The Sun. — London, England, 1868-12-22 00:00:00

EPIEIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. On the subject of the elections on Monday the lima remarks that those who turn to the speeches of the Ministers re-elected in quest of significant hints on the future policy of the Ministry will be disappoint ed. How could it be otherwise ? It is but three weeks since the close of the general elections, when the severalcandi datesdi- dates for the suffrages of their countrym en, inclu ding those who have just been compelled to seek re-elect ion, explained at great—it may be said in some cases inordi nate—length their views on the political questions which will occupy the attention of Parliament. Since that time a Ministry has resigned , and a certain number ..of gentlemen have agreed to form a new one; but the Ad ministration is still, it is not too much to say, a collection of atoms. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in addressing the electors of the University of London, went so far as to declare the Government was really not yet fully con stituted. Mr. Bright at Birmingham expressed the same truth in the statement that the Administration has only been just formed, and its members have only once met. " There has been as yet," he added, "no time to discuss and determine any of those questions which must necessarily claim the atten tion of the Government and of Parliament." The Times then adds that Mr. Gladstone had a word to Say about many things—Parliamentary Reform ; bank ruptcy reform ; education in its three branches—higher, middle, and primary ; the relations between capital and tabour ; public expenditure ; the Irish Church ; Irish land ; and Irish education; Mr. Bright's explana tions of his doubts and hesitations about accepting office are commented on and approved as some what attractive. The whole speech, it is said, stands out among the speeches , of Monday as an indi vidual utterance. • Mr. Bright's diffident hope that a man might be honest even though a Cabinet Minister ; his reference to the visitation which for a time incapacitated him for public life ; his plea for sympathy and the lenient judgment of his friends ; his request that his career as a Minister might be scanned as a whole rather than tortured with minute inquiries into every individual act, were all apparently at variance with the tone of the self-confident orator and bold Reformer we have known, but they only complete the picture of the man by bringing contrasted sentiments and diverse modes of thought into one whole. The Daily News says that at Greenwich an air of Christmas cordiality and seasonable good wishes was apparent everywhere. Greenwich in old times was the scene of many State ceremonials and historic greetings, but it seldom witnessed a more interesting spectacle than the first interview between the Prime Minister and his constituents. Mr. Gladstone gave warm and full ex pression to the gratitude which the generosity and chivalry of the river town has awakened in his mind. The political vagrant, as he choose to call himself, has found a settlement in Greenwich ; and, in the ordinary course of things, it will be a settlement for life. Mr. 'Gladstone is not likely to sit for any other con stituency than that which has adopted him. Little is said about Mr. Gladstone's future policy. Mr. lowe is advised to take heart. It is remarked :In his monody to the University of London yesterday be seems to have given way to the desponding impression that a Chancellor of the Exchequer must necessarily be an odious character. Mr. Gladstone has shcwn him that the success ful tenure of that office may make the statesman who fills ft the most popular man in the kingdom ; and, in the chief under whom he serves, and in the colleagues with whom he acts, Mr. Lowe has advantages which Mr. Gladstone lacked. The Star contends that Mr. Gladstone's speech was more than a re-vindication of the course of the Liberal party on the question of the day, although that topic naturally occupied a large share of the attention of the orator. It may be taken as an indication of the line of policy which the Ministry intend to follow, not as to matters of principle, for on that head the public is already perfectly informed, but in the selection of the subjects which are deemed of most pressing importance. On the Irish Church question it is said that Mr. Gladstone happily ridiculed the fears of those who lament, or pro fess to lament, over the prospect of Catholic ascendancy. and it goes on to remark that those sincere but deluded Protestants who imagine that they prevent Catholic ascendancy by the degradation of Catholic belief, only prevent that free inquiry into the principles and practices of Catholic faith which is now in full sweep in every Papal country but Ireland. In Austria, Italy, and Spain patriotism is at war with the priests ; in Ireland we have forced patriotism into an indissoluble alliance with the Church as it is, until bigotry seems but another form of love of country with our Irish fellow-subjects. According to the Standard, Mr. Gladstone is diffuse and vague. He cites the various questions which he thinks should engross the attention of the Legislature, but he is careful to avoid any explicit statement as to the mode in which they should be treated, while he more than hints that the Government will have quite enough on their hands in accomplishing the destruction of the Irish Esta blishment. Messrs. Lowe and Bright make no pretence of letting out the secrets of the Cabinet, if any there be. The Chancellor of the Exchequer intimates that he is quite prepared to 'act up to the traditions of his office, and something more. He intends to be a ferocious econo mist, and to "make himself disagreeable to everybody all round." It will be his business to interfere with every department, and to be perpetually refusing " what may seem to lie most reasonable and proper demands." He has contra Ced " a passion for saving money," and is pre pared to scent a job in everything. Of course the new broom will sweep uncommonly clean, but it will be the duty of the,Opposition to take care that the new order of economy is not identical with that costly niggardliness which, under Mr. Gladstone's regime, brought the army and navy well-nigh to ruin. Radical Greenwich, says the Herald, has not shewn itself equal to the occasion. Although assured in the morning by the party organs that the day was to be the most memorable in their annals since Henry VIII. was born among them, and adjured to assemble in tens of thousands upon Blackheath to welcome the foremost man of the British Empire, the constituents of Mr. Gladstone stayed in their warm and dry homes, and left him to address a select audience whom every day's and every night's exposure had rendered indifferent to wind or rain. Mr. Gladstone is blamed for having no policy to state except his views on the Irish Church. His promises of a large reduction in expenditure, it is remarked, will not get beyond his estimates. Mr. Bright is commended for his frankness, but it is suggested that he was more pointed than his colleagues will like. The change in Mr. Bright, however, is regarded as merely superficial. He has kissed the Queen's hand, and he has accepted the heavy responsibility of a large, we may say a leading, part in the Government of his country ; but he remains as intolerant its ever of all dissent from his opinions; and as uncharitable Ap ever towards his antagonists. The Telegraph, referring to what Mr. Gladstone said at Greenwich on the subject of the Ballot, remarks that its advocates may well take comfort from his words. Referring to the open and systematic intimidation which rlisgraced Blackburn at the late elections, he declared that, though personally in favour of open voting, he would insist that - voting should at least be free ; and that if so indispensable an accompaniment of electoral choice could be secured by no other means, secret voting must be Authorised by law. This declaration does not actually commit Mr. Gladstone to supporting the ballot ; but language so favourable to that measure has never yet been uttered by a Prime Minister of England; and when the Court of . Common Pleas shall reveal the outrageous length to which intimidation has been carried, we may confidently hope that the ballot will find in Mr. Gladstone its foremost champion. On the same subject the Daily News says : Mr. Glad stone's rejection for the great county whose suffrages he solicited is likely to be a step towards the accomplishment of a great reform. It has opened his eyes to the means by which elections are too often won in England ; and with a man of his intelligence to see the evil is not to be very far off from the discernment of the remedy. " I have at all times," says the Prime Minister, " given my vote in favour of open voting ; but I have done so before, and I do BO now, with this important reservation—that whether by open voting, or by wha'soever means, free voting must be secured." In these words, the Ballot, we venture to say, is prefigured as clearly as the Reform of Parliament was foreshadowed in the memorable