The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-18 00:00:00

'ac on the lengthened period that this Church had existed in this country, and that throughout every country in Europe State endowments had been the universal custom, he was convinced that it would be better for society that such an Establishment should have a permanent exist ence. He had bees astonished to hear some Hon. Members declare their intention of voting against this measure on the abstract principle, and yet conceding that it was a measure calculated to conciliate the affections of the Irish people. lic did not think it necessary at that time to argue, th at the mode in which the measure would work would carry out the intentions of its promoters, but as an act of grace he thought it one nerthy of the Government, and one which would he received with gratitude by those for whem it was intended. —( Hear.) He could not help thinking, that it would have been better to have made a permanent provision for the Irish clergy, instead of merely giving them the means of education, and having adverted to that he must say, that he held nothing in common with those who sought to advance Protestantism by preventing the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, and he should as a Protestant blush to think that Protestants, in carrying out the truth of their principles, should wish to be placed on the vantage ground in order to compete with the Roman Catholic clergy. He thought that Protestant ministers were not less able to approach the truth with power, and with energy, and effect, than an educated Catholic priest. He had n w stated the 'Thief reasons which induced him to support this measure, but he could not conclude without stating that other reasons of a more general character had influenced him also. He could not for get that in the period he had sat in Parliament no question having reference to Irish ecclesiastical polity had been consi dered in any spirit of liberality. Now, for the first time within his own Parliamentary recollection, he found the leading men of both the parties into which that House was divided, cordially concurring in the policy to be pursued with regard to Ireland. He would hesitate long before he would, although differing in politics from those who promoted this measure, take any steps which would overturn things as at present constituted. They were told by an Hon. Member in that House (Mr. D'lsraeli ), that this was the first time that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government used language so liberal in intro ducing any measure to the notice of the House, and they were asked to mark their sense of the change in his policy, by resist ing this measure without any reference to its intrinsic merit. He agreed with the Honourable Member that every Government should act on settled and fixed principles, that it was neither creditable or desirable that they should do otherwise. He could not forget the feelings engendered in Ireland—feelings which had sunk deep in the minds of that sensitive people—when the Corpo rations Act was before that House. He remembered well that the strength of the Conservative party was directed against the measure, and when they found at last that resistance to the popular opinion was perfectly impracticable they gave in, but not in a generous or noble spirit. Not with the tone or epirit in which this measure was tendered to the Irish people. He admired not only the spirit with which this measure was laid on the table, but the temper and the tone and the language with which it was introduced. He was glad to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland say. and he (Sir George Grey) perfectly agreed with him, that the only principle on which Ireland could be governed now was the principle of conciliation. The Secretary of State for the Home Department had not yet spoken in this debate, but he (Sir G. Gres) trusted that before it closed he would do so—that the Right Hon. Gentleman must be anxious to show that he cor dially concurred in the new spirit which had come over them— (Great cheering—and that he would not stand in the way of th e policy towards Ireland which the Government was pre pared to carry out—that he would say something to smooth away an expression which had been much criticised in the Country. The Right Hon. Gentleman must recollect his once sayin g " that conciliation had reached its limits." When he said that this measure had been tendered in a generous and confid ing spirit he was sure that it had been accepted by the Roman Catholic Members of that House in a kindred spirit—they had exhibited a generous forgetfulness of the past, and he could tiLn but believe that toe First Lord of the Treasury, who hesi the power of controlling, in a weat degree, the votes of a large sect ion of those who followed him, would carry out with their assistanc e the liberal measures lie had so auspiciously begun. Colonel SIBTHORP rose to address to the House a few words upon the very important measure which had been brought forward, and he would claim the kind indulgence of the House when he acknowledged that he fit an increased difficulty in thus presenting him-elf to the House, arising partly from the unfortunate attempts he had made to address them during an earlier stage of 'he tiehate ; and though he did not pt bless to be a nervous man--; Laughter)—he felt in some Measure a considerable degree of alarm in rising to address them. He intended to support the amendment which had tteen proposed by the Hon. Member fur eew castle—namely, hat the second reading of the Bill should be taken on that day six months. He had, during the last sixteen years, given his most decided, most determined, and most unchangeable °Pposition to such measures as that now proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet. But that was r,ot the i ., only reason w hy h e rose to a dd ress t h e "mise.—(Laughter. ) He had another reason. He had been brought up in the principles of the Protestant faith—he had been brought up in the principles of the Protestant Church— and he hoped he had never treated the subject with that levity which it had received from the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork. When h.. considered the great powers of mind and the varied talents of the Hon. and Learned Member, much as he admired those talents and that learning, he could not help feel ing disgusted when that Hon. and Learned Gentleman intro duced before that House matters totally foreign to the question. — (Laughter.) He had introduced a book—( Great laughter) —a bo o k t h at he (Colonel Sibthorp) had never read—(Con . tineued laughter) -_a book that he would never read--perhaps and his of t he Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself quondam friend.—( Great laughter.) When he in troduced quotation s from that book, no doubt it was to please and tickle the appetites of those who wanted to be tickled.— (Roars of laughter.) The Hon. and Learned Member had the reputation of bein well able " to set the table in a roar"— (Bursts o f l aug h ter, in which Mr. Sergear t Murphy heartily joined )—and in the courts of law he had elicited from the gravity of the judges—for, after all, judges were but men—a degree of Merriment which ill beseemed the gravity of the bench. sir, said the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman, I say it would have been more befitting the Hon. Gentleman to have read those quotations—where he is no doubt a very entertaining and very valuable Member—at the Beef-Steak Club.—( Loud laughter.) P erhaps, Sir, in fact I have been tell, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman visits that Society because it is founded on temperance principles, but, Sir, I have seen that Hon. and Learned Gentleman sometimes when he has appeared, what I s hould call no fair specimen, as far as temperance goes, of the Members of that Society.—(Loud laughter.) These quota tions, Sir, would have told better there than within the walls of this House, where matters were being discussed touching upon t he religion of which he professes to entertain, as I .0 for that religion for which I profess the strongest and the ghest estimation. Sir, I say, that in this Ilouse such quota- Ll uns were, in my opinion, most unbecoming ; and such a grave tinbject as that which was then befe the House ought not to h ave been treated in such a manner by the Hon. and Learned ` ee titleman, considering the station he occupies. Sir, I never rade a M erry A n d rew o f myse lf i n t hi s H ouse .—( R oars o f k u ghter.never saw on the stage, at any time, a greater e rrY Andrew than the Honourable and Learned Gentle 'lan made of himself. Sir, I know my duty—l know TY duty to my Sovereign—and I reverence my God. „ h ave a regard for my Protestant fellow-cr ea t ures , an d I will t'ver act such a part as will be hurtful to their feelings. Sir, n e % l ion. and Learned Gentleman thought proper in that 11;re the House was convulsed with laughter by p e solem n tone in which the Hon. and Gallant Member hey 11 thi s un fi n i s h e d sentence ) — Si r, i n t h at b oo k he first I °ucited upon the person of the Right Hon. Gentleman the srst Lord of the lreasury.—( Great laughter.) I will leave it to that 11.• L , t Hon Gentleman, Sir, to take what notice he le„ , • re), " of Continued laughter.) Oh, Sir, I quer ha ,not with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman for vi ° , lr .'g oe this I ru, Sir, tat I can stand up th d e n . walls of this Ho st use—yes, h Sir, and I trust else ° er e --fea r l ess o f w h a t ever quo t a tions that Hon. and Learned O n tleman has to present, and which his present end perhaps less quoriiinn friend recommend him to introduce—fear - may °' whatever remarks he may make with regard to my eha e,mseter and conduct. Sir, I must naturally suppose, for I have e Ce ground for feeling that the Hon. and Learned Gentle in IW . ould be the most proper person, if indeed he has it not `` ln templation already—perhaps he has—to be the editor of edition of that book, which I have read as a boy at li„ ° n °l— (Great laughter)—l mean Joe Miller's Jests. That s s h *, and Lear n ed Gentleman will permit me to say, but % t r ue r he will or not I'll say it—( Loud laughter)—that he Rhinothing in support of that religion and of that measure to a ir' he professed to be so warmly attached. The Hon. and t i lt ant Gentleman went on to say that he deeply regi ettei adv t . a Protestant Minister of the Crown, and the confidential t o h': er of a Protestant Sovereign, should, he would say dared, t o th ve brought forward such a measure a: this, so repugnant s ci.tr l s f e e d el b it ygs of every Protestant. He had been verb mtn'll the speech of the Right Hen. Gentleman the t i , %;el . lo r ef the Exchequer, who represented the Pi otestant hisid rsity of Cambridge, and who had stood up in se, P l ace and sa id th a t h e should give his cordial .I,l;'Port to the measure before the House.—( Hear. ) Right H an . G ent l eman h a d treate d t h e numerous peti ka": which h a d b een presented against this measure in a ti er :" which th e y did not d eserve. Th e R ig ht H on . Gen had sa id t h at those petitioners wished for the annih il at i on h sn aca e adernical in s tit ut i ons a l toget h er. H e (C o l one l Sibth or p) se re "( 1 that the petitioners had no such wish. This mea linias.!l passed , would go far to establish the Popish Church in th eed, and would be a great tep toward the d e molition of of e v rerctestant Church. From the speech of the First Lord e Treasu r no one could tell whether that Right Hon. tul e y ' man wasa Roman Catholic or Protestant, or a Ma ilightntedso_( Laughter. ) At no distant time probably the bee ch Hon. Gentleman would be fou n d s itti ng on a cr o s s " In the proud position of a Nlahomedan.