %Na g . liet ,_ F ATAL ACCIDENTS. , ,wlio4B,l7;,Arst ACCIDENTS of ALL KINDS, whether 4C elbt li ttver ire e• Rallwity Collisions, Explosions or any XT.' L ' 7 -..... b t t4 e 4 tankb, o 4 T r ti INSURANCE COMPANY, .ssa t jlorated d' ig_e, Lothbury, London. %N._ 4 4 4 : 11 . ..4. 1 : 1 1 yc ;t1 . ag i g t t i t iE v R i .,e . csq . 1 I c l. c. etive 4 ,..at 14 e.„Features of the Company. . ~I. : 0 xn e ,Z , ,et death from accident or violence. 'All T -- :' 001 . by Annual Payment. 4 4. 4 4 41b e ,_84 1 . 64 . Clas a R. I Class 111. Ihti i 7iiiitati l iilayn ient .c:1; Life , I 7s. 6d. to 40s. hi u lliDeLialt4i, e c ale of death fl%m Ci ll s cLen l tor is. violence, with - "c'elirc as f non -fatal injury, and an allowance for • an d e sut t:4l exti; I/ m t ci at , p tn • Der week comp ensa tion, and 2 1 . for Xll 4 4 t. „''SeS, by ann ua l paymen t. se4koi 12 4. I Uass IL I Class 111. vg es, tit b y ._lss. 20s. to 509. TeZ_estse'erf_T!nt while travelling on a railway, with t. 're 4 1 qu a fatal accident, 040 by annual payment. ' thi lhe tass 4 500 •• .. 10s. .. ‘l4 l4 *'it h a ° o . . ,• 7s. ''' fro l t re laferraWtion, ;nay be ' had a ' t the offices iu l 3 , Of the Company's Agents. WILLIAM YOUNG, Secretary. R. B. SHERID tN, Manager. t ki ty li, 4../p ep .ci f e ' p Ro A SSURANCE SOCIETY 14 4 trtit PI T lisTe=MON. W't'lia to/7 46 41"i % Fol l it it EA SED PROM ORE-HALF TO Oh,_ l A N l e p e n itt e ,,,,this ..._. - FIFTHS. - ‘l4 - mt - ‘ , ll' - ' 4 ( Re Sept, after Midsummer, 1850, and re altu, pjtitt s ?111 Ptenniat Ira rata, 4 tato, Its ot. pence of division, will pARTI -44 I% ra4,3 er, 18 50 , t he Net Profits of the Society ac taillNek, k ill,‘;,tas ~t- t ordin ' • 1, Proportion to their contributions •741, Mtei. te q -, t A ct o f to the conditions contained in the , tr3 i . tb kiti t i tt red by 4‘.parliament. I §7 44t ahllyott ua Society for insuring Young Lives , sztki - zl 7 l itii ri c arold-estab ple sh gu d a o r fli an ce te s e , aLd nc l i., n n ur a eg 1 .4 '* 0 . att4 Ada derived Teri l v ni ed from the investments of AW . , . 4 11 Ltg HE NRY topotittit to ‘ biti44 . tee,llLstits'uted°l3" • ' 1 4 1. LIDDERDALE, Actuary. ....,..................„.........___ ? - ' 4 4Z lioN' '1 • E tkci RA . .NCE SOCIETY. 44:444tetrit rleet-streeltB23. n' Year : 1 11 4 0 114 4 4 t A tt yep slat til li t s li t e De P e r e e m se b nt participate in the . 711 q11 4 ats t he ki tears allottedor, 1804. N s 4,„ 0 ,,,,,,, f t t it tu vthoie to the assured. Reversionary to 1,929 085/ have been added to p. 04 41, 0,t 4 e ,t0„ , ~ 444 tit o NttiL Y ,"ceed Three-and-half Millions, the 4 , Igo jokti:,.,:_oar Real Securities. AU NT ' , 111.1i be had on application at the office. --"'''' B MdErEL DOWNES, Actuary. k tlo lll %kr Z 444 A/ 44 M;t1,'n t i Llt - ' - ty, . - - N , •--- r „. v - - , ,1 4 , 4 „, 14,,,-. _bis valuable invention is '- i.Z . 8,1 1 ,,,eni t ,„ -.. dotnestic nse. It is sold in tablets .. of o3:'',l3t.tiriale:xcuted at the Establishaient <X tn 1,4 n .r.• le, Newington-crescent, Newington, 1),,,.‘ j () Sti i 7llty li It cLOT H S • t ott :3 l , 41041 Tl:k'te,tnted . - 28. 6d. per square yard. li b tg :el It ciolitatterli - 23, gd. do. a d o o : 1I ( 1 / t t,. 4 1 ' 4 4 4 1 I I t 1 ila e a e t r t sett s n t 1 er f r. : ° I s n r a" . 3 d 2 , i i ss ik : I a t ° t d i n . g , Pla I n an d t Vp - ?4, 4 k te lli t i :p ob k 0 D ~.,. New Oxford-street. Figured. II) Niellriltarrlllati Ho f;',ING JOURNAL' 0, ... , or _ron, .., ,e ~r, ~ L I NV th the f " , all Darts tunes has teen earned by propriety Nly eip ell g oi 4 vouri tt of the world, by ncomP follow fltt e 2lll 4,‘ a g 4.,. pleasures of the day, S and by first - Vtttotit ;1 4 1 it ha;r_ad and leading public opinion. The d im rs tt1ig,7,,1. -W_llart, ,44,_clalfed over all other daily papers k6,stuitil, lis . ve rth t it th e Patronage of the mass no m Ykst-.4.0)3,0b0 to/1'114,0A1% atcttetnittr will .will be made ; a neiwrtehnioneuenarnd -10: Ih. ... a tti r ia ° ,, th°4 l4A L appear forthw t e , lit. -0 (4 . - 4 4‘0 gi t us db, t .•• a day will be guaranteed tor h first 4-, ,_ th,l4..._ribution to all who arrive at every Lon hitt i' Ll atly . he ,joeZi• notels, Qv ) . Ni ki ll it•ettl of 441,„wi1i be d i stinguished by a tone of line houses, Coffee-house., a . nd . 10 0 11,,,atky, .1 1 t o f IC:', MEASURES. It will . be deNoted to . Ileoitkpet ': la, 84, gs ' Published at Nos. 154, 155, 1 5 6, and VII/4 It o ji, v,. 2 , Etta ,;(186, .4dgatet 505, 507, and 08, Ne,. 41S1III17flt• She; i-street ; 19, Brilge-street, Blraou_ 15111M8S '' t the t, e earN'rhere the public are Invited to o li . .1 pi . 401 , glittu tablishment. where everything exemPll , fth.4ie I tabas A Obi 1:, (.gg 411 5N e ,,-.ent en , DU RABILITY, and ELEGANCE, • •,0 th e 'La:lt/rises men capable of working up any / % 4141 e1l 'is ch., -- hi Prises pitch of excellence, to SUIT all ' l ald g,g, latabit:: It°SZs ans. Roll', /471-470aNt -4°lati:,,l,,ent, the ss , 156 , and 157, lifinories, 88, 4 hrt i vit-e 44 t YPosit e Church all communicating. t7sNitem "feet, lie,,„elt, sos 507 treat, 1, 2 ' k t i ltr tork limv, -41 ira n tim e ,' tint , . sl9 , New Oxford-a l a 'lll t..Vil, r„ 4401,4, rall2 h , 19, lirldge-street. tbz,yurza,s, 4 u gate, 'IN at% 'al Itiuti te ra t , , Rosters, Furriers Root and Shoe >,. l&u_ 'tlA w ettCb m irlellt., ..: for Ladies and Gentlemen. ~ /1411e3147,010d from sunset Friday to sunset Sa blellNT --wraod till 'Direly() o'clock. V tis se,,klltD - t itivt, ~-I.tv-,,eer.,-"Y'S 1 , 0„ . aY9 Eißgravates diseases, but DU t'„iikeZ4l.l have been -. Invariably cur them • indeed, Fifty '4l 40 . ( 7 1 it it4l,eseooeitcted by 11-U B es AliltY' Delicious RE • otl, n ftY thn 4_ 4 1 ),_ ~ y spe p, e' l'"ts teliclotu t hi m o e t d h i e c r in r e e , m in e d c i o e n s v ) e . nience, or Stuart k la r titti abi t i t i,e o 4 .llea c0,..i..7 treen)-)ietlelieeaßl ght Eon, the Lerd ths Di:dteeZuer benefit from Du Barry's Revalenta blit, t , ger theu to ton of e line s- Yourselves and the public to ‘l,llrty , Ito `" , t, " ta rs'i " STUART DE DECIES." I %N i eh, :,..4611, lideleribableCurt "'8.32* • foei...4l,o4onistipati, agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, t„, c 22,,, removedm, sickness t 1 , aexcel -1/4 4 44 4 4 'lv been by Du Barry 8 ~t % t?l t tl ttl lty . °L.I' WORTITA "..it, 4, f - ‘`'ve y e CUre kJ t 4 ll Iv Sea he, titit A _or elieve, hal% ..r.iabi ca . 1. olols' -ry,4,1 r..„," , e1l 1 h....'7easness, co nstipation, indigestion, a n e d . N o. / 141 411 g, near Din, Norfolk." ate, - .tw, -go nattered ea be t hich no in a , INI e l"t >du, k Pool Anthony, Tiverton." very e mi n si s i e e e ff r rY t eC ti tali d . y w cured by Du , p ht , ith(11,4,,.' dyr.,_ Cure No. 4,208. 1144-ulti i i 11 3`, 1 , Peasla, nervousness, debility with cramps , 4 4 4; i re - T e e Z; ,or whi ch c ., 'HY servant h d he advice :,tily int romerLe-nallY removed by a Du ßarry's delicious ~m ay Zgilries. -‘ a verY short time. I shall be happy to 4 41 1 re t 44 W. i „ %Von 0 -Ars , I'L-VELL, Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk. are t % 114trld , CtesBl,C Ito. 1,60% %4* beeiPireiaieziebekinteyr° lyQuhsiennerztlriexaminys i li n fe m v y er w y eek and (I t Zf, , I het Al 1 removed by Du Barry's health.resnatoirsinerg -144 b,„tt.C4 , . 8 .11,.„-rothiirITART, Archdeacon of Ross, Skibbereen." ~,14.,ai1s ••411 k ir , sOf 50,000 cures (including those of Major ,nll3, yogi ---.Z. Drs ii. ybe - re, Shorland, and Harvey ) , may t irii t D;l4 4 . are % Iv _ . 4 1 , 1 4 e li h ,„ 4 re, I'..,_'ra to h".,: --T'ortnurn, Mason, and Co., 182, Picea ka,ll:Stehi'reet ; Byt, Majesty the Queen ; also to be had at 60, U!l2l . b i 121‘ With ih ';', .nd 451, Strand. 4s. 6d. ; -404. ekrrti,eefsr:e ma g r : r ! r t e r , ?_ti_ ?n . ?, llb., 4a. 9d. ; :i 1441O rtmt . r,_ Bat't'y "Lio, olb., 2 s., •, _32sl.b"The 101 b. -•l and Co., 127, New Bond-street, Car l tb, - Beware of Spurious Imitations. b,. 117 4, ; hntilArkp„, — 4 rtttt . 7 had 0 7- vv ELL'S NEW WORKS. .-441414 Zarh.:,17.1Z44h121,1 - Paternoster-rowtkeCaarvutthro; „ ~...‘ by post , Is . 6d , r:ls/J oy .. ;1,11b1,411,1th ilett mENT OF LIFE. I,N - i 41,,, - -, tan, p. t ion, and Rational Use of Time." , 9 11% ' N l ` the xn I°Q43 --Spring and Summer Mornings —Ex , 1 14 it de, lb ~ virons of London —The Parks, Lanes, Hills, IP, Ze.,-,t,at+les4'iloads. and other pleasant places—Country '",E.4,llriteut enSea—London at Night—Evenings at Home ' vev a 'll Eating Driaing, Sleeping, Bathing NA LI Patton, gco,, Be', 110 lliii p io , II siT 0 "vll THE MOUNTAINS 11.Z Vol. I, 14 1: L4 "B ; SKETC H OF EDINBURGH, &e, Lk/ tit a o t , Vol. 11. RILL kRNEY ; REMINISCENCES OF DUBLIN, Ecc. A "Th:llikt , 111. Vo is 0„, t th,.._ TO K.A.T, DRINK, AND AVOID, til‘ l 9 - egit r"`" seore ye 14)0, , b111t., or ,_ Years and ten our course may run. ),„`tetiw,,,, biZe4 IltaitZoost every form (cause and cure) ' o ' f ner- Nip ad 4 ,74 th e r „::: arid enfeebled constitution, that harasses ' ver.„ — ;,,vvith — t,,', 4 , of Pleasure, business, or stuly, and em ' ' 4 l Ittc;""" 4 and rules for the diet and physical rev- Two Vols. t, 4W h At b TUE 117 . dept — RI Arldh -a leloo , PASSIONS. o, oti, eao ? 