The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-19 00:00:00

tilt , with respect to the management of the poor, he i r ,s,lit it would be better to leave that entirely to the ,`railed`!lities. In England and Scotland that principle il., and why should not the principle be applied tt '':_ e to Ireland?—(llear, hear.) It would be much .4s)r._ consonant tu justice if they were to make the ttrZ l ni übnii.orin in the three countries. Doing; so would hi, main y ein keeping with our usual coarse of legislation.. - lere stw . e r . eason for making this motion was the deep in tnent to b the lower classes had in this matter, and the Leg o .0 which their welfare was affected. This was his I)l74ctitor desiring that the laws of the several countries lieli n „ be assimilated. If they did not pass sOtitl e th at ,il'asore as he had proposed, the consequence would . b (it or Lu. Pauper population of Ireland would be driven to am .relief from the poor-rates of this country.—(Hear, hear, thoBa!r,°flieel cheers.) He hardly knew how to understand fact ,;Lheers of the Irish Members ; but it was an ascertained Taiieflo!it great numbers of that population had been sent h o t tlii, w ` l3 the poor -rates of England ; and seeing t a wer e , l l l : the case, and that the poor of this countyy lianaberred from marrying lest they should . increase the f ,I,her ) , e , rs ; Borne reason would seem to serve if . the state o zhe — f '; ll 'ltion in Ireland was worse than in this country. , r elief - ,,. et eras, that in England the persons receiving 'went - !re one in forty ; in Scotland it was one in SI t,Y"ght, while in Ireland it was only one in sixteen. in " 1. 'was it from . being a fact that the Irish people were Part hiret" destitute condition than those of any other of t n eountr3-. an a th 0x• MEXIISP. then moved that the House be counted, a, iirritrilreie being only 27 Members present, the House tu Ther 4 ROUS F axceteoit to E O LORDS, Feb. 18. nrtl y )Ito en ok his seat on the Woolsack 1 retorter Rive o'clock. 13)•1EiatisIANLEY presented a petition, numerously . sign s ed . b oil ~,,ftners in the county of Devon, praying for the impoi ortioei"` for duties on agricultural produce and other b. reticle,, lut a revision of the navigation-laws, and for an a lit a ,,qa the laws regulating the currency. t4l)l ' ,' f . it t l ui ' of LANSDOWNE laid several papers on the Ttl,, ° r, -- House. 1) 4 ~ u ke of PICHII ND presented two petitions against 1'441. agg'ressiu n ‘ 0 ° aAa rh in p st la ' in th in e g admission ot Jews into arrleat, and s ' eve u r e al of agricultural distress. The E rna OF THE LANDED INTEREST. / arioe f RARDWICKE presented 40 petitions from bad I:ners complaining of agricultural distress. It alto oat es contended that because this House was composed tc) ecitis ively of landed proprietors they were ill fitted . ve '4:lnsider the subject. He considered that for that Ton tY aid_ teas en they were peculiarly well fitted for .t , the nd we.beeriabon of this subject, inasmuch as the prosperity and ten t e le; ll fi of this country and its constitution depended p . Apr the t enance of the landed interest. When the motion Wer e t LePeal of the corn -laws was brought forward they 4s!olthal3;l,there would be no great importation of foreign corn, .v thefc..Yrepealing those laws they would, without damage T c oon e - 'nterests, be e+ tins rid of an obnoxious impost, the he'Pletleafitteheisf whichgraigh. t, in times of scarcity, exc . te the el w ould country against the landowners—that, in fact, 11t,,, be giv tr th `" falla t i one. Lialk• up nothing. Those assurances . had ..iste would admit that the condition h itt tLPe':', Plc generally h a d i mprove d, an d was prosperous, 1 ; 41 4 e ,, 411 , decl interest was distressed, and he wouldas k R V eli W th - tu ic found a ti on f or t h e assurance w hi c h h a d been ry. ' e ta that th' d e-sion would be merely tempo t b Th e . . 13 epr . 14‘atet Petitions which he had to present declared that h e4B. ; , 4% 4 , 4 _ 11 Persons connected with land was one of dis -11,-‘co 1, - 'nould quote, in proof of this, the statements L i lo op , had received from several pe . rsons detailing the 0 1 1 1 u 'ml and approaching destitution under which . the ,-.`"'t eA t' - ' n ers and occupiers of land in Cambridgeshire and A vi,„ -, unties laboure and the state of destitution of the e t , r) aitu r .., va„.“l labourers; but he laboured under this tit , l 4 t - ril; e a g, e, that in quoting these statements he was ty.le L e . r 'Y to give the names of his informants. The st .t3h. 0 1 then proceeded to read at great . length, ex :'+'e em various letters which he had received, describing 1 1 ;1 erlettl,ilto_tricts in Cambridgeshire and . Lincolnshire as being , this of lef great distress. In spite of the represen s ta i sus tue encouraging state of the poor, there wa - '"in z ; "healthy sate of the agriculturists. They were s ,141th„-PPorted out of the capital instead of the profi . t , - /q tl ii' l l l '' and land. There was one argument which %tch '`4 s p e cialnotice,namely, the prosperous state an , i , 00 o i ls' 1 ,; 11 . of one class would react upon another. That . tltitije-'inallY the fact; but now, when one-fourth of the L'' 4 t .„.- 131.°(111ce consumed was brought in from abroad, end,, .was not the case. Before, when the harvest was 0074,:t-eq,Pir..ice relieved the distress, but that was not so 4, 'led t i . `„"_? . quantity and average price of wheat im- I ( tou t I,ung the last three years would show . the dis ka theca'`, it must produce upon agriculture. In lbk„. 'l/oquantity of wheat flour imported was ,8 49 e iit, luarters, at 58s. 6d per quarter. In 1849 o.pertillt'LY imported was 4,822,000 quarters, at 445. i. , 58 Os 4 quarter; and in 1850 the quantity imported „,, csieek 5,0 .0 quarters at 40s. per quarter. The 7 ‘lte ll 41 : 14 had felt themselves obliged to us for havi ng liikhett stimulus to their agriculture beyond . th e ir .. l h , no It ,l, c "ceptions. The vast quantities of their ini 'N o . "'h the returns showed, afforded a striking in- Nisi o f the way in schich the Americans said we had fs: zate l their markets. There were other points in t 'ea% qn, to the effect upon America of our present sys -44,4114 generally known, that was, it was possible for 6 141 to er l icatul to supply wheat to this country, sad I t ei ' v ()as by it.—(Hear, hear.) It was in this way: to ih l r't e'lle , i s tl°ed to sail to this country in ballast, h Mail otthhoe.aty l' l 3' 4 l,7 4 Lw)%iah was great, but now, instead of ballast i n k.i% „ I , 1. -4 with corn. They could, therefore, afford to .4 4 t t lie , ,.. 4 .1 7 . ve P rp er si th a bought it. This was described . li 4=a sellin g 2 1850. The Americans 14 1 . • a quarter less tli 3, i , ntroduced into this country bought it for in America. l cornn Jan.tbs so introduced ki k! cat " O ver here, and were selling corn for ess ~,Itet,, Y than they bought . t.—(Hear, hear.) Had such a h sh e i 0,..f, things everheeln met with before?--(Hear.) ' It ( w"re told that they must not carry on agriculture ,q it e Y do n ow. i tt t They were told by a leading organ '' Ife \ P r ess that they must grow garden stuff.—( A I' l l, o o4'y r bid they ever bear . such rubbish? Did any " sr,, rd ever make anything by his kitchen garden? OF t gain the o w %n ot , , very attempt to introduce the cultivation ..in I eki , uer crop would be attended with di - It k a% '-. Itnot easy to turn the minds C Ilj e el l to was i•are any . other description of crops. 1 i ty ... 57 4 tterapted the cultivation of flax for instance, 4 1 at,'" )lll d have great difficulty. The farmers would I t -got, . 3' 10 ha now to raise this crop. It was easy to ;, 4 '11,0 don't you grow something else? But they 13 ' 1 v . ; 13 )," let them grow many things. How did they 1. 1141 b -a t they could not grow tobacco? The answer 1 1 ,,c: , cl a will have foreign tobacco in upon you. But 4 PO tt ep . ; t heY know that? Then, again, the malt-tax 111.4 1 l ';' ''Pon them great difficulties. It was a most op tolible'it .1 1 ,, t4 x•—(1.1ear, hear.) They had hitherto been s 4 4 .4 1,„ t '''''' a good description of barley at 30s. It wa ." R 4 :1 13 1 - tan inferior sort, but they had always been able rte 1t it for something. This year it was worthless. L i ti 1 , of second-rate quality had been wholly dis nie ''' which even in the present state of depression d h k id t • I tve fetched 6s. or 7s. a uarter. But it was 1 1 46 Ph‘sresent state of agricultural depression e could o f d r , r 'tfi a p 4t p i a -..cause it was said that the chief supplies cam i ~,, . 4 % s o t ia l e ,i el , Which country was not able long to _pro , ' e th ' etl . ---- (flear.) He suspected . that it migh b 4r y're i e ' t they would get no grain from_ F r rance At 4 teue h ',. ° l , r3 g. but they would get plenty of flou -r ll ' of .T e rs was a steam-mill erected, with . a hundred ..(11.6 ig -,„.°l3es, prepared especially for grinding t 5., e446-1 1 11 w7, 41t et• That seemed to him to be a fo s o t r f ro t r n h o g a . rivin z F3' they had the prospect before t I ' h h e e m general uttlau e - 0 -r(lcla prance a steady supply . 1 4' 31144 f t ° , 4 ill terests as between the agricultural and ri a „' E tte ac a, ll. ' n g i nterests, was not favourable to the i. f - te : Ir e te - a return f the wealth of the United I ingdom Of Proije` r a tb tli _spiFat u some years ago. The total value of 25, 0 that tirleu, the separate interests was 450,000,000 1 . of ° agricultural property was Itgatiti(l)°'°°°l• From aii the year 1840 to 1851, the value of 4tirte natures had increased to 11,406,0001. They had . 1 !" 14 a tin, With the proposition that they should improve Z el ler ° 11;" 4 „ of the op several interests in this country . ::tid a t i 4 ; eow, how did the agriculturists stand? I . t %,, t tlt, 1 e P,,,,' a bad d estimate if they asserted that agri ie-"414 el"PertY had fallen in value 10 per cent. That man them, as compared with the increase_ !Itlte-4telotaeturing wealth, a decrease in th o e s Lt 46,000 cLagricultural property to the amount be 4 1 1 'ed, t , „ Was that fair? Where, it might k . '"er ' p a l the wealth gone to? It had gone n0 .►41 . ►4 1 r e ; -,4eir exports had not so much improved as i ttirree Year. as would appear by a comparison with h ere 1.1„64. Take cotton, for instance. In 1815 there 183e-P°lted 68 ,230,000 yards of manufactured cott b on. !