—(Great U ghter ell ee __ • He (Colonel Sitithorp) confessed that he had lost upotlnfidenee in the Right Hon. Gentleman. He was stepping gust tr7angerous ground. This hasty measure had spread dis ppeso.ogli the country. Already did the Hon. Gentlemen be tieh l e Le begin to flap their wings and look to the Treasury the H o s . --- ( Great laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentlelean itltatiorae Secretary might smile, but he was not so safe in his te nde , as he thought he was. ore his Sibthorp) Beforein of course to give this measure his decided opposition. I sit down, continued the:Hon. and Gallant Gentleman, a tell the Hon. and L earne d M em b er f or C or k 14L I entertain no malignant feeling towards him. Wei t t , °lll me to take what he said in good humour. I hope ho e, Pje t nared to take what I say in the same spirit. But I ent ers ' th P i , s t r h y at the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, w henever he niijeet tiouse, to speak on such a grave—such an important tins Ho as this, will at least consider that there are men in tit ner tt e who regard their religion with veneration. These le r i tis ;_s e u not the times of revelry. These are times when the their fights look to the House of Commons for a defence of Ivhi e h g e t y h and liberties,. and for a defence of that faith in their petitionave been instructed. These are not times to turn ti) ons, into ridicule. These, Sir, are my honest opi ‘lore Gentle j rn oh, too feebly —expressed ; and I tell the Right t nve l • fiep,„or , ,an at the head of the Government, that I will stilsort which lna• I will never support any man in a masers .. '"ves e i I believe would be contrary to my duty to my alieh agter. ) I never will support any man in c o 7 l k easare; and though the Hon. and Learned Member Las s t h e a ld ve n , :e that I would sooner sacrifice my principles hothead Gent :ultra of laughter )-1 tell that Hon. and _ ntl eman would rather not only be shaved, 'estant,a_LeY the shaver; off, than forget that I am a Pro t Itls.n r. : A l the faith in which I was educated.—(Cheers.) at enity RfId'ICKSTONE addressed 'iineself with considerable dif es,,, `fl,t . h pain to the question ' bef o -e the House—with pain, t. t " , an ts i , L nis duty to differ from thoe 1 1°, 1 th e with difficult s eeing h whom he usually ev Y hal t to y, the importani: 4 ' °r the Ves tal°, no nt; ."enss. It had been said that the's tvoluure, she weree,nl4ciple., He did not believe that the people 4 " te at z t a mear.. _? stupid as to combine for the purpose of re tie(l‘l.4n oeueshe.neiuir)erh,ei wh ich involved no principle. He thought Pie was involved in the measure before haou e lion• Gentleman the Member for Coventry ht,,lautiew deElliceclared that Parliament was about to enter Need th e The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool ne,_ Bl e ed the word ‘, restitution " Now, he (Mr. T h '" Prir ie t r 4:7 ,l 4l ailt, whether restitution did . not mean that some sheeßYrwer;:,v,asinvolved in the measure then before the House? but h a nt t. _`t e. that by principle they were hound ' to continue 4 arebfn,"!_:ittoYrivoo:ttteh: 'year after.year the grant was opposed, inn s o, n h i , . against it under the hope that was held It to . .g it th e „ draw f ollowing year. An attempt tied been R atd _ ''' r . analogy betw, , en the maintenance of the g, wo _ i p c. e s ts in Ireland generally, and the chaplains -mi lt te a of 1- ‘ 4 , 1, 0 uses. There was a vast distinction, because ,e places were eqiustantly is the wait of re ligiaus eonsolation. It was not a question whether Maynooth was to have twenty or thirty thousand pounds a year, for no matter how it had been disguised by the Government, the real principle in the measure - was the endowment of the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland. He could not support the motion of the Honourable Member for Sheffield, because he did not understand the idea of plundering one Church for the support of another, but he did understand that if they adopted this measure it would become imperative on them to endow a second State religion in Ireland. Disguise it as the Government might, that was the principle. Let them adopt the plan which prevailed in Scotland if they liked; but to suppose that the people of Ireland wauld submit to have two State religions in the country was quite absurd. Mr. RICE said that many of his constituents had opinions very strongly opposed to this measure, but he would state, in as few words as possible, why he should not act in accordance with those opinions, but should give his support cordially and sincerely to the measure. He did not think that the question before them was whether they should endow the Roman Ca tholic priesthood, but whether the grant should be effectual in giving education to the priesthood of Ireland or not ? He could understand the observations of those Gentlemen who had constantly voted consistently against the grant, but he did not understand why they voted against the increased grant, who had given their support to the grant on former oc casions. The Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down touched two questions ; first, as to the question of compacts, he did not understand whether there was a compact or not. But he knew that statesmen who had many years' experience re commended the increase of the grant as an act of justice. He also said that there was a new principle in the increase of this grant ; but he was of the opinion of the Hon. Secretary at War, who said that there was no new principle involved in the increase. Some also objected on religious and conscientious grounds, but he was not goins , to yield to any in attachment to the religion which he believed' to be true ; he would respect their opinions and conscientious objections, but he could not disregard the feelings and religious opinions of his fellow sub jects and fellow-Christians in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Others objected to the measure, on the grounds that it would tend to increase the number of Roman Catholics, and to decrease the number of Protestants in Ireland. He denied that the Bill would produce such an effect, for by making them more en lightened men they would make them more enlightened Christians, and it could not be contended for one moment that by making them more enlightened they were rendering them less susceptible of becoming converts to the truth. Nothing could be more injurious to the Protestant Church in Ireland, than the existence of grievances on the Roman Catholic side. Nothing could be more prejudi cial to the Protestant religion in that country, than the suppo sition, on the part of the Catholics, that they were treated with injustice. If they wanted to see the grateful feeling with which the Irish people received the measure, they had only to look to the Irish representatives, who in the House expressed their gratitude for the Bill. Looking upon them as the repre sentatives of the Irish feeling on the question, they found that feeling better and more extensive than their most sanguine expectations led them to hope for. Were they prepared to take upon themselves the responsibility of refusing a measure which had been so proposed and so received—were they prepared with a refusal which would have the effect of disuniting the United Empire? He was not so prepared, and he would give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill, which his con science and his judgment told him was the right course. Mr. PLUMPTRE said that he confessed that he approached the consideration of this subject with considerable pain and anxiety. He was in the habit of hearing remarks directed against him by the lion. Member for Kent, which were not at all of a pleasant description, and which may have been in. tended to give great discouragement to him in the defence which he was about. to make of Protestant principles. He i confessed that though they were unpleasant, they had not had the effect of crushing his feeling, and the desire which he en tertained, of maintaining the course which he intended to pursue on this question. The Hon. Member for Lambeth said that from the petitions which had come before the House it appeared that this question was considered by the people of England as one of vital importance ; he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman that was the view taken by the people. 'lf it were not a subject in which religion was a part it was a matter to him of insignificance, whether they gave a certain sum of money to a certain college in Ireland or not, but he felt that it was a most important question when he saw bow closely connected with this Bill were the interests of the Protestant Established Church. He had heard of a meeting which had lately been held in this great city, convened by the first magistrate of the city, who presided upon the occasion, and that meeting was attended by all the great merchants and bankers, and other traders of this great. city. At thst meeting resolutions were adopted which were, to a certain extent, of a religious character, and advo cated religious separation.—(Cries of " No, no.") He had heard an Hon. Member express dissent, but he should say that at every meeting held upon this question, religion was the clues. tier and the only one, and he believed he might say that reli gion in this case had taken away the four trumps. Then, there had been a meeting held iii one of the city theatres, at which spec he were matte against this measure ; and what were the leading features of that dismission ? Were politics introduced there ? No ; nothing but a religious aspect alone charaterised the proceedings, and formed the leading features of the discus sion. Amidst some of the petitions presented against this measure were two which had been ordered to be printed in extenso, and which, therefore, became Parliamentary papers; and he would ask were not those petitions well worthy the con sideration of that House? He (Mr. Plumptre) had had the pleasure of presenting hundreds of petitions to the House upon various occasions ; hut, amongst them all, not one was there that more deeply affected a religious question than the present.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He did not understand why, if the present Government were determined upon carrying this measure, that a different course shouldbe adopted towards Ireland than was pursued in other countries where the Roman Catholic religion was endowed.—( Hear, hear.) In Russia, Austria, Spain, and other countries, there was a wholesome control exercised over the Catholic institutions ; and, therefore, he would ask, if the Roman Catholic religion were to be endowed in Ireland by the Government, why the Government should not have some control over it? The lion. Member then read some passages from a pamphlet en titled " Maynooth, the Crown of the Country," which he con tended supported his arguments ; but the low tone in which lie read the extracts, as well as that in which he spoke, rendered it almost impossible to catch the connexion of his sentences. He continued by saving that if evils did arise from such a state of things as he believed would follow this grant, let the Go vernment remember that they had been warned, and made ac quainted with the difficulty in which they had been placed. Nothing could be further from his intention than to give pain to his Roman Catholic neighbours by any expres sions he should make use of ; but he felt he had a duty to perform—that duty he would fulfil no matter how painful to him. Ho had heard the Noble Lord declare, that he did not believe that the Roman Catholic reli gion was the religion of Anti-Christ ; but he (Mr. Plumptre) should say, he regretted that he could not agree with the Noble Lord. He had heard a great deal from the Hon. Mem ber for Canterbury ; but he ( Mr. Plumptre) begged to tell that Hon. Member that he did not want to take advice W counsel from him. The Hon. Member concluded by declaring his determination to oppose the motion. Mr. TRELAWNY said he would support the measure of the Government ; but, at the same time, he should say, he was averse to the endowment of any Church Establishment ; and he contended that the further the Government went in making such endowments, the deeper they became involved in the difficulty. But as an endowment was to be made, he would contend for it, that in this instance much that was useful and beneficial would follow. l'here was another argument, that this would be an induce ment to agitation, and that other Dissenters would demand endowment. But he thought there could be no parallel be tween the case of the Roman Catholics and the Dissenters of England. The priests of the Irish Catholics had been perse cuted to death—a price had been put by statute upon their heads. This was a persecution to which the English Dis senters had never been subjected. And he further agreed with those who argued that if the union had never taken place the Roman Catholics of Ireland would before this have ob tained more than the Government now proposed to give them. From all considerations of justice and expediency he would support this measure—no matter what unpopularity it might involve. He was glad that the Right Hon. Baronet who brought it forward did not shrink from his purpose in consequence of the taunts which had been east upon him. The Honourable Member for Shrewsbury had attacked the Right Honourable Baronet for his inconsistency, but the Right lion. Baronet was very consistent in the way in which he treated the past adulation and present abuse of the Hon. Member.