8 unit t h ,o f o D v. eflo ed e body—what Improve, 44 t1 N eco Ni kisi ons Dilg r i tna a B Athens ever heard." k4 t1t ° , 41,1 1%; Gha,,,i t ge, from o old age. The ad bledia,,!lld (114,.T , 1d its emsinfrints. The casual .ve. A oo 4 e uen, with illustrations graphic, aar icta e v eY . of early marriages. I'lt.- , , ti , s ° l l l .Z ll 4,l,!T b. T RE h .O l - ulr.:—. ° °r . not ,„ RI AGE STATE t ti .... 0,, N h „,lvre a nd — oa.. F. that is the question." ;17_ t o - ' nth - jig"; to ,u_ugations Of nature, society, and reit ue observed by either sex. Time and t 1 "eel% li .ke..t.gti I.aitr to age, te ( 4 It, a mesa off sprin naPerament, complexion, and 344,tttro. Twitt:„tyVstlZl!OVE anl LL its rernog; k. ), • C , I, with the art of rearing them. el. Sterility and its conversion. , 0 . A,,,,,tus_e_years,‘l%ll,:dili). (1841), M.R.c.S. (1827), I. S.A. ...ou:lo'aeora 'aiireittiand Forensic Referee in L.S.A. "Thy ' 14 10111rstrg t t i llT e• Evonlnip, Eieven till 7 27 ‘, • - • OCTOBER , 1851. N ° . 18,438.] LONDON, MONDAY . , t„ -4- The GREAT EXHIBITION and the ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION. All the most interesting Deposits which have been at the Great Exhibition will. in turn, be lectured on at the ROYAL POLYTECHNIC L.NSII The present Lectures are by J. IL Pepper, Esq., on the Ap plication ry Iron and Steel in the Manufactures of the United King dom ; and by Dr Bachhoffuer on Electro-Metallic Deposits, illus trated by a splendid series of Messrs. Elklngton's Spec'mens, and followed by an explanation of Bakewell's Patent Copying Electric Telegraph. —The Exhibition of the Oxy-Hydrogen Microscope, mag nifying objects upwards of 1,000,000 times their natural size.—The great economy of Cooking by Gas explained.—A Lecture on the His tory of the Harp, by Frederick Chatterton, Esc., with Vocal Illus trations.—A Series of splendid Dissolving Views.—Diver and Diving Bell, &c. Almission, Is.; Schools, Half-price. Open daily from Eleven till Five, and every Evening from Seven till Half-past Ten. LAURENT'S CASINO. ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street, St. James's, will RE-OPEN THIS EVENING (MON DAY, for the Winter Season. Leurent's well-known and celebrated Band, principal Cornet-d- Piston, 31. Boulcourt. During the recess the Rooms hwe been re-decorated, and many rnprovements made, under the sole direction of Mr. G. F. Bryer. Doors open at Half-past Eight, to commence at Nine o'clock. Admission—ONE SHILLING. CIATITION.—In consequence of several parties selling a Sauce under the appellation of "RELISH," A. SOYER respectfully acquaints the nobility and public, that the only Relish made by him has his Portrait on the Bottle, and also the names of his wholialc agents, CROSSE and BLACKWELL. Gore House, Kensington, April 22, 1851. GAME SEASON.—CROSSE and BLACK WELL, Purveyors in Ordinary by Appointment tO her Ma jest: , beg respectfully to Inform the Nobility and Gentry that they continue to manufacture the celebrated SOllO SAUCE, which will be found superior for every description of Game ; also their im proved Essence of real Gorgona Anchovies, Dinmore's Essence of Xibsimps for boiled and fried Fish ; Royal Table Sauce. Sir Robert Peel's Sauce, for general purposes, Anchovy Paste, Strasburg Potted Meats, &c. The whole of the abo're, together with their superior Pickles, may be obtained of all the principal Sauce Vendors through out the Kingdom. Manufactory, 21, Soho-square, London. Established 1706. GENTLEMAN'S HERALD of FASHION, NOVEMBER, One Shilling, contains all the Winter Fashions —a magnificent colour,d Giant Plate, two feet long, for windows -30 Models and Patterns of Greatcoats, Paletots, Cloaks, Dress, Frock, Riding, and Shooting Coats, Waistcoats, Trousers, Youths' Jackets, &c., all of unequalled novelty, and two full-sized Patterns of a new Paletot and a Greatcoat, with full descriptions, directions for cutting, and other important practical information. Post free, six stamps extra. G. Berger, Holywell-street, Strand, and all Booksellers. • IN SLY LANGUAGES—FORTIETH EDITION. CONTAINING THE REMEDY FOR THE PREVENTION Or DISEASE. Illustrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings on Steel. ON PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCA PACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE. A New and Improved Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, price 2s. 6d. ; by post, direct from the Establishment, 3s. 6d. in postage stamps. All Communications being strictly confidential, the Authors have discontinued the publi-hbag of cases. 91HE SILENT FRIEND : a Medical Work on the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by excessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, er the abuse of mercury, with explicit directions for the use of the preventive lotion, followed by observations on the Married State, and the disqualifica tions which prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. By U. and L. PERRY and Co., 19, Berneis-street, Oxford-street, London. Published by the Authors, and sold by Strange, 21; Paternoster row : Hannay, 63, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street; and Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street, London. Paler I —Treats of the anatomy and physiology of the re-produc tive system, and Is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings. PART ll.—Treats of the consequences resulting lrom excessive in diligence, and their lamentable effects on th e system, producing mental and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative in capacity, Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings. PART lll.—Treats of the disease resulting from infection, either in the primary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions for their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 coloured En gravings. PART IV.—Contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated. This important part of the work should not escape the reader's notice. PART V.—ls devoted to the consideration of Marriage, and its (be lles. The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and the whole subject critically and philosophically inquire f into. THE Conrear, BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusively employed lis treating nervous and sexual debility, impotence, &c. I Is. and 335. per bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, an antiyph ndaryilitie remedy, for purifying the blo od in cases of infeCtion„seco symptoms, eruptions, and the abuse of mercury, I Is. and 330. per bottle.—ferry's Purifying Specific Pills, 2.4. 9d., 4s. 6t1., and I la. per box, a certain remedy for gonorrhcea, gleet, stricture letter,, and chronic inflammation of the bla dder. Consultation, fee, if by 1/. A minute detail of the case Is required : age, habits, and posi tion in society. Si. packets, with advice, to he had at the Establish ment only, by which the fee of 1/.ls saved. Messrs. Perry aro in at tendance daily at 19, Berners-street, Oxiord-street, London, from. Eleven till Two, and Five to Eight; on Sunday from ,Eleven One. • MEDICAL ADVICE ON T tE SECRET 'INFIRMITIES OF YOUT i AND MATURITY. With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure. FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL. Just published, in French, English, German, Dutch, Spanhh, anal Italian, in a Sealed Envelope, 2s. 6d., or post-free front the Authou for Forty-two Stamps, SE I.F-PRESERVATION; to Medical Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on the Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Matarity, usually ac.. quired at •an early period of life, which destroy the physical soul mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural feelings, and ex haust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical Observations on the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of Nervous Debi lity, Local and Const itutional Weakness, Syphilis, Stricture, and Diseases and derangements resulting from Indiscretion, as adopted. by Lallemand, Rtcord, and other eminent members 01 the faculty of France. With Fifty coloured Engravings, illustrating the Anatomy, Physiology, and Diseases of the Reproductive Organs, exp;aining their structures, uses, and functions, and the various injuries thal are produced in them by solitary habits, excesses, and infection. By SAMUEL LA'MERT, M.D., 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON. Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Edir t burgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Societ:r, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, Member of the Hunterian Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c., &C. e te description ef the ana- This work contains a p lain and compl tomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and of their relative conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'llert, who has taken the highest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted his studies to the treatment of these complaints. He may be consulted with advan tage by all those whose con stitutions may have become debilitated the excesses of through secret practices acquire d in y outh, or by later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, objects of marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered a term of mace's:s ing misery and regret. Published by the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49, Pate rs noster-row ; Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ; Starie, TitchborCornhne-stree Haymarket; Gordon, 14 6, Leadenha ll-street; Mann, 23, ill or free by post for f..rty-two stamps, from the author's r esidence, , who may be consulted on these disorders personally, or by letter daily, from Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight. THE ARMY. Four troops of the 4th Queen's Own Light Dra goons marched into the west square of the Royal Artillery barracks at Woolwich, under the command of Major lialkett, Lieutenant-Colonel Lord George Augustus Frederick Paget being on leave. The ex cellent brass band of the Royal Horse Artillery went as far as Blackheath to meet the troops, and played, alternately with their own brass baud, appropriat4.3 tunes during their march into the garrison. The other two troops of the 4th Light Dragoons remai:o at Hampton Court to do duty there, and will be ro lieved, when necessary, by two troops from head quarters at Woolwich. The detachment, consisting of four rank and file of the 17th Lancers, left at Woolwich in charge of seven sick horses on the march of that regiment for Canterbury, will be attached to the 4th Light Dragoons until further orders. The second division of the 17th Lancers, under the com mand of Major Brett, left Woolwich for Cr.nterbury on Friday morning, accompanied by the staff and band of the regiment. The dismounted men of the corps, and women and children, proceeded by steamer to Herne Bay, and thence to Canterbury. "ROYAL A U TILLERY.—GENERAL ORDER. 66 Deputy-Adjutant-General's Office, Woolwich, Oct. 23. " His Lordship the Master-General has been pleased to a ppoint . Second Captain Andrew P.S. Green to be adtant to t the e i n l l t t h h e battalion General Order pro - vi si o n ally, under the m regulations to the 1846, vice Goodenough, posted o i i f e e February A to Captain A. F. W. Papillon's "In consequencteedof the foregoing, Second Captain Moubray is susistant-Adjutant rtille6;y. t s s :f ? : 1 1 1 1 - e General.", C v o i l c n e n e G h r company, , l , j lt . h E po b . s a j t o taLo s n , e le n ' pany, 10th battalion, an The baggage of embark in the Tyne passage to Barbadoes, is to troop and store ship for Captain J• joihWer.dpet°acmhymil aP at Woolwich Dockyard, be put on board that vessel . Royal Artillery under orders to e to-day (Monday, the early to-morrow morn and detachment will embark k of the Tyne has afterdec ing. About 35 feet o the 27th )+ and and the company e lion. B. Spencer's been fitted up for officers cabins. Lieutenant Orme, of Wor Batteries until further orders. , }sin Doraville's compa n y, 9:h battalion, is to do duty with the Field Lieutenant R. Old "geld, of Company, being under orders a' by Lieutenant will be relieved from battalion duty Gabbett. airing Captain Riddles' company, battalion, h a f P . em barcation, 6th _,_ n, will b e completed a course of repository instruction , __ amis . replaced on the roster for duty, and the n " for sioned officers and gunners and drivers selected ,_ in . the purpose will commence a course of lahorato 7 struction on Monday, the 27th MO. Captain Gambier's company, Sal battalion, Iv ill . be . taken off duty to complete its course cf repository in struction struction ; and Captain Fitz4erald's company, ?t e n . battalion, will resume its repository instruction D tween guard duty, commencing on the 27th inst. it . • COURSING DismrrErt.---At 8 coursing gatuermg at of 1( " w1 Claydon last week, one of Mr. W. Mason's doge i hill, was killed by a train on th e B uckingham lure llailWa.Y o • Two dogs we re cross i ng th e li ne after a bare at the instan t t . ll . train was approaching, and although the driver blew 11'6 whistle, and did hi s b es t t o avo i d the animals, yet cue was cut in two. The other pursued and caught the hare- AN EDITOR'S REVEINGE.—A Donegal paper pub - , lishes a short p aragra ph d escr i pt i ve of the Earl of E n nis visit to his estates in that quarter. His Lordship, it seems , addressed his tenants at great len g th ; b ut, says the BaLly shannonlHera/d, "As his Lordship never had sufficient pa triotism to subscribe to his county paper, we shall not occupy our columns in publishing his speech. KOSSUTH. DEJEUNER AT THE MAYOR OF SOUTH, AMPTON'S. On Saturday the Mayor of Southampton enter tained at his country residence, near Winchester, a large party of the friends of Kossuth and the other Hungarian refugees. Among the company were Lord D. Stuart, M.P., Mr. Cobden, M.P., the American Consul, Mr. Crosskey, Mons. Pulzky, Mr. E. E. Crowe, Mr. Sheriff Payne, Aldermen Laishley, Brookes, Lancaster, Tucker, and Park, and several of the Town Council, and about 50 other gentlemen. The room was densely crowded, and the numbers present were only limited by the extent of the accom modation. It is impossible to over .estimate the deep attention with which Kossuth was listened to, the im pression he created, and the enthusiasm with which he was received. Nothing could be finer than the energy and pathos of his elocution, and the purity of his English was a matter of pleasant surprise to every one who had the advantage of listening to him. It is said that his great proficiency in our language arose in the following interesting manner :—His first politi cal achievement was the publication of the Hungarian debates, in which be was constantly obstructed by the Austrian Government. They went so far as to refuse a license to any printer to publish them, when Kossuth had them written out by clerks, and circulated the country. He attempted to pursue the same course with respect to the discussions in the comitats, but here the Government, not having the fear of the Parliament before its eyes, stepped in, and committed him to prison, where he remained for three years. During the first year he was deprived of the use of books., pens, or paper, but at the end of twelve months his gaolers somewhat relaxed, and he was informed that he might have one book, provided it had no relation to politics. He asked for three, promising that they should not have the slightest connexion with politics. He asked for Shakspere, an English gram mar, and a Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary, and immediately set about the study of the English lan guage. In about a fortnight he had mastered a page of the Tempest, and from thence his progress was rapid. It is not at all improbable that these books which were so carefully selected from their non-con nexion with politics, may lead to the most important political results, by enabling Kossuth to state forcibly to the English and American people the real circum stances connected with the national struggles of Hungary. The Queen, Prince Albert, and the other routine toasts having been given and duly honoured, The MAYOR gave, in succession, " The President of the United States," and " The Sultan," with a com pliment to that monarch for having given a shelter to Kossuth. These toasts having been received with loud cheers, The MAYOR again rose and said, that he felt it to be a great honour and pleasure that he had now to propose the health of their illustrious guest, Louis Kossuth.—(Cheers.) It was most gratifying to them, and, also, he believed, to the great majority of the people of England, that his distinguished friend was Permitted to be among them that day.—(Hear, bear.) For his own part, he felt it to be his duty, as the chief magistrate of a great commercial town, to wel come such a stranger to this country, which was dis tinguished above all others as the home of the stranger, the land of the free.—(Cheers.) He was delighted to see the unanimity with which Kossuth had been welcomed since his arrival in this country, because he was preeminently the champion of consti tutional liberty, and he trusted that such demonstra tions would have their proper moral effect in the pro per quarter.—(Hear.) The press would, be trusted, be unanimous on the subject, because its power was suffi cient to carry any cause into which it embarked. To it they owed the repeal of the Test Act and of the corn-laws, and it only required proper action in that mighty engine to secure ultimate success to the cause of Hungary. He need not dilate to them on the claims which .Kossuth had upon all the friends of freedom. He had, as one of his first acts of power, emancipated 4,000,000 of serfs who could never be enthralled again, and the day was not, he hoped, far distant when he would have the power to emancipate eight millions more.—(Loud cheers.) Without further preface, he would give them "The health of Louis Kossuth, and prosperity to his undertakings." KOSSUTEI then rose, and in excellent English pro ceeded to address the assemblage as follows :—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen,—ln rising to thank you most sincerely for the noble, kind, and generous sentiments which have been so well expressed, and so heartily responded to, I experience emotions far too strong to permit of any display of eloquence. Besides, I was quite unprepared to meet so distinguished an assem blage as that which I have the honour of addressing. Not much accustomed to address public assemblies in my own language, I fear I shall have great difficulty in addressing you in English, and therefore must in the first instance claim your patience and generous indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) I believe I may attri bute the generous sentiments of which I am the object to nothing else than that sympathy with a struggle for freedom which so well befits the free Englishman, and to the fact that the cause of Hun gary is a just cause, strongly and intimately connected with the maintenance of the principles of freedom all over the world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, instead of any vain attempt to give you an eloquent speech, perhaps the better way will be to give you in a plain unvar nished manner some information respecting the great cause which I have so deeply at heart.