sentences of 1865, and the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Ireland in the declarations of 186 S. Referring to the subject of the Presidential Message, the l'ost says, in regard to the quarrel, that never since the foundation of the American Republic has so marked and so irreconcileable an antagonism arisen between the President and CoM;r e ss as . that which, without the slightestinter mission, has subsisted during the past three years between Mr. Johnson and those to whom his last message has been addressed. Opinions may vary in respect to the sound ness of the policy which he pursued, but none can doubt that it was ~Le which absolutely lashed to fury those with whom it certainly was for the interest of the State that he should have cordially co-operated. Whether it was his fault or theirs we leave to historians to decide, but that there were faults on one if not on both sides is unquestionable. For the first time an attempt was made to unseat the President by process of impeach ment, and the ill success of •this ma,nceuvre certainly did not tend to render the victor more conciliatory in his manner, or the vanquished less sensiti ve t o an y f u t ure attack s which they might conceive were made on their independence. Under these circumstances, therefore, and on the eve of quitting office, the duty has devolved on Mr. Johnson of meeting Congress and of offering to it, in accordance with custom, a resum§ of the past and a programme of the future. Can it be a matter for surprise, then, that on such an occasion that which should be a sober, statesmanlike document should be made the vehicle for recrimination and abuse? In conclusion it is remarked that having wasted its resources and paralysed its ener gies, Mr. Johnson recommended that Congress should now blast its reputation. As a stroke of sarcasm, the proposal may be regarded as excellent, but then it must be borne in mind that President's Messages are not fitting vehicles for satire and irony. SINGULAR CONFESSION OF PERJURE An extraordinary confession of perjury was made on Friday in the Court of Bankruptcy, Dublin. About three years and a half ago a cattle-dealer named Doyle, who resided at Boyle, county Roscommon, was sentenced to two years' imprisonment for unsatisfactorily answering. His debts amounted to £7OO, and he represented that he had been robbed of £3OO at a fair. He gave information to the police, but they could not trace the money or the thief. The judge disbelieved the story. He was sxamined several times, but adhered to the state ment, and was sent back to gaol, where he completed the term of his sentence. He was on Monday again brought before the court, when he swore that all he had stated on oath before was false, and that the story was concocted between his family and another cattle dealer. His cousin visited him in prison and exhorted him to stick to what he had said; but on coming out he found that the understanding between them had not been kept, and, not being able to get back the money, he revealed the fraud. His wife, daughter, and brother-in-law corroborated his evidence on Monday, but the cousin denied the charge. Judge Miller expressed his determination to bring the parties to justice if possible, and adjourned the case. CHATHAM CONVICT ESTABLISHMENT. For some short time past a few or tne most desperate among the convicts at the Chatham convict establish ment have shewn signs of insubordination and been guilty of acts of violence similar to those which preceded the outbreak which occurred at this prison some few years since, on which occasion the assistance of the military had to be called in to put clown the outbreak. The mutinous spirit shewn by the convicts culminated a few days since by some three of the prisoners assaulting their warders, after having been guilty of certain acts of gross insubordination. Immediately on the occur rence, prompt steps were taken by the officials to punish the offenders as a warning to the remainder of the pri soners. The convicts concerned in the outrage, all of whom are men of the most depraved character, who are undergoing lengthened periods of penal servitude, were placed in irons, and an investigation into the circumstance at once instituted by the Director of Convict Prisons, who attended at the convict establishment for that purpose, the result being that each of the convicts concerned in the attack and assault on the warders was ordered to receive three dozen lashes and to undergo other punishments in the prison. The corporal punishment was inflicted inside the prison a day or two since, and some idea of its severity may be inferred from the circumstance of the cries of the convicts who were receiving the punishment being dis tinctly heard a considerable distance beyond the prison walls. In addition to the punishment inflicted on them they will forfeit all the privileges they may have obtained in the prison, and will not be eligible to have any portion of their sentence of penal servitude remitted. The prompt manner in which the insubordination on the part of a few of the convicts was met by the authorities has had the desired effect~ and there have since been no further attempts at any violent behaviour by any of the prisoners. It is intended to enlarge the convict establishment at Chatham, so as to enable it to accom mod* about 300 additional prisoners, orrather more than 1,600 in all, the whole of whom are to be employed on the public works which are now being carried out at Chatham. The new buildings will be erected by the convicts them selves, the bricks required for the work, as well as those used in the construction of the new docks and basins, having been made by them, the number of bricks manu factured during the past summer alone having been 20 millions. A .211A1?INE TRAGEDY The Cork Herald gives the particulars of a series of hor rible and almost incredible, occurrences, which took place on board the Dutch vessel Finnechina, Captain Hotze, com mander, just arrived in Cork from South America. A Londoner named Rogers was one of the crew, and either from insanity or cupidity (as he knew the captain had a large amount of money on board), he seems to have formed a plan for getting possession of the vessel by wholesale murder. On the fourth day after the ship left Buenos Ayres Rogers took a favourable opportunity and pushed the first mate overboard. The cook, in response to his cries, ran to throw him arope, when Rogers seized him by the legs and threw him into the sea also. Both these mon were Dutchmen. The second mate, also a native of Holland, ran to help the drown ing men, but Rogers endeavoured to kill him with an axe. He ran towards the cabin, and jumped down the hatchway, up setting the captain, who was running up, and both rolling on the floor. Rogers secured tho hatch above them, and made them prisoners. Two men remained on deck, one a Yankee, the other an Irishman, and these Rogers kept apart (one fore, one aft), by threateningtomurderthern; and com pelling them to steer the vessel in turns. For four days the murderer remained master of the deck, not sleeping during the time. The captain fired twice at him during that period, bnt without wounding him seriously. Owing to a defect in the compass, he supposed the vessel was steering straight for the land, when in reality she was moving parallel to the coast. At the end of the fourth day sleep overcame him, and the Iris',man, waiting LA- the opportunity, seized the axe, and at ono blow nearly severed his head from his Lodi. He then relieved the captain and second mate, and the vessel made for Rio. After an investigation, a fresh crow was shipped, and tho Finnechina arrived . in Cork Harbour on Monday. LAW AND FOLICE. DECISIONS ON ELECTION PETITIONS. —The question which was raised as to whether the payment of one sum of £l,OOO was sufficient security where two seats were assailed in one petition, has been decided by Justice Willes, who holds the opinion that the one payment is sufficient. It has, however, been decided that it is illegal for petitioners to be sureties, but he allowed five days for those who stood in that position to find others to act as sureties. DAMAGES AGAINST RAILWAY COMPANIES.—Chief Justice Bovill, in the Common Pleas, has dirccte-1 a verdict in favour of a clerk named Peglar, in the employment of Messrs. Penn and Sons, the eminent engineers. The in jury for , which compensation was claimed was sustained on the South-Eastern Railway as far back as September 1866. This was a second trial directed by the full court. The sum of £625 was awarded, to cover expenses incurred by plaintiff in endeavouring to recover his health ; and the case has been referred to an eminent eye doctor to say what further damages should be allowed for an injury"to the plaintiff's eye. WORK3IEN'S RAILWAY TICKETS.