—( Hear, hear.) The argument that the mea sure ought to be rejected on account of the inconsistency of its proposer, was worthy only of the Member for Shrewsbury and Fielding's philosopher, Square.—( Hear.) For his own part, he gave the measure his hearty support.--( Hear. ) Lord COUR TENAY had weighed well all the arguments of those who opposed the measure. They could not oppose it on principle, so long as they allowed a grant of a smaller amount. Looking to the physical destitution, and the spiritual wants of the people of Ireland. he would ask would that House do its duty it it dm not, to the best of its pincer, promote the educa tion of the pt iesthood. He thought it was a duty of the Impe rial Parliament to effect that object But that was not his only reason for supporting the measure, but he thought also that it would have the effect of binding the connexion between the two countries, and promoting the happiness of both.—(hear.) Mr. WYKEH AM MARTIN was in the same predicament as the Hon. Member opposite, who had been required by his constituents either to vote against this measure or to resign liis seat. Put he thought the measure of so much importance to the good of the United Kingdom, that he felt it his duty to support her Majesty's Government. He thought those who supported the regium donuni to the Presbyterians could not, upon principle, oppose a similar support to the more numerous and more impoverished Roman Catholics. He did not see why they should ask the Roman Catholics to contribute to the support of the Protestant Church, if they were not, on the other hand, willing to give something to maintain the College of Maynooth. It was painful for him to be obliged to differ from those who sent him the memorial, for many of whom he entertained great respect, but he felt that the step he was taking was the correct one, and he was deeply convinced that he was only acting according to his duty in supporting the pre sent measure.—( Hear.) Mr. H. M. TUITE would support the measure of the Government, as an Irish Protestant Member, and he begged to remind those Hon. Gentlemen who spoke of the Pro testants of Ireland, that there were a great number of Irish Pro testants who were in favour of the measure.—(Hear, hear.) lie considered that the measure of the Government would not only be an advantage to Ireland, but to the empire at large. He regretted the acrimonious feelings which had been exhibited during the present debate, and those who accused the Government, and talked of being deceived, should remember that the Right Honourable Baronet gave ample notice of his intention with regard to this measure—( Hear, hear)—though he had not done so with regard to the tariff and other measures upon which so many in that House were interested. A great deal had been said of the conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy, but it was only last Sunday week that he heard the clergyman of Christchurch, St. John's-wood, request his congregation, both gentlemen and ladies, to come down to the vestry-room after the service to sign petitions against the Maynooth grant. When that conduct was pursued by a Protestant clergyman of the Established Church, he did not think that they ought to be so bitter against the Catholic clergy of Ireland for allowing the use of their chapels for political purposes, especially as here they had Exeter-hall and such places to hold their meetings in. He thought that the Roman Catholics would feel deeply grate ful to the Right Hon. Baronet for this measure.—( Hear. ) Mr. CAREW (Cornwall) expressed his intention of voting for the present measure, though he had presented petitions against the grant. lie agreed with the Hon. Member for Kent, that the question had taken a religious complexion though he deeply regretted it. He thought they owed some- ' thing to the people of Ireland ; and they should not forget the trickery by which the Union was brought about against the e sm:ent, of the majority of the Irish people. He did not sysnp ishlst with those who thought the present measure would destroy th4' Established Church in Ireland. He could not see how the affordir,s . of increased education to the educators of the people of Ireland'couL l have that effect. Lord LEV ON regreted te tone of bitterness use b the Hon. and Gallant M em ber fo h r Lincoln. He did not thinky he was called upon to enter into the consideration of the ques tion, how far the Government clevtrved the censure so liberally bestowed by these who sat behind tbern ? It must, be evident to every one that the Government had begin) to regret the line of policy which they pursued when in Opposition. He wslied to drop that Fubjent. Ile felt anxious to support a measure, which he really believed to be good in itself ; arid which he thought good, because unaccompanied b any injudicious and harsh re strictions, and bemuse, frow 4 w the had seen of the state of . 7 ' HE ' the country, and from what he could hear from the sposehes made in that House, he believed no other party in the king . dom could carry such a measure, except those now in power.—( Hear, hear. ) Allusion had been made to the length of the debate. He thought it a matter of regret that the debate was so lengthened, because a favourable oppor tunity was afforded to excite what he believed to be the con scientious, but at the same time misguided feelings of a large portion of the British public. He regretted that clergymen had on such occasions considered it to be their duty to raise such feelings in the minds of their flocks—feelings of hostility and ill-will towards their fellow subjects and fellow Christians. —( Hear, hear.) But on the other hand tho debate which had taken place in that House must go far to assuage those feelings. He thought that when the public read speeches, such as that of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Devonport this evening—speeches delivered night after night since the debate began, it would go far to create a favourable impression of the Government policy. When they read the report of the speech of his Noble Friend for Dorsetshire—a speech admirable for its tone and temper towards the people of Ireland, and a speech which, while opposed to the measure, appeared to him to state in the closest manner the anomalous state of the religious instruction of the Trials people at this moment, and which demonstrated, in the most logical manner, that the step to which the Government had come was the most equitable basis fur the religious instruction of that portion of the people. He thought that when the English public saw that some of the advocates against the measure were obliged to have recourse to the poverty of the Irish church—when they saw advocates, not the least able, refuse to urge an argument which had been urged on the House on every previous measure, when a benefit was about to be conferred on the Irish people, namely, that if the Government persevered in such a course, England would lose its station among the nations of the earth. When the public compared the speeches made upon both sides, he thought they would not long continue in the present state of excited feeling. In his opinion the chief boast of Eng lishmen was not their commercial prosperity, not the power of the country in war, but the acknowledged superiority in the civil liberty of the subject. And were they to be told that a step in the direction of toleration would degrade Eng land among the nations of the earth? The Noble Lord tt'e Member for Lynn, in a speech which he thought good in itself, but better as an evidence in the present generation of a more kindly sympathy felt by the Irish Protestants towards their Catholic fellow-subjects. That Noble Lord, who had supposed the case of a stranger visiting that House, might have carried his supposition a little further—that a stranger had actually visited that house—a great statesman— whose high intellect was known throughout Europe, who, though a Protestant, had been much among Roman Catholics, a man eminent for high reputation and great learning, and phi lanthropy, and who would consider religious denominations of all sorts on the same comprehensive and philanthropic basis a man deeply studied in the principles of the British Constitution, and if h e h a d sit posed such a stranger watching the debates, would th a t N o b tord not have blushed for shame to find the Impe r i a l L ee i a ature of this kingdom disputing about a miserable pittance for the religious instruc tion of a portion of their fellow-subjects.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) [The Noble Lord alluded to the Duke de Broglie who, on a former evening, was present d ur i ng th i s de b ate. ] For his (Lord Levison's) part he cordially approved of the measure, and would not weary the House by bringing further arguments in favour of it. He was sorry for having trespassed so long on the attention of the House, and thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to him. Air. R. SPOONER said that if he had consulted his own private feelings he would have given a silent vote, but as the representative of a large community that felt deeply on the question, he considered it to be his bounden duty to state, as shortly as he could, the reasons which reluctantly obliged him to onese the Government. He did not treat this question with any feelings of bigotry, neither did he mean to treat it as a mere money question. He treated it as a question of a reli gious principle to which he would adhere as long as he held a seat in that House. He agreed with the Right Hononrable and Learned Gentleman who had spoken on a previous night, in the view which he had taken upon this subject. He divided the opponents of the Bill into three heads. The first resisted it because of the increased amount. Now, he thought those who could vote for the small sum could vote for the larger. But there was certainly this broad distinction between the two grants, that whereas the one was only annual and tinder the control of Parliament, this was perpetual, and removed from that control. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer had added that Parliament endowed the Roman Catholic Church on a former occasion. He (Mr. Spooner) denied that this was the case, and he made this dis -1 tinction, that whereas the one Bill merely enabled Roman Catholics to endow with their own money, this Bill would endow a Roman Catholic establishment with State money. The second class of objections he could perfectly understand. I hey went upon the voluntary principle. but he could not see how any Honourable Member who entertained such views could vote for the second reading of the Bill.—( Hear, hear. ) To the third class of objections he declared himself zealously, firmly. and conscientiously attached.—( Hear, hear.) He had a strong religious feeling on this matter, and never would con sent to endow the Church which, he really believed, taught doctrines dangerous, unsound, and unscriptural. Upon this subject he must open his mind freely, and declare that he never, never would consent to the endowment of a Church which, in his opinion, was dangerous to those to whom its dangerous doctrines were taught— doctrines so de lusive, and a Church which, at the hour of death, instead of administering to its followers the comforts of religion led them to trust to an awful delusion.