The Sun. — London, England, 1868-11-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP PUBLIC JOURNAL& The Times remarks that in a day or two we ghat probably learn that General Grant has been raised to the highest office in the Republic, and that the party which, since 1860, has been dominant is destined to control for an indefinite time longer the national destinies, though under the influence of a man who is understood to be by no means committed to the extreme doctrines of his party. It speaks much for the strictness of American political discipline that by the election the whole question will be settled. The General is one of the youngest men who have ever been raised to the presidency. He is only 40 years old, and has thus won fame and political fortune at a comparatively early age through the chances of the civil war. It remains to be proved how far his talents are suited to the administration of a great nation's affairs at so difficult a time. Those who know him do not conceive him to possess any brilliant genius, but the qualities which are attributed to him are often the most useful in the chief of an Executive who is surrounded with a crowd of coun sellors and instigators, and who needs rather a sound judgment to discriminate than a fertile imagination to suggest. General Grant has had opportunities of studying the part he will have to play, and his prudence and self-command promise that he will make up his mind for himself, and act upon his own convictions. Succeeding a President who has become personally unpopular with the majority of the nation, he will have the advantage of a favourable contrast ; and in his character of an " old soldier" he will appeal still more widely to the popular sentiment. Although the Democrats are strong in the Union—much stronger than the representative assemblies of the Republic would indicate—yet General Grant will have a sufficient majority of steady supporters to make him almost as powerful a President as Mr. Lincoln was during the war. The Telegraph reckons that Parliament may get to business on the 14th December. That date brings us within eleven days of Christmas. Will the interval before the recess be sufficient to enable the House of Com mons to displace the present Ministry? The question is one of practical importance. Unless the great issue be decided before Christmas, it must be postponed until February. The estimates for the next financial year would then be framed under the auspices of the present Ministry, while their successors who have seats in the Lower House would have to be re-elected, and, consequently, the business of Parliament would be most inconveniently delayed. We do not, however, anticipate any such result. The brief winter session of 1863 is held, noto riously, for the purpose of determining whether we are to have a Liberal or a Conservative Cabinet; and the next question relates to the mode in which the i ssue w ill b e raised. There are good reasons why we should not fear any such inconvenient delay in the determination of the great issue before the country. Both parties are equally anxious to facilitate a seasonable decision; for the chiefs of both would find it most irksome and embarrassing to undertake, in view of the re-assembling of the House in February, the preparation of governmental measures which the course of events might make only so much wasted trouble. We may expect, therefore, through the hearty co-operation of both sides, to know before the present year closes what set of men will prepare the measures of 1869. According to the Standard, the assumption of the Times as to the great Liberal majority is a ridiculous blunder. Before the lucubrations of our contemporary saw the light, a number of Liberal seats, which'his calculation assumes to be uncontested, were threatened, and before the day of the dissolution, near as it is, we will undertake to say that the Liberals will find their majority of uncontested seats reduced to a very small figure indeed. What can be more absurd than to assume that seats will not be con tested at a general election because three weeks previously no opposing candidates had presented themselves ? Many shun the cost and the fatigue of a long canvass. They will wait until the dissolution is announced and the day of the election practically fixed, before plung ing into the struggle, and all experience shews that although it may, as a general rule, be an advantage to be the first in the field, to have been in the field three or four months is far from being an advantage when a new candidate presents himself for a British con stituency. If the Times wants to shake our confidence and awaken that of its friends, it must give some better reasons for assuring a majority of 120 than figures already out of date. If, however, our contemporary will take our advice, he will keep back his prophecies until after the event. It is possible that a " few weak brethren," say in Lancashire, may be encouraged by such cock-and-bull stories to believe that the Opposition will obtain an enor mous majority ; but, on the other hand, the great bulk of the electors, as well in Lancashire as in the rest of the country, will look upon the cause which needs to be bolstered up with such inventions as almost hopeless. The Herald approves the late ecclesiastical appoint ments, and draws especial attention to that of Mr. William Bright. The importance of the post of Professor of Ecclesiastical History at Oxford can, especially at the present time, not well he overrated. It was in this capacity that Dr. Stanley, Dean of Westminster, not only vindicated most brilliantly his claims to learning and to literature, but gained a far deeper influence over the minds of Young Oxford than he had ever been able to exact in his character of college tutor. It is unnecessary here to examine precisely what the nature of that influence may have been ; it is sufficient to point out that the post is one which, if efficiently filled, may be made a powerful lever in the religious and educational organisation of the university. It was a trite saying years ago'at Oxford, that the lectures which the Ecclesiasti cal History Professor delivered were either the most popu lar or the most unpopular—the most unpopular if they were nothing more than lifeless résumés of historical fact, the most popular if they were made instinct with that life and warmth which a sympathetic imagination on the part of the teacher only can inspire. Mr. Bright possesses the gifts exactly calculated to arrest the attention of the student, and his convictions are on the side of the soundest truth and most healthy doctrine. It is no small thing that, when Oxford is assailed as she now is, the teacher who is elected to fill one of her most important professorial posts is a man of such a character and such powers ; one whose learning even his enemies do not dis pute ; and one who, realising the importance of his new dignity, will be the staunchest ally that the religious education of Oxford could have. The Daily News thinks that Mr. Disraeli has shewn what we may begin to call his usual judgment in his latest distribution of ecclesiastical patronage with reference to the claims of the two great parties in the Church. Canon Champneys, the new Dean of Lichfield, has, from the time when he was curate in sole charge of St. Ebbe's, Oxford, in 1831, until now been an indefatigable and successful parochial clergyman, having been twenty-three years rector of Whitechapel, and for the last eight years vicar of St. Pancras. If Mr. Disraeli,had no original knowledge of these facts when he rewarded thirty. seven years of faithful and fruitful service with a deanery, be must, at least, have some good advisers near him. Mr. Champneys is a Low Churchman. The Rev. William Bright, of University College, who succeeds to the Pro fessorship of Ecclesiastical History at Oxford, and the canonry of Christchurch annexed to that office, is a High Churchman who has given proofs of learning and impartiality in a " History of the Church from the Edict of Milan to the Council of Clarendon." a period of extra ordinary ecclesiastical contention. If former professors, not possessing prominent qualifications for the post, have accepted it as a stage of promotion, and relinquished it without leaving permanent memorials of their occupa tion, it may be expected that a gentleman who has made a special study of Church history will be able to inspire his hearers with something of his own spirit. Certainly there never was a time when the moderating lessons of Church history were more needed than at the present day, 1 The Post says that the grossly ineffective state of our public guardians is by no means a novel discovery. For years the crass stupidity of the " intelligent officer" has been a byword, and the general invisibility of Policeman X when wanted a standing joke ; but since the Reform League demonstrations, when the roughs were so carefully instructed as to the enormous power they possessed, things have been getting from bad to worse. It would almost seem as if the preservation of the public peace had been given up as a bad job ; apathy and indifference reign supreme, and the official calm of superin• tendents and inspectors declines to be ruffled by petty complaints. If Mr. Smith loses his watch, or Mrs. Brown has half a dozen teeth knocked down her throat before parting with her reticule, Scot land-Yard will possibly go so far as to assist in apprehend. ing the ruffian who committed the assault, but as for using any endeavour to prevent the recurrence of such outrages, that is quite beyond the department. Ii spite of daily complaints, Sir Richard Mayne loftily dis,laim tc correct the abuses which taint his system, and with senile perversity weakens an already inadequate force by an unmeaning crusade, first against dogs, and now, save tl:e mall! againSt children's hoops. We have no desire tc deal hanbly with Sir Richard Mayne. Ile is no Nigel young, and it is idle to eNpect the energy - of mid(re age is a man of threescore years and ten. Sit Richard has dont the State some servi..e, and a graceful retirement at the present time would be alike honourable' to himself anC advautanous to the community. AADAME IttenEL.