—A case of considerable importance to railway companies and to working men was brought before Mr. Newton on Monday at Worship-stree 4 Police-court. A compositor, named Henry Marks, in the employment of Messrs. Waterlow, summoned Mr. William Mansell, the general manager of the North London Railway Terminus at Broad-street, to answer a charge of having neglected and refused to issue a workman's ticket within a reasonable time after being required to do so. These weekly tickets allowed of workmen travelling to and from Dalston station and the City by certain traind each day, at a cost of only ls. weekly. The clerk at the station had' first stated that workmen's tickets were discontinued, afterwards that they were only issued on Monday mornings, the result being that one day's journey cost the complainant six pence. Objection was taken that the company were entitled to such sufficient notice before issuing workmen's tickets as would enable them to make satisfactory inquiries, if they felt so inclined, into the position in life of the applicant; and the magistrate held the objection valid, dismissing the charge. A man named Weager has been brought up at the Liverpool assizes, charged with personating a voter at the election. The prosecutor, however, did not Fleas the charge, and the man was discharged on his own recognizances to appear when called upon. On Saturday a landslip occurred on a very precipitous portion of the Dublin and Wicklow Railway running above the sea and cliffs at Killiney. The slip was consequent on extraordinary high tides and heavy trains. The traffic, however, has not been interfered with by the casualty. • Dr. Magee, the newly-appointed Bishop, of Peterborough, was 'present on Monday at the reopening of the church at Matholm, a village contiguous to Milton, the ancient seat of the Fitzwilliam family. This church has recently been restored at the cost of the Hon. G. W. Fitzwilliam, and the reopening sermon was preached by the Bishop, the prayers being read by the Rev. R. S. Blacker, the present incumbent. A NEW REASON FOR. NOT VOTING.—.A local paper says that at North Wilts election, a fortnight ago, voter who resides in a small county town not far from Corsham was applied to several times for his vote. This, however, he resolutely refused to give, " Fob," said he, " directly after I voted last time the bread rose and I made up my mind from that time that I'd never vote mv more." A STALACTITE CAVE.—A stalactite cave has been hscovered in the rocks near the Clifton station of the Bristol Port and Pier Railway. The cave has been explored to the distance of some twenty or thirty yards, ander.the superintendence of Mr. Wilkinson, the manager )f thekaine, and many beautiful stalactites have been dis 31osed,, some of them extending from the roof to the earth Deneath, and which from their size have for the present preventad the further passage of the explorers. Some cones ce animals and birds have also been found among soit, including part of a skull which would seem to be ;hat or., a hyena. The rave is apparently of considerable onwth tiand depth. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. MR. GLADSTONE AND THI O . - WOMEN OF LANCASIME. A defeated candidate has enough to do just now. Everyone who voted for him is very sorry that he lost the election ; and, what is more, they write and tell him so. He must in courtesy reply. Mr. Mill, in ono case at least, has sent with his answer a copy of his work on Parliamentary Representation. But everyone has not written such a work. Mr. Glad stone makes "a few remarks on things in general." He has had letters from high and low, from men and women. The women's letter is signed by some 4,810 names. In reply, the Premier asks forgiveness for not answering the letter before, and adds, "It has so often been my lot to feel that any efforts I had endeavoured to make for the public good met with a far more than just apprecia tion that my words may appear unmeaning when I make, very unfeignedly, a similar acknowledgment in the present instance. This need not, however, pre vent my returning my grateful thanks to yourself and to all who have signed the address, nor my adding the assurance that their kind and generous language will at once stimulate and sustain me in the arduous labours which must devolve upon the present Government in connection alike with political and social objects." THE "MINORITY" MEMBER FOR BIRMINGHAM. Some of the Conservative newspapers, fonder of a joke than of truth, have called Mr. Bright the minority member for Birmingham because he was third on the poll. Of course the term was wholly inappropriate, since Mr. Bright, whether first or third, represents the majority, not the minority. The reason why he came to be third is given in the Daily News. The Liberal party at Birmingham had to guard against the possibility of defeat by assigning more than their due share of votes to Messrs. Dixon and Muntz. In the afternoon of the polling-day, when it was found that they were safe, it was pro posed to discontinue the arrangement, and to let the electors who preferred to do so vote for Mr. Bright. But he declined to assent to the alteration, and thus it was that he was'only third. Hehas now been re-elected without opposition, a fact which shews how much vitality there was in the very mild Tory joke. LORD CAIRNS. The Daily News accepts the statement that the Lord Justiceship of Appeal had been offered by Lord Chancellor Hatherley to Lord Cairns, and states with regret, which all persons must share, that the last mentioned nobleman is unable to accept the offer because his medical advisers tell him that ho must spend the winter in Italy. Lord Cairns has long suffered from a tendency to phthisis, and it is to be feared that he will have to take care of himself for some time to come. It should be stated that the John Bull denies that the offer mentioned above has been made. It is now fully expected that Vice-Chancellor Gifford will be the new Lord Justice. Who will be the new Vice- Chancellor is a matter still left for the legal journals to exercise their imagination upon. Mr. .Jessel ha been named in some quarters. In that event a sea, would become vacant at Dover. AN IRISH ELECTION. Mr. Disraeli said that the Irish people wanted " amusement." In his smart novelette " Popanilla " he describes the "amusement" in which the Irish people delight. When Popanilla enters his hotel, he finds the tables provided with pistols ; during the ordinary a free fight takes place, in which the death of several persons is looked upon as a matter of course;' during the night some of the populace amuse themselves by setting fire to the hotel; and Popanilla and his aristocratic party amuse themselvet ' next day by hunting the populace, killing whom they catch. In somewhat after the same way do the inhabitants of Drogheda look upon an election. It is a time to " amuse ' themselves; and, in default of better recreation, they smash windows. Bui an English mob might do that ; the Irish men go farther, they attack the military, doubtlem fine and exciting fun. The captain is stunned by stone; fifty out of sixty-four soldiers are injured— and some seriously—by the same missiles. And by. and-bye the riot runs so high that the magistrates nave to bring out and read the well-known Act. Better—more exciting than ever; now the Irishman is "amused." The soldiers are ordered to charge. They do so. But two shots come from the crowd— happily injuring no one. Unhappily, two soldiers, exasperated at the treatment they are receiving, return the shots. A man in the crowd falls. Only a. few months ago a similar story in some respects was told in the committee-rooms of the House of Com mons concerning the Waterford election. But on the principle, one would think, that one side was as bad as the other, the committee did not find that the rioting invalidated the election. And so the Drogheda electors are encouraged in their "good work" of providing themselves amusement. " SHALL WE CEDE GIBRALTAR ? " George Grey—not the ex-Home Secretary—not the ex-Governor of New Zealand—but Admiral George Grey—says Yes. He says yes for two reasons. In the first place, Gibraltar is useless to us. It is not a harbour of refuge ; but is so exposed to gales from the south-west, and to flurries and white squalls in an easterly gale as to be always an insecure anchorage. For coaling purposes there is no accom modation save hulks, so far .as merchant vessels are concerned, and the hulks are often unavailable. The harbour is really defenceless, for it is commanded from innumerable points of the Spanish coast, and with modern artillery not a house on the Rock would be out of easy range. By handint over Gibraltar to Spain not one vessel would be de terred from going there in time of peace; and time of war not one could go there. Such is Admirr Grey's first reason. His second is that Spain is rapidly regaining her position, and soon will be a first-rate Power, when it will be almost impossible for us to continue an occupation that is com parable only to the Spaniards occupying the Bill of Portland. Admiral Grey therefore proposes that we should exchange Gibraltar for Ceuta, which the Spaniards lately conquered from the Moors ; that a certain number of years should be allowed us to form a harbour to the southward of Ceuta by a breakwater similar to that at Portland, for which there is every facility ; and then to cede Gibraltar intact, with all its fortifications. in return