*as Oe there Were 74,000,000 yards exported. T . at P ° l 74 r h °r° they received provisions from America f . :pads eaa Years 1842 to 1846 the average number o `nee k Ported was 37,135,000. Therefore, with all itr ci th e e, they were still very much behind. Now, 4 / 1 1:1oe t ad t hey been doing in Europe? If they took the %ti ttle ' s from Russia, Holland, Belgium, and France, t a o s i ear 18 4 6 With the imports into those countries up to h ' tl t v i e - ' 6, and then looked at the returns for the follow lettist°, the result would not be favourable to the *er e /rears. Therefore, with all they had done, they Itc 'airl 0 °61 7 much behind. They were told that . there o _ ~t h 1 so rt, lit r eciprocity ; but there had been nothing .. 1 _ e ißti i . s " The gain had all been on the part of the fo ; 4 % 4 % 1 s_,ad the loss our own. He asked, what did they iskt Carr)? °Li t' Why did they not go on with their . l9y .. - ea el it out? H they carried out their princi „he lY they could not get a revenue.—(Hear, hear.) tha n `aadget yesterday showed that more strongly fuseh ' 4l 3' he had ever seen. The imposition of a f ta3t W as not likely to satisfy the country. It would a itt hett de •er that there should be some decided mode of sous .t With the land There were five classes of per -1 seatedkna . • the e etob,.. in land. The landlord, h occupier, the (14er:,r, the poor, and the Chancellor of the Exche '4Pt the T he receipts of all these had been reduced ex- Wll4 re las t• Rent was coming down—the occupier ` .s otieq -c eo almost to destitution —the tithe-owner was et ths. Capp the wages of labour were reduced; and ', (14-arkn demanded the same amount of revenue. Zate aiLr t ear-) He thought it was easy for them to 's te r " s u°w, and represent the prosperous steAte of Dte,f,t-leilitural interest, as any one might do who was 11sIt ti ti t t4 r i n y li a l l d e o d ro to od s , upp ose ho was looking upon a fabric but that was only on the outside. tliti ot W ts not a true representation of the state and con hilllng °Erothe a gricultural interest which is now a strug :oo4 h• - " oPpressed interest. The owner was living 'lttirt, hie ial, and was not enabled to earn that just tI P °I I th: r outlay which he was compelled to make Lord ®obit t tl i ,P o ll 116 Clit h ,ANV lLLE7complimented the Noble Lord 0 -4 „ 6 ., Pr t '"? sPeech. The Noble Lord had alluded to - r"rati ° ` -e eles which bad been indulged in as to the tho una u of the free trade. Many of them, no doubt, PrieerVhat there would be an immediate reduction of Woe) 0 ,..'w, if there be anything more difficult to tell d another if it is to say what the price of any article ~t o kia 1 ,1,, 1 tt altY given time.—(Hear, hear.) He bad free tra-riteeticni of prophecies being indulged in that cal are would have the effect of throwing land out of )th e it 1...°11 made abourers out of employment. But lio was out last year to the satisfaction of the Use_ 1.. Z as era ' puiyoyreeprils wenthe subject, that the labourer 4 , 4 1 0,,,h, to they told by Noble Lords that that ;7 7.. ! vv ed i f - u r de . Wait i I cc f o i r d e n s i z t a 1 circumstances, and that if Months they would see erect State of tbingsf--(Uoar, bear.) 4N SUN, He would not, however, dwell on there things, us he had nu desire to introduce anything which might interrupt the good temper which ought to pre vail in discussing the present question. But what had been the prophecy of the Free-traders? They thought that free trade would greatly increase the general pros perity of tie country, and he (Eel Granville) theueht that prophecy was true. The exports had greatly ia creazed. and during the present year had been six mil lions more than during the previous year. That in crease would show what they might still expect it to be, if the principles of free trade were carried out. The Noble Lord had referred to letters he had received from farmers in his own immediate neighbourhood, but even these letters only proved that the harvest had been very bad last year, and led to the conclusion that, under different circumstances, and a good harvest, a favour able result might be calculated on. He found by re turns under the poor-law, that in the county of Cam bridge—one of the six of the worst of the agricultural counties--tine pauper list had exhibited an increase of 1,723 auove what it was last year. The six counties he had alluded to were Cambridge, Hereford, Lin coln, Monmouth, Rutland, and Shropshire. In all these there had been an increase to the pauper list; but in the ether counties the decrease had been to the extent of 69,000—(Hear, hear)—far beyond the increase in the others. Now, it would be a very difficult thing, as their Lordships knew,to introduce particular measures to meet the necessities of particular districts. But to come to the question as to the effect on landowners and occupiers of land by the change to free trade, he believed that au expenditure in some cases had been made in effecting improvements and increasing the productive power of land equal almost to a new purchase of the land. If the effect of the change that had been male would be to bring this country from being one of the dearest to one of the cheapest, and ono of the most compact in Europe, it was almost impossible that that could occur without great shocks being felt by some particular inte rest. With reference to France: he (Earl Granville) had talked with many Frenchmen on the subject, and ha had been informed that in many parts of France landlords were unable to let their lands. All the mer chants and all the landowners admitted that the fact of food being so cheap in France was the reason why the manufacturers and the labourers were em ployed. He had been much struck with a leading article which he had seen lately in the leading Conservative journal of France. It was admitted in that article that free trade had taken such deep ro a in this country that it was impossible to change it. They had seen in con nexion with that change the improved tariff in the United States—the effect in Sardinia—the lowering of the customs in Russia—the improvement in Austria from an obsolete system to one more in accordance with the spirit of the age ; while Prussia and other countries were engaged making similar beneficial changes. The Noble Lord, after alluding to the improred comfort of certain classes, and especially to the old soldiers who were pensioners, went on to state that he had been informed by the Chief Commissioner of Police that never in the experience of the inspectors had they seen the working classes so happy and so well disposed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had referred to the malt-tax. Now those who really paid that tax were the people who consumed it, and if that tax were repealed some other tax would have to be imposed which might not be more advantageous to the agricultural interest. In conclusion, tho Noble Lord said that Noble Lords ought to state the course they meant to pursue on this much-vexed question.— (Hear, hear.) Some it appeared had postponed their views sine die, while others thought that they should re turn to protection. The great leader on this question ought to state his views—whether it was their intention to return to protection, or from what burdens they would relieve the land, and in what way they proposed that relief should be afforded.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of RICHMOND said he had risen not to answer the question which the Noble Earl had put to his Noble Friend the leader of the agricultural party. lie (the Duke of Richmond) did not ask the Parliament, which had not the confidence of the country—he did not ask them that the burdens which had been imposed on the land by the advisers of free trade should be got rid of. It was on the hustings the battle must be fought.— (Hear, hear.) It was not the duty of the Opposition to state what should be done. It was their duty to state their objections to the present state of things. It was said that the distress was not so great as had been re presented, because some superintendent of police bad stated the working classes wore so comfortable. No doubt they had given the labourers of London good em ployment at the glass-house.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was something of that kind they wanted for the agri cultural labourers.—(Hear, hear.) Hie Noble Friend, with the feelings of an old soldier, had spoken of the in creased comforts of the old pensioners. There might be some fewer pensioners than formerly, but he did not know whether there was any greater liberality extended towards them in Chelsea Hospital; but this he knew, that Government made them pay for engraving their names upon the medals they had given them.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He did say it was a hard case when the landlords were employing double and treble the number of labourers they did formerly, that the Minis ter should come down and say they were not in such great distress!, because there were not so many labourers unemployed, when employment was given by the land lords under such circumstances. If such conduct was persevered in, the labourers would be discharged, and let them take care of the consequences. Idleness was the parent of crime, and it was tearful to reflect that of late such daring burglaries had been committed as they had been made acquainted with.—(Elear, hear) After alluding to the operation of the malt-tax, and the in jury it inflicted on the farmers, the Noble Lord referred to the condition of the tenant-farmers in the Weald of Sussex and of Kent, and said he would ask them whether they had ever heard of any rent being ever paid out of the small holdings in the Weald of Sussex, and whether it was not with great dif ficulty they obtained the rates.—(Hear, hear.) He would maintain that the British farmer, taxed as be was, could not compete wieh the foreign farmer. His Noble Friend (Earl Granville) had said that they were laying out more money than would buy the land. Ho was much obliged to his Noble Friend for the admission, for that was exactly what they complained of. If any ono laid out 100,0001. he could not get back 50,0001. Oh, but then, it was said, " Try it."—(Laughter:) Ho be lieved, before long, as some of the Manchester people were beginning to find out, that America would be able to send over cottons cheaper than they could produce them in this country. The manufacturers would be obliged to retrogade, for they would find that the home market would decrease very much, and that that was the real trade on which they ought to rely, and not upon the speculating export trade. The great body of the tenant-farmers had been ruined, and if they pursued the present course ruin would continue to follow them, and they must go into the work houses or to the United States. The labourers only asked for work. They had a right to have it. In his opinion they had no right to say to the man of good character, willing and anxious to work, " You must either go into the workhouse or starve." As long as he was a guardian of the poor be should re commend his fellow-guardians to grant such characters out-doer relief, and not compel them to associate with people. whose own misconduct and idleness had driven thou into the workhouse.