The Sun. — London, England, 1868-11-17 00:00:00

OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Times says the Bishop of London has exercised as active influence both in public and ecclesiastical affairs. Indeed, if his promotion were ever thought doubtful, it was probably due to this very circumstance. In spite of weak health he has held his own against the majority of the bench of bishops on more than one recent occasion. It is in great part due to his firmness and moderation that the Pan-Anglican Council ended so harmlessly, and he has probably been the means of protecting us from a troublesome entanglement in the Natal diffi culty. But in an Archbishop of Canterbury this kind of independence has sometimes been thought undesirable, and men doubted whether Bishop Tait's principles might not be almost too pronounced for the post. This tradi tionary feeling is not, as we recently observed, very com plimentary to the institution over which the archbishop presides, and it is a matter for congratulation that the Government have been bold enough to appoint a man who has opinions of his own, and is not afraid to profess them. We may be glad that we have at last an archbishop who is pledged both by his words and by his past career to an unqualified resistance to Romanising tendencies. In the same manner, in his contests with Convocation and the Bishop of Capetown, he has abstained from an indiscrimi• nate condemnation of either party, but has firmly maintained the Royal supremacy as essential in England to the peace and to the national character of the Church. The Times regrets that the Bishop of London has given too much encouragement to men without decided religious feeling and theological learning. The Church is exposed, in these days, to opposite dangers. On the other hand, the people of England will not endure the promulgation by the national clergy of Romish opinions. But, on the other hand, they will be sensible that it is not necessary to keep up a vast establishment, with archbishops, bishops, and deans, for the mere purpose of teaching the elementary rudiments of morality and of natural religion. The Standard thinks the righteous motives and far seeing discretion which have actuated the Premier in his selection of a new Archbishop of Canterbury is only what we might have expected to be displayed by a statesman who the other day advanced Br. Magee to the see of Peterborough and Dr. Mansel to the deanery of St. Paul's.. Such a wise discrimination, such a conspicuous absence of all considerations of party, such felicitous justice, such suc cessive manifestations of a determination and a desire to have regard for nothing but the requirements of the' post and the qualifications of the candidate, form the very coping -stone or political ability and integrity and the very masterpiece of administrative skill. The most malignant of critics can detect no flaw in such a wise exercise of judgment, and it is not surprising that the public hail with satisfaction the announcement that the Bishop of London is to be the new Primate of England, as being precisely the selection which, in the opinion of all thinking men, it is to the true interests of the Church and of the State, of the empire and our religion, should have been made. The Standard then comments upon the translation of Dr. Jackson to London. The Bishop of Lincoln is known throughout England as endowed with exactly those attributes which render him the most worthy successor that Dr. Tait could have. Calm, collected, and resolute, he has shewn himself also to be willing to stretch the bonds of ecclesiastical fellow ship to the farthest extent, and to enlarge the circle of the Church, and consequently its influence, to its utmost legitimate limit. It is the speck': praise, both of Dr. Tait and Dr. Jackson, that they art not merely men of thought, but of action, and that they excel not merely in the speculation of the study, but iu ability to meet at any mcment the crisis of actual events. What we have said of the Primate and his successor we may assuredly say of Archdeacon Wordsworth. The bishopric of Lincoln is but a fitting tribute to one who has devoted a life to the defence of the Church and of her truths. It is to the glory of that Church that she possesses such men. It is to the credit of our Government that it knows how to choose and where to find them. The latest ecclesiastical appointments of Mr. Disraeli will be received only as new evidence that his championship of our Church is dictated by the highest principles that can animate a statesman. When a bishop has so - many titles to honour as Dr. Tait, it would be idle, says the Daily News, to ask for which class of merits he has been preferred to the very highest post. It is easy, however, to see that Bishop Tait's decided Erastianism must have made him accept able to more than one eminent person, and given lain. great superiority over other distinguished prelates at a time when the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Crown is sc much canvassed. Dr. Tait, it is said, is, and always has been, a Liberal in Church politics. His liberality, however, is of that kind which leans on the law fos support. No bishop attended more punctually in his place than he when a Church Rate Abolition Bill was to be voted against, and he was the prelate who warned the Liberal party that twenty thousand clergymen would make their voices heard ag„ainstrnovementslike thatfor dis establishing the Irish Church. The far-seeing Church men who, during the last few years, have endeavoured by calling out the latent power of the Church and devising forms and organisations through which it may learn to act so as to he prepared for whatever may befall, have little, if any, aid to expect from the new Primate, who has once or twice spoken of remedying the evils of the Church by external legislation, but never, we believe, in favour of the extension of the principle of self-government in the body. There can be no greater objections made to Dr. Tait as Primate than might be raised against any other appoint ment, and he is no unworthy successor of the best of those who have gone before him. The Post remarks that Mr. Disraeli made a great blunder when, as Prime Minister, he made a proposal to the Foreign Secretary at the Guidhall to mediate between France and Prussia. Our contemporary remarks that the leading members of the Government are afraid to avow their views on the Irish question on the hustings. It depends on the result of the elections whether we are to proceed in the way of progress steadily, and in the light of our understanding, or whether we are to be " educated" by demagogues in Conservative clothing, and, to suit their convenience, be led unawares to some "leap in the dark." Let Conservatives ask themselves what security they have that the Government of Mr. Disraeli will not pursue the policy of concession and subserviency which the Government of Lord Derby pursued, and to the same end. In their hearts they must acknowledge that thei most honoured and trusted chief deceived them. We ar not imputing the deception to Lord Derby as an ac of political wrong-doing. History will judge of that. Fos the present, it is enough to refer to the fact which Mr. Gladstone has opportunely underlined—that the Conser vatism of the so-called " Constitutional" party is a sham, a delusion, and a snare. But if the institutions of this country are to be maintained, the principles which con stitute their foundation—truth, equity, and justice—must be vindicated, courageously and cousentiently, by a Government which, strong in its own convictions and representing public opinion, is competent to fulfil all its constitutional obligations. The Morning Summary inquires whether the machine which we are now so busily engaged in constructing is well adapted to its end. At the end of every session there is .p t Massacre of the Innocents—that is to say, in plain English, measures which are required by the public are postponed for want of time ; at the end of every session, critics of all shades of political opinion shake their heads sadly, as they point out how much has been promised and how little has been done. The real remedy for the heavy burden of work laid upon the House of Commons would seem to lie in a careful classification of the topics which are at present brought under its notice, and the removal of some of these subjects to other deliberative bodies. But there are many subjects not well adapted for discus sion in the House of Commons, as, e.g., our railway legislation, which is unanimously acknowledged to have been wofully mismanaged by Parliament. Indeed, it may be said broadly, that though our ten-pound Parlia ments, which have just ceased to exist, after ruling the country for six-and-thirty years, have done excellent ser. vice in the way of abrogation, they have shewn marvel. lously little constructive talent. It is enough in support of this charge to point out the proverbial character of an Act of Parliament--an obscure and contradictory docu ment, full of ambiguous meanings, the delight of chamber barristers, the terror of plain men. It is sometimes so remarkable that it is either loudly repudiated— as, for example, the Streets Traffic Act—or it is at once shelved by the public for whose benefit it is intended. Most of the defects in our legislative enactments are produced by the changes which they necessarily undergo in their pas. sage through the Houses of Parliament, the extent of , hich few are aware of. THE METROPOLITAN VESTRIES AND THE METRO POLITAN POLICE FORCE.