—( Loud cries of " Oh," from the Opposition.) The Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to mistakes in translations, but this step was a delibe rate sanction of error, not an accidental encouragement of mistakes in translations; and they were voting a sum of money for the purpose of teaching doctrines which they conscientiously denied, and believed to be full of error, and to which be trusted the House would never consent. Looking at the question as a political one, and viewing it on the grounds advanced by his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, he could not see its utility, although he firmly believed the Right Hon. Gentleman and the Government were actuated by the best motives, for what else but a high sense of duty, and a desire to confer a benefit on the State, could have induced them to make such sacrifices ? He, therefore, gave his Right Hon. Friend full credit for sincerity and honest motives, and he trusted the same credit for sincerity and honesty would be given to himself. He would give an extract from a speech of a de parted Right Hon. Gentleman, one which had been quoted by his Right Hon. Friend, not, however, very fairly quoted, for the Right Hon. Gentleman had left out a most material part. He could not mention the name of that departed Right Hon. Gentleman without regretting that some younger Members of that House had spoken of him so slightingly.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Spooner) had known him, perhaps not so intimately as many Hon. Members of that House, but he was sure that all who heard him would concur with him in this, that if a conscientious discharge of his duty as Prime Minister—if a life devoted to his country—a man who met with his death at the very door of this House in the execution of his office—if such claims as these did not call for generous remembrance—if a conscientious discharge of all social public and private obli gations, which recommended him to the veneration of all who knew him—if all those claims did not entitle his memory . to respect, he feared that few public men could hope to receive it.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Percival said that "he disclaimed the odious principle of intolerance; but he observed, at the same time, that the memorial of Roman Catholics, which was the foundation of Maynooth, claimed no pecuniary relief. The Roman Catholics promised to defray all expenses themselves, and though Government and Parliament had given 8,0 , :0/. in aid of the object—(" Mind," said the Hon. Gentleman, " Mr. Percival did not use the word perpetual")--that was no rea son that the country should be subjected to constant and in creasing demands for a purpose for which no precedent existed in any age or country that of educating a priest hood differing widely from the Established Church."—( Hear. ) He conceived that they had, on the present occasion, begun at the wrong end. They proposed to educate the priests, and they said that the educated priests would enlighten the people. if he really believed that they would be really enlightened, he confessed that much of the sting would be taken away, though that would not justify him in voting for the present measure. But they would be disappointed in this expectation. If they educated the priests they would require to pay them. If they did not pay them they would be obliged, as before, to go among the ignorant and the poor, who had not the means of paying them. He would ask what, under these circum stances, must he the nature of the machinery which the Roman Catholic priests must use—what but exacting from the super stitious ignorance of the peasantry what they would not other wise get from them, spontaneous charity. The House might depend on it that the people would not be enlightened, for ig norance was the parent of superstition, and superstition was their very means of support. They had not been able to draw from the Right Hon. Gentleman any declaration as to whether this was to be a final measure, or whether they had in contem plation some future measures of a similar character,—( Hear, hear.) He had well observed whether the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would reply to the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorset, but the Right Hon. Gentleman answered only satisfactorily upon one point and that was, nothing should induce them to touch the funds of the Established Church, but not one word did he say relative to the payment of the priesthood. Ile (:qr. Spooner) thought that this would furnish a very bad precedent, for the Government might come down at an after period to that House, and using the same arguments as in the case of Maynooth (for they had already broken down the prin ciple), say that they would pay the priests for them to carry out the objects which they had in view when they intro duced the first measure. The very facts of the case enabled every Member in that House to draw that conclusion. The Ministry seemed to be acting upsn the principle of giving those boons by instalments, and he thought that the people of Eng.- land had a right to complain that they were likely to go further and further until the Roman Catholic Church should be regularly endowed. Let them go to every populous town in England, as his Hon. Friend the Member for Warwickshire had justly stated the other night, let them go to that county or to his (Mr. Spooner's) part of the country, or in the neighbouring counties, and there they would find schools, colleges, and seminaries for the very purpose of creating congregations by a display of pageantry, by a lavish expenditure, and by the at tractive character of the services they placed before the people. If they had no other objects than to gain congregations, why not commence where the congregations really were ? Why not themselves establish schools and colleges and seminaries in Ire land ? Why come to England and lavish their money in search of congregations ? Ignorance was the grand work on which they reared their superstructure. He would now allude to another part of the subject; but he would merely allude to it in a few words, and he would quote on this subject the illustrious individual to whom he had already referred. The Hon. Member then quoted from Hansard a speech of Mr. Percival in 1808, in which he deprecated the idea of making the grant to May nooth a perpetual one. He now came to a subject which had caused him great surprise on the previous evening, and which merited the earnest attention of the House. The Noble Lord, the Member for Newark, after stating that in the remarkable work of Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, it was stated—" that whereas by all other countries, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic, in which the Roman Catholic religion was acknowledged, and sanctioned, and supported by the State, every precaution was taken, and every safe guard was devised, to secure the temporal supremacy of the monarch against the Roman power—iii these realms alone no such precautions were taken, and that here alone was ' free trade with Rome.' The English nation," it continued, " pays for Maynooth, and the Pope governs it ; shall not the nation either cease to support, or the Pope to rule it ?" " The priest takes a vow of obedience to the Roman Pontiff; the bishop swears to maintain the Papacy, and to preserve the rights and royalties of St. Peter; the archbishop may not exer cise his sacred functions till he has received the pallium of Roma. Priests, bishops, and archbishops, are all the vassals of Rome, rather than the subjects of Queen Victoria, and yet it is to them that we make over the exclusive management of the establishments for the education of the Roman Catholic priests." These were the :premises. He had admitted them to be true; but what was the conclusion at which the Rev. Gentleman and those who agreed with him arrived ? —to have nothing whatever to say to that enormous power which they themselves admitted to be so greatly influential and formidable. It was a case, in his opinion, for a course of con duct totally different. He would say to these gentlemen— " Admit frankly and freely into your union and intercourse that power you acknowledge to be so grea t an d exten sive. Accredit w er to the Vatican — rece i ve a N unc i o hich a nnis, at St. James's—and see whether you cannot thus do what you never can effect if you continue by the most miserable and childish weakness to ignore the existence of a monarchy which was great before England was a kingdom, and to which is yet permitted the exercise of such tremendous power over every Portion of your vast dottliWas." Such was the statement SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 18, 1845. of the Noble Lord. Yes, the Pope was strong, and they . in England must submit to him. He was followed in the same ; argument by the Hon. Member for Canterbury. The whole of his speech in substance was,' do that which absolutely con . tradicts the Coronation oath ; that which is subversive of the . constitution of the country; that which, if adopted by her Majesty's Minister's, would render them liable to impeach ; ment." He would tell the Right Hon. Gentlemen below him that the country expected from the Government an entire and unequivocal renunciation of the doctrines propounded by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear.) He thanked the House for the attention with which they had heard him in the expression of his honest opinions. Sir J. GRAHAM said—Sir, the Right Hon, Member for Devonport has expressed a wish that the debate upon this question should not pass without some declaration on the part of my Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government or of myself, as to what the ultimate intentions of the Government may be on this subject.—( Hear, hear.) It has been complained of, on the other hand, that this debate ' has been too much prolonged. (Ironical cheers. ) Sir, Ido not think so. I think that neither the Government nor the country has reason to regret the prolonging of the de bate. —(llear, hear.) Because, Sir, I feel that in this moment of excitement—in any moment of the greatest excitement—an appeal to the feelings and understanding of the people of this ' country never fails to produce the best results— ( Hear, hear)-- and, I believe, that the appeal to their reason in the very matter of this debate has already produced the best results, and that the feeling which we are, not beginning, but carrying out— ( Cheers)—is triumphant —( Cheers.) The lion. Gentleman the Member for Renfrew has stated that if we had foreseen the storm which we were raising, we would not have pursued our present course. But I beg to assure the lion. Gentleman and the House, that this proposition has been deliberately, earnestly, and with forethought of all consequences introduced to the consideration of the House by my Right Hon. Friend and his colleagues. Sir, I deplore, as much as the Hon. Member for Birmingham can deplore, the division which this question creates upon this side of the House. Sir, it is deeply painful to me that there should be any division—it is deeply painful to me that we should lose ( I hope the loss will not be permanent) that we should lose for a time the support of those gen tlemen who, upon this side of the House, have declared them selves adverse t o t hi s propos i t i o n.—(Hear, hear. ) Whilst I deeply deplore the loss of their support upon this occasion, when we propose to the House a measure of great importance, and one which upon our responsibility we could not fail to propose, and we must not hesitate to persevere in. I think it is our duty to redress any real wrongs of which Ireland has to complain.—(Cheers.) And I do not hesitate to say, that this measure is a commencement of a better state of things.—( Great cheering.) I must sly still further, that I am confident, that if we did not lay the foundation of that better policy by this measure, any other would give way.— ( Cheers.) But what are the arguments on the other side ? My Right Hon. Friend, the Member for the University of Oxford, argues that the effect of the measure will be to damage the Protestant Establishment in these realms— whilst the lion. Gentleman, the actual if not the virtual re presentative of the University of Durham, opposed the measure because it was calculated to perpetuate that Establishment. Yet, Sir, I have heard no speech so conclusive in favour of the measure as that of the Hon. Member for Durham, who spoke so fervently against all establishments and all endow ments —(Cheers.) But the Hon. Member at the same time admitted that if it were not for his opposition to establishments of every kind, he would support the measure for its conciliatory tendency.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Member for Edin burgh charges me with inconsistency as a Member of the Go vernment, in supporting this measure.