—(Hear, hear.) Lord WODEHOUSE said that at the present juncture, when they saw an attempt being made to reverse the commercial policy that had been recently adopted, it be came the duty of every landholder not to shrink from ex pressing his opinion. If he could agree with the Noble Lord who had just sat down, that the agricultural classes would be relieved, or oven that their feelings would be consulted, he would say that an inquiry preliminary to such measures should be immediately instituted.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But while they could not hold out the slightest hope of a res toration of the former system of restriction, it was their duty to warn the tenant-farmer against being led away by such a snare.—(Hear, hear.) It was necessary, in the first place, to understand what amount of distress actually exists. The Noble Lord had referred to certain letters from individuals in his own county of Kent; but these letters were worth as much as was due to the opinions of these individuals, and he (Lord Wodehouse) could not take them for more. He could state that in the district to which he belonged—a district by no means unimportant—Norfolk—(Hear, hear)—he had taken some interest in this matter, and instituted inquiries which had resulted in proofs satisfactory to his own mind, that the condition of the poorer classes was better than it had been for many years past.—(Ministerial cheers.) There was no doubt that there had been con siderable reduction in the wages—(flea,;)—bat then the reduction in the price of provisions had been far more than equal to that reduction. In his immediate district wages had been reduced to Se. a week, yet he had formed calculations from the prices which proved that where labourers had large families, as many of them had, they had not been better off for some years than they were now.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told by the Noble Duke who had just sat down, and be believed by the Noble Earl dar e that it was very fallacious to refer to the condition of the agricultural labourer, and he had heard with warprise the deductions disputed which were drawn from the returns of the poor now receiving relief as compared with former periods, as if these returns were of no vr.,lue in such a question. The diminu tion was 'Aid to be only 10 per cent., whereel these reyhrns showed it to be 15 per cent., and the diminut',on was to be found not only in coun ties de - toted to manufacturing industry, but also in C 041 2- ties 'lurely agricultural. In Norfolk, Suffolk, and Es seee, all agricultural districts, there had been a diminu tion of persons receiving relief, and though they had been told of a riot by a number of persons in one work house, it was only one, and might be a ccounte d for b y special causes.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told that the tenant farmers were making a desperate attempt to hold their heads above water. Bat he asked if it was likely that any body of men would continue to invest their money in a pursuit which was certain to be at tended with loss?—(Hear, hear.) He knew there were in which men could not immediately with draw ther capital, except at a great loss.—(Protertiftiist cheers.) B u t how did they account, then, for Wagons taking new farms?—(Hear, hear.) lie knew 114, was a great competition for farms, and that !arms could be, and were now let at improved rents . —(Cries o f " Hear.") Another important POiD'i was the present price of meat. Now he believed tliat the diminution in prices wa s cause d , not so muc h *b y fore i gn importations as t he in by ca aa consequence icractrteleasendowanbdrochugea.hpt t —not so much by an increasn in the number of cattle marketbre d, numb er ence the fat ac commodation prase t d a e by railways . — (H ear , hear.) This had nt.tur,.l y the effect, in turn, of diminishin g the expenses o f the farmer , and er, and improving his balance.. sheet at the, end of the year. Ho certainly must say he was surprised, on the other hand, to hear our commer cial prosprerity denied. It was proved by documents in controvertibly that our commerce a nd manufactures were flourish/fig—our wor p keop l o well employed—that we had a fxrplus revenue, notwiths tan din grecen t and re pealed reductions of taxation. If this was not commer cial prosperity, he should like to know what Noble Lords oppoqits called prosperity,—(Hear, hear.) Why, even the fact that we had so much corn and flour imported into Lh.l country was a proof of that prosperity; that corn and flour had bona consumed and paid for, and of courte n large number of persona had bene fited by that consumption.--(Bear, hear.) If this was the fact—if the large body of the labouring classes were enjoying the series and the comforts of life, he asked if it would be politic or possible to turn round upon the p, , ople of this country and tell them, " All this is true, but there is distress among the landlords and the tenant farmers, and to relieve these classes you must reverse all this, and submit to burdens for their exclusive benefit?"— (Hear.) They might depend upon it that the labouring classes would look at the question in that way. But, then, it was said by Noble Lords, why do yen not act consistently with your free-trade principles—take off the burdens on land. Now, he should like to know what burdens were exclusively laid upon laud, which were not fairly shared by other classes. Take the malt-tax, for instance, would any one say that the grower of barley paid the malt tax. But then they were told that the repeal of the malt-tax would be followed by an increased consumption of beer, and there would consequently be an increased demand for barley. But then it must he remembered that much of that increase would be supplied from abroad, and also, that if the malt-tax was removed, we should have to put on a countervailing tax, and the agricultural classes would have to bear their share of that tax. It was said that the poor-rate formed a peculiar burden on laud. Why, there was not more than 45 per cent. of the land of England occupisd by the agricultural interest, and many portions of that were not rated to the relief of the poor. But he asked Noble Lords if they were prepared with any substitute for the present mode of rating, and in what way fuodholders and traders would be affected by it ? The proposal of a national rate would, he was afraid, take away all check to extravagant expenditure. Even under the present system these checks were frequently not sufficient. lie thought that an alteration in the law of settlement— and ho was happy to see her Majesty's Government had promised a measure on the subject—would be of great value to the agricultural interest, and to the la bourers especially. Apart, however, from all these con siderations he did not despair of British agriculture.— (Hear, hear.) The same outcry had been made when protection was taken away from other interests. Mr. Huskisson was accused of having ruined the silk trade. Was that trade ruined now? Even the cotton manu facture itself, at one time, was declared to be injured by foreign competition. Was British agriculture the only interest in this country that could not stand against the competition of the world?—(Hear.) Were they to be told that in this country, where they had such an abundance of capital, of machinery, and science, with the richest mar ket of the world at their own doors, that they could not compete with foreigners unless protected by taxes which must fall ou other classes of the community ?—(Cheers.) He would remind Noble Lords opposite, also, that even when protection was in its most palmy days that they had the cry of distress from the agricultural interest. In 1822, and again in 1835, and eines, then, on other occasions, complaints of distress had been made. He said, in con clusion then, that he did not believe they could return to these restrictive laws.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the ipterests of every one class was bound up with the general interest of the community; and that, however the agricultural interest might temporarily suffer, it must, in the end, be benefited, and above all, in the face of the advantages we had derived from that commercial policy, he could not believe that their Lordships, in the face of the nation, would deliberately condemn and abandon it.—(Cheers.) Lord STRADBROKE (Who was nearly inaudible in the gallery) was understood to express his surprise that the distress which had been admitted in the Speech from the Throne, had been denied by Noble Lords in their speeches that night. Speaking for his own county, Suffolk, ho could state that there never had been greater distress than there now was in that county. The riot at Barham workhouse, where the guardians were compelled to admit 134 able bodied paupers into the house, was only one of the melancholy proofs of this fact. There was a decided in crease of pauperism, and he had also received returns from the masters of galls, which showed an increase of crime. In the year 1847, before the free trade system, the number of persons in the county gaol, on the 17th of February, was 90. On the same day of the year 1850 it was 139, and in 1851, 180.—(Hear, hear.) In the Ipswich House of Correction, taking the three years before the free-trade measures, the returns were, in 1846, 90; in 1847, 101; and in 1848, 86; giving an average of 92 1.3, whereas in 1849 the return was 126; in 1850, 130; and in 1851, 180; giving an average of 148.—(Hear, hear.) In the Beccles House of Correction the number of prisoners, on the 17th of February, 1846, Ives '22, on the same day in 1851 it was 41, or nearly double, They had heard much of the competition for farms. The only competition he knew of was a compe tition to get them at lower rents.—(Hear.) He said that before depriving them of protection, equitable arrange ments should have been made. The land was the basis on which the institutions of the country rested. It had to support an Established Church, which cost 8,000,0001. a-year. It had to support the poor. at an ex pense of six or seven millions a year more. When they talked of the property of the country supporting the poverty of the country, they ought to do justice to the holders of that property, and he did hope that her Ma jesty's Government would reconsider the subject, with a view of granting relief to an interest they admitted to be suffering under distress.