—(Hear, hear.) I wish the people of England to know the true nature of the past troubles in Hungary, in order that we may preserve the generous sentiments already dis played towards us, and I b elieve that that can in no way be so well done as by a plain statement of facts, without any unnecessary flourish or artificial pomp of words.--(Hear, hear.) To understand fully the Hun. , garian question, it will be necessary to say a few words about Hungarian institutions. You all know that Hungary was for more than 800 years a consti tutional monarchy, and that alone is no small indica tion as to the elements of strength existing in my nation.—(Hear, hear.) When you reflect on the geo graphical position of Hungary, amndenrtehflrencst into the Magyar race are Asiatic p eo p le, middle of European races, wi thout friends and without kindred, you must give credit for the firmness and inhe rent strength that maintained the national institutions for so long a period. We were, in fact, surrounded b y despotic powers. On the one side was Turkey encroach ing on us for centuries, and against which we bad for ages been considered the bulwark of Europe—not only of its civilisation, but of its Christianity—and on another was Russia, a power which, not for the benefit of mankind, has grown prodigiously in influence during the last century.—(Hear, bear.) On the third side was Austria, not the large empire it now is, but the proper dominions of the house of Hapsburg, not one of the sons of which, if history speaks truth, was ever the friend of political freedom. One of them, 'tis true, Joseph 11., was the friend of religious freedom, and of the social freedom of the peasantry. But even he, the best of the Austrian dynasty, was strenuously opposed to any extension of political privileges. Stich was our position, then, surrounded by Turkey, Russia and the dominions of the house of Hapsburg, and, besides all that, we had an internal state of things which has always been considered a bar to national greatness, namely, that the people of the country were excluded from political privileges. Still, with all these difficulties, the Magyars preserved not only their national life but their national institutions.— (Hear, hear) Am I not, then, justified in saying that in such a nation there are elements of a future, t ta i sd o . and that s uc h a na ti on d ese r v es to have its rights ? (Loud cheer s .) I h ave a lready stated that the ori ginal peopl e o f th e coun t r y had a share in consti tutional ut The an constitution nristo eratio constitution of uHungary n was aristocratic , was somewhat different from the mean ing which is a tt ac h e d t o th e word in Eng land. In Hu ngary t h e wor d i s no t s y non y mous w ith power and wealth, but simply means position obtained by birth, so that if a man were born noble, all his children and children's children would be noble also. What was the consequence ? Nations, like indivi duals, are o es m o a f ni , changes, descen dants of the"Oblai n c o t bl t great and po wer f u l, but th became so propagated and the and e diffused as to b e nearly e people themsel ves , a n d poorer than the peasantry u , ng b a e r c y aus d e id the n n o o t b r le e s m h a a in d the ambition not to work, as if labour were not the n d t h t 'righest how ur of humanity.—(Loud cheers.) There f n only e, in e t h f e mi this poor aristocr ac y were not condition of the p eop l e , b ut actually* poorer, because not so industrious. But one promi nent feature in these facts is, th a t our aristocracy n ot so opposed to the extensi on of constitutional was r ights as even the other aristocracies of the middle age s, and as was formerly the ar i s t ocracy o f this country. I say was, because I:confess that the aris tocracy of England have known how to meet the exigencies of the time, to share their privileges with the people, and to bear with the latter their proper share in the public burthens of the country. And t h e y have bad their reward, for the aristocracy of E n gland has remained firm, while other aristocra cies h av e been scattered to the winds. But in etregary the nobles were diffused , among the people, m ere agriculturists, landlords, or manufactu rers and labourers, and therefore the word in one case must b e tenak with a meaning different from its efe ceptation in other countries. And; I must add, that although the people were not bythe ancient constitu tion allowed to speak for themselves, still we always found among . the arietocracy generous and valiant men, ready to stand forth es the champions of their country and the rights of humanity.—(Cheers.) To enable them to do so, they had. framed two institu tions—oie was what I may call the Parliament of Hungary, and the other was the s county municipal institutions; which latter, more Aim the Parliament, were the safeguards of the rights of the people, be cause these county institutions were so framed that they could be only media through which the Govern ment could convey orders to the magistrates and other officers. These county meetings were com• posed 'of noblemen who resided in the counties, and in some counties amounted to twenty-five ar thirty thousand, every one of whom had the right of voting at elections for magistrates who were the only executive power of the country. If the Government wanted any order executed, it must be done by the municipal ma gistrate; but ha could not come into immediate contact with the Government, who must send their orders in the first instance to the:caunty meeting. Such meetings had a ri g ht t o discuss the orders of Government, and more th an one c a se had occurred, in which the order was not forwarded to the magis trate for execution, but a remonstrance sent to the Government for sending it. They formed thus a strong barrier against the encroachments of4he Go vernment; and no country has needed such a barrier more than Hungary, for more than three centuries the house of Hapsburg had not had at its head a man who was a friend to political freedom.—(Loud cheers.) Now, the house of Hapsburg has ruled in Hungary for these three centuries, not by conquest, but by the free choice of the nation ; not without conditions, but firmly bound by treaties, the chief feature of which was, that when the King was ad mitted to power in the order of his lineal succession, he was to rule and govern Hungary by means of its own public institutions, and according to its o wn laws; he swore solemnly to do so, and prayed to the eternal God to bless him and his race, as he was true to his oath, This was a resum of the facts so far. Well, out of thirteen kings—out of the thirteen kings we had of this house and dynasty, no one who knows anything of history can charge me with exaggeration, when I say that their rule was One of continual per jury.—(Kossuth spoke very earnestly and with emo tion, dropping his voice so that the close of the sen tence was not audible at the end of the table, and some person asked, " A rule of what ?") He exclaimed, of perjury, gentlemen—(Loud cheers) —that is the word—pertury.—(Cheers for some moments at his emphatic delivery of the word.) Gen tleman, I am a plain man, and call things by their right names.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now when the Hungarian nation elected the head of the house of Hapsburg as her sovereign, the country contained upwards of 4,000 German geographical square miles, which, I am informed, is equalto about 100,000 Eng lish square miles, and fifteen ;nillions of people, no small or insignificant realm, 'as you will admit.— (Hear, hear.) At that time r *, the house of Haps burg ruled constitutionally in all their other pro vinces, but subsequently those provinces lost their rights ; and, through the whole of the three centu ries, the direction of the ambition of the house of Hapsburg has been to obtain undisputed absolute dominion over all their territories. Shortly before the Pesth struggle there was not a single province of the Austrian empire that had a constitution, the am bition of the house of Hapsburg having absorbed the constitutional rights of all. Oar constitutional rights were not absorbed, because we did not belong to the Austrian empire, nor had we any connexion with it, except such as that of Hanover with this country, with this exception, that the line of succes sion was not limited in the same manner. We adminis tered a coronation oath, setting forth that there was to be no connexion between Hungary and any other province, and that while we acknowledged the same sovereign, our' rights were to be preserved, and we were to be governed solely by our own laws and customs.