—The agitation on the question of the ineficiency of the police and the increasing violence of the criminal classes, which originated with the Maryle bone Vestry, is (Lily rd tainiug support in the other dis tricts of the metropolis. Besides St. Pancras, which quickly gave in adhesion, the Kensington Vestry have determined to join tl,e, deputation to the Home Secre• tary, as also have the Vestry of St. George's-in-the-East. At the Vestry of St. George the Martyr, Southwark, nc persuasion was needed, one of their own body (Mr. Walker) having been lately knocked down in the Borough. road, robbed, and so is that he died a few days afterwards. Great dissatisfaction prevails also at Hackney, the police rates in that parish having increased from £6,522 in 1838 to £10,•431 in 1868, being an increase of sixty per cent. in eleven years ; and yet robbery, vio• lence, and prostitution have greatly increased in the parish. On this subject, at least, the vestries seem to be wonderfully agreed, - there being so far not a single ilL9sentient, NOMINATION SPEECHES. The nomination for the members to represent the City of London was held at the Guildhall on Monday, Mr. CnawFonn, in addressing the electors, declarei himself as strongly attached to the Constitution, the Throne, and the Bible as any of the three Conservative candidates, and rested his claims to the continued support of the constituency on the manner in which he had foi twelve years discharged his duties as one of their members. His opponents said they were for " doing justice to all,' and so was he ; but the " all " ought to include their Irish fellow-subjects. The question was whether for many years to come the councils of this great country were to be swayed by the judgment and intelligence of the party led by Mr. Gladstone, or by the shifty, time-serving policy of the Tory leader. Mr. GOSCHEN followed. He condemned the minority clause ; he denounced the Premier as of reckless audacity and a man of mystery—the democratic leader of a reactionary party—a man who would be all things to all men, if he had not succeeded in making all Conservatives all things to himself ; or to a man who had boldly put his policy before his countrymen, who was identified with his party in his principles, and of whom the worst that his enemies said was that he spoke out his mind too much. He ridiculed the cry of " Corporate property in danger," remarking that private property and State property stood on a different footing. At Southwark Mr. LAYARD met with a noisy reception. He said he had never seen such a sight in Southwark as he had seen that day, and defended himself against the charge of having done nothing for the borough by mentioning his prominent connection with the party which had done so much for the country. He said he should not go to Parliament with the object of adding £3,000,000 to the national expenditure. He should not go to Parliament to continue a badge of servitude upon the Irish nation s And, referring to what had been said by the other side against the Ballot, he invited his opponent to justify such acts as had been done at Blackburn, and such a letter as bad been written by the Duke of Beaufort to a clergyman who had asked his grace, as a landowner, to contribute something towards the education of the poor. He was proud, with Mr. Locke, to own the leadership of Mr. Gladstone, and since the history of England was written, no name, whether of Chatham, Pitt, or Peel, was dearer to the hearts of the English people than that of Gladstone. At Birmingham the candidates addressed a few remarks to a boisterous crowd. Mr. BRIGHT, who was nominated by Messrs. Wright and Raffles, said he would not weary the vast assembly or distress himself by attempting a speech, especially as not one-tenth of those before him could possibly hear what he said. His opinions were fully known to them, and he left the great cause of which he was one of the representatives in the hands of the Birmingham electors with perfect confidence that they would hold that cause sacred and do justice to it at the poll. Mr. FAWCETT addressed the electors of Brighton. No compromise was possible, he said, between the opponents of the present Government and their supporters. Mr. Disraeli and his colleagues had wished to realise the dream of the Ultramontanes by establishing and endowing a Roman Catholic university, and, considering the Prime Minister's antecedents, it was ludicrous to regard him cs the champion of the Church. Consummate actor, indeed, as he was, he could scarcely conceal a smile at the cry of " Disraeli and the Church." For his own part he detested priestly supremacy, and was anxious for religious equality and Christian unity. Sir STAFFORD i\. - ORTHCOTE made his appearance at the Barnstaple hustings. He maintained the consistency of the Conservatives on the subject of Reform, and repeated his opinions as to pledges. A representative ought to study questions as they presented themselves to Parlia ment, and to act according to his judgment under circum stances as they arose. At present, however, the issue was very simple. They knew perfectly well what the present circumstances were ; and he had no hesitation in saying that he was prepared to do battle to the utmost for the maintenance of the Irish branch of the Church Establish ment. Sir Stafford then referred to our foreign relations. " I am proud to think," he said, " that if our time has come to yield up office to our successors, our last legacy to them will be the treaty which was signed with the United States of America on the 10th of this month, providing for the amicable settlement of the whole question in dispute between England and America. Sir JOHN PAKINGTON made his appearance before the electors of Droitwich. He condemned the proposal to disestablish the Irish Church. The disendowment he looked upon in a more serious light. He regarded that not so much as a question of policy as it was a question of honesty, and he considered the proposal as simply a pro posal of confiscation. He borrowed the word confiscation from Sir Roundell Palmer. What was confiscation ? Now confiscation was the transfer to the public use of the for feited goods of criminals; therefore, the opinion of Sir Roundel' Palmer, Mr. Glad tone's own friend, was that if they confiscated the property of the Irish Church they were treating that great body of Christians as criminals. If it was nut confiscation, if that great body of Christians were not criminals, then, in his judgment, it was simply plunder. He believed yet that John Bull would not permit it, and that many of those who now supported Mr. Gladstone would yet fall away. Sir John adhered to the moderate Conservative he professed thirty years ago. In reply to several questions he said he would not pledge himseif to vote for the abolition of the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Bill. He was favourable to an education rate if the poor could not be educated without it. If the pur chase system in the army were abolished, it would add considerably to the burden of taxation. The heir to the throne of England ought to have a good income, and he would give no promise to vote against an increase of the PrinCe of Wales's allowance. No one more disliked ritualistic practices than he did, and he would do anything that was legal to put an end to those very objectionable practices. As to the Ballot, he hated the Ballot ; but, from what he had seen in that borough, he thought the day might come when the protection of the independent man in the exercise of his rights might require its adop tion. If by the abolition of the game laws was meant that every man was to be at liberty to sport over any other man's property, he would not vote for it. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Mr. COLERIDGE spoke at Exeter. The former defended himself against the charge of supporting flogging in the army, stating that Mr. Glad stone had voted against Mr. Otway's motion on the sub ject. He (the Attorney-G eneral) opposed the motion because they were waiting for the report of a commission. He then - avowed himself a staunch supporter of Mr. Disraeli's policy. He admired Lord Stanley, who, better than any other Minister of Foreign Affairs, had understood thg differences between this and other countries. He denied that the COnservative policy was hazy. If returned to Parliament, he should go with the firm determination to oppose the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church ; he would rather sacrifice his office than be any party to Mr. Gladstone's measure, which was unwise and unstatesmanlike. Mr. Coleridge said Mr. Disraeli had alternately been the pupil and denouncer of Mr. Hume, the follower and reviler of Mr. O'Connell, and the extrava gant flatterer and persistent calumniator of that great and pure-minded statesman, Sir Robert Peel ; the asserter of Catholic equality and the enemy of an alien Church ; an opponent of Reform at one time, and now a manufac turer of cloudy phrases in support of a Church which he had admitted to be alien, and in support of household suffrage. If the Attorney-General did not know these things it showed that the overwhelming duties of his great office left him no time - to read the minds of men. The Conservatives had nothing like the inkling of a policy, except' that they would maintain what they called the Constitution, which the Liberals were equally prepared to do. No human being could find out what Mr. Disraeli and his party were going to do, while Mr. Gladstone's policy was clear and definite. Mr. CARDWELL presented himself at Oxford. He repu diated the policy of endowing exclusive universities. He thought there could be no doubt about the meaning of the word disestablishment. Should the Tory party, by impru dent mid untimely opposition, succeed in damming up the stream of beneficial legislation, such a head of waters would accumulate as would become dangerous to the welfare of the community, and when the barrier was at length•removed it would be impossible to say what insti• talons the torrent might not sweep away. If, however, the electors adopted the policy which was proposed by the Liberal party, the stream of legislation would flow on like a noble river, uniform in its speed and an ornament to the country through which it rolled. At Pontefract the electors listened to Mr. CHILDERS upon 'the expenditure. He referred to a former speech he had made upon this subject, in which he had shewn, he thought conclusively, that whereas under the late Govern ment the expenditure of the country was steadily diminishing, under the present Government it was steadily increasing. While his conclusions had been questioned, nobody had disputed his facts or his figures. That most excellent statesman, General Peel, while admitting the correctness of his figur,:s, had said in the suggestion he had made for the reduction of the strength of the forces, but not of the pay, he might possibly put the country in s'anc danger. All the rest he had said General Peel left unanswered, although the latter went fully into collateral questions. The simple answer was, facts were stubborn things, and that the Conservative Government had been compelled to admit, as they would see from the news papers, in the precise manner he had pointed out. Sir EOUNDELL PALMER, in addressing the electors itichmond, referred to his rejection at Oxford. He had clone so in the interests of the Liberal party, who had him as the must fitting person to prevent a •she representation of that university I,tween nd the principle of the union • and he had referred that THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 17, 1868. toy his political views to the speech he lately de livered to the electors of Richmond. The hon. gentleman then promised to support every measure for the improve. ment of those elements of the civil law which needed improvement, and also improvements in the army and navy —in short, to all improvements which he understood to be improvements he would give his honest and earnest support. It had been said that he had virtually through his conduct on the Irish Church gone over to the Conservatives. How had it happened, then, that he had just been rejected by Oxford! As to the Ballot, which by some seemed to be regarded as a political shibboleth by which Liberalism had to be tested, he voted with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Mill in opposing its ntroduction. His reasons were too high a respect for the working classes themselves, that as votes were openly riven in the House of Commons in uniformity with the sentiment that public power ought to be exercised under ► sense of public responsibility, any elector who has the same power of government as the members of the Legis ature should vote openly as they do. Ninety-nine out of ;very hundred men would say how they voted. The Ballot was not consistent with absolute secrecy in voting. After dection by ballot the election could not be reviewed. At Tamworth the electors heard Sir ROBERT and Mr. TORN PEEL, and Sir HENRY BULwER. The latter, after :ailing upon the electors who had invited him to stand for he borough to give him their supportat the poll, said that se was not going to make any new professions of political 'aith. When formerly in Parliament he had given a :onscientious support to Liberal measures, and, though his mtward appearance might have changed since that time, lis political sentiments had remained unaltered. Expe ience bad but increased the strength of those opinions, 'or the more he had seen of despotism in various parts of he world, the more he had been:shocked by its withering nfluence ; and the more he had witnessed the extension of ?opular rights the more he had found that confidence •eposed in the great bulk of the people was not misplaced. Mr. VILLILBS returned thanks to the electors of Wolver lampten for his unopposed return. He said it was a great crisis, in which the interests of the people were nvolved. He said this most distinctly, after eery much consideration, and after a review of what lad happened during a political career extending )ver many years. He never in his life had known a, moment more important to the interests of the people ;han that in which they were then living. They sad got the franchise. It had been extended to them at ast, and he believed they were entitled to it. He never mew the people ask for that which did not conduce to the interests of the empire. The people had got the power sow, and they were not going to be such fools as not to Ise it. They must be fools indeed who thought the )eople would not use it. The Tories might not save been wise in giving it to the people, but he people had got it, and he for one said " Go on." r.t was gratifying to see the interest which the working :lasses took in the conduct of the different constituencies. They had for their leader a singularly eminent nan—a man in whom they believed, for he was lonest, and they knew he was able. Mr. Glad 'tone had adopted the colours of the people. tic had nailed them to the mast, and he would sever strike his colours. He (Mr. Villers) knew 11r. Gladstone was acting with Mr. Bright, whom se thought they could trust. The people knew hat they were right in trusting Mr. Gladstone—they mew they were right in trusting such colleagues as Mr. aright. They knew what Mr. Gladstone had promised— ,bat he would reduce taxation, that he would extend edu :ation to all classes, and that he would establish religious ,quality in Ireland ; while he did nothing—and this was nost prominent in all his speeches—that could in any cay affect the Protestant faith, DIRECTORS AND PROMOTERS 1N PARLIAMENT. ( From the Anglo-American Times.) Not professing to partisanship as regards Ame rican politics, we cannot be supposed to be