for a pro portion of the expense at Ceuta beingpaid by Spain. Admiral Grey considers that this exchange would 0-ive us a fine harbour instead of a useless one, that ft would soothe Spanish irritation, and that we should no more "lose our prestige" than we lost it by ti cession of Corfu. THE AEI". HARRY JONES ON CONVALESCENT HOSPITALS. The Rev. Harry Jones, whose name is weß known as a zealous and enlightened social reformer, has been making an appeal to the public on behalf of a very excellent and much-needed institution. The position of the working man recovering from severe sickness, and compelled to return to his daily routine of toil ing-and moiling before he is half fit for it, has often excited the sympathy of the benevolent, and of late years this sympathy has taken a practical form in the establishment of convalescent hospitals. As Mr. Jones says, in advocating the claims of theEastbourne Hospi tal, there is always an after stage of weakness to the patient, through which the hospital cannot support him. But what can he do ? His wife and children look to him for bread, and he must take up his tools and face the old labour at once. On the contrary, if he is fortunate enough to obtain admission to a con valescent hospital, he gets the very things he wants —fresh air, change of scene, rest, and nourishment. The only drawback to these institutions is that their number is quite inadequate to supply the wants of London. The managers of the Eastbourne Hos pital are therefore anxious to change their small temporary institution into a large and permanent establishment. This change will cost about £32,000, of which £15,000 has yet to be raised. Mr. Jones's appeal will no doubt help materially to supply this deficiency. No one has a better right to speak on the physical condition of the poor of the metropolis ; and as the institution he pleads for can offend no prejudices, and is entirely independent of sectarian or class interests, we may hope that it will meet with a fair share of success. THE CONSTITUTION OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE. The council of this college have put in circula tion a statement explaining the objects and provi sions of the proposed bill for amending its constitu tion. They wish in future to give instruction in the fine arts as well as in literature and science, and they are anxious that the proprietary character of the institution shall come to an end, provision being madethpartopr:hee to proprie tary r y members. ifnosrt keepin g itn tnup permanently a constituent body , Originally and it th w e a college o lee intended This pro p r i e tors should receive is inte w re a s s t a n ft o e t rwar ex ceeding four per cent. s abandoned, and the interest was never paid, but the constitution of the college has remained rather unsettled. The original proprietors have retained the right to transfer their shares to nominees approved by the council, while lapsed shares became the property of the college, and were generally con ferred on students who distinguished themselves. It is now proposed that the remaining proprietary shares shall be abolished, but that the exist ing proprietors and their nominees shall have power to nominate successors as governors of the college. In order to secure a permanent constituent body of members, it is proposed that the council should from time to time nominate former students who have become distinguished in after life ; persons holding the rank of Emeritus Professor of the college; persons who have conferred benefits upon the college, or who are distinguished in literature, science, or art. It is also proposed that any twenty or more members of the college, may nominate any person as life governor. The corporate body of the college willthere fore consist of, first, governors; second, life governors, including donors ; and third, fellows. Ample pro vision is therefore made for securing an efficient And enlightened a overninct body. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 22, lB6B. THE RE-ELECTIONS. THE PREMIER AND HIS CONSTITUENTS. The following is a fuller report of the proceedings at the re-election of the Prime Minister than appeared in The Sun of yesterday : Mr. Gladstone's first appearance in public since his assumption of the seals of office was made on Monday morning on the hustings at Blackheath, where he sought at the hands of the electors of Greenwich for a renewal of that confidence which a few weeks since they had sponta neously reposed in him. Thus the honour of hearing his maiden speech was fittingly accorded to those who bad so manfully and effectually exerted themselves to do away with the disastrous effects of the Premier's defeat in South-west Lancashire. The hustings were erected opposite the Ranger's house in Greenwich Park. The arrangements made by the authorities were of the worst possible description, the representatives of the press being placed in a species of shed, totally uncovered, at a level several feet lower than the speaker, and the general public compelled to stand ankle-deep in mud. The scene altogether was cheerless in the extreme. The heavy rain which fell during the night and continued to fall up to ten o'clock, when the weather fortunately cleared to siene extent, prevented anything like a large crowd assembling outside the barriers. There were pro bably not more than 3,000 persons present. The plat form was, however, crowded with the friends and supporters of Mr. Gladstone. A special corner was reserved for a select company of ladies, of which Mrs. Gladstone was one. Mr. Alderman Salomons, M.P., and Mr. Baxter Langley were greeted with loud cheers as soon as they were recognised. At three minutes to eleven a procession consisting of half-a-dozen carriages wended its way up Greenwich Hill to the hustings. From these the Premier and his friends alighted, and the moment Mr. Gladstone, who looked pale and careworn, advanced to the front of the platform, he was made the subject of a most enthusiastic ovation. The Constable of Greenwich having made the proclairiation, and the writ having been read, Mr. ANGERSTEIN, in a few well-turned sentences, proposed the Premier's re-election, which was seconded by Mr. JOLLY, and enthusiastically ratified. Mr. GLADSTONE then uncovered and advanced to the front of the platform ; but so loud and oft-repeated were the plaudits which greeted him that it was some moments before he could make himself heard. He commenced by a reference to the peculiar circumstances in which he found himself placed, elected, as be had been, by the burgesses of Greenwich at a time when the exigencies of the contest he was carrying on in another part of the country prevented him from giving them any encouragement, or paying them a single token of respect, and stated that the electors of Greenwich had proved themselves the friends in need, which, according to the old proverb, were friends indeed. " I trust," he con tinued, "that you will believe me when I say that your conduct has left an impression on my mind and heart which will never be effaced. At the late election the country was appealed to on the clearest issue. It is true that there were associated with it certain names, but they were in reality only the symbols of the cause for which the struggle was carried on. You fully understood—the whole country fully understood—the question which was put to the constituencies, and everyone understands the answer which has been returned to it. At all events, the late Ministry clearly understand the answer they have received to the question which they thought fit to propound to the nation. The late Ministry, after the vote of Parliament on the subject of the Irish Church, declared that the representatives of the people then in the House of Commons were not the true representatives of the opinions of the country, and that an appeal to the constituencies would signally reverse the votes passed in the spring and summer. Cer tainly her Majesty's late Ministers were so far correct that the complexion of Parliament has been changed by the action they decided upon taking. But how ? Why, by the majority by which it bad declared its opinion, instead of being converted into a minority, being returned almost twice as large as it was before. In the face of this it was not unnatural that the Minis try melted away, in the words of a great poet, melted "Like a mockery king of snow," without looking that Parliament in the face, or seeking to obtain its verdict. Gentlemen, I know that I have been called on to undertake a task to which I profoundly feel myself unequal, a task as arduous as any which has ever fell to the lot of any Minister. But if I am asked why I am found ready to make the attempt, to fulfil the duties thus imposed on me, I reply ' because I am sustained by the conviction that the cause is just and good, by the kindness received at your hands, and by the assurance that in the discussion of the great question before us we shall: receive every consideration from the country at large, that men willbe prepared to abate some what of their own peculiar views provided they see that the great principles at stake are fairly