The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-18 00:00:00

.1 ver, 139 st 6s tail' vet® 'ost, a of the lato, 455.....• --.4-,0.4-.4041644,44144 11.44•4•44,444,4 had o the lengthened pe r i o d th at t hi s Ch ore ! ad existe n d in this country, and that throughout overt e° untry in Europe State endowments had been the universal s e, he was convinced that it would be better for soeiete that such an Establishment should have a permanent exist ence. Ile had beta astonished to hear some Hon. Members atibsctlraareettih;tinretilnatee,ntion of voting againA this measure on the and yet conceding that it was a measure calculated to conciliate the affections of the Irish people. He did not think it necessary at that time to argue, that the !node in which the measure would work would carry out the Intentions of its promoters, but as an act of grace he thought it e werthy of the Goe ' erninent, and n which would he received with gratitude by those for hom e w it was intended. i h as( ecr. ) lie could not help thinking, that it we e v e hewn better to have made a permanent provision for the nsh clergy, instead of merely giving them for stifles of education, and having adverted to that he must say, that he held nothing in common with those who sought to advance Pr otestantism b y prevent i ng the education of the blushciCatholic priesthood, and he sho u ld as a P ro t es t an t to think t h at Protestants, in carrying out the truth of their itro principles, s h ou ld wish to be placed on the vantage und le order to compete with the Roman Catholic clergy. He thought that Protestant ministers were not less able to re a pproach the truth with power, and with energy, and effect. a s on, educated Catholic priest. lie had n w stated the rhiet which note induced hint to sup; ort this m ea su re, but he n epuldonclude with out stat i ng that other reasons of a more ;:tetrhaaltcharacter had influenced him also. He could not for red iniainnythe period he had sat in Parliament no question for having reference to Irish ecclesiastical polity had been conia.l - of liberality. Now, for the first time Italy is "it earliamentary recollection, he found the leading men wihu th the Prrties into which that House was divided, cordial d ly ftneurring in the policy to he pursued with regard to Irclan . He would hes:tate long before he w ould, although differing in Polities from those who - promoted this measure, take any step s eerehe wou ld overturn things i as at present constituted. They that toldat this by an Hon. Member in that House (Mr. D'lsraeli ), was the first time that the Right Hon. Baronet at ti th t : ci h n ead of the Government used language so liberal in intro- Ie g any measure to the notice of the House, and they Were n:edit,t? mark their sense of the chang . e in his policy, by resist_ rne'rit this measure withuut any reference to its intrinsic every .ipleentvleetrhnatng, agreed with the Honourable Member that ent should . act on settled and fixed that they , _ a„ it was neither creditable or desirable the fa s ten should do otherwise. He could not forget deepgs engendered in Ireland-feelinga which had ce s r un o l - . 4 ,, in the minds of that sensitive people-when the p e th uu ns Act was before that House. lie remembered well tha. th e Str e ri elth of the Conservative party was directed against th e Pleasure, aid when they found at last that resistance to but Popular opinion was perfectly impracticable they gave in, spirit in i n a generous or noble' spirit. Not with the tone or to nhich this measure was tendered to the Irish people. , iejetta_dmeired not only the spirit will which this measure wa ., ivi t h7,_lle table, but the temper and the tone arid the language R ight ntch it was introduced. He was glad to hear the (s ir Gum Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland say,_ and li lt . ?ti e ,: , e ur ge Grey) perfectly agreed with him, that the one, p r i r ,l ) ,Le on which Ireland could be governed now was the Gartentotation. Thecouldthe Secretar State for the Home rie_,Partwient had riot yet spoken in thisdebate, but he (Sir G. Righ t ogled that before - it cloned he would do so-that the 'alle n• Gentleman must be anxious to show that he_ cot. (o euneurred in the new spirit, which had come over them e t he rea i: eh "ring and that he ` would not stand in the way o. Policy towards Ireland which the Government was p e r t e t - , away toio carry out-that he would say c ouitt r something to s i m n o itt, expression which had been much criticised ,his ott l e,, sa 3 .i n Y i t , The Right Hon. Gentlemin must reeol.ect. said That tfiCi. that conciliation had reached its limits." When