influ enced by politics as regards England, to which, in truth, we devote little attention. But we earnestly desire, for the honour of the father and model of all Legislative Assemblies, that the people may not returla to Parliament one man whose name has been sullied in connection with the late poisonous crop of swindles, from the deadly night shade of which the nation does now, and will for many a long year, suffer. Can English people rejoice that he whom they selected to represent a great metropoli tan constituency should be the one at whom the magistrate of a Brussels Police Court launched his heaviest censure, confirme I and endorsed by a Bench of Belgian Judges ? Can they like their eccentricities in money matters to be the subject of scoffs and sneers in a Criminal Court of the very city they had spent half a million to drain and beautify ; while the name of another member of Parliament was freely used, whose peculiar style of financing has ruined thousands, though it has raised him from obscurity to affluence? Sir M. PETo has happily retired. Mr. ALBERT GRANT does not aspire to a re-election ; Mr. RICHARD STUART LANE will not get one, indeed he would be better employed in explaining the affairs of the Merchants' Com pany. Since that extraordinary scene in the Lord Mayor's court, nothing more has been heard by the public as to those damaging charges so suspiciously hushed. Directors who feel things must be explained in connection with the queer games some short time ago played, would, if they took our advice, levant at once, and seek a more genial clime and a more grateful obscurity than the harsh winter and disagreeable notoriety which most certainly await them here. Perhaps never before did men gain more at greater cost to others, and less cost to themselves ; still thousands upon thousands of families cannot be plunged into poverty by nefarious transactions without a day of reckoning at last arriving ; and that day has now come. Last Monday Mr. PHILIP VANDERBYL, M.P. (the Daily Telegraph spells his name VAN DERVILLE) was examined in the Rolls Court on a petition for winding up the Lundy Granite Com pany. This gentleman is a partner in a re spectable city firm, which in 1865 formed one of the three constituting the London Merchants Company, on the breaking down of which, Messrs. LANE, HANKEY, and Co. founded the Merchants' Company, that precious concern about which we lately heard something in the Lord Mayor's Court. We must not be supposed for a moment to confound the two, for nothing could have been more fair and honourable than the action of the London Merchants' direction, as luckily for the shareholders who had early taken fright, at least one of the firms was of high honour and standing. Mr. VANDERBYL'S evidence is worth glancing at, though not cross-examined, as this will yet be treasure to the historian ; for some gentlemen, while rapidly making fortunes over their lunch in the back parlours of their handsomely furnished offices whereon the magic word Limited was written, were not aware that they were also making a chapter of English history S 3 discreditable as to redden the face centuries hence of their descendants. One of their pleasing delusions is founded on the old saying of " there being no use in crying over spilt milk," that the shareholders in general will accept their ruin without further inquiry when they know that all is irretrievably lost now they arc rapidly realizing the fact of the reverse being the case, as the shareholders hitherto were restrained by the deception the Directors fostered, that any row would only finish off the remnant ; but on the knowledge that even the remnant is gone, they turn savagely to ask—where? Mr. VANDERBYL gives an idea how a good deal of money belonging to the shareholders of the National Bank went, of which he was a Director. He was also a Director of the Bank of Hindustan, China, and Japan, of which at the time of stoppage the National Bank were creditors for over a million. He believed that some of the Directors were Directors of the Inter national Company, and of JOSEPH SUCHE and Co. (Limited) ; the latter were on intimate relations with some of the Directors of the National Bank. He had everywhere heard it rumoured that the Directors of the National Bank had received large sums for the promotion of companies. Sir JOSEPH M'KENNA, the managing Director, had he had heard, made a hundred thousand pounds, of which £40,000 was from the Peruvian R tilway Com pany, now being wound up. He believed that M'KENNA had the control of the allotment of the Peruvian Company, th a t th e mar k e t was rigged, and that the Stock Ex c h ange j us tly an i m adverted on the c ase . Th e B an k was like wise tearn connected promotion of the N a tional Steam Company and M'KENNA, with Navigation with the Mr. HARVEY LEWIS, also M.P., and Mr. HEN SHAW, were promoters of (that precious concern) the Marseilles Land Company. They were also connected with the promotion of the International Contract Company (a most disastrous thing.) APKENNA and another of the directors are con nected with the promotion of CHARLES LAFITTE and Co. The National Bank, he had heard, found the money for taking up the shares ; but, though a director, receiving four or five hundred per annum from the Bank, he could not say. We may here explain that an attempt was made not long before the final panic which smashed up these swindles to form the celebrated banking firm of LAFITTE into an English Joint Stock Company (Limited), and a disastrous failure termed the Ottoman Financial Association was to be incorporated, so that the in tricacies might never be followed out between the directors with the money and the shareholders. How ever, the scheme to which the National Bank lent themselves failed, and any one may now le irn, on inquiry, at least what the value is of the Ottoman Financial Association shares. Mr. POWER, the Secretary of the National Bank, had 900 shares in the Peruvian Railway Company, Mr. VANDERBYL believed, but he did not think any money was ad vanced by the bank to take up shares of that com pany. The shareholders of the National Bank had raised a great outcry on the conduct of the direc tors with regard to these companies, and Mr. VAN DERBYL stated that the managing director received for his work a salary of £4,200 per annum. We have no desire to reflect on the evidence given by this member of the late Parliament regarding his connection with the Lundy Granite Company, nor do we know what the state of that company is; but it cannot wholly be passel unnoticed. Mr. VAN DERBYLT signed the memorandum of association, and assisted in its promotion at the request of M'KENNA. He denied, however, any knowledge of operations to raise the price of the shares ; he never tried to work them up to a premium, nor contemplated such a thing, nor had he heard of a broker applying for a large number. One of those awkward facts in a court of law, a forgotten letter, was here produced, and if the report in the Telegraph is to be believed, Mr. VANDERBYL then swung suddenly round. He had no recollection of it, but he had no doubt lie did try to work the shares up to a premium ; he took everything for gran t e d M'KENNA told him, and very probably wrote the letter at his dictation. He did not call working shares up to 3 or 4 prenaium, with out bona fide purchases, rigging the market, and ho thought it very likely that it was Mr. Fox, broker to the National Bank, or his London corre spondent, who applied for 5,000 shares. He could not tell, but it was very possible Mr. Fox got £5OO from the company for that transaction, and when shown an entry in the pass-book of the National, " Fox £500," he believed that to be the payment in question. We merely find this recorded in the columns of the 7'elegraph, and we know nothing of the Lundy Granite Company ; but the evidence given by this director of the National Bank is too remarkable to be passed wholly without notice. In the first place, the National Bank is among the greatest of banking institutions ; in the next place, these companies with which a few of its Directors were associated were among the most disastrous failures in London. Some of them were even worse than mere failures. In this lies the de struction of all confidence, fur we have in this a great banking institution and leaders among the mercantile community connected with such affairs— that very connection being the decoy-duck to the outside