—(Hear, hear.) We also provided that, in case the sovereignty should, in the line of succession, fall into the hands of a child the same course should not be adopted as in the ease of Austria. In such a contingency the regent of Austria would be some elder member of the royal family; but we provided that a Hungarian palatine should be appointed, so as that our constitutional rights should not be absorbed. These rights were also protected by our municipal institutions, which, with an inherent strength that never could be completely broken, steadily re sisted the encroachments of the Crown. Perhaps I may illustrate the defensive strength of these institutions by alluding to the siege of Saragossa by Napoleon. When Napoleon had battered down the walls, he was as far from success as ever, because he bad to fight single battles with the citizens in every street. So it was in Hungary with her municipal institutions.—(Cheers.) I remember an occasion when the house. of Hapsburg, in defiance. of the Parliament, levied troops, and raised the taxes from one to two-and-a-half times as much as they were before, and when the majority of over fifty-two of our coun ti es , influenced by terror and every other m eans a t the disposal of the Government, submitted t o t h e enc roachment. At that time there were only t en or twe l ve comitats that resisted, and the resistanc e o f even th e se few was as effective as that of the people of Saragossa.—(Loud cheers.) By these means we preserved through all encroachments some shadow of independence, but the Austrian Government having obtained absolute power ' in their other provinces, took every means, from open violence to the most insidious frauds, to overthrow our municipal institutions. They fomented our quarrels, undermined our national character, impo verished our country, and corrupted our nobles. Our Parliament, which ought to be convened once in three years was not convened for twenty, and so arbitrary government went on, until at last we became aware that from 300,000 to 500,000 nobles would not be sufficient to defend the rights of the country from the despotic tendencies of Austria. From this point dates our struggles which have now lasted for about twenty-eight years. We decided that our best safe guard would be to inspire all the people with the sentiments of patriotism, by giving all an equal in terest in constitutional rights.--(Loud cheers.) That was the direction of public opinion in Hungary in the year 1825. We felt the necessity the more, because, although we had a board or coun cil of government which by law was respon sible to the country, and were bound not to carry into execution any order even of the sovereign, which was contrary to our laws, still we knew that there was no real responsibility in this council, because no cor rupt body can be made to feel responsibility. Indivi duals may be made responsible, but when the Govern ment becomes collective responsibility vanishes. We saw, therefore, that our rights and privileges were vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian Government, in which Metternich was then all in all ; and feeling that , 500 000 nobles could not effec tually resist such encroachments, we proposed to give to the whole fifteen millions of our people an interest in constitutional rights, and a motive for defending them. The peasantry must form an important consi deration in every country, but doubly so in Hungary, which Was and is chiefly an agricultural country. The condition of our peasantry became the first topic with o ur reformers, who felt that our country, so highly nature, could never be made the eerthly gifted by ht to be except by free labourers enjoy , paradise it ought ing constitutional rights and seeing that our ea- Ws landlord 104 days • P in the sant had to work for year, to which must be added Sundays, festivals, and winter, and had - to g ive the ninth of his produce to the seigneur, the tenth to the bishop, we felt that this was d the n a condition contrary to human rights a Hear, hear.) 1 he first thin g , then pies of justice, — ( People.—(Cheers.) we did was to emanc i p ate the The a s only effected by slow degrees. reform, however, w In the long Parliament, w hich sat from 1832 to 1836, in the Lower House, which consists it was proposed mbers, that every peasant should wholly of elected me im h . self free of his feudal and have the right to mak e seignorial burdens by paving off the capital of his that this powerCl should be dues. At first we prop ose independent of the will of the lan dlo r d, but were op posed by the House of Lords, until at last, by the influence of Governme nt, tothe t was reduced pri vilege of purchasing freedom with the consent of the measure was • d c b landlord. That modifiedbut me was refused b ame y y the the Commons Commons and Lord s, t issue with the people on this gent, who was thus a I should state that the great question in 1836. members of the Commons voted as they were in and therefore it was towards structed by the coml.lets l t were the latter that the intrigues of the Government principally directed. They could not corrupt them I t . e, who being by office by means of the Count Pa a In_ _ ld not intrigue president of the House of Lords, could with the county meetings , an d therefore other persons were selected to carry into the county meetings every species of corruption.—(Fleet.) They appointed an administrator in every county, who should never leave the county, but be present at every meeting, control every act, and corrupt every troublesome member, in order that the comitats might become at lest the mere instruments and tools of Government. It Was this system that we opposed with all our strength of mind and body, but with no narrow view to the privileges of our own class. We wanted these institutions to be independent in order that we might reform our system for the benefit of the entire people. (Loud cheers.) But the more we developed our views of reform, the more actively the Government set their administrators to work throughout the country, and that was our condition up to the diet of Oct. or Nov. 1847, a year or so before the French revolution. I wish to show that in Hungary we were not revolu tionists—l am not blaming revolutions—but the Hungarians were engaged in no secret conspiracy, but at public meetings, and in an open and constitu tional way, struggled manfully for their rights.— (Hear, hear.) I myself had the honour to be elected a member of this Parliament of 1847, for the metro politan county of Pestb, when the Government of the day did everything possible to prevent my election. The good sense of the nobles, however, carried me in triumph.—(Cheers.) The first question I proposed, according to the instructions I bad received from my constituents, was that our mu nicipal institutions should be restored to their original purity, that the system of administrators should be abolished, and that until these measures should be carried no taxes should be voted. The Houses of Lords and Commons were at issue on this question, discussing it for upwards of two months, and remained in disagreement. I should mention that it was necessary that both Houses should agree upon a measure before it was laid before the King, but there was no limit to the communication between the two Houses. The measure had not a majority in the Lords, because it contained so many functionaries appointed by Govern ment and persons as iris 9be functionaries, but still 1 have the grati knowing that it was supported by many Of 'the"most independent of the lords of Hungary, amongst whom was my lamented and unfortunate friend Louis Batbyany. Still cor ruption went on, and I felt at last that our only course was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of evil. On the head of the King of Hungary rests two crowns, the one constitutional and the other absolute, and these two could never agree together. Which ultimately prevails in the struggle history tells in many a dark page. I proposed therefore that, as the house of Hapsburg declined to restore the rights of Hungary out of deference to the people of Vienna, it was our duty, as the elder brother in the national family, that the people of Vienna ahculd also get franchises. I believe that no just man will say I was wrong in that proposition, which was universally accepted. I was not planning revolution; that is an accusation which I know will find no echo in the breast of any just or generous man.—(Cheers.) My speech on the subject was read in all the coffee-houses of Vienna, news Of the French revolution arrived, and the Vien nese rose. That was the Austrian revolution, and I must frankly own that I immediately decided not to be carried away by the excitement of the time, but to take the reins of government into my own hands, and to avail myself of the opportunity that God had given, not Hungary made.—(Cheers.) The first thing I proposed was the emancipation of the peasantry, and of course, under the circumstances, it was carried unanimously by both Houses.—(Hear, hear.) Still I was anxious not to hurt the interests of any person, but rather to spare those who, although not quite national in their origin, had yet in course of time be come interlaced with the fortunes of a great many people. I proposed, and my proposal was adopted, that peasants should be free from all duties, free with out paying—liberty is not a thing to be paid for.