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of WINOLIILSEA. said that vhen Noble Lords opposite advocated free trade, they, and the late Sir R. Peel also, had stated that less than 545. a quarter would not be a remunerating price to the British farmer; but the price at • the present moment was only 87s. a quarter. The difference between 545. and 375. a quarter showed, he thought very clearly, that the whole rental of the country was at this moment lost by the chansre. He had no hesitation in saying that agriculture had been going back gradually ever since those changes were made, He had seen in many districts the wheat mown instead of being tint as usual, and he believed that the wheat crop was less, by two millions of quarters, than it would have been under protection. They were told to employ more capital. In his own county more capital had been employed in drainage and improvements than be had ever known before, and yet he never knew so much destitution or such au excess of crime. That state of things existed in every county in England, and if they persevered in the system which produced it, they would bring the agricultural interest not only into a state of great embarrassment, but of great contempt; but it was not to Ire Oxpeoted that the great body of agriculturists would sit down and see their interests en tirely destroyed without making a strong remonstracce and appeal to the country. They would, he was quite sure, have the feeling of England with them, and with such sup port, and such a case as theirs, they should not be afraid to meet the manufacturing body of the country on the question.—(Hear, hear.) The principle of free trade he did not deny, so far as its benefits extended and ap plied to foreign markets; but when it came to bo regarded in relation to its bearing on the home markets of this country, he denied its alleged advantage. The Govern ment had brought the landed interest of this country into great distress by their policy, and much of the blame of the sufferings of that class was attributable to the course pursued by her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear.) The Earl of MALMEaBURY said the question was, whether the agricultural interest was really in distress or not ; and the next question was, whether the Go vernment was justified in neglecting that part of the community, and not bringing forward those measures which were calculated for their relief. But a fort night ago, it was confessed in her Majesty's Speech that the agricultural interest was in a state of distress. Since the Speech from the Throne, events had taken place in the other House to which he thought he had a right to refer, Opinious were expressed, and impressions were endeavoured to be made in contradiction of the opinions expressed in the Royal Speech. He might al lude to the division which lately took place in the other House of Parliament, and he believed he was right in saying•that it was the opinion of a large body of the people of the country, and of this metropolis, that were it not for the extraneous support which her Majesty's Government received on that occasion they would have been in a minority.—(Hear, hear.) He could not but al lude to the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Ripon, rushed in, when he saw them in difficulty, to save them.—(Hear, and laughter, increased by the attention of the House being directed to Sir James Graham, who was seated in the commoners' -----.- , gallery, and looking down at and listening to the Noble Earl.) Yes, the Right Hon. Baronet, seeing her Ma jesty's Ministers in difficulty, rushed in to the rescue, and in a speech of great ability and great talent, saved them. The Right Hon. Baronet had, howevs7 , speech said that th e a ll ege d di stress of_ 1- in that agricultural interest was very doubtful, notyv Speech from the Th rone that. The Right Hon. Baron e • .- it tstanding that in the stress had been admittdv was reported to have ettid, that e the county of Northumberland, he in his is withoutown y rd of land unlet which he wished to let, and thatt nottb years changed any of his r five But the B , ight Honourable t e n naris.— he :d h e hear.) Bar°7..et did not tell his audience how much he had laid "...at in improving his land..,lle (the Earl of Malmesbury) had, however, heard from other sources that the Right Het. Baronet had laid out a considerable amount in the improvement of his estates. The question was not what was the state of this man's property or that, but rather what was the state of England and Wales, and Scotland and Ireland? He (the Earl of Italmesbnry) knew an estate that let at 3,0004 a year before the repeal of the corn-law. but that estate did not now tet . ,,K,r more than 2,2001 . p e r annum .--t T ear, hear.) Tire owner of the farm had then taken it intO bit own hands, and spent a considerable amount its Improving it, Being a man of spirit and great industry, h et was not to be alarmed at tbo discourse ,-h g as e t' 'et of things. Time went on and prices did rise; on the contrath ah-ti (the Earl of MalmeL tir , y) was told that lts 650, after considerable out,' y he had been obliged to let the farm for 1,7001., ;arts of it at a variable rent, The Nolelt Earl he . , ee read a letter from a correspondent, st a ti ng thr.: 6 for a farm fur which ho was in the habit of receiviug 6001. a year rent, he now only received 4504, and that for another which he received 7001. a year rent for, he now only received 5301., although he had incurred much expense in liming and draining it, the reduction being 20 per cent. He would not mention names, but the writer remarked, that the reductions in the value of farms seemed oddly enough to have:fallen more on the Free traders than the Protectionieti. He should not dwell fuirther on the statements put forth in that letter; but he should say a few words of his own case. His own estate was, at that moment, worth something like 20 per cent. less than it was before the repeal of the corn-laws. It was not " a dream of theirs," they prophesied it; it sv'ts not, he re.:retted, a dream, nhhough it might be so to Noble Lords opposite. The Government wore responsible for the evils, and they were bound to do something to obviate the distress from which the THE LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING-, landed interest suffered. Ho did not expect that tliey would restore protoetion ; but they were bound to do something to alleviate the sufferings of the landedin7 terest.—(Hear, hear.) They had an opportunity on the previous night to do something, but they did not avail themselves of it. Ho would not say anything harsh ; hot he roust say that the proposal of the Chancellcr of the Exchequer to take. the duty off seed as a means of relief to the agricultural interest was an insult to the country.—(Hear, hear.) The relief also offered, by transferring the cost of county lunatic asylums from the county rates to the consolidated fund, was scarcely a concession to the lauded interest, seeing that one-half of the consolidated fund was contributed by the agri culturists.—(Hear, hear.) It was stated in another place that the poor were not sup ported more than 7-12ths by the agricultue rists ; but it did not matter whether the sgri culturists did not support more than 7-12tias of the poor. The Noble Earl then took a review of the prices ranging over a period of thirteen years, with a view of showing that the public were greater gainers under protection than under the present system. This country, he contended, was not in a condition to com pete with France in the production of corn since protec tion was withdrawn. In 1849, 1,100,000 quarters of corn had been imported into this country under free trade, and last year the quantity amounted to nearly 2,000,000 of money. Conceive 2,000,000 of money going from England to France for corn.. He asked if such a system, and such an amount of money abstracted from British farming interest, did not affect the wheat growing counties of Sussex and Devon. He must again tell her Majesty's Government, that from the moment they forsook their former policy the country had suffered. The Whigs were at one time as much Protectionists as the party to which he belonged, and the only difference between the two earties on the question of a protective duty on corn was as to the details. If they had arrested the progress of the Heinle by preventing it from sweep ing away all duties, and put on those duties they bad formerly proposed, he believed they might have come into office with a character of dignity, and indeed fur more of character than they had now attached to them selves, and to deserve the approbation of an important body of the people, from whom they were now dis severed. They did not, however, do that,, they forgot the great principle of import duties; they rushed into office over the bodies of their discomfited opponents, and the day of retribution for them had now, he believed, arrived.—(Hear, hear.) The first ray of admitted dis tress originated in the Speech from the Throne, and it was to that admitted distress he left them to their own condemnation: Earl FITZ WILLIAM (who at intervals was very in audible iu the gallery) said, there wore some things that had fallen from the Noble Earl who had just sat down in which he entirely concurred. He entirely concurred with the Noble Earl in thinking that it was the duty of those who occupied sews in the Executive Government to propose remedies for the evils they thought to exist. The Noble Earl had referred to that part of her Ma jesty's Speech in which she now, for the first time, acknowledged the distress of the agricultural interest. He was inclined to think that there was some over statement in that part of her Majesty's Speech. —(hear, hear.) lie did not intend to enter into any dispute as to the statements that had fallen from his Noble Friend opposite, nor. as to those that had fallen from the Noble Earl—who had just sat down, but he believed that these distresses were partial, and might be accounted for by peculiar circumstances, and that if the Government essre to attempt a remedy of partial distress and partial iaconvenienco by any general law, it would be a remedy that would be entirely inapplicable to the case with which they had to do. The Noble Lord who had just sat down had advanced some propositions in which he agreed, whilst there were others in which he (lid not concur, or if he did so it was with great regret. He had stated that they mast not look to particular prices, hut to the average price over the whole country. They knew, however, that the average price was greatly affected by the character of the parti cular parcels or quantities of corn sold in the mar ket.