—( Hear, hear.) He says that the policy which we have hitherto pursued has been to uphold the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland.—( Cheers. ) Now, Sir, observe what is the answer of the Government to that accusation.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The various accusations against us repel each other, and many of them refute themselves.—( Loud cheers.) Some Gentlemen have told us that we were conferring greater strength and permanence on the Established Church. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin says that the clergy are reduced to the most grievous state, by the measures of those now in opposition to the Government. Well, what was the first mea sure which he mentioned, as an instance of our inconsistency? Why, the Church Temporalities Bill. But that was the mea sure of my Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies.— ( Cheers.) The next was the Tithe Composition Act. That also was introduced by my Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies. The measure was adopted by the Government of Lord Melbourne, in 1834 ; and Lord Stanley and myself, being in Opposition, gave it our most strenuous and decided support.—( Cheers.) Of what other measure does the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin complain ? Why, of the national system of education. That also was the work of my Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies.—( Cheers. ) Another Hon. Member complained that in all offices strangers were preferred by the present Government. Is that the fact ? —( Hear, hear.) When vacancies occurred upon the bench, we preferred to the bench Pennefather arid Blackburn, and Lefroy and Jackson.—( Cheers.) But these are not the accu sations against which I think it most difficult to defend the Government. But allow me to tell the Hon. and Learned Re corder for Dublin, that if he thinks the day when Protestant ascendancy could be maintained in Ireland is not yet passed, he is mistaken.—(Great cheering.) The day is passed— ( Renewed eheering)—and I will not be one to attempt to go. vent Ireland upon his principles.—( Very great cheering. ) Now, Sir, I think that so far as my consistency is concerned, I have stated enough to show that uniformly, whether in Opposition or in the Government, I have endeavoured to act steadily up to the principles as enunciated by us in the Temporalities Act. Again, in the scheme of national education, and practically in principle, by the Tithe Commutation Acts. With respect to the Hon. Gentle men opposite, I entertain but little difference with them, for I have never expressed an opinion as an individual that I was at all opposed to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland. That point was raised repeatedly. i think it was raised when I was in Opposition ; and I am quite sure it was raised two or three years ago ; and in the course of the dis cussion the Hon. Member for Kilkenny said with respect to the endowment of the College of Maynooth, it was an arrange ment to which he would not give his consent. I stated then that it was my belief, whatever might have been the circum stances which at any former period would have rendered such a course impracticable, and although there existed an unwilling ness on the part of the Irish clergy and the British public to maintain such an institution, yet my own private feelings and judgment would not then prevent me from mak ing such an endowment. A slight differsnce, however, has always existed between me and the Noble Lord opposite, namely, with respect to the propriety of withdrawing the funds for endowing such an institution from the property of the Protestant Church Establishment in Ireland. Upon that point I have a decided opinion, and I have endeavoured to adhere to it uniformly, and I still adhere to it, because I have an insuperable objection to such an arrangement. I repeat, I have never swerved from that opinion—l have ever kept to it, and certainly I will not give it up now. Now, Sir, the lion. Gentleman the Member for Belfast, in common with many other Hon. Gentlemer who have addressed the House in the course of this debate, has referred to a particular expres. sion I used in my place in Parliament—not when in Opposition, but since I have assumed office. It was used by me in 1842, during the discussion on the Arms' Bill. Now I will beg the House to remember the circumstances of that Act. I have stated that some time before a discussion arose relative to this institution, in the course of which it was announced to the House that it was the intention of the Government to fulfil a pledge which they had given in Opposition, to bring forward a measure for the registration of county voters in Ireland, and for enlarging the elective franchise in that country. It had also been announced on the part of the Government, that they intended to take an early opportunity to bring in a Bill relative to the regulation of the municipal franchise in Ireland. That measure was conceived in a spirit which we had hoped and believed would have been most satisfactory. Well, we redeemed all our pledges, given while we were in Opposition, with respect to taking precautions against the con tinuance of perjury which might follow a defective registra tion. We took certain precautions which had the effect of preventing a great amount of perjury in Ireland. We brought in those measu res which brought the county franchise upon a defined and settled principle ; and in the year in which they were introduced, and almost co-existent with these propositions, measures were brought forward of a very different character, certainly, on the pa rt o f th e G overn ment. It became their duty to revive the A rms ' Act, and certa i n l y u pon that occasion I did make use of th e express i on w hi c h h a s been attributed to me, but really Ido no t t hi n k i t a l toge th e r fair that I should be taunted now with h av i ng use d it, s eeing that it was suffi ciently explai ne d i n t hi s H ouse soon after it escaped my lips. The expres s i on I use d was " t h at con cession tow.rds Ireland had already reac h e d i ts utmost l im it s ." I have said that that expression was explained. I will do more. I admit that ex pression, and I regret having used it.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) I say more, that where the feelings and interests of a nation are concerned an intemperate or ungarded expression on the part of a Minister is a serious offence. I say I am sorry for having used it. I deeply regret it, and I can only say that upon my cons c i ence , an d f rom the bottom of my heart , my at tachment to I re l an d was b e tt e r than my word. — ( Loud cheers. ) Now, Sir, I am bound to say, that after I had used this ex pression the public mind of Ireland became very much ex cited, and the measures to which I have adverted, after they had received the Legislative sanction , and n o twithstandin g t hey were introduced for the relief and at the wish of the people of Ireland, were all but rejected. The Government last year acting upon a suggestion which had been thrown out by an Honourable Member who sits on the o pp osite of the House—l think it was the Noble Lord —the th Member for Tiverton, brought in a me asure which, w ithout proposing on the part of the State a direct endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy, enacted something which was less ob jectionable in principle. It was introduced by the willing con sent and co-operation of the wealthy landlords of Ireland, and enabled them to leave property to the Roman Catholic clergy which would progress and gradually reach endowments-- (Hear, hear.) I say her Majesty's Government directed their attention to that subject, and we introduced the question into this House after great deliberation. The measure certainly produced an effect which far exceeded our expectations, and which satisfied us. It was a measure which would be followed by, and must be productive of, the greatest possible good. Individually a portion of the Roman Catholic clergy had been opposed to that measure, and they resisted it for a time with great force and strength. On the other hand, it was supported by others of the clergy boldly and firmly, and they had co-operated with the Government in effecting and carrying out that useful measure. The hierarchy of Ireland were divided in opinion with respect to that m easure, but the majority of them have since aided the Government in carrying the measure into operation. Previous to the Bill which is now under the consideration of the House being contemplated, the Roman Catholic archbishops and bishops of Ireland sought for an in crease of this grant , a nd the question then, for the first time, presented itself to us. We fel t ourselves that there was no thing wrong in principl eT- that there was not hi ng i ncons i stent with our duty to our Protestant Sovereign, or to the Pro testant Church in Ireland—to increase the grant, because it was not like a direct endowment. —( Hear, hear.) No ! we were cert ainl y n ot prepared to endow the Roman Catholic clergy directl y; but here is,apaoru will ticula grantextend r teii V which nic will accept, " andhtheßomanCath Catholic hierarchy say, , ii y seeing that there was not:objection to it on principle, we thought it our duty to concede it. We give it and the Roman Cat holic cle rgy gratefully accept it. We ou i rable F r i en d th e M em b er re measure we are now dis cussing, that in princ i p le it i s not only justifiable, but it is ex pedient,Dngubalnil' Now,h h e a r s c e commented Stirh'eomriygr 13in ° nf t o n the speech made by my for Right Honourable Fri e nd the M c e i y end the M em b er f or Bir egmuebsetrionfoorf , ortance. Now, Sir, I must this grant P t Hon. G en tl eman the mNswVahaiynso Bir mingham uhhnaa h tmmats the en or s nat;asi argument considers r eb h nui a ttt t oomff t t)g h i. ir e eHe aßot importance. m o Mem ber for Edinburgh on this point was put possibly with more than his usual force; and it appeared to me to be perfectly triumphant. In the question which we are now discussing, there is though not in the letter at least in the spirit something more important than the additio nal sum of money. But, as I said before, that part of the question has been triumphantly d question. ar. )Now, with respect to the religious part 1 admit that, i n t h e year 1785, when i‘i s a p y o was first founded—first recognis e d b y a Parliamen tary t et h h :e f t . he tio re ligious question was t h en raised, whether a i no : of e o o d t Protestant State should establish and endow a seminary for exclusively teaching the Roman Catholic priesthood—in short, at all interfering with their religious discipline? I conceive that to be a grave religious question, and I believe it was so considered at the time, or Lord Kingsley would not have been sent over to Ireland in the room of Lord Fitzwilliam, who had held out, in his speeches as Lord-Lieutenant, expectations to the Irish people of larger concessions than the riovernmeut was prepared to give. Be it observed that the elective fran chise had been given to the Roman Catholics of Ireland two years before, and when we remember the great numerical supe riority of the Roman Catholics of that country over their Pro testant fellow-subjects, I must say that even at that time it was clear, what experience since has proved, that that fundamental concession must, sooner or later, be the groundwork of the largest extension of civil and religious liberty. But to return to the circumstances of 1795. Lord Camden was sent out to supersede Lord Fitzwilliam; and, although he was not autho rised to go the length which Lord Fitzwilliam had gone in the promise of civil equality , to the Roman Catholics of that coun try, yet he was distinctly instructed to propose further indul geni_es to her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in that country:; and within ten days of his arrival, his first measure, after con sulting Lord Chancellor Clare; Agar, Archbishop of Cashel; Foster, the then Speaker ; and Sir J. Parnell, then Chancel lor of the Exchequer, was to send to the home Government, advisedly, the draft of the Act of 1795, which endowed the Col lege of Maynooth. The home Government deliberated upon the proposition. My Right Hon. Friend stated that the Home Secretary at that time was also at that time Chancellor of the University of Oxford ; and it has been