—some misunderstanding pre. wills as to the present phase of the Rachel case. Befon a writ of enor can be obtained a fiat must be obtained from the Attorney-General on which bail can be put in, until the determination of the writ of error. At present the fiat . issued is to amend the record shelving the judi cial psrmus resent. vilien Madame RachOiym tried.' ITHE BISHOP OF LONDO2 0.N7 Ylll LA ! ARCHBISHOP OF 04.NTERBUBIre, On Sunday last the Lord Bishop of London preached A the parish church of Broadstairs. In alluding to the death of the late archbishop, he said : "We are met together this day on a very solemn occasion; we are commemorating the saints' glory, and this diocese is mourning the departure of one who lived here amongst us for the last six years a truly blameless Chris. tian lire. How is it that a mini in an exalted station, with all the temptations of abundant wealth, with many pressing cares of secular business, is able to live that consistent Christian life of which the head of his diocese and province just departed was a notable example? Certainly by having the route (of Christian life) in the heart by living in his inward man a life of faith and prayer, and then amidst all tumults and temptations of outward life Clod keeps him safe, and a pattern of saintly virtues. It has been my privilege during the last twelve years to live inveryintimate relations with the last two Archbishops of Canterbury—two men holding the very highest position next to Royalty itself in this realm, and I can truly say that it seemed to me ever to be a blessing to this Church and nation that two men thrust to such pre-eminent posts were not less exalted in their wordly rank than they were in their consistent Christian character. A good thing indeed for the Church of Christ if it is presided over by those who are first in all Christain graces. Both the cre and the other will be long remembered by those who were privileged to have intercourse with them." He added that the influence which each exercised in their day and generation by a quiet, enduring Christian life would long be felt by all who were privileged to be brought into their intimate society, and he appealed to his congregation to all endeavour in their respective walks to live that con sistent life of Christian principle, that when they were called they might be able to give account of themselves, and join the great company of saints in heaven. NO POPERY. The Rev. Newman Hall has been delivering a lecture in his chapel on the subject of "No Popery." After referring to what he considered the evils of Popery, pOlitical, social, and doctrinal, be protested against similar evils amongst Protestants. It was Popish intolerance to insult Brother Ignatius and his congregation in Lora bard-street, and to prevent Murphy, the lecturer, utter ing his diatribes against Popery. There should be equal respect for the convictions of, and impartial protection for, all persons, so long as they did not interfere with the equal rights of their neighbours. The greatest danger of Popery was in the ranks of so-called Pro testants. Those who cried "No Popery" should be earnest in resisting Popish error close at home. The lecturer passed en to the subject of the Irish Church. Many most excellent people feared that disestablish ment would injure Protestantism, and therefore they raised the cry of "No Popery." He could not agree with them. Because he was an earnest Protestant he desired the disestablishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland. The establishment of Protestantism had, as a fact, failed in its object. While Dissent in England, unendowed and discouraged, had covered the land and claimed almost half the worshippers, Protestantism in Ireland, upheld by all the emoluments and honours of the State, had lost ground. This was easily accounted for by the prejudice excited against it arising from the aspect of injustice it wore. He also desired the disestablishment of Protes tantism because in the general opinion of statesmen and the avowed purpose of the present Government, the only alternative was the endowment of Popery, the "levelling up." Mr. Disraeli's policy had been emphatically praised by a journal published by authority in Rome, but Mr. Gladstone's policy, though avowedly for justice and not for Protestantism, was felt by him and his supporters to be really in the interest of Protestantism. It was a matter of congratulation that such a cause had such a leader, whom all ; candid people must honour as a thoroughly honest statesman, even though they differed from him 'in opinion ; and against whom the worst charge was that he had not retained during life the opinions of the nursery, but could say : " When I was a child I spoke as a child, but when I became a man I put away childish things." The lecturer advocated national religion, but this consisted in the religiousness of the people who constituted the nation, not in a system upheld by the State. A religious con stituency would vote religiously, and not require thousands of pounds to be spent by the candidates. A religious Parliament would enact equitable laws, and a religious ruler would govern in the fear of God. America was not irreligious because it had no Established Church. Our own Canada did not cease to be religious when the Church ceased to be connected with the State ; on the contrary, the bishops and clergy of that Church affirmed that it had prospered snore since that disesta blishment. The lecturer strongly disavowed indifference to Protestantism or hostility to the Episcopal Church. He loved the Liturgy of that Church—he claimed as friends many of its clergy—he rejoiced in all the goodness which adorned it, and he desired its disestablishmcnt in Ireland because he believed that this would purify it, promote its zeal, remove impediments to its progress, and lead to successes and a prosperity of which the bulk of its mem bers little dreamed. THE HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord De Grey and Ripon, in returning thanks for the toast of " The House of Lords," at a banquet recently given at Ripon by the mayor of that city, observed that much had recently been said about the reform of the House of Lords. He was not surprised that it should be so, because of the great democratic change which was made last year in our Constitution. Ho did not think the House of Lords exempt from that course of improvement to which every institution must necessarily, wisely, and rightly, from time to time be subject. Various proposals had been made upon this matter, though at present they were somewhat vague in form. One definite in itself had been anticipated by the House of Lords. At the commencement of the present session"an order was passed by which the practice of voting by proxy was suspended. There was another suggestion which had been made with regard to changes in the House of Lords upon which he was very much inclined to express a favourable opinion, and that related to the introduction of life peerages. He believed that there were many men whose presence in the House of Lords would be a great advantage to that House, and a very great advantage to the public —men on whom it would be very much better, to whom, personally and individually it would be very much more convenient, that a life peerage should be granted. No doubt, if any such change should be made, it might be necessary to consider whether it should be made under restrictions at law, and, if so, what those restrictions should be ; because he was not at all desirous to see that character of independence which was given to the House of Lords by its hereditary character impaired by the introduction of any system which would assimilate that House to the Senates or Upper Chambers of foreign countries. But another change had been suggested in the constitution of the House of Lords—that instead of the House being composed, as it is now, of peers of England and of the United