—(Hear, hear.) At the present moment even, in the county of Cambridge, good wheat wee now fetching price of not less in some oases than 425. 4d. per quarter. He did not wish the Houie to take ..his (the Noble Lord's) statement; but as the Noble Lord had referred to papers, he might be allowed' to do the same in reply. Ho bad not the prices in the market town of Cambridge itself, but be understood that on last Saturday, which was market day, good wheat was selling at 425. 4d. The first place he should mention, quoting the highest and lowest prices, in illustration of his statement, was that of St. Ives, where he understood the present price of the best corn was 38s. per quarter. At Wisheach, the highest price was 365. 6d., the lowest 245. 4d. This was the statement of one person, while the statement of an other made the highest price 415., and , the lowest 245. At Boston, Spalding, and Peterborough, the prices were respectively 395., 425., and 415., while the lower prices were as low es 243., 255., and 235., whilst the highest had been as high as 445. 4d. He apprehended that the real cause of the distress that prevailed in the counties of Cambridge and Lincoln arose entirely from the bad condition of the wheats, and that it-was to these they must look as an illustration of the distresses that pre vailed in those counties.—(Haar.) But what was it, he would ask, his Noble Friends intended to do ?—(Hear, heat.) The Nobh Earl who had jugs left the House stated, and he was willing' in a certain degree to agree with him, that it was the duty of the Executive Go vernment, in a case of this kind, to take measures for the relief of existing distress but the Noble Lords on the opposite side uo).3t allow him to say, that when they brought forward it Motion, and raised a discussion on a subject of this description, they ought at lead to give some idea or indication of what the measure was they intended to 'bring in. The Noble Lord who spoke first had 'ventured to indicate, however, that ho proposed in some degree to go back to restriction. It *as to be hoped that this was not to be the case, for he (the Noble Earl) was of opinion that to go back to restriction would only be in a double sense to retrograde. If his Noble Friend could detach himself from the ranks of protec tion, and if he raised his own standard, he would corn mend a mighty and influential body; and if he would en deavour to impress on her Majesty's Ministers the re peal of the tax to which 'he had 'alluded, he would be happy to give him his best support', 'because ho consi dered that it was one of the most injurious of taxes. It would have been as well if his Noble Friend had endea& Toured to administer softie more relief to the agrletiltural interest. He did not at all agree that it was desirable to press on the Consolidated Fund.: He believed that all the duties that fell on the come:Utility were better per formed by local that they could ti e by g e neral adminia , tration, and he could not help referring to what seemed to be - an idea floating in the titind'of the Noble Lord whn spoke last, and whiCh seemed - also to pervade the mind of his Noble Kinsman—he alluded to the throwing relief for the poor on ,the oOn'iolidated Fundl He wa rned the Noble Lords against 'any measure of the kind. They might depend' on it that it would lead to a mos t extravagant administration of whatever funds were for the maintenance of the . Pool that it was in the power of imagination to conceive:--(]lsar, hear.) It was a difficult administration now, and he was sure that those who were engaged with kirst in the administration of the Poor-law knew how much leas care was bestowed cases than on those which belonged to a particular on that class of cases which were called establishment parish. If these cases , instead of failing on the union at large, were to fall on the.natioe e t largo, ho could hardly conceive a case in which )hate would be a more lavish distresses ic mo thatthat r 3 xisted, he believed the cases were rare in which the distresses of the tenant expenditure ic uiesan o d fpubl could not be met by fairness ppOle part of the landlord. —(Hear.) The question was ea aje y one of rent. Indeed all these questions of protectieh i nere questions of rent, and it was quite as possible teesejast the rent on there matters as in any other. Celenlate prices, and it was as easy to calculate the rent .foe ,4 is, as for ads, and for 60s. as 80s., and, to go to the end, of the seale, for 80e, as for 405.--(B ear, hear.) AxPerience proves that in carrying out these experimental ,:matters :matters none of them succeeded. They never had -- succeeded under previous laws or previous experiments. Under every one of the previous laws the landowner and the land valuer, the men who took the farm, and the landowner who let the farm, had all been deluded by the character of the law, Under the first law they were led to E xpect the price at 80s.per quarter; under another they were led to expect a price at 635., under another , a p rice at 565., and under another at 535.; and under the operation of all these laws ) agri cultura distress existed, as if to prove that it *as be= yond the power of man to regulate prices in such a manner as would bo satisfactore to the differeet Clams of the communitz, With tapoJi t„ io rdn kje, th e y 'mete "MN ktle,t ',tot country was protected as much as the agricultural interest in this country was ever protected under the most stringent of its pteteetive Weak Pride elf *heat no* in Frsteco It *if a3inethiog like 8, ea, per bushel—no ' i - 9 : 1 1 great encouragement t 0 those who were desirous of trying the etpeOcaPnt of eir6lll -iti 6 a , *CI dotitit fiery large Unlit:My of corn bad -bkba imported in the shape of dour. He did not at all regret the importation of flour. He believed, and be toldlish Noble Lords opposite, who were no doubt iterate that the machinery for the manu factures of flour in kratlce; and the processes connected with its In that Eatlntty, were conducted tench more tkilfully and effenttially than ,the? share in England.— (Rear.) Alms, blililst•etl dintiiiiortfiti o t, tbii 7irrencil hour into England would induce the Lb;a lish Millert to make suhh iniprb*ethehte iii the enaaufeetnre di flour; g 6 48 id mike thAit te KO a higher price than was new obtained for bread" flobre There *AS till doubt that welt d be the case, and if there *ele proper conipelitioll between the t og n e k and the French grower, and the English and the irreneh miller, he and so much confidence in the w eer __ gy of his own countrymen that lib believed they would be able to meet the cenipetition of it e foreifine 6 ° i lnt4: With respett ti the biiiihbitA th n en ch farmer, h„, happened hi to in possession of some papers issued during the Admi nistration of his Noble Friend. and from these he could 6611 . 9 him that the 19Cal. 10 '°°P Of a,Vreeah ootiti o rhe or denartment was far higher than et. -0 taxation 01 di English county. If their Lordships would compece the Oxatiiiii of e 4 .`rant. T. de its *jai t hA of an English county ) which he (the Noble Earl) bad ntid an opportunity of doing frees the report of the visit ing magistrates Or finande ceintnittee of Southampton, it appeared enet th e *hole local taiation of a French department amounted to more than the ]seal county taxation of Southampton. The local taxation of the latter amounted to llid. per head of the whole :popula tion, while the local taxation of a French department. which corresponded with on English county, amounted to ls. 11c1.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, if they took into consideration what was the relative area or capa city of an English county, as compared with a French department, there really 1 vas no comparison, and from this he thought they neigh t satisfy thenaelves that there was no reason for restrietic 'ea on the ground of the Eng lish farmer being locally -aura highly taxed than the French. —(Hear, hear.) A fit': all, the question really FEBRUARY 19, 1851. THE PRECIOUS BUDGET. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Sir Cherles Wood hes tasked the House cf Commons to give him a vote for the renevvel of the in come- tax. He brings forward no propoeition for a tne dificetion in the form of assessment, but simply requires the House to perpetua„© the injustice of former years.. Now, it would be idle to apply to a Finance Minister those maxims of ethical science by which the conduct of individuals should be" governed. We must not, there fore, talk of injustice. Money ho must and will have, and by the most obvious means. No means are, of course, so obvious for the coming year as those which answered for the previous twelvemonth. Nothing so simple as the preparation of a budget—" Stamps, so much ; tobacco, tea, customs, so much ; income- tux — what was it last year?—so much." Thus, in a few mi nutes, the question is disposed of. The Chancellor of the Exchequer buttons his greatcoat, steps down to the House, and, with the strength of the Ministry and of his party behind him.resolves to push the matter through in some way or other, and so tide it over until another year. We can only trace nue slight feature of differ ence between the pre9.ent proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and similar proposals in former years. The distinction, after all, is merely one of sentiment in the proposer. Sir Charles Wood this , time drops the complicated hypocrisy of styling the impost in question a property and income-tax. This time the income tax is the income-tax, just as petty larceny is petty larceny. Sir Charles Wood is becoming bolder as he advances in his career. You might as well reason with a Highland cateran when out on a cattle-lilting expedition. Tic acknowledges but one maxim, and that maxim Rob Boys:— "He may take who has the power, And he may keep who can." Which pithy sentiment, transposed into income-tax prose, may not inappositely be rendered thus:—" I have remonstrances enough' against various portions of the income-tax, suggesting the reduction of Schedule A, the abolition of Schedule B, the injustice of Schedule 13; and I am perfectly preplred to admit that exceedingly good arguments may be advanced by various interests against all except Schedule C. But, after all, I have come to the conclusion that, under all circumstances, the fairest and justest made is that of placing one uniform rate upon all descriptions of in come." So there we have it. That is all the logic we are to get in return for our money. Two men present themselves before the Chancellor of the Exchequer—the one shining, and in good ease, like a Pearoah's fat cow, the other lean, hungry, and care worn, as Romeo's apothecary was. Each holds out a hand. On the plump palm of the corpulent applicant repose a NU note, four