— (Cheers.) But I proposed at the same time that the seigneurs should get indemnification, not from the peasant but from the land. Our country has large re sources, which by good management would be snore than enough to give full and entire compensation to the nobles. I engaged my honour and my oath to give this indemnification, and it was carried in Parliament. As I stated before, the poor people had every duty but no rights, and I proposed that rights should at once be conceded, and that every man possessing the franchise should, according to his means, contribute to the public necessities. This was carried unanimously. The third plan was, that the people should be ad mitted immediately to all rights of franchise, not only as to the election of members of Parliament, but also for magistrates and other public functionaries. But now, when all the people were admitted to the fran chise, half a million of persons could not be convoked on our plan, and therefore I proposed that every community should select a person to represent them. These were my principles.—(Cheers.) I made no encroachment on men's rights, either in their family, or in communities. I wished that the Government should be sufficiently powerful for the public neces sity, and to enforce obedience to the law, but not to interfere with the social or municipal rights of men. We proposed further that as councils of government could not be made responsible, the executive should be managed by members responsible to Parliament. These were the proposals which were carried out, with several others, with the details of which I shall not de tain you. We established a responsible Ministry, eman cipated the peasantry, ordained that the nobles should participate with the peasantry in all public duties, and that all should have the franchise both for Mem bers of Parliament and for the county meetings. These laws were brought by a deputation, headed by the Archduke Palatine, up to Vienna. He asked in the name of the future of Hungary and of the peace of Austria, that these terms should be granted. We were ordered to bring our claims before the Emperor of Austria, and also to ask him to give to our fettered brethren f Austria their rights. At that time there was doubt and hesitation in every country except this, which, having made one glorious revolution, finds the principles then established sufficient to carry out every necessary change. Here, then, everything was quiet, while on the continent all was movement. The Government hesitated to concede these just claims. I went myself to the Imperial Palace, and told the Emperor that if he persisted I could not guarantee what would be the consequence, with these movements in Europe, and when the people of Hun gary saw their just claim resisted. They told me the claims would be conceded if Vienna could only be kept quiet, and that it should not appear as if the house of Hapsburg had been compelled to be just. It was one of those curious examples of the vicissitudes of human life, in which myself, an humble son of modest Hungary, was in a position to hold the destinies of the house of Haps burg and all its crowns in these hands. (Kossuth here made a powerful impression by the energy of his manner, stretching out both his hands as he finished the sentence.) I said," Be just to my father land and I will give peace and tranquillity to Vienna." They promised to be just, and before twenty-four hours I gave peace and tranquillity to Vienna—(Loud i cheers)—and before the Eternal God, who will make responsible my soul—before history, the independent judge of events—l have a right to say, that the house of Hapsburg owes its existence as a dynasty to me.—(Tremendous cheering.) At last the sanction of the Government was given to these laws ; but while we were receiving the promises of the Emperor in one room, the Archduchess Sophia, the mother of the present King and sister of the last, was in another plotting with Metternich bow to get rid of these pro mises. —(Hear, hear.) In a few weeks the King came to Presburg, when I was first minister, an office which I was forced to accept ; for I can appeal to the public knowledge of my nature, of my enemies and of my friends, that I always considered power as a burden. Before we went to Vienna for sanc tion to the law appointing responsible ministers, I addressed the people of Presburg, I took my poor friend Louis Bathyany—(Kossuth was here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the people, " Don't cheer me, he must be the first Presi dent of Hungary." H e declined unless I would enter office with him, and thus I was forced to enter.— (Hear, hear.) In a few day s aft er th e S e rb s revolted, stirred up as it appeared by the Camarilla of Vienna. They took for pretext that by ancient diplomas, that part of Hungary which they occupied to the amount of two or three hundred thousand people had been givers to them. Nobody denied this, but they insisted that it should be politically separated from Hungary and form a separate banat. Now, although this banat in which they lived contained 1,300,000 people. the Serbs number only 300,000, who speak the Walla chian tongue, the remainder of the people speaking German. lb 3 Government of which I was a member seeing that there must be some plot in all this, con sidered that we were bound to suppress this revolt. Besides I should state that one of the chief political manoeuvres of Metternich was to oppress one nation by means of another. One army was drawn out of the land, part in Bohemia, and part in Italy, while we bad in Hungary Germans, Croats, Poles, and W al lacks. At the head of this r evo lt was the Ban of Croatia, and they finished by declaring their rode , pendence. We, the Hungarian Ministers, entreated the King to give his co nsen t to convoke the i Parlia ment, in order that means might be obtained to sup press the revolt. I, the Minister of Hungary nominated by the King, stood beside the Archduke Palatine when he gave the order.—(Bear, hear.) The King fled to Inspruck, and_ a deput a ti on went there, invitin g hi m to come to Buda, and rely on the loyalty of th e peop l e. We promised' to defend him against all the world —and the Hungarians have proved that they can defend what they have promised_ to defend.—(Cheers.) I al so s t oo d b esi d e th e Arch duke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the King, condemning the machinations of the Croats and Serbs, and stating that he had given orders to I his Ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt. [PRICE SD. butl y ha n d n In the same e di c t he called on his faithful Par up h a y plioasmedeaitt toofP7rulinagmaerzyit, to le v was p vide m e a ns to carry on th e war. l it ar my , a who ro words when I was stopped in my speech, and the s a n i d d t a o p f e r ow supplies granted at once. While these matters were going on news arrived from Italy that the battle of Costanza had b een won, and that the Government overnment of Vienna were now in a position to consider the means of crushing Hungary. A. proclamation was issued asking Jellachicb, w h o h ad b een proclaimed a t by the King, to g o aga i nst H ungary, calling aitor him friend. Surely ther e i s not an honest man in the world who will not condemn that.—(Hear, hear.) Jellachich came on with 30,000 men ; but we beat him, taking two armies and one general, our only force being the undisciplined people armed with scythes. He then asked for a truce, and two days were given him, and in the meantime he broke his word and escaped. We followed him. I was then President of the Council, the Ministry having resigned in consequence of the dissolution of Parliament before the arrangement of the budget, which was against the Constitution, which provided that the Parliament should not separate without arranging the budget. In addi tion to this violation of constitutional rights the King makes his alter ego, giving to him the power to govern Hungary, of Jellachich, the man whom he had proclaimed as a traitor. We said we would not take the traitor as governor, and that the Parlia ment could not be dissolved, because it had voted no budget. We declared that the order for dissolution had not been signed by the responsible officer, and that therefore the Parliament must sit. I had then the honour to be President of the Provisional Go- vernment, and I ordered Jellachich, who had escaped towards Vienna, to be followed. When he came to the frontiers of Austria, I sent commissioners to the Government, demanding from the general of the Austrian army that they should respect the laws of neutrality towards us, and not give any shelter to the revolted, but they not only protected him, but per mitted him to join in the operations of the siege of Vienna. These two armies came to Hungary under Windischgratz, calling us rebels and slaves. We struggled, and fought battles—history tells how.