kept in view, and the great end of promoting peace and concord furthered."' The Premier then passed on to notice the fact that, whilst it had often happened that Ministers of the Crown had been compelled to gain a seat in Parliament in some in significant borough, it had never happened that when a Minister had failed in securing the favour of one con stituency, he had found himself spontaneously elected by another. " I should nut," said Mr. Glad stone, " have been surprised if you had not consented to return me to Parliament, for with the engage mentsmperetsosind so much time or pressing upon upon me, it will, of labour bu orlsi er t o ob f ept purely e lyPremiers hip lo impossible cal aforfs airs as they d eserve . B u t l am glad to know that my honoured friend—now my colleague —your senior member (for I am only the second representative), will be able to render such efficient service in this direction. I am sure in his hands your interests will be safe. You enable to go to Parliament competent to speak with that authority which naturally appertains to the words of a man who represents a large, rapidly-advancing consti tuency. Now with regard to the immediate subjects which must engage our attention. We have won a party triumph, but. that mind must be narrow indeed which does not see something beyond. The whole value of our triumph is derived from the fact that it is the road to the embodiment of the prin ciples of the party to which we are attached. Upon the manner in which we carry out that work of embodiment will depend the verdict you will presently pronounce upon our conduct. For my own part, if we are found unfaithful, I hope at the next election you will dismiss us as effec tually as you have done somebody else. (Great laughter.) With regard to the question of Parliamentary Reform, I would say that no doubt after a time it will be found necessary that many of the imperfections and anomalies attaching to the recent Acts should be revised ; but this is not the business of the hour. There are two subjects that cannot be overlooked in connection with the repre sentation of the people. The first is, the security afforded for perfect freedom in the giving of the vote. In my opinion, the proceedings which have marked the recent elections, especially in some parts of the country, amongst which I may mention Blackburn, ought to form the subject of a searching and impartial investigation. I have always given my adhesion to the plan of open voting, and I do so still, but with this reservation, that free voting must be preserved. The second question is that of the compound householder who, in order to exercise his vote, is compelled prac tically to alter the tenure of his property. The incon veniences imposed on the compound householder have been, I think, most needlessly, I will not say wantonly, inflicted, and remedies must be found for this pressing evil." Mr. Gladstone then pointed out that other im portant questions, such as the bankruptcy laws, education in universities and grammar-schools, and primary educa tion for the children of the people must all be discussed by the new Government, but it would be impossible for them all to be dealt with at once. It was to be trusted that it would not be supposed that because some of them were put upon one side for a time that there fore they were neglected. The question of the relations of capital and labour would also have to - form the subject of legislation. It was one which was eminently capable of solution. The difficulties which has hitherto stood in the way of a settlement of the subject would probably be got rid of rather by the good feeling of masters and men than by any com pulsion exerted by Parliament. Turning to the subject of public expenditure, the First Lord of the Treasury re marked that it was the duty of public men to watch the outgoings of the country. " I rejoice that during the recent elections the mind of the public was specially directed to this matter. I regret that there has during the past two years and a half been so large and unnecessary an amount added to the expenditure of the country. Ino not refer to the amount required for the war in Abyssinia, but to the additions made to the annual estimates. I know not why three millions should have been added in so short a period of time. It is one thing to put on an increase, it is another thing to take it off. When you put it on, you create a number of new relations, new offices, new expectations, and you cannot and, what is more, you ought not—to destroy these at once. It does not become me now to promise too much ; but this I may say, that those who are associated with me in her Majesty's Government have already directed their attention to the subject of expenditure, and I shall be as much disappointed as any one if, in the estimates to be presented in February, you do not find some results of their opening labours. And now as to the state of Ireland. Here it is that we encounter the greatest amount, I will not say of Pharisaical but of womanish lamentations. (This statement caused great laughter, and directed the attention of the crowd to the place where the ladies were seated, upon which Mr. Glad stone remarked : Although there are only a few ladies present, I may remark that the word womanish is totally different to the word womanly.) We have heard that the state of Ireland should not have been made a party question. I have never heard a more idle com plaint. Lord Stanley, at a Conservative banquet at Bristol in August, stated that the Irish question was the question of the day, and Lord Derby, prior to leaving office, had announced h is i ntent i on of declaring a policy for Ireland. Mr. Disraeli, by Earl Mayo, also stated that he had a policy for I re land, which was to continue and increase the Maynooth Grant, and to give to the Presby terian and Roman Catholic clergy in that country a different status by authority, a process which it was well known really involved a dip into the national purse. All this, Mr. Gl a d s tone argued, chewed that the Conservatives had really made the question a party one, their proposition b e i ng met by the alternative of the Liberals, who only desired to see unity preserved and justice done. All great movements had been car ried out by parties, and the Government would not he deterred by the cry that was raised from pursuing the course they had marked out in refe rence to Ireland. The other question, that of land, almost as important as was the Church question, would have also to be considered. Having stated that at the late elections he had noticed the attachment of the people to the Church of England, and seen (the great influence of the clergy—not, he must confess, used by all in the right direction— (A voice : " Bar Miller," which drew the vicar of Greenwich into notice)—he felt persuaded that whatever might be the vicissitudes of the Church in this country in the future, there need be no fear so long as the clergy did their duty. The cause of the Church of England ought not tope weighed in the scales with that of the Church in Ireland, the one being the Church of the people, the other of the minority. Ridiculing the state ments advanced by the Opposition as to the results likely to follow from the disestablishment of the Irish Church, and the supposed acquisition of power by the Roman Catholics, Mr. Gladstone concluded his address by expres sing his determination and that of his colleagues to press forward in the struggle which they had commenced, conducting it upon those principles which would best accord with the traditions handed down from their fore fathers, and most conduce to the firm establishment of the Throne and Constitution. _ _ Mr. GLADSTONE proposed a vote of thanks to the return ing officer, and with cheers for the right hon. gentleman and Mrs. Gladstone, the assembly dispersed. THE RE-ELECTION OF THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. The nomination of a candidate to represent the Uni versity of London took place at noon on Monday, the Right Hon. Robert Lowe having resigned his seat in becoming Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. GEORGE GROTE, the Vice-Chancellor, said it was little more than a month ago since they were called upon to elect a member for the first time. They then elected Mr. Robert Lowe, who had since that time accepted an important office in her Majesty's Government. The right hon. gentleman offered himself for re-election, and he (the Vice-Chancellor) should be happy to receive the names of any gentleman who might be proposed. Dr. W. B. CARPENTER, the registrar, having read the writ, Mr. JEIGIAN GOLDSMID proposed, and Mr. QUAIN seconded, the re-election of the Right Hon. Robert Lowe, and, there being no other candidate, he was declared duly elected. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in thanking the electors for the renewed proofs of their confidence, said he presumed that nothing had occurred since he last met them to diminish the confidence they felt in the new Government. Of the Government itself he could say nothing, :inasmuch as it was not yet fully formed ; indeed his own office was not fully filled , awaiting con firmation that evening. His was a post the holder of which made himself disagreeable to everbody, but he was prepared for all the observations and all the obloquy to which he might be exposed. He most faithfully and sincerely thanked the electors for their renewed mark of confidence. A vote of thanks to the Vice-Chancellor closed the proceedings, which occupied only a few minutes. MR. LAYARD'S RETURN. Mr. Layard was also returned without opposition for Southwark. In thanking the electors he contended that the present Ministry was the most democratic, and the House of Commons of the present day the most democratic, and was proud to acknowledge that years ago he had advocated the claims of Mr. Bright to office, and now he was only too happy to see that the right hon. gentleman was a mem ber of the present Government. Of this he was certain — that Mr. Gladstone would carry out the great principles he had already advocated, if allowed to do so by the Tories. With regard to public expenditure, of one thing he was certain that the expenditure of the War Office must be decreased besides those of other departments. Reduction of taxation must be thb great aim of a Liberal Govern. ment. And with regard to another question, viz., the ex penses of election, he could assure his supporters that a measure would be introduced in Parliament respecting it. With respect to the labouring classes, he was certain that unless their dwellings were improved and made comfort. able intemperance would not cease. Regarding the Eastern question, which was one he took a great interest in, he was decidedly in favour of non-intervention. Let Maho medans and Christians settle their own differences ; do not let us interfere. What he contended for w as j ustic e for all classes. Let there be no religious distinction. Let the Turks resist intervention by all means, as England would resist improper interference with her power. In answer to a question, the right hon. gentleman said he could not say what was the intention of Mr. Gladstone with regard to the appropriation of the revenues of the Irish Church, except that they were not to be for religious pur poses. SETTLE AT ONCE THE ALABAMA CLAIMS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) Our Paris correspondent settles the Alabama claims in the off-hand way usual with people who have no responsibility—" Pay," or say "You won't." Could we all thus manage our little difficulties lawyers would have less to do, for the questions would come to a sort of toss up. There are, how ever, very intricate points involved—of equity, of precedent, as well as of international law. An American correspondent of a London paper, under the delusion held so generally in both countries, alludes to theßritish claims outbalancing the Ame rican claims, and instead of the settlement being likely to end in a transfer of gold from the British to the Washington Treasury,John Bull's coffers may be replenished at the expense of Uncle Sam. This implies the delusion that either Treasury can be benefited by the settlement ; the fact being exactly the reverse, for whatever may be the gains . of in dividuals and companies, all the money will go into private pockets at the national expense. Out of the taxes of the United States, British subjects will be reimbursed for damages sustained through the ac tion of the fleets and armies of the United States, so far as the Commission allows, and American citizens will be reimbursed out of the British Treasury for losses through privateers like the Alabama, which can be shown to have been fitted colt from British ports owing to the negligence of .the British Govern ment. It is possible, when the people on both sides begin fully to realize that those will gain who have profited most by the war, they will be the less eager for this settlement. The more so, as we maintain that the public have already paid. It will take a year's hard work to adjudicate on the claims alone, which our correspondent says " Pay,",or " Don't ;" and, when they are settled, the most important precederit of international law ever made will be established. It is this principle which is the real matter of mo ment to both nations, more especially to Eng land. Pope says, "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread ;" and in tbis Alabama case we actually saw a nation rush exulting into. au act which was suicide to itself. There could not be a more disastrous precedent against England than the pre cedent made by England in the case of the Alabama. Richard Cobden, in the letter we publish to-day, alludes to this ; but the marvel is that'it was only such men as he who saw it ; and even now English men generally are but beginning to be aware of the necessity of obliterating, by ample restitution, a precedent likely to be so disastrous to England. Still it does not follow because there is more glass in the house of the man who commenced throwing stones that it would be wise in him whose house has less glass to reject the other's overtures and offers of payment, urging his loss as ample reason for keeping up the practice. Indeed, this, as an act of madness, would be a fit sequel to the estab lishment of the precedent itself. Mr Reverdy John son, in his speech at the anniversary dinner of the French Hospital and Dispensary, in effect observed —many newspapers here and in America thought they had discovered some insuperable impediment to a settlement upon '.fair, just, and honourable terms. But it was all, thank God ! a delusion. Al though his friend Lord Stanley and himself had not been reticent in relation to their negotiations, they had not told everything, and the art of guessing had not been very successfully resorted to. Not desir ing to lead astray, he might be pardoned for adding --without stating what was its nature, or what impediment there was, if any—that with the suc cessor of Lord Stanley, who shared in the spirit of his predecessor —a spirit which animated himself —there was not the most distant expectation, and he hoped that no one would endeavour by a report to the contrary to cause a fall of five per cent. in either English or American Consols—there was not the most remote possibility that the friendship be tween the two countries would not be fixed upon a firm and enduring basis. He would therefore warn other nations—for whom his heart beat as warmly as it did for England—not to be guilty of the folly of entering into a contest with England and America." If the check does come it will be on the other side, not on this, when Columbia will cap Britannia's folly. Notwithstanding the censure passed on the American Minister for misrepresenting American feeling towards England, we do not hesitate to as sert, and as strongly as possible, that there has been a general response throughout America to the Eng lish overtures cf friendship. This reactionary fit is but the receding wave of an incoming tide, and although Mr. Johnson may be now abused, perhaps even recalled, while we do not believe it, yet he is but in advance of his country's sentiment. If these people who assume to represent the working men of London had been trying to do something to cause a reaction in his Excellency's favour, they could not have hit on a better expedient than that they have devised; and if the Times were really his friend, it would begin to abuse him. Then there would be seen a sudden change of front in America, for there is an instinctive dread in the nation of any American who has the misfortune to r e cei ve the approbation of the Times. Mr. Coningsby's letter and his Excellency's reply have been pub dished, and furnished matter for comment to nearly all the daily papers, but we have nothing to add to what we last week said in condemnation of the ex traordinary course pursued by the self-styled repre sentatives of the London working men. There is, however, a little obscurity noticed by the Star in Mr. Johnson's statement of his introduction to Mr. Laird. Was it Mr. Laird himself who requested the introduction, or was it Mr. Roebuck to whose entreaties Mr. Johnson yielded? The Minister's words, in his reply, are—" The allegations which you mention as having been made in the United States in regard to myself arose from my having sat at the banquet given to me in Sheffield with Mr. Roebuck, then a member of Parliament and au invited guest, and for having consented at his request to be introduced to Mr. Laird, a member of the past and the present Parliament, at a banquet given to me at Liverpool, who was also an invited guest, and for taking when he offered it, his hand, and because of my continu ing efforts to cultivate friendly feelings between the people of this country and my own." This leaves us under the impression that Mr. Johnson consented to the introduction at the request of Mr. Laird ; although the version of the story given in America was that Mr. Laird hung back, sensible of the awkwardness of his position, and evidently feel ing it painfully, when Mr. Johnson voluntarily came forward and proffered his hand iu a manner so cordial as to set him at once at ease. There is nothing absolutely contradictory