sovereigns in gold, half- a sovereign, anti ten shillings in silver and copper. The lean man clutches in his skinny grasp the came coins, but no 1004 note. It is his yeer's earning—all that he could -tear out of his poor brains and nerves in twelve weary months. To gain it he has shortened his life; a few years more such labour, and all is over with him. His wife and his little ones may go to the parish, or sell broom-sticks at the bridge's end, for the annual 51. must be annually expended on food and raiment. But with his fat neighbour it is otherwise. It wee the 1001. note that worked while the neighbour hunted, and shot, and staffed, and slept. At the year's end the note is not at all exhausted by the generative process, but is just as ready to produce five little golden cherubs next year. However, the fat and the lean man are now standing before the Chancellor of the Exchequer ready to be shorn. The Minister commences operations by a speech upon the ad vantages of direct taxation, to which both victims yield a willing assent. Next follow the words " I have come to the conclusion that the fairest and, justest method of carrying out slirect tax Lion is that of placing one uniform rate upon all descriptions of in come." So saying, the functionary dips his fingers into the hands of the victims, and takes exactly sevenpence in the pound from each. Of course, the owner of the lOU note sings a Te Deum, and declares there is no thing so mild, so equitable, eo levelling, as an uniform tax upon income, which leaves his property undisturbed. Just as much as is wrongfully taken from his neighbour does he put into his pocket, and of course ho is satisfied. But how is it with the man who, by hook and by crook, has scraped together the five sovereigns? His reason ings and his remonstrances are met with the perpetual humdrum, " I have come to tae conclusion, Ste." Argument, as we have often ' slid before, is out of the question. With a man who has a mind so singularly constituted that he cannot 'apprehend a difference be tween something and nothing it would be mere idleness to reason. Nor is it worth, while to waste words upon those who understand by direct taxation a system of taxation which does not strike with equal force every ii. sterling in the country. Happily, as yet, the tax is merely proposed, not voted. The members of the Lower House will hesitate before they consent to re introduce into the statute-book an enactment which has excited so much indignation throughout the country. From the first time it has been a matter of hypdcrisy and deception. Men kept quiet upon the subject because it seemed intended that at a time named the injustice should cease. Self-deception, however, is impossible any longer. The income-tax hse stuck to us since 1842; we are now in 1851, end it is proposed to give it another three years' spell. The year 1861 will find us exactly in the same condition, and with as little chance of getting rid of the obnoxious impost. It is not that we disap prove—we should rather say, that public opinion disap proves, the partial introduction of direct taxation into our financial system. On the contrary, a judicious com bination of direct and indirect taxation would appear to be the fiscal scheme best adapted to the necessities and position of the country. But then the direct taxation must not come upon us in the form of a graduated property-tax—the gradations of the tax varying in an inverse ratio with the amount of property. There must be no blander, no injustice, no dishonesty of this kind, or the inevitable result will follow. Ucder any circumstances we must condemn without qualifica tion falsehood and perjury; but we cannot shut our eyes to the evidence of the Parliamentary returns. We can not but admit, whilst we deplore, the fact of the enor mous amount of lying which must have taken place in making the return to the income-tax. We lament it, but we do not wonder at such a result. Taxation is hard enough of endurance at all times, but when it comes aggravated with a sense of injustice we are not surprised that men do by all means, questionable or otherwise, avoid the payment of a tax. New that Sir Charles before the House, the discussion Wood's proposition upon it will soon follow, A very keen attention will be given to the votes and speeches of Members upon a point so interesting, to the country. We look toe a better result than in former years, and for this plain rason:— In by-gone times the first imposition, and the temporary re-imposition of th e tax, might be justified by the emer gency of the moment. 'lt might bo allowed us to sup pose that the impost was really only of a transitoty character. But now, for better for worse, direct taxation is a constituent element of our financial system unless the re-imposition of this very tax in so obnoxious and dishonest to form should induce the country to avoid it altogether " On the whole," Sir Charles Wood should reflect that it is just possible people out of doors " may come to a conelusion!" ADVERTISER. —A more comtllete financial abortion than the Budget of Monday night was never ushered into existence in this or any other country. Ilad its Right Honourable framer devoted his nights and days during the legislative recess, in studying how he could make it thoroughly imbecile, absurd, and unsatisfactory, he could not have been more successful in concerting a measure entitled to be so characterised. It is humiliat ing to the national character, to see so bungling a piece of financial handicraft as that which Sir Charles Wood submitted to the House on Monday. It is con ventionally ateuened that the Chancellor of the Exche quer is the ablest financier in the country. We all know the contrary. We all know that some of the most incompetent men that ever professed to be con versant with figures, have, by some lucky accident or other, filled that office. It would be difficult to find half a deem men of ordinary education, and average talents, more unfit for the situation which he fills, than is Sir Charles Wood. It would be impossible to find a person, possessing the slightest knowledge of financial matters. who would have brought forward s e miserable an abortion as the Bridget which the Right Honourable Gentleman submitted to the House on Monday night. It is mortifying to think that foreign countries will identify the na tional ca p acit y f or - d m ocial affairs with the foolish and feeble de velopmentf Monday night. They will assume, f ro * t h e f ac t 0 : Sir Charles Wood filling the office of of t h e Zxchequer, that he is the greatest Chancellor questions. What, then, man in the country on fi nancial ;on? We can, it is true, pity must they think of the naa any such opinion of Sir their ignorance in 101821.1 q, eolation we have. They Charles. but that is the only eels- our ablest that im- t man in will persist in the belief that he is mattas ef finance, and that, COVIKV. ,ntIy, on 'muses and im portant subject, we are a nat ion of iambs. nitre:, to say beciles. It rests with the p e op le of this eta d - , whether or not they are willing to rest undet this it" putation. It is in their power, if they are so' it, he 1-- to parge themselves from it. We cannot doubt thee ""ti will. It is hard enough t hat we should suffer in Was, from the bungling workmanship of this incompetega Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let us nottamoly submit to see the national character made ridiculous in the eyes of other countries, through the ignorance and folfiessce a Ingii whom accidental circumstances alone havl Charles Sir in his present position. The Budget of way entirely. Wood must be smashed. It must be swep tpaolitical stage, It must be hooted rind hissed off tbwehich cannot be never to re-appear. It is a tottsetirmeust have a new mended. It is incurably bad. iv t or cannot give us a Budget. If Sir Charles the power to do it. who has both the dispositemonust go, better article, we must cawlliliin It is for himself to I l e t h n o ed aid of some one else, Either be or his B g ed ete assur ed of this, that his Budget sa y wbieb. Le ihsimofficial capacity , cann o t co -exist. Th er e is no alternative he for him but to give it up, or for T two great features of the mete ahnitndsheiimf . to glue i sure are, Ibe wayltieta n which he proposes to deal with the window a nd d utie s, his determ* • melon to perpetuate the to the -tax as now stands. His plans with regard e A w i n dow -tax have already been met with one universal shout of derision and indignation throughout the m etropolis. The provinces will echo and re-echo the voice of the metropolis. The loud cry of disappointment and ire which now ascends from every mouth in Lon don, will be heard with increased energy and emphasis from the lips of all classes in the country. It seems as if the Right Hon. Gentleman had deemed the question of the window duties a legitimate one for tr3irg to what extent he might experiment on the patience of the public. His mode of dealing with it appears to indicate something worse than ignorance and i nca p ac ity. It looks as if he were determined delibc ratly to trifle with the feelings of the people. That is a dangerous game for Sir Charles to play. Taxation, where a people are borne down to th e earth, by it, is a sore subject. It is not one to be trifled with. If the Right Hon. Gentleman must indulge in his levities, he will not, if he be wise for himself, [select the window duties as a subject by means of which h e may gratify his propensities for grave trifling. But Sir Charles Wood not only unwarrantably makes his experiments on the pa tierice Of the people of these realms, but must needs, also, insult their understandings. 