Kingdom, it should be composed of men to be elected by the body of peers. Now he enter tained a strong belief that this would be most injudicious and undesirable. The representative peers of Ireland and Scotland were so elected, and what was the result ? That they were almost exclusively composed of one party. Now, he did not in the least care of which party they might be composed, but he said that nothing could be more fatal to the House of Lords than that by any pro cess of election they should have the peers of the House of Lords returned by the dominant party—the party which has the majority, and which would consequently return a House composed exclusively of persons of their own opinions. Ile should greatly prefer to see some much greater change than that they should propose to make it a House of that description. But he did not think changes so sweeping as that were required. He believed that if the House of Lords had acted from time to time in the capacity of break or guard, as doubtless it had, it had also always been found that the House of Lords had the wisdom to know that there are times when the security of the train is not ensured by the application of the break, but when, on the contrary, its security, its real safety, is endangered by such a course, and that then the House of Lords, when it had clearly seen in what way the tide of public opinian was setting, had always had the good judgment to bow to the desire of the nation. Offenbach is at present at Vienna. A few nights back he was present at the performance of one of his pieces, when a player of the violoncello in the orchestra was taken suddenly ill. The maestro seized the instru ment and replaced the musician. At the close of the representation the manager came and gravely presented him with a florin as the price of his labour. lie took the money gaily, in remembrance of his former occupation. THE NFIV CONSTITUENCIES OF LIVERrOOL AND Sount-wrs - e LANC.ISHIRE.—Th e lists of persons qualified to vote, both in the borough of Liverpool and in the new county division of South-west Lancashire, where Mr. Gladstone is one of the candidates, have just been made up. In the county the number of vo t ers placed on the register is 21,221, of Whom 10,221 are in the Liverpool district. As, however, many of the names are on the list in duplicate—as both owners and £l2 occupiers —it is expected ,that when sifted the number will be reduced to about 18,000. In the borough of Liverpool the number of voters entitled to the franchise is 1,117 freemen, 37,999 householders, and 529 lodgers, making a total of 39 x 615 against 21,8 1 gt the resists; ki l t ygibr. BNGA,GEMENTSPN THE NORTH-WESTERN IRONTIER, FOREIGN NOTES, THE SCARCITY IN INDIA. There is no longer any fear of a famine in the Punjttb and the North-west Provinces of India, but in the centre, especially in the immense district of Itajpootana, the scarcity is severely felt. The Indian Government is, however, profiting by the terrible experiences of the Orissa famine, and is doing all in its power to avert the results of the calamity. The calamity itself cannot be guarded against in the regions where there has been no rain. Deserted villages, dying and dead cattle, a whole popula tion half-starVed and emigrating, shew that the dearth in Central India is a reality. The afflicted districts are open to the markets, which was not the case with Orissa ; and the Government intends to pour large quantities of grain into the centre by means of the railways which are now, happily, everywhere available. The relief is to assume the form of money paid for public works, and the local authorities have been instructed to begin such works wherever they may be found necessary. The Times correspondent highly praises the action of the Government. The orders have been masterly in design and prompt in issue. The Gwalior Durhar has also published a benevolent proclama tion. The collection of the revenue has been postponed. The inhabitants are exhorted to remain at home, and not to increase their o•,vn distress, besides injuring the in habitants of other districts, by emigration. Sub sistence is promised on the part of the State to all sufferers until work can be furnished. The famine in this district appears to be a periodical occurrence. Since 1315 seventeen severe afflictions of the kind are recorded—sheaving that this distress arises from no exceptional causes. The only possible prevention is an artificial supply of water by irrigation. The fol l owing telegram has been received at Bombay from the correspondent of the Bombay Gazette:--"Abhot tabad, Oct, s.—The First Brigade, after an engagement with the enemy, has occupied Chittabut, on the crest of the Black Mountain. The Second Brigade is four miles below Chittabut. The enemy were driven from the first position without loss. Last night the enemy attacked the bivouac of the First Brigade, when two native soldierswero killed, and seven wounded. Three men were wounded to-day. The commanding officer at Agror writes that the General last night recalled Vaughan's Brigade to join Bright's Brigade. The two brigades now form one column. A great deal of firing has been heard here to-day between ten o'clock and noon. We could see the smoke of the guns and the bursting of the shells. We also saw the infantry advancing along the crest of the hill.—October 6, 9.50 a.m.—Yesterday evening the Ist Brigade took Machai, the highest peak and key of the Black Mountain, without loss.—October 8, 1.20 p.m.— The troops are burning the pararee (?) Spuds' villages. There is no enemy in front. Terms are nearly completed with the Huzzunzaies, including the Khan Kheyls." MARVELLOUS ESCAPE FROM DROWNING. During the voyage of his Prussian Majesty's corvette Medusa, Captain Struben, from Kiel to Plymouth, a remarkable escape from drowning took place. On the night of October 22 the Medusa was off the north coast of Jutland. Mr. Miillenhoff, the midshipman of the watch, anxious during a dark and squally night to catch an early sight of the Skagen light, mounted the rigging and remained some time on the look-out. On his way down, cold and wet, his fingers lost their usual strength, and he fell into the sea, unperceived by any one on board. The Medusa kept on her course for many minutes, her speed being about ten knots the hour, when it was found that Mr. Miillenhoff was not at his post. Search was made in vain for him. Captain Struben's first thought, on hearing of his absence, was to order the engines to be reversed, and the corvette's course was altered, so as to admit of her returning if possible on her track. After the lapse of a few minutes the captain ordered the engines to be stopped, and perfect silence to be maintained. During that solemn stillness the captain heard a faint cry, " Mire, hiilfe " (Help, help). A boat was in readiness to start instantly. The cries by this time had ceased, but the coxswain, Diesel, discerned for a moment an uplifted arm, and all hands pulled eagerly towards the signal. In the hurry the boat passed over the then sinking body, and the narrative would have ended here had not Diesel jumped into the sea, and by a merciful interposition succeeded in getting hold of the hair of Mr. Miillenhoff's head. What followed is well known to all who have been exposed to the trial. The dangerous grip of a dying man in this case nearly proved fatal, but at last the coxswain cleared him self, and both at length were got into the Medusa's boat. On reaching the corvette the midshipman was found to be apparently in artietelo mortis. Captain Struben superin tended the efforts to restore animation, and after half an hour symptoms of returning life rewarded the anxious watchers over this struggle between life and death. Mr. Miillenhoff was in the water a full half hour, and at the time the Medusa's engines were first stopped she must have been about three miles distant.