in the two stories, for Mr. Johnson might have been acting on the previously conveyed request of Mr. Laird, and on the fixed idea in his mind of a general reconcilia tion—a reconciliation in rapid progress between the North and South. There has been a stand-up fight ; the North won, and terribly punished the enemy while suffering severely herself ; the fight is over, the questions raised are all but settled, and the new historical phase has been entered. Mr. Johnson's ideas, and our own are identical, which may be simply interpreted in the motto of the Pre sident Elect, " Let us have Peace." We have had wrangling enough, fighting in the field, fight ing in the forum, fighting in the Cabinet, and fight ing in the Press—aye, even fighting in the pulpit. We are weary of the folly, yet we cannot allow an Ambassador of peace to settle his mission without having a shy at him, and the only argument that those can use who desire to check the reviving spirit of friendship is, that England behaved maliciously and foolishly towards the United States, but they back from the logical conclusion of their own argument, which is—that therefore the United States should behave mali ciously and foolishly towards England, not doing evil that good may come of it, but evil that evil may be the fruit. This is the most appropriate season for forgiveness, and let America—if she de sires to do a great act, and one worthy of what she claims to be as the most Christian, the most in tellectual, the freest, and best educated among us tions—show that she is beyond .dispute the most magnanimou: , , for she has unquestionably a deep injury to forgive, which, if she forgives will be what no nation has ever done before. Noblesse oblige is true of all communities as well as of individuals, for the man who professes high honour and purity cannot maintain that character while indulging in rowdyism, and he is tried occasionally by hard tests; so it is with nations, for we cannot assume the magnanimous and the grand without something magnanimous and grand in our actions. That nations can act like vicious fools is alas, too evi dent ; let the Union show that they can also act with a wise conciliation, forbearance, and forgive ness. CONGRESS ON REPUDIATION. A cable telegram from Washington, on the 4th December, says :—" The House of Representatives passed to-day, by 154 votes against 6, a resolution declaring all forms of repudiation of the national indebtedness odious to the American people, whose Representatives will not offer to the national credi tors a less amount than the Government has con tracted to pay." Although gratifying, this sort of thing does not satisfy the public. The notion that the United States will in SDMC shape or another eventually evade the rigid fulfilment of the contract ith the bondholders, has been so fostered by the enemies of the national credit, and is so deeply im planted generally, that it cannot be eradicated ex cept by strong and direct means. The weight at tached to these resolutions is seen in the market price, which in no degree responds. What does the House mean by repudiation ? Webster (unabridged) thus defines repudiate—" To cast off and disavow ; to have nothing to do with ; to renounce ; to re ject." Although the term is, as we have often said frequently applied, it is never in its strict sense really meant ; for no one ever supposed that the United States intended to cast off and disavow all liability for the money lent the Government to sup press the rebellion. Nor do those who have some knowledge of the subject believe that Americans will offer to the national creditors a less amount than the Government has contracted to pay, although they may hold that greenbacks will be offered where gold is not specified. The essence of the subject is, What was it the Government contracted to pay when they issued Five-twenty Bonds ? It is possible that the law, if appealed to, will answer, Greenbacks ! in which case the Representatives will comply with the resolution, and not offer the credi tors a less amount than that for which they are le gally liable. If the present House means to interprete the contract in favour of a gold redemption, then it ought to say so, for nothing less will now have any effect. The resolution is, however, valuable as an index of feeling in the United States, and is singularly opposed to the statement of that most unfortunate man who is always predicting and always wrong, the Philadelphia correspondent of the London Times. Our readers may remember that he carefully analayzed the Congress elect, as he carefully surveyed the field prior to the Presi dential Election, concluding in the former case that by a considerable majority the House would sup port greenback redemption, and in the latter case that the nation would elect SEYMOUR. Now, one of the first votes taken is given in the above tele gram, and though the correspondent would say that he wrote of the incoming not the outgoing House, yet a glance at the list we published Dec. 5 of the old and new members will show their identity ; at least half of the former Representa tives being re-elected. These, too, are the best men ; those of greatest influence, who have deve loped the most talents, and possess the highest de bating qualifications. It is reasonable to conclude that the feeling of the incoming House will be shown pretty distinctly by a body so constituted, and those who suppose that this vote is only an expression of opinion of a Parliament at its last gasp know little of Congress—for in reality it in dicates correctly what the 41st Congress will do when it assembles. Englishmen are under a delu sion who think that the Representatives now oc cupy a somewhat similar position to that held by ANDREW JOHNSON. So far they do that the present House will not outlive his Presidential term, but it will be succeeded by a Republican Assembly, composed mainly of the same members, not men similar to, but the identical persons. if ANDREW JOIINSON walked out of the back door of the White House on the 4th of next March, and came in by the front door, his case would not then greatly differ ; but as ANDREW JOIINSON disappears into the backwoods of Tennessee to be lost in a cloud of obscurity, while many of those who cast their votes for or against the resolution we now discuss will be debating measures as national legislators, the case widely differs. Of course to us this resolution is gratifying, and we only find fault with it for not clearly expressing how the payment is to be made ; setting that question at rest, beyond the power of the enemies of the nation to cast doubts thereon. But we cannot expect such a sudden jump, and we rejoice at the wisdom displayed in thus giving a slap on the face to detractors, and those, such as the Philadelphia correspondent of the Times, who have lost no opportunity of endeavouring to injure the credit of the United States. While anything against that credit furnishes a text for a hundred leading articles in the English Press, uo one adverts to the resolution telegraphed. But, strange as it may appear, the men who habitually detract from everything American, and do all they can against the weakest point, are American correspondents of London papers—not Englishmen, but Americans. The weakest point—the more shame to the United States —is the national credit. Credit is a wea k point. with all who profess to have any, for it is easy to shoot shafts over a wall and assert the hug of the game which no one can see, wh ile there cannot be attack in reply, and an id le shot may explode a magazine ; but the poi nt of the shame is that the United States is plainly t° the eyes of all the one nation of the world wh° from a material stand-point is above suspicion °' being able to meet all liabilities ; yet who has se played with her great gifts that she stands below the credit leavel of the South American Republics. Yesterday, after the above had been written, th e 7 imes published an article on this telegram. The subject would have been difficult to handle by 3 paper less practised in swinging round the circle , as the resolution is in ludicrous contrast to ths , statements of the Philadelphia Correspondent al in its own lead er s. Th e Ti mes asser t s that " all the American correspondence of all the British press for many months past has been un der a vast common delusion;" but if so, the more credit to for our readers, at least, know, that that 66 deltl" sion" found no place in our columns. Indeed,. w ° have done all we could to expose the errors of the Philadelphia Correspondent, and to show up his Pr e ' dictions by bringing them to the test of even' Often we have been impressed with the conviction, so contrary to the general sentiment were his views) that he wrote for the purpose of influencing th e market ; and if we are harsh in even hinting at this, , the truth is undeniable that he unscrupulously us ed the greatest organ of opinion in the world to di'" seminate false notions about America. To give an i , 11 ; stance. When the Erie Directors operated on Go w ' as elsewhere described in this paper,they sent,the pri c° up at abound, and this