'Nominally. he repeals the window duties; in reality, he does nothing of the kind. In the same breath in which he announces the remission of the window duties, he apprises the over taxed people that he means to impose a tax on house reutrt of which will produce two-thi r d s o f t h e revenue re-:. c a ved so fr o u n j tithstoifitsaableonownindthowes. pa Who ever the Bight heardof He any thingn Gentleman, or so disrespectful to the imbibe ? He has evideutly measured the understandings of the people by his own. He could not have offered them a gteater affront than to have supposed for an instant that he could successfully impose upon them by so clumsy a piece of fiscal legerdemain. The deception is so transparent that the dullest perception must at once detect it. In re posing a tax on the rent of houses, the Chancellor ef th e Exchequer proposes to do en act of flagrant injustic e . ile proposes to tax certain portions of her M a j est y' s subjects twice over for one and the same purpose. His intended house tax would be equivalent to doubling the property tax in the case of those who are the owners of household property. First, they pay their property tax on the hat:owes they derive from their houses in conjunction with their other sources of income, and after having done that Sir Charles Wood proposes to send the tax gatherer to them to demand the payment of another property tax—a tax on the rent of their houses. Proprietors of houses will thus, in effect, have to pay a property-tax twice over. So bold and reckless an experiment on public forbear ance must recoil on the Right Hon. Gentleman himself. The injustice of the thing is so glaring and so gross, that it is difficult to speak or write on the subject with one's accustomed calmness. But if Sir Charleswas anxious to see how far the force of philosophic resignation on the part of the public could go, we surely would have bad a tight to expect that he would not have corfined his con templated injustice to the proprietors of heritable pro perty. Why were they alone, of all her Majesty's sub jects, singled cut, as the parties to be made the vie ims of his meditated injustice? Why should the funcilioider escape? 117hy should Consols continue urteuched by the stern taxing hand of Sir Charles a hen house proprietors, whose property is mush more precarious, much more liable to depreciation, are pounced upon as fit subjects for the taxing propensities of the Right Owe Gentleman? Why is the teat blip owner exempted? On what ground is the proprietor of land permitted to escape? If injustice is to be done, let it be done to all classes alike. Lot thero be> no excep tions in favour of any class. The Right Hon. Gentle man speaks and acts in a manner which is not reconcile able with the dictates of truth, when he seeks to make the public believe that his scheme will abolish the window-tax. Practically, it only proposes Si. reduce that obnoxious impost to the extent of a third. In stead of paying 1,800,0001., as at present, in the shape of window duties, the nation will henceforth pay 1,200,0001., being two-thirds of the revenue at present derived from the window dairies. The only difference is to be, that instead of the amount being paid as a window-tax, it is to be paid as a tax. on house-rents. What matters it to the unhappy pe: tens who have to pay the tax, whether it be paid in the - name of a window-tax or of a house-tax? The burden will be as great in the one case as in the other. The pill is not the less bitter to the tests because it is gilde. It will be quite as hard for the public to pay a tea of 1,200,0004 a year tinder the name of a house-tsx as under the name of window duties. But the thing rause not be. The window-tax must be entirely abolished. and no other im post he substituted for it, no matter by what fins name the Chancellor of the Exchequer may choose to call the contemplated substitute. All the demonstrations which have recently beat made in the metropolis and provinces in opposition to the window-tax have aimed at its total and unconditional repeal. That must still be the popular object. Let tthe cwy be everywhere raised, at the utmost pitch cf the public voice, and it will make itself heard, and command respect and obedience even in Downing-street. We look to the metropolis for the adoption of the accessory steps to set a powerful and determined agitation on foot, against ;his part of the Whig Budget in particular, send against; the measure in gsneral. We imagine we ulreaoy see the men of Maryleboue in motion. St. Pancras, Fine4iry, the Tower Hamlets alt the ether metropolitan boroughs, indeed—will forthwith follow the example. The City will not lag behind. The country will at once take up the We. The national appeal made by ti".e me tropolis, will meet with a prompt and hearty response in all parts of the country. Too tide of public indignation against this foolish and unjust measure. will, before many days have elapsed, rise so high, and dash with such tremendous force against it, as act only to ev eep itself away, but the Whig Ministry also, should they be so infatuated as to attempt to uphold it. TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD REPOR7d ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday the 17th, the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward what is called the Budget. As there never was a case yet, in which everybody was satisfied with such a performance, there is no the in atttenpting to reconcile conflicting interests now. But one great feature the present measure possessed; which is, that it nnostentatiously recognizA the great principle, that consumers are to be relieved from all such payments, as without add ing to the aggregate of British industrial employ ment, inflict on the consumers a gratuitous loss equal to the artificial difference of price. A subject connected with a previous question is beginning to swell into serious magnitude; and as your immediate share of it, I would suggest to you and the other commercial and manufacturing consti tuencies, the propriety of to a certain extent getting your 'bowies in order, for the hunt of a General Election The contents of the Irish papers show distinctly, that the idea has been conceived among the Irish Catholics, of turning out the present Government on the ques tion of Protection, as the means of opposing the ad vance of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption' Bill. In other words, the Corn-laws are to he restored, by the Pope and the Protectionists. It would be useless to urge to the agitators, how probably this would he followed by a. rush of their ene mies for the restoration of the• greatest portion of the Penal Laws consistent with the temper of the age; for angry men are not accessible to reason. The unaccountable policy of the Free Trade leaders in declaring to their constituents that it is of little consequence whether one set of Ministers are in office or another, will no doubt weaken the prospects of resistance in the event of a dissolution of Parlia ment; and yet I should expect that Bradford, rich and poor, would be of a different opinion. The ground that has been lost, and the opportunities that have been thrown away, can ;never be literally re gained. But an early wan ling may do what is practicable towards reparation of the evil. On Tuesday no business of n tagnitude was trans acted, and the House broke up at :six o'clock. I am, Sir, yours very. sincerely, AN OLD REFORMER. London, 19 Feb., 1851. was, what did their Lordships propose to do?—(Hear, hear.) Did they propose to destroy cgriculture? Did they mean to propose a high fixed duty? If they did not propose a duty that would exclude foreign corn, they did not protect. He did not exactly under stand what would be the nature of the duty which the Noble Lords opposite proposed, but be con cluded, from the speeches which they had made, that they would propose some. What, therefore, would be the character of that duty? Would it be a low duty for the purpose? If it was a low duty for the purpose of revenue, then they would not exclude, and if they did not exclude they could not protect. If, on the contrary, they imposed such a high duty as would ensure pro tection and exclude foreign corn, then they would have an answer for proposing a duty that would raise the price of food of the whole population of the country, and that he belietied was an experiment which neither the Noble Lord nor his Protectionist supporters were prepared to attempt or to maintain.—(Hear, hear.) He did not be lieve, knowing what the Noble Earl was, and how he was connected, and when he had submitted before his eyes, as ho must have whenever he went into his own county, the state of things there—ho did not believe that ho would undertake the task of imposing the duty of eight shillings per quarter on foreign corn, that eight shillings per quarter to be paid by the inhabitants, in the shape of enhanced prices of food.—(Hear.) He had too much confidence in the Noble Lord to suppose that he had any idea of proposing such a tax. His be lief was that, whatever course might have been taken iii .another House, that they should not have any proposal made for a protecting duty on foreign corn; for he be lieved, from what he had collected from reading the opi nions of leading persons in another place, it was their opinion that it would be vain to make such an attempt. He did not believe that his Noble Friends opposite were prepared to try this experiment before the assembled people of England, and he had no faith in any such attempt were it made. However it m'gbt have struck the Noble Lord who spoke last, that his Noble Friends would be very glad to retrace their steps, he (the Noble Earl) had no desire that their steps should be retraced. He looked with confidence to the issue of the delibera tions of this session of Parliament, believing that what ever might be the result to arise on other questions, the decision on this one would be certain. He did not be lieve that if the result of the discussion should be to re place his Noble Friend, who now sat near him, by the Noble Lord on the other side of the House—he did not believe that even in that event he should see the experi ment tried of an appeal to the people of England. On the question of whether prices were to be raised or not, he had no expectation of such an issue being joined. Whatever other questions might arise or be determined, he looked with perfect confidence to this—that the present question is not one on which Noble Lords op posite would supplant those who now held the reins of government. Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past Nine o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the V; tes and Proceedings of the Souse of Commons) TUESDAY, FEB. IS. HASTINGS IMPROVEMENT BILL. Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made and Ques tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time :" Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon Tuesday, the 18th day of March next :" —Question pnt, " That the word now' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MINORITY-AYES, 20. Thompson, Colonel Villiers, Charles Williams, John Williamson, Sir 11. Baggc, W. Forster, Matthew Baring, Francis French, F. Berkeley, C. L. G. Iludson, G. Burrell, Sir,C. Dumphery, Aid. Cabbell, B. B. Inglis, Sir It. Chaplin, W. J. Molesworth, Sir W. TELLERS. Clay, James O'Connor, Feargus Pigott, Francis Fagan, William Power, Dr. Pugh, David MAJORITY-NOES, 49. Adair, R. Shafto Duncuft, John Lygon, Gen. Alcock, Thomas Ellis, John Mackenzie, W.F. Arkwright, George Evans, John M'Naghten, Sir E. Ashley, Lord Ewart, William Masterman, John Berkeley, Admiral Fergus, John Matheson, Colonel Blair, Stephen Fuller, A. E. Ogle, S. C. Breniridge, Richard Greenall, Gilbert Shaito, R. D. BAK°, M. Gwyn, Bowel Spooner, Richard Brotherton, J. Hall, Sir B. Stuart, Lord D. Buller, Sir J. Y. Harris, Richard Thornely, T. Campbell, W. F. Heald, James Waddington, H. S. Cocks, T. S. Hill, Lord E. Wall, C. B. Coles, H. B. Hindley, Charles Wain:isley, Sir J. Copeland, Alderman Jackson, William Cubitt, William Kershaw, James Tzuzits. Davies, D. A. Lacy, H. C. Hollond, Robert Divett, E. Locke, Joseph Frewen, C. H. Duke, Sir James Lushington, Charles ST. PANCRAS (MIDDLESEX) PAVING BILL. Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time :" Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months." Question put, " That the word' now' stand part of the question." The House divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 72. - Adair, R. A. Grey, Sir G. Perfect, Robert Alcoex, Thomas Grosvenor, Lord R. Pigott, Francis Bailey, Joseph Harris, Richard Pilkington, James Baring, Francis Butte, Alexander Power, Dr. Bell, Jacob Higgins, G. G. Pugh, David Berkeley, Admiral Illndley, C. Robartes, T. J. Berkeley, C. L. Holland, Robert Russell, F. C. Biackall, S. W. Keating, Robert Salwey, Colonel Brothertan, J. Kershaw, James Seymour, Lord Buxton ,Sir R. Kildare, Marquis of Shalto, R. D. Campbell, W. F. Langstc4l, J. H. Smith, Vernon Chaplin, W. J. Lascelles, W. S. Somerville, Sir W. Clay, James Legh, G. C. Sullivan, Michael Cobden, R. Locke, Joseph Thicknesse, R. A. Colebrooke, Sir T. Lushington, C. Thompson, Colonel Divett, EdWard M 4 Gregor, John Thornely, Thomas Drumlanrig, Viscount Meagher, Thomas Wall, C. B. Duncan, Viscount Matheson, Colonel `'yawn, J. T. Duncan, George Molesworth,Sir W. Walmsley, Sir J. Dundas, Sir David Moffatt, Francis Williams, Joint Evans, J. O'Connor, Feargus Williamson, Sir 11. Ewart, William Ogle, S. C. Wodehouse, E. Fergus, John Osborne, Ralph TELLERS. Forster, Matthew Parker, John Stuart, Lord Dudley Glyn, G. C. Peel, Frederick Hall, Sir B. MINORITY-NOES, 46. Arkwrlght, George Fox, S. L. Lygon, General Hague, William French, F. Mackenxie4W. F. Binßid, IL .1. Frewen, C. 11. Macnaghten, Sir E. Bateson, Thomas Fuller, A. E. Mahon, Viscount Blair, Stephen (laskell, J. M. Manners, Lord J. Bremridge, Richard Citoenall, G. Newdegate, N. Brine, ii. Gvvyn, Howel Prime, Richard Stick, L. W. llastie, Archibald Stanley, E. H. Bullet, Sir Y. Hayter, W. G. Stuart, John Burrell, Sir C. Heald, Jams - Waddington, H. S. Cabbell, B. B. Hill, Lord E. Wortley, J. S. Clive, R. 11. Hope,".ll. T. Young, Sir John Cooks, T. S. Humphery, All Cores, H. B. Inglis, Sir R. TELLERS. Dttucuft, John Jocelyn, Viscount Spooner,ilm Edwards, Henry Lacy, Henry C. R. Forbes, William Lennox, Lord H G. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee 1. That in the ease of the Glasgow and South. Western Railway petition, the standing orders ought not to be dis pensed with. 2. That in the case of the Duffield and Sheffield Turnpike Road petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :--That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of' this report. a. That in the case of the Poulnaeherry Embankment petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : that the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later • than three clear days after the presentation of this report, and that the par ties deposit in the Private Bill-office a copy of a subscription 'contract, in which the subscriber or subscribers shall bind himself or themselves, his or their mentors and adminis trators, for the payment of the money subscribed, to be re coverable by action at law, and that the amount of money paid tip b 3 each subscriber be stated in such subeeription contra 4. 4. That in the case of the Shrewsbury and Chester Rail way petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this Report; and that notices be insetted in the newspapers for three successive weeks of the intention to enter into arrangements with the Shrewsbury and Birmingham end Hereford Railway Com , paniee for the formation, maintenance, and joint use of the intended station at Birkenhead. 5. That in the cast: of the Malmesbury Turnpike Roads petition, the standing orders ought to bo• dispensed with :-- 'that the parties be permitted to proceed with neir Bill, pro• vided the same be presented not later than three clOr days after the presentation of this 'report ] and that amens-;C: 1 notices be inserted in the newspapers for three successive *gad, That the Conttnittees on this and the two preceding kills do examine; in the first place, how far such order have beet pritiplied With; and do report the same to the House on the Repat of the Bill. 6. That in the case of the Malton and Driffield Junction Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with 1--That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the. same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 7. That in the case of the Bann Navigation petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the par ties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. That in the ease of the Aberdeen Public Records peti tion, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than threes clear days after the presentation of the report. • Resolutions two to eight agreed to.—Report to lie 0/1 the tfitiith FATAL lAILWAY ACCWIIINI.—AS the seven P.M train frorrs Rugby was on its way to Leicester; on Sunday last, one of tne tt.t 4 ._'S a the engine burst. William Wilkin son; the driver, having beft tieford severely scalded from a sirriilar accident, became alarmed, ti - /Ll. Made his escape from the foe"-plsite over the coke to the back of I.!;*•s' tender, when he fell betweet tVstt espd the adjoining carriage ; bliti holding on, he was dragged si±tj , ',Ards before he loosed his green, `"1 1 Oh the loacl of his head wdS )4tatten in, and one of his hands cut oft'. ..To'see( CrOWdy, the fire:naitt,. missing the diseased after the first gush ut .ft‘fartt from the tube had evaporated, shut off the steam, reversea the engine, signalled the guard tl, tonsil the break, and brought did seigine to a stand still, aftei pfoteeding about one mile and a quartet, lie then sent the under guard to Ullesthorpe, from whence a teiegraphie message was sent to Leicester, for the purpose of obtalning attuther engine, the train and disabled engine remaining oa the line till its arrival. The deceased was one of the olden, most careful, and steadiest drivers in the employ of the com pany. He has left a widow and six children to lament his untimely end • but, fortunately, he had insured his life .ror 5001. in the flailway Insurance Company's Oilice. AJ2.1,2!1,, quest was held yesterday morning (Monday) at the body, when Inn, Leicester, before Mr. Gregory on view of a t t he , ? when the jury returned a verdict of " Accidental de b . TIIE GANG OF BURGLARS IN .....I:ENT.—There is a probability of the thoroughly breaking, gang of burglars which has so long Kent. Six cf the prisoners have been the county mag,istrates at Rochester 9n. and there are still many more to be in\ es infestedupn the county of fully committed by t i rated, of charges, Lord Bexley were on The remains of the late Monday interred in the Lundy vault in Beckenham. the parish church of 3 varifettyhe desperate NA VAL INTELLIGENCE. ADMIRALTY LEVEES.—The Eight Hon. Sir F. T. Baring, BArt., will receive Akers desiring an interview en Tuesday, the 25th instant, at ove o'clock; and every subsequent Tuesday until further notice. The number not to exceed thirty on each day. The senior naval Lord, Rear-Adrcdral Deans Dundas, C. 8., receives officers on Tuesdays. PRO3IOTION. Mate—Robert A. Stupai t (1849), Fate of the Sphynx steam-sloop, at China, the rail of Lieutenant, vice iliekley, promoted, vice Ince, deceased. APPOINTMENTS. Y d ddc fsae pirt vhiinfnutgolT T he ° Mate—Thomas L.l:Siaril 6850), to thu Excellent. Assistant-Engineers—John Bruce, R. C. thunder, William Eyers, Hem y Jones, and John Tielwing„ to the Banshee swam-packet, fitting at Woolwich. Gunners—lleury Marshall (acting) to the Barletta, 3, Chattier[]; William S. Dearr to the Banshee. , _ _..., Commander William Gowdy (185 u), a n" t" 84 ° 6 1 I l i ed retired in August last, on the 12s. 6d. list of 1 y at Newcastle a few days since. re.llttliils, the able as sistant-master-attendant, Dockyard. b th lr e . I w l o e r n t d h e 3 r ' s u' on a , sterr r a°tlewnditaittlthoef rDanek. of commander, and we pr..sume _hi s r. Mr. lirnderson, as the sistant-mtister-attendant, succeed s Lumsdale; and Mr. Mtn gentleman suecee e do s d t. George, ordinary Brown, the waster of th in, In this ' fair succession the guard ship, will succeed Mr, a 1 illy. important and responsible offices, now o s fli er c y e i r e s es. will have the natural Efficiency or the byßll...flenderson and Mr. MiNR, will r n c e li w e st er butt Creek,iis progressing,tube a reward of good an FOR T ILE EXCELLENT.—The old Topaz A TARGE T i b l e el p d r r e e se sP r:e c d ti,v a eni target but the firing will not take place until neat month. ham ' , Iro s m ste th a e m T ri s g t a l t n e di w es a , s t t o a b k e ea pa o i u d t o o ff t . ' • Arab, 12, Commander Morris, has arrived at Chat ham, etto wed Excellent. ed ll Ars— Monday ,and ' hulk is f t o o r mouth, on _.. t tried along the measured mile dock at Ports in Stoke'd .1.. V. She averaged (being light, without masts or stores on board) t en k nots f our fathoms per hour. She has hee.n taken into the basin to be dockoil. Bonetts, 3, bricr ° antine, wascOinmi;sioned on Monday by Lieutenant C. Wake. Cormorant, t, steam-sloop, Captain Schomberg, ar rived at Bahia, Jan. 6, from Rio, on a cruise ag 'am s t slavers. Cumberland, 70, Captain Seymour, flag-ship of Vice- Admiral Sir G. F. Seymour, was undooked at Chatham on Monday, and was towed down to Folly Point, t 4, get her lower deck guns, water, provisions, &c., on board. She is all staunt, has all her sails bent, and will b- , cu.', of the hands of the dockyard in a few days. Resistance troop-ship, Master-Commander Bradshaw, left the river on Monday, on her way , to P?rtsmouth, to Jan. 5 , on a cruise be paid wages, and to proceed to Cork, Gibraltar, and the West Indies, with troops. Sharpshoqter, 8, screw -gun-vessel, Lieutenant rem. matir , er Bailey, arrived at Bahia, against slavers. FEU. 18.—The wind has been to the P ORT SMOUTH, S.W. for tho hst 12 hours, but there tare no signs of the Prince Regent. E s;o i i n S t . e7d Ct o °m co m m u m n a d n e d r W th i e ll A ia i rn ect ß o o f : te l it a m tt 11!)3104,ph7.0)ci‘olliseanblitiSyni o and ne Jasperat 'Woolwich.:teum WooLialcu, to Woelvd , la, atter towing the Resistance troop ship vessels bsys returned through the Downs, on her way to Cork, t.) embark troops at that port.