— Western Horning News. wise. VIE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 3, P. 68. NATIONAL FAIT 11. (From the Anglo-American 2 imes.) We publish a letter on " National Faith" from JOHN STUART MILL, dated Avignon, Sept. 24, 1868, which was addressed to a friend in England, but found its way into the columns of the New York .Nation. Though everything such a man writes is of interest, more especially are his views valuable when the subject is so important. There may be others of greater moment just now in the United States, as the questions there being decided are perhaps the most important at present argued among mankind ; yet this one of national faith is of such weight as to take its place among them. No subject has been more fully discussed, or with a more happy effect. Any person asked to furnish an example of the bene fits a nation derives from free discussion and from the full and unimpeded ventilation giVen by the press, might select the exposure of the greenback re demption agitation, involving the credit and national honour of the United States. To read Mr. MILL'S letter, people who knew nothing of the other side would suppose that the agitators had no c Ise what ever, but he has strangely enough overlooked one of the points which gave such strength to the mo ee ment. Ile has touched on two—the absence in the contract of any stipulation to redeem the bonds in coin, and the seeming injustice of paying labourers in greenbacks and bondholders is gold. But there is still a third—which weighed with the multitude little less heavily than the second. While the mortgagee lent in gold and received back in paper, the bondholder claimed to lend in paper and re ceive back in gold. Why should he not be re-paid in the same currency in which he had lent? These are the three main points ; and it cannot be denie l that they are of a nature forcibly to strike the masses. indeed they are of such a character that shrewd politicians and lawyerslike PENDLETON, BUTLER, and the late TIIADDEUS STEVENS; were deceived into the belief that any amount of political capital could be extracted from them, and that they might carry all but a few States with them, by raising this cry. Few will deny that these were among the most astute party leaders in America—that they possessed a considerable knowledge of their countrymen—and that they had a question on the one side of which avarice, injustice, and, what is hateful in America, apparent partiality to a class, were engraved in a few bold lines, and therefore visible to the dimmest sight, while on the other was the elaborate and dis tant perspective, requiring not only careful investi gation, but judgment to discern. That these wily leaders miscalculated has become painfully evident to themselves, however gratifying to mankind in general and the believers in the upward progress of civilization in particular. BUTLER, of spoon noto riety, very naturally backed dishonesty against honesty ; he backed a bright daub against a dim work of art ; he backed jealousy and a present gain, aided by plain, striking reasons, against a remote good, and national honour, as shown by elaborate arguments whose force could not readily be felt. In other words, he backed human nature to be more fraudulent, mean, and stupid, than pure, just, and Perhaps no people have yet been tried by so severe a test as that applied, in this instance, to the inhabitants of the United States. It must be borne in mind that the masses to whom the ques tion was submitted were more accustomed to work with their hands than with their heads, more fami liar with the plough than with the pen ; that they were weighted with a wholly unaccustomed burden of taxation. They were encouragsd to repudiate by the great party which, till within late years, had ruled the United States. Nor by them only, for leaders of the other endeavoured to wrest from their opponents what they seemed to regard as a talisman, a sort of open sesame to power. Every name by which men could be stigmatized was ap plied to the nation's creditors. THADDEUS STEVENS talked of the " sweet communion between Jew and Gentile" to plunder the hard-working men the Alabama bondholders—the oligarchical fac tion of usurers—yet on the plain merits of the case the working men of the United States have, we believe, practically decided with a wisdom and jus tice found wanting in many of their leaders. The agitation was strong and apparently overwhelming when it first broke out, because the three main points ou which the repudiation argument was grounded were so forcibly striking that they touk possession of the public imagination, creating at mace a prejudice against the bondholder. Then came the more elaborate response, and that it could I have stemmed and forced back such a current of opinion speaks volumes for the men who rule in the United States. We do not assert that all danger even of the taxation of interest has passed away, but we do assert that appearances are in favour of the United States rigidly keeping faith with the public creditor, though the people are sensible and feel keenly that they are paying dearly for the loan. We always said, that if the Senate acquitted ANDREW JOIINSON on the Impeachment charges it would be a unique instance of virtue in a politi cal body ; and we now say that - if the labouring ' men of the United States, in whom the national power is really centred, have, as we believe they have, decided to fulfil their contract, broadly in terpreting its spirit in favour of their creditor, then, we say, that it is an act of national virtue such as no nation has ever before given. England con tracted a huge debt, and strictly observed every national obligation, but it was the class who lent the Government the money in whom rested all poli tical power. Suppose England had been divided into small farms cultivated by their owners, on, whom would fa!l the burden of payment—supposing them to be bending beneath a weight of taxation col lected in an inquisitorial and repugnant manner, from which they had been from birth free, and suppose a few months were given to these men to decide whether they should pay in an easy, appa rently a fair, but really a fraudulent way, or, liqui date to the utmost farthing, and that this question hinged on the bits of paper they threw into a ballot box simultaneously on a certain day, Consols would experience a sharp fall, and England's credit a severe shock. If then this question has been argued out by the citizens and decided, as affirmed, no advocate of universal suffrage where the people are educated, can be at a loss for the finest ex tmple ever furnished of the wisdom of basing a govern ment on a people instead of on a class. One of the appeals to national cupidity we have purposely passed over, for though it would influence a small number it coul I have no place in the national mind except one of disgust and contempt, yet we have seen it frequently used in England as the main reason why the United States should repudiate ; that considerably more than one-fourth of the entire debt is held in Europe, and therefore, a large por tion of the loss would fall upon foreigners, is here thought to be the most powerful argument in favour of repudiation. But though that amount is calcu lated at $700,000,000, instead of being an induce ment for repudiation, it is the very reverse, and has been so used by those who oppose the agita tion. They put it to the people if they intendel to defraud the few English and the many Germans who have faith in the Union and their honour, who thus backed their opinion and endeavoured to up hold their cause, and then ask, will you justify the slanders of our enemies and fulfil to their delight and our disgracs, the predictions grounded on the belief, that a Republic could not be honest ? THE EARTHQUAKE. The greatest shock of the earthquake seems to have occurred in Wales and the western counties. One correspondent at Hereford says : "My chair for an instant shook violently, and I perceived what I might have taken for a furious blast of wind, but it was instan taneous, and it seemed to come from the earth rather than from the air. The wind was somewhat gusty. The sky is as nearly clear, except when there was a dark bank of clouds in the south-west. . . . This shock was not violent, nor did it seem to last so long, as that which affected a considerable area in the South of England early in the morning of October 6, 1863. On that occasion I was awakened from my sleep with the impression that a stack of chimneys on one side of my room had fallen down, and that I should see the wall opposite to my bed crack open." At Worcester, we are informed, there was a gentle up and down motion without sound, while from Cardiff we are informed that the shock was accompanied by a low rumbling sound which caused an apprehension that a colliery explosion had occurred. At Broseley, in Shropshire, two distinct shocks were noted, each lasting about six or seven seconds. A corespondent writing from Sherborne, Dorsetshire, describes the event there thus : " It appeared as if the building had been suddenly upheaved by something rolling underneath from north to south, and that it gave a little shake on settling down again." From Somersetshire we learn that the vibration was so great as to cause bedsteads to rock. The shock also extended to the midland districts. Reports from various parts of Leicestershire speak of many persons having experienced a slight undulatory movement. Several persons in Leicester, who at first attributed the shock to explosion, speak of the window frames and various things in their houses rattling so violently as to disturb them from their slumbers, while china and glass jingled on the shelves. The shock was distinctly felt in and around Nottingham. A resident in an elevated position on "the Forest," once part of Sherwood, states that about half-past 10 o'clock he felt the bed move under him, and, in conse• quence, jumped up instantly, when he found that his brothers had been aroused by the same shock. Other persons living in the same locality distinctly felt the vibration. Several houses were shaken, and numbers of people were awakened out of their sleep. At Marlborough the shock was so severe as to give a sensible and in some cases a violent concussion to chairs and tables, and to awake persons who were sleeping. At Rugby and Faringdon the vibration was perceived, and, approaching the metropolis, we are informed by a gentleman residing at Weybridge-common that the earthquake wave caused some furniture in his bedroom to vibrate ; and, coming still nearer to London, a correspondent at Blackheath writes : "My daughters came down from their beds in the greatest alarm, and said that they had their beds shaken under them, and that they were convinced it was an earthquake. A servant in the house, who was also in bed, stated that she had felt the same shaking, and each of them from the sensations experienced a feeling of sickness." The general conclusion is that the shock or shocks (for some speak of one and others of two shocks) were felt in all the counties of Wales, in Herefordshire, Worcestershire, the western and several of the midland counties. One gentleman noticed them in the Isle of Wight. We have no information of the event being noticed to the eastwardof the metropolis. LAW AND POLICE. THE REGISTRATION APPEALS.