most cor rectly stated that, before the measure of 1795 was adopted by them, the Government draft of the Bill was submitted to the Archbishop of Canterbury. It is im possible to conceive more calm deliberation upon any matter. Well, that Bill became law, and it proceeded in dis tinct +erms to endow the College of Maynooth as it is now es tablished. Yet it is said that we are now discussing for the first time a Bill which recognises by vote the ex istence of the Roman Catholic religion and hierar chy in Ireland. But, Sir, I deny that proposition. There is nothing in the constitution of this country which ren dered it impossible, impolitic, or inexpedient to endow a semi nary set apart for the Roman Catholics. Without the inter ference of religious education, the Government directly recog nised the: Roman Catholic religion as existing in Ireland with its hierarchy. How do I endeavour to show that ? First of a.l, if any bye law was made respecting the College, it should come to the Lord-Li eu t enan t, w h o h a d the power of giving it his veto, and when it was thought expedient that trustees should be appointed, Protestants were appointed as rustees, as well as Roman Catholics ; and on account of more interference being displayed in the affairs of the College by those who were Protestants, it was ultimately thought expedient that they should be abrogated. But to show the connexion between the State and the College of Maynooth, it is only necessary to show that every bye-law must be submitted and has been for fifty years submitted to the Lord-Lieutenant for his sanction ; they submit a bye-law and he can veto it, and it can only become a bye-law by his having given it his veto--(Hear ' hear. ) A president of the C o ll ege canno t en t er on his du• ties without his having been acceded to by the Lord- Lieutenant. I hold in my hand a return which was laid on the table of the House of Parliament, which showed by the re gulations of the College of Maynooth, according to the bye laws, the number of students receiving endowments, for they were fixed to a certain number, which had been distributed amongst different Bishops of different districts in Ireland, and there is further stated in this return from Maynooth the name of each student and the name of each diocese. Now here is a bye-law sanctioned by the Lord-Lieutenant and laid on the table by order of the House of Lords, showing bow the Roman Catholic religion and its hierarchy were recognized by the State. It is stated that all those who object to this grant on account of the voluntary principle might entertain a double ob jection in this case because the grant is about to be increased. Ido not think that that reasoning is very effective, and if there is any principle in the objection on the part of the Protestants, that principle is violated by the application of the public funds to numerous endowments in the colonies ; they are not only given to the orthodox Presbyterians, but also every year we are in the habit of voting a sum to the Presbyterian establish ment in Scotland, and to the Dissenters in the Hebrides. I think that there are no religious grounds for objecting to a practice which has for so long a time been uninterrupted. I will net rely on a compact, that has been already argued; I do not think that there was a compact, but I think that there was a nominal engagement which the Parliament ought to recog nise. Some state that there was a compact, it transpired after the Union. It has been shown that a compact existed for twenty years, and, at the expiration of that period, the matter was reconsidered, and the Government, by the adoption of the endowment, bound themselves to the contract again. Whether it is the matter of a compact or of an honorary engagement, I think that it rests on the strongest possible grounds ; but Ido not wish to rest it on any such grounds.—( Hear, hear.) I look upon it in this light, that seven millions of the population of Ireland profess the Roman Catholic religion.—( Cheers.) I differ altogether from the Hon. Gen tleman who has just sat down ; lie said that the Roman Ca tholic religion was an awful delusion.—( Cheers and laughter. ) I agree with the sentiments laid down in the admirable speech of the Hon. Member for Devonport ; I am a sincere uncom promising Protestant; I am not ashamed to be a Protestant; but still I cannot fora moment imagine that the Roman Ca tholic religion is an awful delusion. —( Cheers. ) I remember that it is a Christian creed, that it is the creed of the great majority of Christians—( Hear)—and though there is an impor tant difference between the Protestant and Roman Catholic religion, yet we agree with them in the main points, and to say that the Roman Catholic religion is an awful delusion, would be the destruction of every religious hope. I do not deny that the policy of Great Britain to that country has been at different times cruel—(Cheers)—but the people always ad hered to their religious tenets most uninterruptedly. Penal laws, penalties and privations have b e en equally unsuc cessful in destroying their religious feeling. The Roman Catholics are now the great majority of the population of the people of Ireland, and are one-fourth of her Majesty's subjects in the United Kingdom. You cannot interrupt them ; but they are now willing to accept this small boon in aid of the education of the clergy who are to be spiritual advisers of the greater number of the people. Can we then refuse a grant so accepted and so offered on the grounds of a religious princi ple ? On the contrary, I think that the religious principle has been settled fifty years ago. We cannot refuse it through pecuniary motives, for such would be beneath our contempt ; it is nothing for us, and it is everything to those who receive it. I will now refer to what was stated by my Honourable Friend with respect to the institution itself. He commented on the miserable appearance of the professors and students. Why do you keep them beggars and then blame them for being so?—(Cheers.) They were, after all, the clergy of the people, and they must be taught.—(Loud cheers.) I do not believe the assertion that they be long to the lower grade of society. They are drawn not from the lower class, but from the middle class. They are trusted by the people, and they perform their duty to the people. There exists the power of constant visitation, and we have communication with the president, who inspects the seminary. Mr. Fi ankland Lewis, who was the head of a Com mission to inquire into the system of education in Maynooth in 182 d, assures us that he was for two days present at the College examination, and that the curriculum of ecclesiastical education was such as to ensure honours in any of the English Universities. The facility of turning English into Latin, he says, surprised him, and that, as a literary seminary, it is by no means to be despised. Now, let me ask some Honourable Members who have opposed this measure upon grounds affecting the interests of Irish landed proprietors, one or two questions. Suppose that certain Mem bers of this House happen to be Protestant landlords, and that they have a Roman Catholic tenantry on their estates, I would ask these Gentlemen would they prefer an uneducated population to take charge of the cultivation of their estates, instead of a number of well-in formed, educated gentlemen ?—( Hear, hear.) I be lieve I need not wait for a reply.—(Cheers.) I will not go over the various points already discussed before this House upon this subject, for I should only weary the House by doing so, without perhaps strengthening my argument. I shall therefore content myself by saying that I have the strongest and deepest conviction that, such is the feeling of grati tude in heart in the Irish people, and so keen their sense of being laid unde r bligation for fa vours conferred, that they will thankfully accept this measure as a boon, and that the result will be to bind them to this country by bonds more enduring than any hitherto known, and that the union between the two countries will become more lasting than ever, because it will now be consummated by the blessings of happiness, peace, and good feeling ; and I hope happier days for both countries will' be the result. I do think, besides, that this measure will tend to the better security of the Protestant Church, both in this country and in Ireland —(Cheers)—but I deny that a refusal of it will have any such effect.—( Hear, hear.) There are many ether important ques tions before the Government in reference to Ireland; but this is one of the most! important of them all, and, therefore, I tell you that, after having deeply and painfully reflected upon it, I feel satisfied that no proposition of the State could be brought forward, the rejec tion of which would be attended with more dangerous conse quences to both countries.---(Loud cheers from both sides of the House.) I have listened to the speech of the Hon. Mem ber, who may well be called the father of this House—he is a Gentleman of great and many years' experience, and one of undoubted authority upon all questions upon which controverted opinions may exist.—( Cries of Hear, hear".) That Gentleman has stated frankly and fairly his opinion upon this subject, but he has also stated what he considered to be the justice of it more strongly than he has upon any other measure. And what did that Hon. Mem ber say? Why, that he came down to the House last night, and declared that though no circumstances could compel him to give a vote upon such a question in favour of it some time age, yet he now felt so convinced of its justice and necessity, that he never gave a vote that afforded him more sincere gratification, and therefore he gave the measure his most cor dial support.—(Loud cheers.) Some Hon. Member behind me has laughed; but I say this is no laughing matter; it is a measure introduced to this House, after having received the approbation of her Majesty, and above all, it is one that will be received in Ireland with feelings of the deepest gratitude ; but the rejection of it would be attended with results that would spread the greatest dismay in that country, and the greatest excitement in this.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. MACLEAN next rose to address the House, but he was speaking for a considerable time before a word he uttered could be heard in the gallery, owing to his own low tine of voice, and the continual noise kept up by the incessant crowd of Members, who thronged the door-way, in their eagerness to leave the House. He was understood to say that this proposition of the Government had placed the country in circumstances of great and peculiar excitement, for he contended that the proposition was one which involved a violation of principle. He would ask, was there a doubt upon the mind of any rational man that the result of this measure, if carried, would be, that the Government would be called on to pay the Roman Catholic Clergy ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not speak in any hostility to that Church. He would not advert to the arguments respecting the destitution of the Catholics.