public who are ruined in masses while the promoters thrive. In another place another examination was being conducted, as remarkable in its way, to which here we have only space briefly to allude. The B tnk of Bombay held in that Presidency something of the position the Bank of England holds in London. So intimate was the connection of Government with it that the shareholders believed it to be responsible that the paid-up capital should be refunded to them in the event of the bank's failure. Some officers of the Government were Directors ex officio, yet this bank, notwithstanding the exertions of the Government to keep it afloat, smashed after the bursting of the great Bombay Bubble. That the new-fanglel finan cial and reclamation schemes should fail would sur prise no one, for the Anglo-Saxon race have a singular aptitude for turning an unexpected tide of prosperity into inflation and consequent collapse. But that this old Government Bank, weighty with a heavy ori ginal capital, as well as the accumulation of years of sound business, should fly off among such kites, petrified alike the people of Bombay and England, who naturally were curious to learn the cause. Now, the telling of this story, though not a matter on which Roychund Premchund and the like will break their hearts, is like wringing the life-blood out of some of those who benefited by it, or were connected with it. A member of the Madras Civil Service was thus examined, and con veniently forgot many circumstances, as did the member of Parliament until an awkward letter was produced, which took all the wind out of his sails, and he was like a ship caught aback. We repeat our earnest hope that the people will not return any man to Parliament connected with these ques tionable transactions, which, however they may re concile to their own conscience, cannot but be inju rious to a Legislature, that has already suffered enough from such connection. THE PARTIES OP THE FUTURE IN THE UNITED S 7 AYES. Notwithstanding that the fight for power and for the spoils was so earnest in the United States neither party represented well defined and fixed principles, although each did represent a different policy. Upon what principle is the Republican party founded, or, its Democratic rival? The former, in the African ernan cipation has gained the object for which it strove; the latter, in opposing negro suffrage, has swung round against the very platform upon which it was built up. Setting aside the Congressional policy of Reconstruction as decided—for what other than office, is the strife of parties ? There are momentous questions to be settled, such as Protection versus Free Trade, Greenback Redemption and Taxa tion of Interest versus a liberal and honourable interpretation of the contract, Civil Service Re form, versus the scramble for office as at present ; yet there is not one upon which the parties are squarely divided. In England it is asserted that the Republicans advocate Liberalism as opposed to the Democrats who advocate Conservatism, and as a general rule the Liberal papers throw themselves strongly into the Republican ranks, while such as the Standard advocate the Democratic cause little less violently than Toryism in England. But although the American parties may, and perhaps must, even tually assume some such form as that given to them in England, as yet, they have not ; and we, who desire to write nothing but the unvarnished truth, free from party bias, see no reason why what is not, should, without challenge, be assserted as true. Viewing broa Ily the whole position, we see a Pre sident elected, who is, of all Americans, the least "pronounced" in his political opinions. if there be a man in the Republic who is not a politician that man is GRANT, and, as such he is in striking contrast with his predecessors for many years. Do the Republicans advocate an honest payment of the Debt? if so, how is it they elected to Congress Bumga, who declared most strongly for, and is the leader of, Greenback Redemption? THADDEUS STE VENS, had he been alive, would certainly have been re-elected, when the chief advocates against the bondholders would have been found in those whose influence weighe 1 Most, in the Republican ranks. The election of BUFLER is to) significant a fact to be overlooked in Europe, certainly at least by us, whose business it is to note all the signs of the times ; and with this election before us it cannot be said that the parties are squarely divided, the one for and the other against repudiation. The Ame rican Conservatives are thought, on this side the Atlantic, to be the advocates of Free Trade ; and, singularly enough, considering that Conservatives elsewhere are its oppnuents. The head of the Free Trade movement, Senator GRIMES, is, however, a Republican, and when writing last year in lowa to the Burlington Hawkeye, he thus expressed himself —" So far as I know, the Republican party has never taken any position on the subject of a tariff, and so far as I believe four-fifths of the members of that party in this State are in full accord with Mr. WILSON, Mr. ALLISON, Mr. KASSON, Governor KIRKWOOD, and myself, and with a majority of the members of Congress from the North- Western States, on the subject of an increase of the present tariff." The Tribune " main tains the right of every Republican to be a Protectionist or Free-Trader as he shall see fit ; no man is less a Republican for any opinion he may cherish on questions of political economy ; let each Republican and each Democrat be a Protectionist orFree-Trader, for license or prohibition, as his own judgment shall dictate." As regards the third sub ject, the Reform of the Civil Service, there is not an American of common patriotism who does not pronounce strongly for it wholly independent of politics, unless he be professionally a politician, with his bread and butter at stake. The truth is that, putting aside Negro Suffrage and Reconstruc tion as settled, neither party rests on a broad, well defined base, and the only other cry which could be got up by the " outs" was that the " ins" were ex travagant, fleeced the people, and gobbled up all the loaves and fishes. On the question of Recon struction the nation divided almost evenly, that is, supposing every one throughout the South had been quite freeto vote, the blacks not frightened from the polls, nor any of the whites disfranchised. When we get the full returns, we will find that although GRANT carried 25 out of the 34 States permitted to send electors, his majority remaining, if the voters in the United States had all paired off, would not have been large. The material then for two good parties exists, the questions also exist ; what is required is a separation on broad principles to be applied to those questions as well as to certain others foreshadowed by Mr. SEYMOUR, which will assuredly rise into importance, and in some measure assimi late parties . in America to those of the United Kingdom. He grounded his remarks on the undue influence given to the large centres of population at the expense of the agricultural districts, wherein we see the germs of the fight between the manufac turers and the agriculturists, in which the interests of the one will be mainly backed in the Western and of the other in the Eastern States. England must not mistake the position each will assume on one important point, for in America it will be the re verse of what occurred during the struggle in Eng land; the agriculturists here were the Protection ists, the manufacturers being the Free-Traders, the one deriving their power from the rural districts, the other from the cities—whereas, the reverse will be the case in America. The interests of the East and West will clash on other questions besides the unequal distribution of the national currency, but on none so forcibly as on the tariff. At this moment no man can predict how the parties will divide, and we believe, although the New England States and the Western States were unanimous in their elec tion of the Republican ticket, yet the interests of the Atlantic States will be found to support the one party, while the influence of the great prairie States and the agricultural South will back the other party. There can be no compromise on this subject in the parties of the future, as heretofore; split they must, be they Democrat or be. they Republican ; and when the new machinery begins to work, the new ques tions will COM_lletiee fermenting, and Congress