—The Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, in reply to a question of the Attorney-General, has fixed Saturday next for the hearing of appeals from the registration courts, and will proceed with them de die in diem. A CLERGYMAN SUSPENDED FOR DRUNKENNESS.—Ai, the Chancellor's Court, York, held in the cathedral, the case of Morrissey v. Robinson has been heard. It was a case brought under the Church Discipline Act, sent to that court by letters of request of the Bishop of Carlisle, promoted by George Gill Morrissey, of Carlisle, his lord ship's secretary, against the Rev. John Robinson, rector of the parish church of Bowness, Cumberland, then resident curate of the parish of Chilton, in the, diocese of Oxford. The charge against the defendant was for causing scandal to the Church by having been guilty of drunkenness within the diocese of Oxford, for which he was cited to answer articles in the above court. Certain preliminary proceedings had been taken, and a Mr. Shepherd appeared on the part of the promoter, and Dr. Deane was for the defendant. The Chancellor decreed the charges proved, and suspended the defendant for one year. A TROUBLESOME IRISHMAN.—An Irishman was brought up at the Westminster Police -court on a charge which is by no means common—that of attempting to break into prison. The defendant had an idea that his wife was in. carcerated in the Westminster House of Correction, and with the view of releasing her he dealt several heavy blows at the prison door with a sledge hammer at a late hour on Saturday night. He had been moired thereto by re. peated imbibitions of whisky, but be was taken into custody before he could succeed in forcing au entrance. He was remanded. One pinch of snuff taken between sleeping and waking at night will do more to produce the symptoms of nicotine poisoning than a boxful taken in the day time— will produce in many cases actual vomiting hours after.— Spect itor. SUBSIDENCE OF THE BALTIC. The Cronstad t journals mention an extraordinary subsidence of the waters of the Baltic in that locality. It began in the evening, the wind being S.W. and rather fresh. At ten at night the level of the sea was a foot lower than ordinary, and con , tinned still to sink. The following morning at six it was two feet below its normal point, the wind having veered round to N.E. ; and at two in the afternoon the greatest depression was arrived at, namely, 3ft. 2in. The water then began to mount rapidly, and during the night exceeded its ordinary level by a foot. Nearly all the steamers plying between Cronstradt and St. Petersburg were aground, a circumstance almost unprecedented. As to the cause of this phenomenon nothing is known; but the supposition is that a strong north-east wind drove the waters towards the Swedish, Danish, and Prussian coasts, THE INDIAN VICEROY. Some of the Indian journals express the belief that Sir John Lawrence will be asked to resign some little time be fore his term of office expires, in order to get Lord Mayo safely installed. This statement is denied altogether by the Times of India. It says there is not the slightest chance of Sir John resigning the viceroyalty an hour before his full period bas elapsed. It is regarded as a certainty that he will be raised to the peerage on his return to England. The Friend of India hopes that the name of Lawrence will not be sunk in a territorial title, and suggests Viscount Lawrence, of Lahore. AUSTRALIA. The Australian Government is likely soon to apply to the London money market for a new loan. Mr. .111`eulloch has brought before the Assembly the project to construct a line of railway from Melbourne to Albury, on the Upper Murray River. In order to carry out this work efficiently it will be necessary to borrow a little above two millions, but Mr. M'Culloch thinks the revenue of the line alone will pay the interest. Living is cheaper and labour more abundant than it was formerly, so that the cost of the railway will be much less than it would have been a few years ago. The 211elbourne Argus thinks the calculation of the Finance Minister, both as to the cost of the line and the revenue it will yield, are likely to prove correct. The railway will run through the most productive district in Australia. The sum proposed to be borrowed is not to exceed £2,107,000, in debentures at five per cent., and redeemable in twenty-five years. THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. It is announced that the British and Canadian Govern ments are both agreed that the Hudson's Bay Company cannot legally claim any compensation for their territorial rights over the country lying between Canada and British Columbia. No such rights ever existed. It bas therefore been determined that the sum of one million claimed by the company should not be paid. The territory will ba incorporated in the Canadian Dominion, but the district further to the north will not be interfered with. AMERICA. The state of affairs in the South is certainly not im proving. The Nation says that more assassinations of pro minent Republicans occurred during the week ending October 22 than at any time since the termination of the war. The World announces these murders in such jubilant terms as "A bogus judge and sheriff killed in Louisiana," "A carpet-bag deputy slain in Arkansas," &c. Whatever may be the right between the two parties, nothing can justify this mode of asserting it. SPAIN. The elections for the Constitutional Cortes will commence on the 29th of November. The country will be divided into circumscriptions, each composed of four or five judicial districts. Printed forms will be distributed to the electors beforehand, and in order to prevent any being used twice, they will each be stamped as they are placed in the ballot-box. The Liberte considers this step as a defeat to the Democrats which ought to induce them to redouble their exertions. They have already objected to the mode of voting laid down by the Government. They demand the vote by provinces, and a strict scrutiny of the list of electors. The Siecle agrees with the Republicans in thinking that the plan of circumscriptions and the ballot will give rise to official candidatures. RIOTS AT ROTTERDAM.. Rotterdam was the scene of serious disturbances on Saturday evening. On the previous night a demonstration against the p.)liee had been got up, for what reason does not appear. Next day the attitude of the mob was so threatening that a force of cavalry and infantry was sent for. Previously to the arrival of the troops the populace assembled and smashed all the windows of the Town Hall and police-office. The soldiers repea'e 1 - y chai g.:d the crowd, wounding no less than! 200, and killing three or four. Sixty of the ringleaders were arrested. PRINCE NAPOLEON. Prince Napoleon has again betaken himself to peregri• nation. The Literte announces that he arrived in London on Friday, after a most difficult passage. Ills yacht, which is one of the best afloat, was obliged to put in at New Romney. The Prince will spend eight or ten days in England, and will depart after having visited the Queen. Why the Emperor's cousin should thus run about from one Court to another, or what object he can have in coming over to England for ten clays and travelling up to Balmoral, are complete mysteries. THE NAVIGATION OF THE RHINE. The new treaty respecting the navigation of the Rhine stipulates that all vessels or rafts carrying' the flag of any State bordering on the river shall be free to traverse any branch of the Rhine leading through Holland or Belgium to the sea, and vice versa. In case a passage is closed for any reason, the Dutch Canal, which has been constructed to supplement the openings by Rotterdam, Dordrecht, and Helvoetsluys shall be open instead. THE ADMINISTRATION OF RELIEF. The recess is now nearly over, and the discussions on social topics will soon cease in favour of " higher " subjects. There is no subject on which the " long vacation" is productive of greater prolixity than the subject of the poor-law