— (Loud cheers.) But still one thing I must add, that although we were victors, defeating the imperial armies in several battles—although the Emperor of Austria had issued a proclamation on the 4th March, 1849, in which, relying on the false report of a general of a victory that never occurred, he declared by a single scratch of his pen that the nationality of Hungary was blotted out, that its Constitution was to be torn up, and that henceforth Hungary was to be incorporated with the Austrian empire, to be ruled by his good will and pleasure—notwithstanding all this, I say, still we did not proclaim a rupture with the house of Hapsburg until I received certain intelligence that Russian in tervention had been decided upon and accepted.— (Hear, hear.) And, lam sorry to add, that we also got information that against this intervention we had no help in the world—from nobody —no, not one. --- (Here, overcome by irrepressible emotion, the voice of M. Kossuth faltered, he burst into tears, and for some moments was incapable of proceeding, while a burst of sympathy broke from the assembly. As soon as he had recovered he proceeded, still agitated.) Then I considered the matter in my conscience, and came to the conclusion that either my nation must submit to over throw, and to an end of its life, without even trying to save ourselves, or, if we were not cowards and base enough to commit such suicide, some reward was ne cessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the people. And I proposed that if we were to contend against two great empires —if there was nobody to help us, nobody to prevent P ds k ew i tsc h , as he had promised, treading on the neck of Hungary—if we were to struggle for our liberties, as we had once struggled for the Christian liberties of Europe, then I proposed, as a reward, the in dependence of Hungary, and my proposal was accepted.—(Loud cheers.) That is a statement of what occurred, and you all know what was the result. How we fared let me not say ; it is too deep matter for sorrow. This much only will I say, that although forsaken by the whole world, I am to this day confident that we would have been a match for the combined forces of the two despotic powers ; but it is my fault and my weakness that as governor of Hungary, having the lead in this great movement, 1 had not art enough to fight with equal arms the dupli city of Russia; you know how he introduced treason into our counsels. Had I only been prepared for this treason, all would certainly not have failed.—(Hear, hear.) But the result of what has occurred is, that the house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more. It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Czar— (A laugh)—to whom it has become the obedient servant.—(Hear, hear.) But if the people of Eng land only decided that Russia should not set her foot on the neck of Hungary, if they would only resolve to say " stop" to Russia, and nothing more, we might still be happy. Hungary would have knowledge, patriotism, loyalty, and courage enough to dispose of its own domestic matters, as it is the sovereign right of every nation to do.—(Hear.) And now, gentle men, I trust you will excuse me if I have not answered your expectations, if I have tired you.—(No.) My intention was to show you that the cause of my poor country is worthy your generous sympathy, be cause we have struggled for a national existence, which when once lost, there is no resurrection any more for a people. This is the cause for which I ask your generous sympathy, and which I am enabled to lay before you here through the generous hospita lity of the Mayor of Southampton. He has acted the part of a kind and generous friend to one so undeser ving as myself. He was a father to th© unfortunate, and the protector of suffering humanity. Happy the realm where such a man can rise from the people by his own perseverance, his own integrity, his own energy. It is the glory of England that such a man rising in such a manner can enjoy the honour and confidence of his countrymen. 1;4 me then, while expressing my humble and everlasting thanks for the kind sentiments entertained towards me, propose to you, with the deepest affection, the health of the Mayor of Southampton.—(Cheers.) The MAYOR returned thanks, and gave the health s of Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and the Liberal Members of Parliament. KOSSUTH interrupted the proceedings for a mo ment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristo cracy of race, but simply one of birth. The Magyars, who numbered about eight millions, had noblemen manufacturers and peasants among them the same as the other races. Lord D. STUART rose to return thanks for the Libe ral Members of the House of Commons. He es- teemed it a very great privilege to be present on that occasion to hear from their illustrious guest such a speech as it had seldom been his lot to listen to. (Hear, hear.) It was to him a source of unspeakable delight to see a min illustrious in the world's history seated safely among them at that hospitable board—a board worthy to entertain him—(Cheers)—to know that he could move as a free man en this free soil, and to contrast our present feelings with what were felt a few months ago when his life was demanded by his vindictive enemy, and only defended by a magnani mous but not very powerful sovereign,—(Hear, hear.) lie knewa that be was, lingering in a dungeon, far away from the civilised world, and, therefore, he (Lord Dudley Stuart) delighted to see him here safe from the malignancy of his enemies.—(Cheers.) N ow that he was out of the power of his enemies, th e y gratified their malignancy by hanging him in effigy, and at last had suborned people i n thi s country to represent him as a bad man in private life, and a dan gerous one in public. He could not help g giv . v en t to his feelings at the happy c h ange, and lie-hopmed in future, both the House of Commons and the people would be better informed on these matters.—(Ch eers.) Mr. COBDEN said—Mr. Mayor and was rusticatinggentlemen, 1 in a neighbouring county, where 1 have been seeking some repose after the labours of a session more than usually laborious,and far more t h an usually unpr o fi ta b le, and after labours of a m ore pleas ing nat ure , such as cnter taininiends who came u to town to see t h e Exhibition, when I heard o f Kos p sutla's arrival. I mentiong thethese facts, fies me f or not being on s because it justi ception giv en t o our pot to witness the re distinguished visitor.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, the moment I received, what outlandi s h retirement th in my some e news of his arrival in Engl an d , I started at once ' to pay him m y humble respects. Not th a t I h ad any doubt about his re ception at !Southampton —not that I feared any want of zeal and enthusiasm among the people ; but be cause I saw an attempt made by a portion of the press of this country upon a man who, after escaping the plots and snares of Austria, the scaffold, and the dangers of a barbarous climate, was about to visit our hospitable shores. I saw that an attempt was , being made in England—hospitable England—to destroy, not the life, but what he valued more dearly —the reputation of this man ; and from the moment I saw that dastardly attempt I determined to be here, to show these calumniators that, if th ese slanders reach his character, it shall be only through ourselves.—(Loud cheers.) We owe this not only to our illustrious guest and the country which he re - - presents—not only to that great realm, America whose guest I may still say he is, and whom I see here represented by its worthy Consul, a but we owe it to ourselves—to every man who has a regard for the character of this nation, that we should come forward and vindicate ourselves from the charge of having a share in the most base and dastardly attempt that was ever made to injure the character of any public man. —(Loud cheers.) Ido not presume to enter into the internal affairs of Hungary. Ilow, then, do I judge him to be a guest worthy of the hospitality and moral assistance we give hint ? I judge of him by the ofPeoPle.—(Cheers.) driven from th e i r shores cre dentials he brings in the name o f a w h ole nation, anti l e i n 7 d h o e r u se f d ug b it y ive th s e uve s r u e ff ign rag s a es re by the execrations of their people to our shores, we throw open our vacant palaces for their reception— (Cheers and leughter)—and I will not say a word against the hospitalities of Claremont—but when a man arrives on our shores bearing not the curses but the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if Enig-land refuses a welcome to such a man, adieu for ever to that sympathy with nations and with nations' rights which has hitherto been the boast of England.— (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) But I take no merit in sharing in these honours. Selfishness as a public man might induce me, if I had no other motive, to be here to-day. But I am here speaking in the name of the great majority of the people of this country. I say it advisedly, I know as much of public opinion as any newspaper can pretend to know ; and I say that this meeting, enthusiastic as it is, fairly represents a large majority of the men, ay. and the women of this country.