will quickly begin to change. Suppose, for instance, that the Hon. DAVID WELLS is selected by GRANT as Secretary of the Treasury, an advocate of Free Trade (for it cannot be denied that Mr. WELLS is now in his heart a Free-Trader), will hold the post in which he can make such an influence most felt. Immediately the Protectionists would take fright, and on such questions they permit no compro mise, no discussion. A split would, we believe, instantly take place, and Republicans and De mocrats would range side by side. Indeed, now that the great questions which held together the Republican party, and the other, are decided by the late elections, both it and its opponent are away from their anchorage and adrift. They must " let go" other anchors on ground with room to swing, where they can take deeper and firmer boll. The very essence of a free government is a constitu tional opposition, and no party ought ever to be permitted by the people to gain an overwhelming power, for they then degenerate into a d,?spotism, such for instance as did the Whig families of Eng land, who long exercised a corrupt control over Great Britain under the pretence of being Liberty's guardian. The coming history of the United States will be of an interest little less exciting than that just passed, for we must shortly see the dissolution and the re-formation of the two great parties which have for so many years ruled in the United States.— Anglo-American Times. 11-1 :. GLADSTONE IN LANCASHIRE. On Monday evening Mr. Gladstone addressed the !lectors of Widnes. He commenced by reminding his learers that he had been thirty-six years in the House of commons, engaged in active public life, during which drue he had had fourteen elections, eight of which had )een contested. He had been returned thirteen times, Ind in the contested elections he had been successful seven imes. The only failure was his rejection for the University of Oxford, and he could not be surprised it that now he saw that his distinguished friend Sir Roundel! Palmer—who, though under a mistaken opinion ie had separated himself from his old colleagues, was a most iberal-minded man—had been unable to overcome the spirit vith which he had had to contend in the university. He fad fondly hoped to see that university take its part in ;he full work of national education and national progress, ►nd he grieved to see it reduced to a state of degradation inch as he did not think possible when they rejected him. Ie thought they made a mistake, but he looked for con iolation at the hands of the electors of South-West Lan msbire. He remarked that he was charged with being an :limy of Protestantism. In one sense he was not a friend ;o it, for there was a great deal of it circulating in :he country that he could not be a friend to. tic would at once relinquish the old-established Church of - England if it required him to set aside the principles of 7ight between man and man. The right hon. gentleman again referred to the national expenditure, especially that )f the army. He also adduced Mr. Disraeli's assertion that the conscription would almost become necessary as a Lost untrue and insulting reflection on the Duke of Cambridge, than whom a more conscientious person lad never served the public. An expenditure of s few millions more or less became a serious luestion to the majority of the people. Public opinion must work the cure. He claimed credit for the Liberal ?arty in the reduction of the national debt. They had some regard to the interests of posterity. On foreign policy he expressed his satisfaction with the conduct of Lord Stanley, and challenged him to say whether he had iot always received steady support from the Opposition. Peace, retrenchment, and reform were the watchwords :on the past of the Liberal party, and their continuation 3n a wider and more comprehensive basis was essential to the continued strength and security of the empire. Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to St. Helens to address the electors. In referring again to the subject of the Irish Church, he replied to Lord Stanley's and Sir Stafford Northcote's indefiniteness on this question, and he specially referred to Sir Stafford Northcote's contra dictory conduct on the subject of Reform. It did not arise from want of earnestness or sincerity, but it was want of what they called in Lancashire " backbone," want of earnestness of purpose, and of the quality which enabled a man to stand up in the face of the world, of Parliament, and of his own chief, for what he believed to be right. GLASGOW UNIVERSITY. The election of a Lord Rector of Glasgow University took place on Monday. The Liberal candidate was the [ion. Robert Lowe ; and the Conservative, Lord Stanley. The rector is the official president of the University Court, a body which is empowered to review all the decisions of the Senatus Academicus, under certain conditions, -.43 effect improvements in the internal arrangements of the university—to regulate the class fees, and, with the consent of her Majesty in Council, to censure, to suspend, ar deprive any professor or require him to retire on a re tiring allowance. His term of office is three years, and the election always takes place on the 15th of November. The Rector is elected by the matriculated students of the university, divided, according to ancient usage, into four nations. These nations are constituted as follows : E. The Natio Glottiana consists of all matriculated students born within the county of Lanark. 2. The Natio Trans forthiana consists of all matriculated students born within any of the counties of Orkney and Shetland, Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Inverness, Cromarty, Nairn, Moray, Banff, Aberdeen, Perth, Forfar, Kincardine, Clackmannan, Fife, Kinross, Argyle, Stirling, and Dumbarton. 3. The Natio Rothseiana consists of all matriculated students born within any of the counties of Bute, Renfrew, and Ayr. 4. The Natio Londoniana consists of all matricu lated students not included in any of the other nations. The contest this yearhas been carried on in a more orderly and gentlemanly manner than on most previous occasions. The voting commenced at 10 o'clock ; at 11 the gates were shut ; and at five minutes past 12 the books were closed. A general meeting of the university autho rities and the students was held in the common hall at one, when the result of the voting was announced to be as follows :—For Mr. Lowe, Rothseiana and Loudoniana ; for Lord Stanley, Transforthiana and Glottiana. The nations, therefore, are equal ; but the Duke of Montrose being a Conservative, his casting vote will doubtless be given for Lord Stanley. On Sunday morning, Mr. Johnson, president of the Foundling Ilospitul, M 1 down dead during the service in the chapci. STUDYING YANK EE CHARICTER. —I spent a summer in the Eastern States for the purpose of studying Yankee character, and picking up such peculiarities of dialect and expression as I could, from constant commu nication with the "critters" themselves. In Boston,. I was thus invited by a countryman to visit the town in v. hich he lived : " Wal, stranger, can't you come down our .way and give us a show?" " Where do you live ?" inquired " Oh, about half-way between this ere and sunrise." " Oh, yes," said I, adopting at once the style of the countryman, " I know; where the trees grow undergroun3, and gals weigh two hundred pounds. Where some on 'em are so fat they grease the cart-wheels with their shadow, an seine on 'em are so thin you're obliged to look at 'em twice afore you can see 'em at all." " I guess you've been there," says he; saying which thevDuntryman departed, 711 E INTERIOR OF OUR EARTH. The recent earthquakes have attracted much at tention to their cause, and it seems generally to be admitted that they are the result of mechanical ac tion in the earth's crust, while adjusting itself to the ever-shrinking molten mass it contains. There is also another force arising from the slight annual tidal motion of the molten interior, due to the com bined attraction of the sun and moon, which to some extent controls the mechanical action. If this annual oscillation of the earth's crust is referred to the annual motion of the molten interior, it follows that the greatest volcanic disturbance would be at the ebb and flow of such tide. Humboldt says, " Numerical inquiries of the distribution of earth quakes throughout the course of the year, such as those of Von Hoff, Peter Merian, and Friedrich Hoffman, bear testimony to their frequency at the periods of the equinoxes." They should be most frequent in the daytime, within a few hours after the sun passes the meridian, and this seems to be the fact. The frequent annual earthquakes are due to the tidal motion of the molten interior, while the destructive earthquakes are due to the gradual sinking of the molten mass, and occur after length ened periods, when the earth's crust is incapable of resisting the immense lateral pressure. It is pro bable that when the laws which govern volcanic action are better understood destructive earthquakes may be foretold, and thus disarmed of their terrors. Humboldt says :—" Lima . is frequently visited by earthquakes, and several times the city has been reduced to a mass of ruins. At an average forty five shocks may be counted on in a year, most of which occur iu the latter part of October, iu Novein ber, December, January, May, and June.