and the relief of the distressed. The question, "How to organise State relief and benevolent gifts, so :that the one shall not interfere with the other," is solved by a correspondent of the Times. It is admitted that some central organisation is necessary, if we would have relief pro perly carried out; but the irresponsible society com mittees being objected to on the one hand, and the guardians on the other, it is proposed that in each parish a committee, fully representing the clergy, the several societies, the guardians, and the public, should be formed, and that this committee should be responsible for the poor of their district. Dr. Sieveking makes a suggestion on a collateral subject, which is worth noting. We provide, he points out, doctors for the poor; but often what they want when ill is good nursing, rather than medicine and advice. So why not train in our workhouses and hospitals nurses who shall, at the suggestion of the doctor, be sent out to take charge of patients? The proposal is ono which should have been carried out long ago. But, unfortunately, it is only like many others which are made in the papers daily : they engage attention for the time, but it being " nobody's business" to early them out, nobody does carry them out, THE DIOCESE OF DUILHA3I. The Rev. Owen Davys, son of a former Bishop of Peterborough, writes to the Standard to correct an observation which appeared in one of its leaders. It was that Dr. Longley when at Durham did much to repair the consequences of Bishop Van Mildert's neglect. This prelate was-not Dr. Longley's imme diate predecessor, and in his day he was known among his contemporaries as an example of all that a bishop should be ; and it was observed by a great Whig statesman, still living, that if they could always secure a Van Mildert there was no need for the inter ference of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners with the income of the see of Durham. Dr. Longley's prede cessor, we need hardly remind our readers, was Dr. Maltby, who resigned after having amassed a very large fortune and secured a pension for life. The officers named as follows were released from duty, Oct. V, to act as Assistant Commissioners of the Freedman's Bureau, for the States set opposite their nanae s respectively : Brevet Major-General C. C. Sibley for Georgia ; Brevet Major-General N. A. Miles for North Carolina; Colonel John Sprague. 7th Infantry, for Florida Major John It. Lewis, 44th Infantry Veteran Reserves relieves General Sibley, and Captain Geo. W. Gale, 45th Veteran It , 2serves, relieves Colonel Sprague. The two last-named officers aro assigned to duty in accordance with their brevet rank respectively, as Colonel and Lieu tenant-Colonel. I e ADTERTISF.MENT.I Holloway's Ointment and Pills,— Wrongs and their Remedies.—Whenever circumstances produce impure blood, lessen the force or in any way disarrange the balance of the circulation, stagnation takes place in the lungs, and consumption or other formidable symptoms discover them solves. Let Holloway's remedies be tried on the first feelings of debility or on the flrst annoyance of a dry haAting cough. A fter the chest, both before and behind, has been fomented with warm brine, and - the skin has been dried with a towel, the Ointment should be well rubbed twice a day on the chest and between the shoulders, and the Pills should be taken in alternate doses to purify the blood and cleanse the system without weakening it or r Quoin Or aggrATatillS Wawa irritation. The following is the letter above alluded to :—. Dear Mr. -- You ask me what I think of the con troversy now going on in the United States respecting the rightfulness of paying off a portion of the national debt, contracted in cash, in a depreciated paper currency, and of taxing, in violation of an express compact, tho interest of the national bonds. It is painful to have to answer such a question. It is already a groat calamity that two sue!, propmls should hw boon inscribed in tho electoral programme of a groat political party, and not unanimously rejected even by its opponents. The success of either proposal would, in my estimation, ba ono of the heaviest blows that.could givau to the reputation of popular Governments, and to the morality and civilization of the human race. _ _ This is ono of those vital questions which send us back to the first principles of social existence, and compel us to ask ourselves what are the conditions which enable mankind to dwell together in nations and communities, to work together in joint undertakings, and exchange the privations of the savage for the blessings of civilized life. The very first and 'most essential of these conditions is, that they should be able to trust one another's engage ments. Even savage life could not be carried on unless the aavagee frequently helped one another; in civilized life, every human being depends for comfort, for security, often for life itself, upon things done for him by other people. If he could not rely upon other people for doing what they undertake ; if his experience taught him that a man who makes a promise dons so with the intention of only keeping the promise if it happens to be quite con venient, ho would have to look to himself alone for all pro tection, and for the supply of all his wants. lie would be below the condition of most savages. If we cannot trust each other's word (was the saying of an eminent man), we may as well go back to the woods. But if there is one case more than another in which it is indispensable that men should keep their promises— should do what they pledge themselves to do—it is the case of money contracts. All the complex fabric of our civilization rests upon the paying and receiving of money ; every one's plans of life, and almost every one's assurance of living at all, are built upon the expectation of receiving at the appointed time the money or money's worth, due to him from others. If any ono buys a thing and then d.)es not pay for it, or sells a thing and then does not de liver it; if any one hires services and does not pay the wages agreel on, or receives wages and does not perform the service; if any one borrows money or money's worth, and, thoughable, does not repay it at Cm time agreed on, • or withholds the equivalent which he lid bargained to give for its use, the defaulter not only proves himself a dishonourable and dishonest man, he not only inflicts as injury, which may be serious, which may be even irre parable, upon the individual who has trusted him, but he does what lies in him to dissolve and put au end to that trust in one another without which there would be no ex change of commodities, no separation of employments, and .no man would have. any satisfaction for his wants except what his own labour or craft could directly provide. The impossibility of carrying on human society, even in au almost rudimentary state, without holding men to the fulfilment of their engagements, has always been so obvi ous, that there is not a single known community, past or present, in which provision has not been made for enforc ing those engagements, by laws and tribunals, supported either by a public force set apart fur the purpose, or, in ruder societies, 'by the collective strength of the com munity. Can any reason be given why the obligation of good faith, which holds between one man and another, is not equally binding between the entire community and any person who has trusted them? Is a promise made by the whole people thrcugh their authorized agents less sacred than a promise made by a private person, which also may have been made through his agents? Ought the fact that Core is a tribunal which can compel individuals to keep their contracts, and no tribunal which can coerce a nation ; ought the fact that the debt of a nation is a debt of honour ; ought the fact that a nation can be a swindler and knave if it chooses—ought this to make any civilized people think that it can dispense in its own favour with the duty which its own tribunals enforce against its citizens ? Un less it be a sufficient license for committing a crime, that it can be committed without any immediate penalty ex cept the disgrace, there is no other difference between the two cases but such as makes the criminality greater of a nation which robs its creditors than of an individual. For, in the first place, a nation always can pay its creditors if it chooses, which cannot always be said of an individual ; and, in the next place, a broach of faith by a whole people involves everybody in the guilt, except such as with their whole heart and strength denounce and protest against it. It is an example of fraud displayed in the sight of man kind, and penetrating into every family in the country. It is a direct sanction of the like dishonesty to every citizen in his private transactions. Lot any one be really per suaded that a whole people may break its word, and re fuse to pay in full the money it has borrowed, is he likely to think that he himself is culpable for doing the same in his own private affairs, if he can manage to evade the legal