happened just after GRANf S election. Pointed remark was made to the rise in th e correspondent's letter, of the significance of whic h he left his readers to judge,insinuating that the r i ' e was wholly owing to the insecurity caused by the Republican triumphs, while he knew that the ele c ; tion of GRANT had strengthened every i n vestrO o t in the United States, and had given firmness , a ithon f g o ; the tone of every market North and South, the operations of a clique of speculators had/ the moment, deranged values. As we anticipa ted the Times takes hold of the ambiguity of the r es " ° , lution, as well as of the fact that the practied question cannot be dealt with by this House, assert ing " that whatever this Congress may have to sal o e: , it is a declamatory resolution, and nothing 133°r rio Our readers will see the necessity for the answ er the have already given. There are also remarks i n r , article far from the truth. " All sorts of d e P a A tures from the letter or from the spirit of the bl:; have been freely ventilated, not only without lo_l3 of credit to the speaker, but even with assert cal advantage." Now we deny this, and 0 the reverse to have teen the case, of 174 ' Mr. PENDLETON is the most conspicuous 00 „„ —P eo et , who, had it not been for his financial her ee tbe would have been the Presidential Nominee o f . Democratic party. BUTLER passed through 3 rri 0 ing ordeal even to his face of brass on the l ot account, and he would have been defeated had he nb i. been unequalled morally in " pluck," and with lity which makes him lead wherever thrown. truth is, although the Times cannot see it—n r o this surprising in writers who do not make An le 4 o a special study—that the leaders of the n ation tb ' eit decided on returning to specie payment, and.,, o f are not such fools as to neglect this opportuDn'e•Trito strengthening the national credit. Specie par li ti a settle all greenback redemption theories, Pu t • (l e such questions out of court, as the plaintiff and,..da fendant are then agreed. It is, in fact, the 110 solution ; and if some ill-advised men in the VII' r , States have used greenbacks as a handle to de . r t' to ciate the national credit, surely the others ongia„zo use the intended return to hard money to neu tral the effect.—A nglo-il merican 7 jaws. CHRISTMAS No VE LTIES . —The novelties reps'' for the festive season by Mr. Rimmel of the Strand this year the most tasteful and ingenious that have o been presented to the public. They take every varfe i J ti c t, form, many of them will produce the greatest merrin le 'y, and at the same time add a new pleasure at every lu e party at which they may be introduced. Amongst hrr will be found bouquets of the most charming descriPti,"o, each charged with a miniature perfume fountain ; others ; t0 taro surprise fans of great beauty ; and as for the ornaui v , is for the fitting out Christmas trees they are to be fonu"sro endless variety. All the characters of the pantouabOttoci pressed into the service, and here we find Harlequi n . 0 0 Clown transformed into gardeners, with their 041 ; filled with the most delicious perfume. Christmas l'i 3ui f r ,o , abound, and as for comic heads,. ladies' cigar s, 1 : 0 0 , fancy boxes, and baskets they are in endless profus'ro, The articles for presentation are really superb and ° Ooe priate, and amongst the more valuable is the Inag ie ,ical tree, which is, really a splendid present. The ulu:i0o, scent casket is a very ingenious and elegant conabf o3 ; u pt and as it can be had for one guinea, its sale will no 1 3 ief be very large. The perfumed satin glove and handice r e ly sachets are of exquisite workmanship, and the deli s'ais, ornamented fans are equally beautiful. The brillfO t e o. play is open for public inspection, and a greater treat as • not be given to the young folk home for the holiday's t, 11 ,10 visit to Rimmel's establishment, which, at this par t : c .,:oo season of the year is positively overflowing with ttr of the most exquisite taste and sweetness. tb ° At a meeting of the Council and Clergy ° f 0 London Diocesan Home, held this day (Dee. 2141 ,0 4 Willis's Rooms, the Archbishop (elect) of Canterbury oed presented with two addresses, both beautifully illun°iu an d on vellum, lined and covered with the richest s°' ag• bound in antique Russia loather, with massive gil t C ' , A f The one was lettered, "Address to the Lord nfel3°ll , 0 0, London by the Council of the London Diocesan J ,11 A % 3 0 00 The other address was accompanied by a very b an— oty patent A B C despatch box, in rod Russia leather, ° ro of mented with gold lines, massive gilt handle in cent bor o top, surmounted with the monogram A. C.is the handle the archiepiscopal mitre ; below „it, oo raised Gothic letters, " Archbishop of Canterbury eo th interior is fitted with every dainty device, the instrunior lock, hinges, &e., being all ablaze with gold. On an ci ct r os mental gold plate is inscribed—" Presented to his f , o ll' the Archbishop of Canterbury, by the Clergy of the 'itia don Diocesan Home." Both the illuminating and Wr ier° of the addresses, and the manufacture of the bo a ' executed by Messrs. Jenner and Knewstub, of St. JO /- street. 1) 1 ° at° [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Henceorth no one will doubt th e • ki.,oes properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta.:soiabS Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of er d be e it has already received from Invalids whose position 11 ,, roY'l deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness weesrAe, whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thief v et o unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the " G ee s Midi," July 25th:—" Rome, J uly 21,1866. -The health Of ''„ r esa,." Fathr is excellent, especially since, abandoning all othe',, s jerq dies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's I le ,' rati Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at fre . (o,o,', It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his %f his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too hig.ist6,..,,`'i extract a few out ofmore than 68,000 cures:—Cure No. ' 1 "„' the Marchioness del Brehan, of seven years' liver oo,Thoti.3, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous Ploss !Is all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and m a rtthe, tolerable nervous agitation. Cure No. 1.771: Lord poL. - Decies, Lord-Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' all"; No. 49,832: "Fifty years' indescribable agony from diLso, o nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency , ,,;s; sickness, and vomiting —Maria Joly." Cure No. 46, `A' James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 3 0 years' disease'. I',; spitting of blood, liver derangement, and pariial deafUe, tlO,O portant Caution—Beware of the many unsavoury and retellig sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Bar°° name is most audaciously attached. „ . i o u ctr In tins, at ls. lid.; 1 lb. 2s. 9d.; 2 lbs. 4s. 6d. ; 5 lbs, 1— 0' .—A O 225. ;24 lbs., 40slso Du BARRY'S REYAL ENT AARABICAI 4 L ATE POWDER is packed in tin canisters ; for 12 cups at .`"i6C 1 !,,r,1 cups at Is. 6d., for 48 cups at Cs., for 288 cups at 305., for . i t fr c e a t 555. —being about ono penny per cup. The 30s. an. " t are sent free of carriage in England on receipt of P e ed Lo Orden—BAßßY DU BARRY and Co. No. 77, R e gent-stye" d o n; and all Grocers and Chemists.' leo s, Births. JESSEL—On the 19th inst., at 49, G or d on -square, - 0 Jesse], of a son. —On the 16th i ns t. , a t P ar i s , the C° 11/11e65 PULIGA tO Puliga, of a son. th Roo—On the 19th i ns t. , a t D uncru b P a rk, Per k the Right lion. Lady Rollo, of a son. Marriages. „ to 0, ~13 1 0 , 4 0 BENSON— TAWKE —On the 14th inst., at 1 , -e,1ip , ,0 Starling M. Benson, Esq., 17th Lancers, to P of Hannah, eldost daughter of Arthur Tawke, E S 'i' 0 Lawn, llochford. As . Jro M'CuTcnEox—D'AncY— On the 18th inst., at r''';'ol o ` 3 o f :M'Cuteheon, of London, to Catherine Lucy J 3 ,l"lat ° daughter of the late Lieut.-Colonel D'Arcy, r. - - 'loan) Mead, Lymington, Hants. Deaths. A 0 )30 CROUCH—On the 19th inst., at 26, Lansdovvn° 4°' ei e Henry N. Crouch, Esq., aged 25. FORSTER—On the 19th inst., at Palaco-gate 0' 1 10 ;:l if singtou, Elizabet 18h Forster. prl)i , GRESLEY—On the th inst., at Shipley nail, ..-- Thomas Gresley, Bart., M.P., aged 36. j.;;11 01'w VERE—On the 20th inst., at 20, Park-lane, LadY Hope Vero, of Blackwood, Lanarkshire. 00 lit London : Printed and Published by WLLLIA 3I ,5 - 141) go 0 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Offic 3 ', lo oo Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Ilictilosex.—Tuesday, December 22, 1863. tale Aul the the Lac Las Bar For ev© i -oLd and Str& Flee Men Witt 105, 5 , T Adv the , full I at all ord e , tra,d, Co , Si Na+i .£B7f Will the 1 titre( Go T PI Trel solic exp, at 1) I _,_ i T' fessi weel bin e , estal nispc and Lad, Can: A' ten( St Tref u ncic Whey Girls tile k TIT; L B ], , and 1 'wise !mita Tli entir, AEA and cui stuar t... 0(A ; Wale fro m flatitl( Ly