—( Hear, hear.) The measure now before the House went to prevent the evil of which his Hon. Friend had complained, and he had asserted that it was the reasonable result of this measure that they would not send the Catholic priests into the world to live on the eleemosynary provision of their flocks; that if they intended to make them gentlemen ' they should not leave them with the prevision of beggars. He had been much astonished at the speech of his Right Honourable Friend the Member for Ne wark ( Mr. Gladstone), who, in the course of his communications with the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of 'the Government, seemed not to have understood the reasons on which he left the Cabinet, or at least not to have made them clearly known to the House. If the plea were to he put forward, that this grant was to be made in considera tion of the number of the Roman Catholic subjects of her Ma jesty, on what principle, he would ask, was it that they refused endowments to the numerous congregations of Dissenters? If the project introduced by her Majesty's Ministers education, he had been c merely for the improvement of a mca (Ir. Maclean) conceived that no ade _atholic subjects of objectionheriwouldhave been made to any such relief to the Roman Catholic Majesty in Ireland. But when the advantage to be cc*. ferred on the College of Maynooth, was not only to place it on a level, but above the position of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, it was not to be wondered at that in that House great opposition raft should have been offered to the . sure, nor could it be matter of surprise that the clergy of the country should have been opposed to this grant to the College, when it was recollected what had been the opposition of the members of the College to the Church of England. And when he recollected what these doctrines were, he was surprised, though he could not but admire the zeal and ability which characterised the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for Newark (Lord John Manners), when he spoke of that portion of our eventful history by which the religion of these kingdoms had been settled, and Which he ( Mr. Maclean) must look upon as one of the greatest events in the annals of the country. The Noble Lord had spoken of the stadtholder of Holland as merely the agent of that Dutch conquest which had unsettled the Romish relyon in these szfr\ras3 but he must continue to think that the stadtholder of Holland was one of the greatest characters of that history, and that had it not been for him their country never could have en joyed the advantages of religious education which it now pos sessed, and those many advantages which had towed from it. He could not but congratulate the Right Honourable Baronet and his Honourable Friend on their obtaining a new ally in the Honourable Member for Durham, but he did not think that the Honourable Gentleman was paying any very distinguished compliment to Ireland, when he derided the• Protestant clergy of England ; and-he conceived that the Roman Catholie clergy themselves would not feel inclined to accept this boon as hush money ; and he thought nothing would be felt as more insulting than that this should be thrown to them as a sop, and as hush money to abate their agitation. He had, indeed, no hesitation in asserting that this hush money would act neither as a bribe nor as a reason to induce them to forsake that which they felt to be their duty. What he would ask on this point, what was really the case, and what had been the cause of the foun dat on of the College of Maynooth. It was notorious that it had been projected and established for the purpose of prevent ing the increase of democratical principles. It was hoped that at the establishment of a Roman Catholic College that the stu dents for the priesthood would provide them will all the fa cilities which they required and thus 1 recent that tendency to wards foreign connection which had always been felt as a weak ness by England. But what, he would ask, had been the expe rience of the last fifty years of Maynooth ? Had that demo cratic feeling subsided, or was it not notorious that it had very largely increased ? Was it not notorious that the whole of the Roman Catholic clergy were at this moment in a decided and open opposition to the Government ? Let the Roman Catholic and the Protestant clergy be com pared in their allegiance to the throne, and the inquisition would soon show the difference of their principles, and he was led to believe that. if their claims were not satisfied that the principles of the Roman Catholic clergy would be still more evident. He might cite the opinions of the Hon. Member for Waterford, of whom it was impossible to speak without senti ments of the deepest respect, and whom he believed to be one of the most useful Members in that House, and in saying this he intended no disrespect to the Hon. Member for Dungarvon, and he desired to speak so that he should not offend the most sensitive feelings. He told them that the course pur. sued at the College, and the consequences of that course, were alike calculated to foster feelings of the most earnest affection and delicate regard for the Establishment to which they were attached. It was known that the members of the Catholic Church would stop at nothing in propagating their faith. This measure would have the effect of establishing two Churches, and a bullum intestinum of the most ferocious description would be the result. Let them remember the words of a great man in his dying moments—the words which he (Mr. Maclean) had heard the Right Hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary himself quote—let them remember the words of Lord William Russell when on the scaffold—" I do believe that Popery is making great strides in this kingdom, and those who wish to forward it will hesitate at no step for its advancement, and I lament that many Protestants lend their helping hand to it." Mr. S. CRAWFORD then moved the adjournment of the debate, which was immediately agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned shortly after Twelve o'Clock. LITERATURE. DE ROHAN ; or, THE COURT CONSPIRATOR. By Eugene Sue. The stealthy course of time has effected wondrous changes, but far more marvellous are those which follow in the march of intellect. Now, in the nine teenth century, we seem to inhabit a different world from our ancestors—we can look back with the eye of wisdom, we may look forward with experience for our guide, but, above all, we can look around us with out prejudice or mistrust. The clouds of error no longer obscure the light of truth—old animosities are softened—the ill-feelings of the past forgotten—all is changed, and for the better. This is nowhere more manifest than in the intercourse with foreign nations whom our forefathers encountered only in the " tented field." A foreigner was synonymous with a fee ; while we, having laid aside the sword, are as eager in the rivalry of literature and arts as they were in the din of battle. The hearts of nations now beat in unison, and the narrow rivulets which fertilised each separate land, now flow in one broad stream of intelligence, diffusing the knowledge of each for the benefit of the whole. This must be ap parent to all who turn their attention to the literature of the day. "Works from the English press circulate through the world, and we see around us transla tions from every land where learning flourishes ; even Sweden and Denmark are now familiar, while our intercourse with France is as cordial as our enmity was formerly. M. Thiers' history was published on the same day in the two capitals, and the lighter works of fiction are translated to one language almost before they are read in the other ; such is the case with the book before us, one of the latest productions of the indefatigable Eugene Sue. His name is well known to the lover of romance, and his writings are eagerly perused both in France and England ; they may have a lasting celebrity in the former country, but in England they are chiefly read from curiosity, or perhaps from having acquired the prestige of a name. The dif ferent characters of the two nati ons i s mar k e d i n th e i r ,•. literature—the novels of the French are like them selves, lively, vivacious, spirituel; they sparkle brightly on the surface, and attract general attention. Their chief merit consists in variety of incident ; plots, and counter-plots, intrigues and adventures may be found in every page. It is on this account they excel in comedies and vaudevilles. All our light dramatic pieces are " taken from the French." But in the development of individual character, in portray ing the hidden working of the passions, they cannot sompete with us. Our novels have generally some object in_ view, some point to which the whole tends,_ but with them the aim is only to amuse, and to do them justice they generally succeed—leaving us to " point a moral"— their object is to " adorn a tale." Though following in the course of his compatriots, the works of Eugene Sue possess a gloomy interest, all his own. He has delighted to portray the scenes of guilt and misery; his heroes are men celebrated only for their crimes. By his own confession he believes that evil prepon derates over good, and he seems anxious to make converts to his melancholy creed. Such tales may suit the excited passions and depraved minds of some, but surely truth is sad enough without invoking horror from the realms of fancy. Admiring the powerful ease with which Monsieur Sue adorns his pages, we cannot help wishing that he would consecrate his talents to some nobler end than the chronicles of crime. It is on this account we welcome his new work, wear ing as it does the sober garb of history. It performs all it promises : truth is minutely followed, and the corrupted Court of the " Grand Monarque" appears before us divested of the empty splendour with which so many servile flatterers have sought to veil its faults and follies. The caustic pen of Eugene is well suited to the task, in portraying the characters of the great and powerful—not as kings and princes, but as weak and faulty men—in showing how little of real glory surrounded the " grand siecle," and how little of real majesty adorned the acts of Louis—here Sue is in his element. The hero of the tale is the weak and unprincipled De Rohan, the accomplished courtier and cowardly conspirator— " Not half a villain, and but half a knight." The chequered career of this unfortunate man, the detail of the conspiracy of which he was the nominal chief, th e c h aracters o f hi s com panions, above all, the description of the King and courtiers, are depicted with all the vigour we should expect from the author, while its historical researches and practical philosophy render it perhaps the most interesting of his productions. In the wide field of history he will find sin and sorrow enough—let him therefore seek the aid of fancy to embellish and not darken the page of truth. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE. The opera of Semiramide was performed here last night, for the first time this season, Mademoiselle Bram billa sustaining the part of Alsace, being her first appearance here for the last two seasons. She was in good voice, and sustained the character in the most tasteful and artistically accomplished style. The celebrated duet, in the second act, " Gioino d'er ror e di contento," was encored, as a matter of course. Grisi was the Semiramide, and never was Grisi more brilliantly magnificent than she was last evening. Fornasari in Assur was verylfine. He retained all that impassioned energy which has ever been his dis tinguished characteristic, while, at the same time, he is more polished. Who does not know, and who that knows, does not admire, the Oroe of La blache ? This is one of the many instances in which Lablache elevates a small character up to his own level. Corelli displayed great taste as Idreno, and the opera, on the whole, has never been more ad mirably represented. Between the acts of the opera the danseuses Viennoises, appeared in the Pas Styrien, whioh was given with all that liveliness and precision for which the performances of these wonderful children are so distinguished. After the opera a new divertissement, entitled Kaya,wasproduced with the most complete an d deserved success. The i dea of this divertisseme n t i s d ue to Mdlle. Grahn, who suggested its composition in order to afford an opportunity for the display of the won d er f ul Fanny pantomimic talent of Fraulein Pragher, one of the Danseuses Viennoises. .Perrot composed the diver tissement, the scene of which is laid in Norway, and Lucile Grahn having sung several popular Norwegian tar s to Pugni, he speedily instrumented and adapted then:. The scene is laid in Norway at the time of harvest , and the following are the character s : Kays - Madlle. Lutt;., ' Ae Grahn. L'Amour Hermann , Gosselin. Knud ...... M. Perrot. The following an outline of the plot, which is as old as te days of Anacreon, but which, from tha novel mariner in which it has been treated, makes the prettiest divertissement that has been produced for many seasons past. Kaya is a Tillage coquette, the daughter of Hermann, a rich farmer. Her hand is sought by Knud, but his suit is rejected, not from any rooted dislike, but out of a mere spirit of coquettry. He offers her a ring, which she accepts, but instead of putting it on her finger, she passes a ribbon through it, and after playing a number of coquettish tricks with it, she suspends it round her neck, The espieglerie of Lucile Grahn in this scene was grace ful and fascinating in the extreme—Knud leaves her in despair. As he is