punishment which is the only real distinction between the two cases ? The detractors of Democratic Government on this side of the Atlantic have been accustomed to say that, however specious may be the arguments for it, in its actual work ing it would turn out to be a retrogradation towards bar- I Until now, the example of the great American Republic, notwithstanding the dishonourable conduct of several of the States (mostly—would that I could say always —among those which had been demoralized by slavery), has generally been deemed a practical refutation of these sinister prophecies. But the charge against De mocracy of being a return to barbarism would be made out if its effect were to be the public repudiation of pecu niary engagements. It is a remarkable fact that what the people of the United States are now urged to do with re spect to the 5-20 Bonds—urged by the programme of a political party (happily, not by every member even of that party)—bears an almost exact likeness to some of the most disgraceful misdeeds of the European despots in the Middle Ages. Read the history of the most profligate kings of Franco and other European countries, not ex cepting England, and S3O who were those whose conduct ex cited the greatest public indignation during their lives, and left the deepest stain on their memory when dead. They were those who debased the coin. What was their motive for debasing it ? To put off their creditors with the same nominal sum of money, tut a less quantity of the precious metal. Even the despots wore so conscious and so much afraid of the infamy of this fraud that they generally endea voured to commit it secretly and in silence. They made it a capital offence to betray the secret. Would they have been less emilty if they had impudently brazened it out ? Living iu a rude age, the only means at their disposal for committing the fraud was the coarse expedient of alter ing the coin. Their ingenuity hid not reached the coa trivance of putting forth pieces of pap )r which pretended to be money and were not, inducing people to take them by a promise, printed on the paper to give for it on demand real money of the same nominal value, and then breaking that promise and issuing them in such numbers as to be only worth half the money which they purported to re present. But this roundabout way and the direct way have the self-same purpose : to get rid of debts by paying, instead of what ono has engaged to pay, what is called the same sum of money, but is really a much smaller sum. And this example, set by the despots of barbarous ages, the people of the United States, in the ninety-second year of their national freedom, are invited by many of their active politicians to imitate ! Observe, too, that none of the apelogies, poor and weak as they are, which have been suggested to the nations of Europe by the same sort of bad advisers, have any appli cability to the case of the United States. The Democracy of European countries have sometimes been told that they are not bound to pay their national debts, because the money was borrowed by kings and aristocracies who did not represent the people, and was expended in keeping the people in subjection, or in carrying on foreign wars which the people had not authorised. None of these lame excuses can be alleged by the American repudiators. The most au dacious pleader for dishonesty cannot deny that the money was borrowed by a Congress and a President elected by, and fully responsible to, the people—borrowed for the ser vice of the American Republic in its utmost need, for a war which was emphatically a war of the people, and in which the stake involved was the preservation of their collective.. .existence as a nation. The only persons in in whose mouths any other doctrine can possibly be sin cere are the ex-rebels and their favourers. To all but them it is impossible to conceive a case in which the obli gation to pay the debt, principal and interest, to the full extent of the contract, could be more binding. A plea which imposes upon some people who would shrink from anything which they themselves regarded as repudiation, is this:—Greenbacks, however they may be depreciated, are legal tender, are the lawful currency of ,the United States; other persons are obliged to receive this currency in payment of all their dues, and why should the public creditor be an exception? This seems to have been the argument which prevailed with the upright, but not always clear-sighted or discerning, mind of the late Thaddeus Stevens. But the answers to it are manifold. The first is, that almost all persons except the public cre ditor have the remedy in their own hands. Those who have goods to sell can and' do demand a higher price ; those who sell their services can and do require a higher remuneration. Even in loan transactions that are yet to come, the lenders know the chances they are exposed to ; are aware that the medium they are to be paid in is of un certain value, and can and will require a rate of interest sufficient in their estimation to cover their risks. To all these persons the uncertainty of the measure of value is a source of great inconvenience, but to none of them is it an injustice. Injustice is dune to those who had lent their money, or had otherwise become entitled to fixed annual income; before specie payments were sus pended. Among these aro the old creditors of many of the States. All persons thus situated are grievously injured by being paid their interest in depreciated greenbacks, and would be still further defrauded if the principal were repaid to them in a similar medium. But at least the nation col lectively had incurred no obligation to those persons be yond the general obligation of good government. It had not specifically pledged the national honour to them. Even the separate States never, I believe, pledged their faith to their creditors that they shoaled not suf fer this particular injury; however binding the ob ligation ought to have been felt, in honour and conscience. That pledge has been given to the credi tors of the United States. I make no distinction between payment of the interest and repayment of the principal. The bends themselves, it is net denied, stipu late expressly that the interest shall be paid in cash, but are silent as to the principal. That the obligation, however, applied to principal as well as interest, was uni versally uaderstool ; was expressly declared by the autho rized agents of the patina whenever the question was asked; was net then gainsaid by any of those who are now attempting to shake off the o`eliga'iou ; and was only not declared in express terms, because nobody thought that such a declaration was necess try, or could add any strength to the pledge. In consequence of this under standing, the loans were obtained at rates of interest very low under the circumstances, far lower than would other wise have been possible. Governments which pay their creditors in inconvertible paper, always borrow, if able to borrow at all, on much more onerous terms than other Governments. If those who lent their savings to the United States had been told, at the time, that every thou sand dollars they lent should be repaid to them in green backs, which might then be worth not more than a thou sand cents (the depreciation of the French assignatg amounted to that and more), nobody, unless he could afford to make the nation a present of his money, would have parted with it unless at a rate of interest sufficienc to en sure him against the extreme risk. The United States ob tained these great sums of money, in their extreme neces sity, at an interest (all things considered) not very much exceeding what the high value of capital in a new coun try compels them to pay in ordinary times ; and after having reaped the benefit, having by that indispensable help saved their national existence, they are now ex horted to withold the price, at the cost of the national honour. The same reasons of justice and good faith apply still more obviously to the conditions expressly stipulated by the lenders, that the interest on the bonds should not be subject to direct taxation. Some people imagine that the breach of this stipulation would not be robbery, provided that the bonds are not taxed at a higher rate than other property. Bat if exemption from all direct taxation were a condition of the contract, and expressly stipulated for, it is not an unjust advantage conceded to the bondholders over (Aber people, since for every advantage ao obtained value has been given by those who enjoy it iu the shape of a diminished interest. The only difference in respect of taxation between them and the rest of the public is,• that they have paid down their taxes in advance, while other people wait for the visit of the tax-gatherer. g-'€ ) make them pay over ayain, under pretence that they had not already paid, would be one of the most flagrant forme of the iniquity of breaking a contract and keeping the pecuniary, consideration received for it. But there is little danger that these immoral counsels will provail. It has been shown by many examples •1 0 the recent history of the United States that an agitation for something wrong and mischievous may go on kr certain length of time without visibly stirring up the good sense and honesty of the country to resist it; and many such agitations commence, culminate, and decal without disturbing public tranquillity or leaving any per manent traces of their existence ; bnt that, when one of these agitations attains a sufficient height to begin to be dangerous, a mass of opinion which ordinarily remains quiescent rouses itself into activity, puts down the wrong thing with a vigorous hand, and peremptorily de mands the right thing instead. So I doubt not it will be with this pernicious and discreditable, but as I firmly be lieve chiefly factitious, movement, set up by political ad venturers for the chance of gaining the few stray votes which, in the present state of parties, might suffice to turn the balance of many an election.