- Long habit and the very prevalent opinion that dangerous shocks are to be apprehended only two or three times in the course of a , century, cause the faint oscillations of the soil to be regarded in Lima with scarcely more attention than a hail storm in the temperate zone. Experience gives rea son to expect the visitation of two desolating earth quakes in a century. The period between the two is from 40 to 60 years. The most considerable catastrophes experienced in Lima since Europeans have visited the west coast of South America hap pened iu the years 1586, 1630, 1687, 1713, 1746, 1806," and afterwards in 1868. Now that the period of destructive earthquakes has again arrived, the inhabitants residing along the line of disturbance should adopt all known means of safety. In early geological periods when the earth's crust was thinner, and had less power of resistance, it is supposed that there was a gaily tidal motion of li the mass within which gave a longitudinal direction to the corrugation and folding of the rocks, as is ex hibited in the early formed States and the existing mountain ranges. Such are the theories embodied in a letter from F. A. Herring to the San Francisco Mining and Scientific Press. In Denton's lectures ,on Geology, entitled "Our Planet: its Past and Future," there are some interesting remarks on the nature and source of petroleum. After dismissing the popular conjectures, more especially that which supposes it to be a bituminous product, he arrives at the conclusion that it is a coral oil and not a coal oil. Mr. Denton had some specimens of fossil coral, obtained from Devonian and Silurian rocks belong ing to the family of favosites, or honeycomb stone, the cells of which were filled with oil as a honeycomb is filled With honey. He says :—" I have found oil in some specimens nearly as limpid as water ; and by heating the coral, oil runs oat readily. I have seen these oil-bearing corals at Smokes Creek, where there are coral reefs full of it ; in the Silu rian limestone of Middle Tennessee ; at Williams ville, near Buffalo ; and in rocks near Penn Yan, in New York. In the State Collection of Fossils, at Albany, and in the Montreal Geological Cabinet, there are numerous specimens. Professor Dana in forms us that it flows in drops trom a fossil coral at Nlontmorenci, Canada, and at Watertown, New York. It might be supposed that this oil filled the cavities of the corals, as it might any other cavity in the rock ; but I have found it repeatedly in these corals, and in no other part of the rock, invariably accompanying the corals, and never connected with any other fossil. Corals occur frequently in the centre of solid limestone blocks. These reefs would furnish quantities sufficient to account for the immense de posits that have been discovered. Preserved by them in compact bodies, the oil taking up at least half the space of the coral reef, we can readily suppose that when the cells were crushed by the superincumbent weight of rock, or during upheavals and subsidences, cavities and crevices in the earth's interior would be filled by it. It is, then, an animal production, and not a vegetable one. It is a product of the ocean, and not of the land, being almost invariably associated with salt water, from the bottoms of seas that then covered a large portion of Western New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Eastern Ohio, Ken tucky, and Tennessee. It is not formed from the bodies of the coral polyps, as some have supposed— for, when dry, they are a mere film that could be blown away by a child's breath—but secreted from the impure waters, principally, though not ex clusively, of the Devonian times, the coral polpys performing the same office for the water that the carboniferous plants did for the air." Among the many modes of swindling in New York, " the last thing out" is about the coolest. For a long time people in the country have been sending to the merchants in the city bitter com plaints of the way in which their orders were exe cuted, and we can well understand that a man who expected a brand new suit of clothes made to order would not be satisfied when an old pair of boots were sent instead. The police have been closely inquiring into the mode in which these transformations occurred, for it was well ascer tained that the package left the store all right, and arrived at its destination all wrong. How it did occur might have suggested itself to the mind of any one, though it appears to have been a real puzzle in New York for two years. Between the store and the railway depot it is necessary to send the parcel iu a cart; and although it would be absurd to suppose that men who occupy a position something similar to the Messrs. Pickford or Chap lin would plunder the goods entrusted to their care, this is no guarantee against their subordinates doing so. One of these carriers was watched on the 28th Oct., and a package of clothing being put into the cart for a Savannah steamer it was taken instead, in the first instance, to 143, Lawrence street, where it was opened, a portion abstracted, and inferior things substituted. 1 1 he carttnan, on finding himself fixed with the crime, confessed that he had carried on these operations for two years, and $20,000 of plunder was the result. Mr. Jack son, the master carrier, was wholly ignorant of what his men were about. DUN - VILLE and Co., Belfast, are the largest holders of Whisky in the world. Their Old Irish Whisky is re commended by the medical profession in preference to French Brandy. Supplied in casks and cases for house use or exporta tion. Quotations on application to Messrs. Dunville and Co. Belfast; or 4, Beaufort-buildings, Strand, London, W.O —[Ad Tertisement.] THE STATUS OF EDITORS IN ENGLAND• (From the Anglo-American 2 Imes.) One indication of the Americanization in pro gress in England is the number of newspaper men proposed as candidates for the new Parliament. The status of an editor is, and always has been, higher in America than on this side the Atlantic. Indeed, the power of such organs as the Times, the Daily News, the Telegraph, the Standard, and Star is singularly out of keeping with the standing of those who direct them. Doubtless, in England, the anonymous system differs from that in vogue in America, as here the journal is everything, the per sons who conduct it, nothing; while in America the conductors insist on making themselves known , and half merging the journal in themselves. Few Englishmen can tell who the editor is of the paper they constantly read, and they never heard the names or saw the persons of those whose articles have inl" pressed them most. Yet these very men, if they know anything at all of America, associate the Tribune with Horace Greeley, the Ti»zes with RaY mond, the Herald with the Bennetts. If asked who the leading men in the United States were, these would be among the first names suggested. Thus the editors of the leading journals are given 3 place with the statesmen, the great lawyers, and the soldiers of the Union. Indeed a connection with the press is not only a free passport every where, but a good means of rising into political imp Jrtance and attaining to some of the high offices of State. In this respect the colonies deal more libe rally with editors than England does. Often th e best means of attaicing to eminence is through the press; perhaps for the same reason that the jour nalists of America are such prominent persons, the anonymous character not being there