—(Loud cheers.) And why is such sympathy felt for the cause of Hungary in England ? Why is it that the name of Louis Kos suth is heard at the firesides of the middle classes, and I would fain hope of the higher classes, one of whom we number among our visitors to-day ?It is because he is believed worthy to represent the wants and wishes of a great people, that he has intellect to make him worthy of their confidence, and that he has those qualities of the heart without which intellect would be a curse.—(Hear, hear.) I confess I had farmed a f avourable opinion of the refugees from those that I have the honour to be acquainted with, and probably th ere are few who have had greater opportuniti es o f j udging of the refugees than I have had. I have seen in their dem a e t h ° o n e v e i nqe e u d a tmi es u that w h t i h o e h y nour a manly fortitud e - in the m id st of their distress, e which has li E po n s g e l e i s s s hm in e n a are so jus tly proud. degree ly proud. .1 am convinced if that a people mere than arty other resemble the English and Americans, the Hungarians are that people, and, gentlemen, the pre sence of our friend among us and among the people of England w ill en h ance our respect for his Pople. It is impossible t o h ear hi m speak, to hearhis friends and neighbours speak of him, without feeling that here is a man who being thrown into the highest posi tion, acted in a manner worthy o f th at position, and that the people who placed him in such a position were worthy of such a man. Now, it may be asked, what particular results can flow from our demonstra tions of respect for our friend lam sure they will not be quite barren of fruits, if they afford him some consolation for the hardships he has been obliged to undergo during the last two or three years. But there is more than that in the tribute of respect we have heard from his friends, and there is an additional passport to our favour in the malignity of his enemies, his enemies being the friends of despotism. —(Heer, hear.) Now, people will see how far the aspirations of Europe will go with his cause, and how far they may expect the support of Englishmen, or Americans, in their future proceedings.—(Hear.) Now, my illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion of his most eloquent address, that he wishes only for such a demonstration in this country as shall prevent Russia from invading his country, or from interfer ing with the settlement of its domestic effairs. Well, if there be one man who has a stronger opinion than another on the subject of non-intervention, I am that man. lam fanatical in that doctrine, because I think that there can be no vigour in manhood in the coun try which looks to the right or left far external aid, and is not allowed to develope its resources by its own internal working ; but I quite agree with my friend that a word spoken by England would have an almost irresistible force in the councils of despotic sovereigns. I confess I hear with regret that the invasion of Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civiliza tion in our day, should have been allowed to pass without an angry protest from this country. I stated that so long as the dispute lay between Austria and Hungary we should go no further than express our sympathy with the right, but from the moment that Russia interfered it became a changed question. Here was a semi -barbarous Power coming down with its hordes to crush a more civilized country, and a strong protest from the Government and people of this country would have been of immense advantage. But what were the facts ? Other states were in the toils of a reaction, and the leading newspapers of this country not only uttered no protest, but actually ex pressed opinions in favour of the Russian cause.— (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that, were public opinion so far enlightened that newspapers would not dare to faleity it by taking side with Russia, it would not require many words from an English Foreign Minister to make that opinion have weight with foreign despots.—(Hear, hear.) But if we wish our opinion to have weight, we must come into court with clean hands. My efforts have been made to make us understand our duty with regard to inter ference in foreign countries. lam almost afraid to look hack for the last twenty years and see what has been our conduct. There was our most wicked inter ference in the affairs of Portugal, where we bodily carried off the leaders of the people in order to sub serve the interests of the Court; .and then there were our proceedings in Greece and in the affairs of Hol stein. 1 cannot find, then, that we have clean hands, and therefore my advice to the English and American people—and I think there have been some symp toms of the latter people falling into the trap—my advice to them is, that they should promptly adopt the principle of non-intervention. When Lord Grey came into office non•intervention was to be their motto, and yet, I believe that, from the passing of the Reform Bill there has been more intervention than in the time of the Tories. Let us, then, get to the sound principle, and then I believe that the word " Stop," applied to Ittistia, would be as conclusive as if we spoke with the voice of a thousand cannon.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, my friend there is new to Eng land, but no doubt he that lass gone through the toil and turmoil of public life knows that the threats of the enemies of liberty are the same in Austria as in England. He must expect to be assailed with every calumny by the organs of Russia, and will be accused of violating every commandment in the deca logue. The only regret will be that there is not an eleventh commandment, to charge him with breaking it.—(Laughter.) 1 myself have been accused of fyi,ry crime short of actual murder ; but I can assure you that in England these shafts of calumny have very little effect, so long as you have truth and jus tice on your side.—(Cheers.) Now, our friend tells us that he comes here on the principle of non-inter ference, and I think we owe him some explanation before he is fairly launched on the public gatherings that await him. lie is anxious to avoid even the appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs, and under these circumstances I think it would be wrong for any political party to offer any act of special fraternization with our Hungarian friends or to claim any political identity.—(Cheers.) In short, I think I may once for all avow that there is nothing in the position of our friend to warrant any party claiming political identity with him.—(Hear, hear.) H e h as told us that the movement of the Magyars was not a movement having for its object organic changes in the national institutions. It was a movement to main tain the Constitution as it was, coupled with certain reforms which he was anxious to effect. I hope our excellent friend the Consul from America, will not think ill of our distinguished friend if I avow my be lief that the Hungarian moN • ement was not a demo cratic movement solely, but a movement of the p eop l e v.ith their the aristo cracy at ** head to maintain the national independence. Had it not been such a move ment they could not have achieved what my friend has de.taited to us this evening. In short, we honour in him the champion of a nation that is identified with constitutional institutions.— (Hear.) He took the Con stitution as it had existed for 800 years, and therefore I see no reason to identify him with Whig, Tory, or Radical in thia country. I hope that after his moderate and singularly talented address, this greatonth com munity will see that he is to be receiveda entire part of the nation at large as representiinganyn ques people, and that at no public meetinligotvs 11 discuss tion be introduced which he couldo_ thatf intervention with out incurring the appesranee . d.—(Hear, hear.) I which he is most anxious to avoid.—(Hear, but that I feel highly have nothing further to say, gratified at the present m eetin g , and to e x p ress my opinion that the Mayor of Southampton has n o bly done his duty in representing, on this occasion, the public opinion of the large majority of th e people of this country; and when our distinguished friend has passed from under this roof to the metropolis, I will l eave him to judge, and his enemies to witness, whether the respect paid to hi m e l sew h ere does not justify*the beginning made by the Mayor of Southampton.—(Cheers.) The next toast was the health of Mr. Croskey, the American Consul. CROSSIEY, the American Consul, in returning thank, said, that he did nut wish to take a very pro minent part in this demonstration, which it was his wish should be purely British in its character. Ha wished that when the news of the reception given to Kossuth in this country went to the other side of the Atlantic it should have all the value of soontaniety on the part o f th e B r i t i s h peop l e . H e f e l t sure that when th e i r ill us t r i ous gues t reac h e d the shores of America he would be received by Lafayette par ties, whether Whig or Democratic, as, guest.— Was received in 1825—as the n ations (Cheers.) The Americans we r e no Red Republi eans , they loved law, order, and constitution as the b as i s of their liberties ; and although it h ad not appeared that Kossuth had intended to institute a republic in Hungary, still he had d fought for the constitutional rights of his nation—(Cheers)—and as such had en- ~a 10 ~~