proceeding up the mountains, he meets a poor child which has lost its way ; the child has fallen from weariness, he takes it in his arms, and bears it to the cottage of Kaye, who tends it with the greatest kindness. This child is the God of Love himself, who seated at her feet as she is spinning,• interrupts her, work by all sorts of vaischievous tricks. At levgth she seizes a birch, and, threatening to chastise him, drive him away ; and here is introduced Le pas des Cinq Sens, by Lucile Grahn and Fraulein Fanny Pragher, whose pantomime, as Cupid, was delightfully arch and amusing. The child offers strawberries to her to please her taste. He then gathers a rose. She wishes for it. He snatches it from her, but wafts it so near her, that, delighted with the perfume, she is still more anxious to obtain it. This is the illustration (f smell. She snatches it, but, in doing so, runs a thorn into her finger, and thus illustrates feeling. The hunters' horn is heard in the distance. She stands fascinated by the sound, and at length her sight is delighted by the entrance of Knud, whom all the while she had loved in her heart. There is something exceedingly quaint in the idea of this pas, and it is most artistically and beautifully worked out by Lucile Grahn —it was delightful to see the manner in which she acted with little Fanny Pragher, always managing her own pantomime in such a manner as to af ford the child the fullest opportunity for the display of her powers. Kraal determines to work on her jealousy, and makes love to the other girls. She then finds she really loves him. The mischievous urchin is denounced us the cause of all the confusion, when he appears in his real character as the God of Love. A pas de six, in which Perrot and Lucile Grahn take the principal parts, follows, and in this the dancing of Lucile Grahn is Icily marvellous. She was rapturously applauded, and in her solo part if we may be allowed the expression, was de servedly encored. The divertissement concludes with the pas des moissanneurs by the danseuses Viennoises which surpasses even the marvels of the far-famed pas des fleurs. It is impossible to convey by words the slightest idea of the wonders performed by the children in this pas. It is in fact a perfect illustration of harvest —they reap, they pile the sheaves, they thresh out the grain, but their operations are mingled with the quaintest devices, the most picturesque yet intricate groupings imaginable. The scene, which repre sented a Norwegian landscape, was very beautiful, and Bayer, if we mistake not, is destined not merely to be the divertissement of one season only, but to take its place with La Giselle, and Alma, and Ondine, as a ballet for all time. After the ballet, Moriani appeared in the last scene of Lucia. Le Nena gave us one of the National Dances of Spain ; and the performances concluded with the last scene of Eoline. With such a bill of fare, it is needless to say that the house was crowded. COURT CIRCULAR. The christening of the infant daughter of the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch took place yesterday morning, in the Chapel Royal, Buckingham Palace, the Queen being one of the sponsors. The Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, accompanied by the infant, and the juvenile members of their family, arrived at the Palace shortly before twelve o'clock. A select circle, including the Earl and Countess of Cawdor, Mr. Archibald and Lady Mary Campbell, Lord and Lady Evelyn, Lady Montagu and Miss Montague, Rev. Lord John Thynne, Mr. and the Hon. Mrs. George Hope, Mr. and Lady Caroline Duncombe, Lord Stopford and Mr. Frederic Stop ford, Lieutenant-Colonel F. Clinton, Captain the Hon. Pere grine and Mrs. Cust, Miss and Miss Charlotte Cust, and Mr. Francis Cust, also arrived at Buckingham Palace, and were conducted to the Chapel Royal. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, and attended by the royal suite, entered the chapel soon after twelve o'clock, when the Hon. and Rev. Charles Leslie Courtenay commenced the baptismal service. The child was named Victoria Alexandrina. The sponsors were the Queen, and also Lady Montague and the Rev. Lord John Thynne. The royal suite consisted of the Marchioness of. Douro, Lady in Waiting; Lady Caroline Somers Cocks and the Hon. Miss Devereux, Maids of Honour in Waiting ; the Lord Chamberlain, Viscount Hawarden, Lord in Waiting; Lord George Lennox, Lord in Waiting to Prince Albert ; Sir Frederic Stovin, Groom..-in Waiting ; Captain- Francis -Sey mour, Groom in Waiting to Prince Albert; and Colonel Ar buthnot, Equerry in Waiting. After the ceremony the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch and family returned to Montagu House, Whitehall Gardens, and the other visitors also took their departure. his Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Colonel Bouverie, rode out on horseback yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice were taken an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four, accompanied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton. The Queen and Prince Albert inspected, on Wednesday, the Royal Hunt Cup of Ascot Races, the subject, " Brace's escape on the Retreat from Dairy." Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were graciously pleased to express their ap probation. - Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch with their company at dinner yester day evening, at Montagu House; 'Whitehall-gardens. The royal suite included the MarchioneA' of Douro, Viscount Hawarden, Lord George Lennox, Sir Frederick Stovin, Cap tain Francis Seymour, and Colonel Arbuthnot. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, Countess .Wratislaw and Colonel Sir George Couper, honoured the Duke and Duchess of Buc clench with her presence last evening. - The Grand Duchess Stephanie of Bade* visited her Ma jesty the Queen •Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. The Duchess of Gloucester continues in a faVourable state. The Duchess of Kent and the Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness yesterday. ller Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden yesterday. A Deputation on the subject of the Portendic Claims had an interview with the Earl of Aberdeen yesterday, at the Foreign-office. The deputation consisted of Mr. Somes. M.P., Mr. Lyall, M.P., Mr. Foster, M.P., Mr. Redman, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. G. F. Young. The Marquis of Breadalbane and a deputation kad an in terview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the Board of Trade. A deputation, including -Mr. Hawes, M.P., and Mr. Turner, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. Spottiswoode and Sir John Rennie had an interview yesterday with the Earl of Dalhousie. The Chairmen of the Excise transacted business yesterday at the Board of Trade. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET CRAVEN MEETING. THURSDAY'S RACES. Subscription Plate of 50/., for three yrs old, 6st 121 b; four yrs, Bst 71b; five yrs, 9st; six yrs and aged, 9st 31b. D.M. Col. Peel's Little Finch, 3 yrs (carried 7st) (Chapple 1 Mr. Herbert's Ajax, aged (Sly 2 Mr. Newton's Ma Mie, 6 yrs (Stephenson 3 The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Booth's Priscilla Tomboy, aged (Crouch)—Sir J. Hewley's Vibration, 6 yrs (F. Butler)—Lord Albemarle's The Brewer, 5 yrs (Whitehouse)—Duke of Bedford's Glen Fishie, 4 yrs (E. Edwards)—Mr. Rogers's St. Domingo, 3 yrs (Abdale— and Lord Exeter's Deodara, 3 yrs (Pettit). Betting-7 to 2 agst Glen Fishie (t), 4to 1 agst Little Finch, 4 to 1 agst St. Domingo, and 5 to 1 agst Ma Mie. St. Domingo, Ajax, and Little Finch laid in front to the dip, where the running was taken up by Ajax, Little Finch and Deodara waiting on ; they ran thus to the cords, where Little Finch challenged, and won cleverly by a length; Ma Mie an indifferent third, and The Brewer fourth. Match, D.M., 100 sovs., h ft.—Duke of Bedford's Pro lo„que, Bst 101 b ( Robinson), beat Lord W. Powlett's Energy, Bst 31b ; 7t04 on Prologue. Won by half a length. Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, haft ; colts, Set 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b. D.M. (7 Subs.) Lord Stradbroke's Idas (Nat) 1 Lord Exeter's Wood Pigeon 4tol on Idas. The non-favourite made running a good pace until half up tlik„.cprAs, when Idas wen t u p an d d e f ea t e d him easily iv a let :tgW'' lifter the race, 6 to 1 was offered to be taken about Idas,-for the Derby. The Stanhope Stakes of 100 sovs. each, h ft, for 3 yrs old colts Bst 71b, and fillies Bst 21b. R.M. (8 Subs.) Lord G. Bentinck'a Cowl (allowed 31b) (Nat) Mr. Bowes's He a th er B e ll ... 2 Sir R. W. Bulkeley's Chertsey 4 to 1 on Cowl, who took the lead, cut down his horses in the first quarter of a mile, and cantered in, three lengths in advance. Sweepstakes of 100 sous. each, h ft, for 3 year old colts Bst 71b, and fillies Bst 31b. D. M. (3 Subs.) Duke of Bedford's c by Cesar, out of Misnomer (all 31b5)... (Edwards) 1 Mr. Batson's Dr. Locock (late Homoeopathist) 5t04 on Misnomer colt. Won easy, by half a length The Claret Stakes of 200 soya. each, hft ; for four yrs old colts, Bst 7lb, and fillies, Bst 21b. D. I. (4 Subs.) Mr. Salvin's The Cure ... (Nat) 1 Mr. Herbert's Antler 3 to 1 on Antler, who was beaten in a canter, by two lengths. Produce Sweepstakes (reduced to a Match) of 200 sous. each, ft ; Bst 71b each. 1.. M. Lord Exeter's Lyons received 45 soya. from Mr. Greville's c by Slane, out of Morella. Produce Sweepstakes (reduced to a match) of 200sovs. each, hft ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b ; three vrs olds. D.M. Lord Exeter's Topaz received from Lord Albemarle's Zadig (dead). _ _ A remarkably fine day and a full fashionable company. BETTING BEFORE THE RACES. Two -THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES-6 to 4 agst Idas (t) —5 to 2 agst Winchelsea. CHEsrti r ;t Ct'r —lO to I taken about Ould Ireland ; no other change. DERBY-7 to 1 taken about Idas. (RECEIVED THIS DAY.) NEWMARKET, THUUDAY NIGHT. So numerous were the departures after the races this after noon, that we can only transmit a short list of almost no minal prices. Two THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES.-11 to 8 agst Idas (t) —3 to I agst Winchilsea-5 to 1 agst hedger. CHESTER Cut..-7 to 1 each agst Cataract and Semiseria -10 to I agst Ould lreland-20 to 1 agst Truebov (t)-12 to i agst Obscurity -20 to 1 agst Portrait—and 1,000 to 15 agst the Cure (t). bEraly-9 to 2 agst John Dav's lot-12 to 1 agst Forth's lot-5 to 1 agst Idas-9 to 1 agst Alarm-16 to 1 agot r Kedger-16 to 1 agst P am - 20 to 1 agst Newsmonger-2.1 to 1 agst Winchilsca (t)-40 to 1 agst Annandale (t)-1,000 to 10 agst Fitz- Allen. FRIDAY'S RACES. Handicap. T.Y.C. All-round-my-hat. Bst 101b—Queen Mab, Bst 41b—c by Rateatcher, out of Turquoise, Bst 21b—Hartshorn, 7st 101 b .-- Poor Soldier, ist 61b. Pineapple pays 40 soya. forfeit to Minotaur. RAILROAD TO NEWMARKET.—A deputation of the inhabitants waited, this morning, on the Jockey Cl u b, f or the purpose of soliciting its sanction and support of the Cam bridge and Bury line, rid Newmarket, in preference to the branch from Wickliambrook, proposed by the Norwich Direct Company, which branch the inhabitants conceive is not cal culated to be of the slightest benefit to the town. The Club received the deputation courteously, and heard their state ments, but have not yet expressed any opinion on the matter. MELODISTS.—There are four candidates for the prize offered by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge for the best convivial duct, which will be awarded by his Royal Highness, at the Melodists' Club, on the 24th inst. WESTRUTHER.—A GOOD DAY'S Woßs.—Mr. Win. Gibson having entered on a new lease of the farm of West. ruther Mains, and having executed a drainage of upwards of 1,800 roods during winter, his farm labour from that operation and from the spring frosts was retarded; his friends, accordingly, gave him a day's ploughing on the 24th ult., when 17 ploughs started on a lea field of 27 acres, and turned the whole over in not more than eight hours. The turn-out was splendid, and the execution of the work performed in superior style. Mr. Gibson afterwards enter• tained a number of his friends, who had so kindly come forward *te assist him, at dinner in the evening, when, over a social glass, "Speed the plough," was got forgotteu...Berteick rafter.