wait" taiued. It is evident, however, that something of a change is taking place in England, fo r we find the following gentlemen brought forward as candidates for Parliament. Mr. Walter of th e Times is standing for Berkshire; Mr. Russell for Chelsea; Mr. Baines, Leeds Mercury, for Leeds; Mr. Cowen, Newcastle Chronicle, for Newcastle ; Dr. Sebastian Evans, Birmingham Gazette, for Birmingham; and Sir John Gray, Freeman's Joni" nal, for Kilkenny. Sir Henry Hoare, Mr. Charles Reed, Mr. Labouchere, and Mr. Samuel Morley, all connected with the Daily News, stand in t he Liberal interest ; and Mr. Clayden seeks to be re' turned for Nottingham. Commodore Vanderbilt has been unfortunate is the accidents which have recently occurred on the roads he controls, more especially on the New Y° l. ! Central. The public are getting seriously annoye d at these catastrophes, so.ne the result of gross carelessness and inattention to the condition of tb e way, while millions are expended in bribery and on 3 vile system of gambling. On the Hudson Riper Road, lately, an accident occurred a few miles be low Greenbush, by which two passengers we re killed, and forty more or less injured. This v c3e : the result of a broken rail, and two serious ace' dents followed on the New York Central from somewhat similar causes. The list of losses 433 the water have been heavy, though no lives were sacrificed. The ocean steam 3r Del Norte, whil.; 04 a voyage from Sitka to Victoria, was wrecked oa October 1 ; the steamer Gen. qtilinan, from Vick' s ; burg for New Orleans, sank with 1,700 bales 017 cotton and 4,500 sacks of corn ; the bark L. it ; Bissell, of Detroit, was burned with its $5 0 , 0° 9 : cargo ; and the steamer Lily has been sunk on W e upper Missouri. John Quincy Adams, since his return to 11Iass i ' chusetts, has spoken earnestly in favour of the South, and promises never to stop nor relax the heartiest and most strenuous efforts to remove s uch " blessings" as Reconstruction from the necks of the fellow-citizens, who, he says, want no more cont est no more ill blood ; they want merely to sha pe : 4 hands, saying, " We fought, and now the figh t , l e a W I done, let us be friends." " That is the feeling mass of the whole people I met at the South• saw no unkindness, no sort of feeling indica tir ' g „ unkindness towards any of the people at the No rtb ' The criminal returns for Massachusetts in 1868 ' ; dated Oct. 1, show a total commitment for c rimes and offences of 13,526, though the number of P er ; sons committted is little over 10,000, many recommitments. The returns were from Charleston prison, the State workhouse at Bridgewater, t" Boston House of Industry, the fifteen cou nty houses of correction, and the nineteen county ja ti o s i 9,942 commitments were of males, and 3,5 0 0 females; the corresponding figures for 1867 w er e 8,996 males and 3,284 females ; showing tha' increase of crime has been chiefly among men. 40, whole increase of commitments has been 1 7' as the increase in drunkenness and common drunk ar alone being 1,136 ; so that the increase in ge oe , r o. crimes apart from drunkenness has been bat or about per cent. only. The three b i g be , crimes show the following relative figures :--- I ‘ ll/ is der, 28 persons committed in 1868, against 3 7; 1867 ; manslaughter, 16 in 1268, and 8 in 186 0 1 rape, 31 in 1868, and 28 in 1867—making a t° /, for these three crimes of 75 in 1868, and 67 in 186 The whole number committed to the State Pr i ' ro , in 1868 was 180, against 128 last year ; the O tto ber in that prison, October 1, was 558, all (1 , - io average number for the year 546, against 5 3 ' 1867. Except for drunkenness it is not 0 04 0 . 0 that the commitments are really, though they g apparently, in excess of former years, calcu latt i o the increase in population, the longer sentences, ° the fewer pardons. 5/f [ADVERTISEMENT.] —HoIIoway's Ointment and 11; - 11 0 Hereditary predisposition, exposure to cold, and erin e cli' diet, subject thousands to sickness who fear to seek ito cal aid because their means are too narrow to dischar.gd to heavy cost. Rheumatic and gouty affections soon Y' e fk fte; the soothing influence of Holloway's medicaments. ble fomentation the Ointment only requires to be well rl i ob" on the part affected, to lessen the inflammation and ° nolo due the throbbing pain. It leaves behind neither sw e 0' stiffness, nor lameness. By carefully attending to tlV il i4o structions folded round Holloway's remedies recent V A 0! in muscles, joints, or sinews may be readily overcome' had mobility be restored in chronic cases where rigidity resulted. aggr."o-04 (ADVERTISEMENT.]—Avoid Medicines: they always chronic cornplaiats: bat Da Basry's delicious healtlrr e ori s 4 , it Revalea Arabica :?ood, whlch yields three Limes the la ec ites ment die crest meat, =yea 50 t' Aes La cost :a other r e3l soll and i.ivariably restores per:act di,ostion, stro:77,• uerres, 3 ,.„ t io 46 lungs, healthy liver, pare blood, refreshla3 ::;_eeot regulaa•Li!, anti ener2;tr the inosi disordered 02 en7eea , .,46, extract a. a . oat of 63,000 cares ;—" The l'ope's itea l6ll 4 es by On '. 7 ,'arry's . .;'ciati. Care No. 63,413. "Rime, iu."9 v t. si l / 1 —The health o: . the Ho'y 7ather is excellent, esoecit 4 ,oo; aba,ndoaing all otter remedle3, confined tinagell,,,soer to Du Barry's .o.3valenta, Ara - 31ca, of which ha C ,4 lffl; c el a plateful at every meal. It has produced a saro - 2:5 7.,, ?",",is flcial etre .;;; o health, an hia Hodness cannot . araise lent ;ood too hi Jaly." From the "Gazette cis Mhl , ,JulY ",. 0 '1 1 „ 7 0 .4 No. 58,216, of the I.Erchioaess Brehan, or seven Ye'';',o 4 "o complaint, wastia3 away, (13731114, nervousness, with a:: ss , r l palpitation all over, bad dijestloa, constant sleepiess,%, Lv r i the most intolerable nervous agitation.." .•e No. . 1 , 4 „' Stuart de Decies, Lord ii_ - .Aeat.Taant Wa'..e - _•rord, ci dyspepsia. No. 49,332: " ...Pirty years' in:lase - A.3s .e 5,,g4, 1 11,(0 : dyspepsia, nervousness, asth.aa, cough, constjeation, spasms, sickness, and vomitin7,.-1.13. - ria yrd 46,270: Mr. James Roberts, of Frhnley, Sarrey, of 0 , 1 i., I '4 diseased lungs, split - dug of blood, liver deranlen' . :„ partial deafness. Important Caation.—Beware of h pitied unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to wirch , ,,.. authority, Baron Lle73ifi's name is most amise7o.leb r , ." 4 In tins, at Is. I.'d.; 117. 23. 91 ; 2 4s 61.; 5 ' b i kiA l ! 12 lbs., 22s ; ilbs ,10s.—Also Du BA.T.tRYS RUVALENTA„ at 3 00 0 CHOCOLATY PoWDER is paced i a tin can'sts .•s • !For ot • 7 0. 0 25., for 24 C11)3 at 3s. 3d., for 43 cup at 6s. for 233 caP',ooip; for 576 coos st 555. BKIF, aboat one 7)3 soy per edO• :recT and 555. tins p.m sent free of carZa ;a i i E aglan3 on pp. o Post Office Order.—BAßßY DO 3AlitY and Co., Regent-street, fondon and all G,.ocers and Chemis`s' Births. ,o pot ° CANNING—On the 14th inst., at the Manor 110 119e ' - tl ° Langley, forts, Lady Canning, of a son. .ar i tfi i 1 , PANE —On the 13th inst., at Cokethorpe-park, l' 'eterf wife of Capt. J. A. Fane, of a daughter. k P NEWMAN—On the 15th inst., at Mamhead Pa r "' Lady Newman, of a daughter. Marriages. borg iii CROSBIE —ANSTAUTHER —Ou the 14th inst., at V.ir3co,ol William Talbot Crosbie, Esq., of Ardfert'Ab be i\ r ' a ipb Kerry, to Mary Jane, relict of the late S ir Austruther, Bart.. of Balcaskie, Fifeshire. sl l6l‘' 4 „r, LOADER—WILSON —On the 14th lust , at St. .1 0 ":"LoP;13, ney, James John, eldest son of the late Jatoe'jpeo . . l " o , Esq., of Tabernacle-walk, Finsbury, to Mt r l o . l itiar second daughter of Frederck Wilson, Esq. , '- road, Clapton. Isi Deaths. , ° ,fortil' , BULLOCK—On the 13th inst., at Sp ring_gr ove, 'SY Commander T. T. Bullock, R.N , aged :3 5 - i 1 Job ° GASCOYNE—On the 13th inst., at Clifton, Dils`°' 111"°. thiscoyne, Esq., aged 72. LEA—On the 15th inst., a.' A stloy, O, Simcox Lea, Esq., agad 80. At , i "cIC ~..;se%, MILBURN—On the l3th inst., suddenly, Fr e---' • d, L S ifaist o Milburn, Esq., of Blue ridge House, _,. Worcestershire, aged 53.' - i v., London : Printed and Published by YirILLI„ 1 4 ° () of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tk t SUS 0-'6''o2,otl Strand, in the Precinct of the do voY, Middlesex.—Tuesday, November 17, 1808* Sc the 2 0 - 6 - 12 Iten pres sup( and F. E Roo and an 1 Dan e ver 4:11 !tre( Fled men witt 105, T 5, AdvE th e full at all ord e , trad e Roux Co., T Tr e , soli( exp, at N