—l am, dear Mr.—, very sincerely yours, J. S. MILL. Avignon, Sept. 24, 1868. THE EPISCOPAL TRIENNIAL CON VENTION. The Convention was still in session when the mail left, and its discussions proved the existence of a strong anti-Ritualistic feeling, concessions being made by the High Church party for the sake of peace and unity. The Tyng case was introduced by the Rev. Dr. Goodwin, of Pennsylvania, in the shape of a resolution of inquiry as to the true in terpretation of the cancn which young Tyng is accused of breaking. The whole matter was re ferred to the Committee on Canons, who subse quently reported an addition to the canon to the effect that it should not be construed to forbid any clergyman from officiating in any parish or place of public worship with the consent of the clergyman in charge, or the church officers. This covers the whole ground and justifies Mr. Tyng. A nevr canon against Ritualism was proposed by Judge Conyngham, of Pennsylvania. It prohibits the wearing of any vestments besides the surplice, stole , bands, or gown, and these are to be worn only by clergymen. Candlesticks, crucifixes, and super altars are prohibited, as well as the use of incense and such bowings and crossings as are not set down in the Book of Common Prayer. Rev. Dr. Adams, of New York, said he hoped no action would be taken reflecting on one party rather than another in the church, for one party is moving quite as rapidly towards Geneva as the other towards Rome• The action of the. Convention of most interest to other denominations is the appointment of a com mittee to promote the unity of Christians and to confer with other branches of the Church on the subject. The officers chosen for the year by the Social Science Association at Boston, at a meeting on the 14th inst., and presided over by Governor Andrews were:—Presiden t —Samuel Eliot, Boston; Vice Presidents—Prof. W. 13 ' Rogers of Boston, Dr. - Edward Jarvis of Dorchester , David A. Wells of Washington, D. 0. Emory Washburn of Cambridge, Amass Walker of North Brookfield, Rev. Dr. T heodore D. Woolsey of New Haven, Ct., Prof. A. L. Peril of Williamstown, Prof. D. 0. Gilman, of New Haven, Ct, E. B. Sunburn of Springfield ; directors—J. D. Philbrink of Boston, James M. Barnard of Boston, George Walker of Springfield, Rev. E. C. Wines of New York, Mrs. Care" line H. Dall of Boston ; corresponding secretary—Mrs' Samuel Parkrnan of Boston ; special secretaries—Miss A. W. May of Boston, Dr. John S. Butler of Hartford, Gar diner G. Hubbard of Cambridge, E. R. Potter of Kingston , R. I. ; treasurer—Charles Francis Adams, jun , Boston. M. Delfosse, Belgian Minister of the United States, is at the Brevoort House, Now York, Senator Cragin and Congressman J. H. Ela of New Hampshire, and Neal Dow, Portland, are at the Astor House, Lieutenant - Governor Claflin of Massachusetts; General Schriver and General E. W. Hinks, U.S.A.; G. H. Chandler, Washing ton ; Congressman Thomas of Maryland ; and Colonel G. B. Bissell, Hartford, are at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Gene ral John S. Preston, South Carolina, is'at the New Yor k Hotel. General Gerdine, Mississippi ; General Kilpatrick: and the Rev. J. R. Downer, Kansas, are at the Metropoli tan Hotel. The Hon. James M. Scovel, New Jersey, and G. W. Cass, Pittsburgh, are at the St. Nicholas Hotel. General C. E. Cadwalader, Philadelphia, and Colonel Hildt, West Point, are at the Hoffman House. Ole Bull is at the Westmoreland Hotel. A telegram from New York by the cable eV° that the pugilists Wormald and O'Baldwin, who were pre vented from fighting in England by the vigilance of the police, have made an unsuccessful attempt in America* The fight was stopped after the first round had been fought, and both men were arrested. The officers of the Eastern Hampden (Massa' chusetts) Agricultural Society, headquarters at Palmer , for the ensuing year are as follows : —President, T. Knox of Palmer; Treasurer, S. Dimock of Palmer; See' rotary, J. F. Holbrook of Palmer; Director., J. S. Bl , a of Brimfield; A. R. Murdock, jun., David Knox and W• R. Parks of Palmer, A. H. White and J. B. Foster of Mon; son, D. B. Merrick of Wilbraham, and 0. S. Billings °' Ludlow. [A.DVERTlSE]lENT.J—Dyspopsia(lndigestion), Constipation, De bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and liO r i complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and accelerate by thugs of every description, but perfectly curable by D u Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases whiel had been considered hopeless, Sue" . as—cough, asthma, also diarrhea, hemorrhoids, liver COol' plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throat.; diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head an d ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, head'' ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sicknesO, even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, screfull tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach so between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few :—The Pope's heal th restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 63,413.—" Rome, Ju l y 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, e speciallc sines, abandoning all other remedies, he has cattiln.ed himsel f entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which u. consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced asur prisingly" beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cann ot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the " Gazette du Midi, " July 25 Cure No. 46,270 Mr James Roberts, tirabct merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lung s ' spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness; Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousieel sthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sickness no, vomiting.—lVlariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of the iunol. unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, with ou. authority. Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached. In tins, at ls. 1 }cl.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d ; 2 lbs., 4s. 6,1.; 5 lbs., 12 lbs , 22s ; 2ilbs ,40s.—Also DU BA.RET's REVALENTA ABABDI CHOCOLATE POWDER is packed in tin canisters ; For 12 clips 11 ' 25., for 24 cups at 3s. 63., for 48 cups at Cs., for 288 cups at :3 0 s 0 ; for 576 cups at 555. Being; about one penny per cup. The 3 , t and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in England on recuP 7 Post Often Order.—BAßßY DO BARRY and CO., No. Regent-street, London and all Grocers and Chemists. Births. CORBET —On the 29th ult., at Knockyn, Shropshire, Lady Corbet, of a son. FRERE—On the 2d inst., at 143, Harley-street, Mrs. Ten' ple Frere, of a daughter. HEMMING—On the 2d inst., at Knowle House, T wielcer: ham, the wife of S amue l C. Hemming, Esq., of a claug li ter. Marriages. CAREY—SKIPPER—On the 31st ult., at Brighton, Arthtel: Carey, Esq., of R oc hf or d, E s s ex , to Elizabeth, daugh.f of Charles Skipp er , E sq ., o f R usse ll- squ are Lond c " and Blake Hall, Essex. HACKELOCK—METHAM—On the 31st ult., at Stoko D am of rel, William Henry, son of John Had:block, Beg' , t ie Portobello House, East Shoen, to Matilda Gertrude , youngest daughter of L. P. Metham, Esq., of The Elll3 Stoke, Devonport. Deaths. et' EASTROPE —On the 31st ult., at Llangenny, shire, Elizabeth, second daughter of the late Sir Easthope, Bart., aged 57. r. MATTHEWS—On the Ist inst. , at 58, Charing - cro ss, George Matthews, aged 81. MAinLow =On the Ist inst., , at Thighton, of Belvedere House, Forest-hill and the Old Corn -1) change, Mark-lane, aged 72. PAKENHAM—On the 22d ult., at Coolare, Ireland, the Flo ht Hon. Sir Richard Pakenham, K.O 8., aged 71. A 11 ° - WILLIAMS -On the Ist inst., at 34, West Sunnisi a,S The derland, Alderman James Williams , prop. ietor of Sunderland Times," aged 57. London : Printed and Published by WELLIA.V AN D !,,, S 11 2 + of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN 0 3120 . "",. t , of Strand, in the Precinct of the SP voy, in the CO — ' Middlinex,—Tuesday, Noyembor 3, 1803