he_ i n 1° measure had been tendered in a generous and confid 4te he was sure that it had been accepted by the Romane hrtiViernbers of that House in a kindred spirit-they had htnot b o • a generous forgetfulness of the past, and he could ‘ se:Zwt believe that the First Lord of the Treasury, who hest er of c ontrolling, in a g' eat degree, the votes of a large a uis .ri of those who followed him, would carry out with their Co lonel thp liberal measures he had so auspiciously begun. w ords "el SIBTHORP rose to address to the House a few brae h "Pun tea very important measure which had been th e A t and he would claim the kind indulgence of ditteeZuse when he acknowledged that he felt an increased p arti m7 in thus presenting himself to the House, arising the l j d. l . "°M the unfortunate attempts he had matte to address no t " r ing an earlier stage of the debate ; and though he did ro.eturorefess to be a nervous man - (Laughter )- he felt in some th e , a considerable degree of alarm in rising to address te en He intended to suppert the amendment which had th et Proposed by the Hon. Member for Newcastle-namely, day ,ixe se cond reading of the Bill should be taken on that his most tu hs. He had, during the last sixteen years, given oppositto decided, most determined, and most unchangeable the Big ht to such measures as that now proposed by the Honourable Baronet. But that was not bongs "1Y reason why he rose to address the brotiec-i Laughter. ) He had another reason. He had been be en b h : uP in th rinciples of the Protestant faith-he had a nd he t ?tlght u p env he principles of the Protestant Church . - sthi e h i nPed he had never treated the subject with that levity Co r k . lelil,cl received from the Hon. and Learned Member for /sari ' , hen he considered the great powers of mind and the iandgindediri!dtatlhenntsse f the Hon. and Learned Member, much as he °talents and that learning, he could not lielp feel dueedrrantreed that that Hon. and Learned Gentleman intro seuaughter House minters totally fcreign to the 4uestion. -tea book thel.)h He d uced a book-( Great laughter) tinued laughter)-e-(aCeobnloonkeltb the compilation of the HonSatibbthnorwp2uthdadnenveerverrea-(.0 read-perhaps aroduced quotations from jut a t nd his quondam friend.- . 1 24 tickle the appetites of th and Learned Gentleman himself rbeat laughter.) When tn he lea i se ook, no doubt it Ih_tirrespautation of being well abitosen cßeoars of laughter.) The I ber had 0 1 % . t of laughter, In wh Who wanted ne to b A w e as e t nt ickl p ed.- 4 t and et L t e e ar d h table in a roar"- ' nf . uthe.-.and in the courts oifelhawMhre. h oS at es l r el ge i:i P te t d A f i r u o r m phy the gravity t raerridluußes--for, after all, judges were but men-a dreeo heartily . teSir,rietrtheleuhich ill beseei d the gravity of the bench. t. ~ -on. and Gallan n t e G ntlernan, qUotati n °- oefitting the lion Gen e tleman to have read those ` ' al uabl I say it would h b ave ness-where he is no doubt a very entertaining and - I.Peerhapse,ufseentrber-at the Beef-Steak Club.- (Loud laughter.) , arn ed (3 fart I have been told, that . the Hon. arm rLetepere elitism:tan visits that Society because it is founded on rarnedue.ee ti rseiples but, Sir, I have seen that Hon. and Ino ti l d s , Ititl e Gall man sometimes ' when he has appeared, what rae rnh no fair specimen, as far as temperance goes, of the t itles eer °t hat So (Loud laughter.) These quota- Ito one „no, Pave th 'l 1.1%,e, w,'_" told better there than within the walls e t 4 ° reli gion "ere matters were highsk that tens which he to entertain, as I being discussed touching upon professes ii e s t eittirntgion for which f profess . the strongest and the his' , were and such a grave • ati °n. Sir, I say, that in this H . ouse such quota t-ulect as Itit.nrnY opinion, most nubeceming t 'e be en t "at whit') was then before the douse aught Hon. and Learned 'All em reated in such a manner b the Sir, I never pick, 4 Aaine, considering the station heoccupies.. e au glit e . s r e rl Andrew of myself in this House.-(Roars . of elegy '.: ' 11',Ithnaenversaw on the stage, at any time, a greater tee n ' t srldre e . rtt Y 4 Illade of hil know I know h utY to rase • Sir, the t Honourable - ' and iny Le d a u r t n y e - d Gentle -Itie ate are my Sovereign -and I reverence my God. the Ye t act _gard for my Protestant fellow-creatures,. and I will iiilye faiie:;.neartic(t,htahepart as will be hurtful to their feelings. . Sir, u %it tar and Learned Gentleman thought proper in that , House was covulsed with laughter by ered th is one in which the Hon. and Gallant Member de t4eh ' s unfinished sentence)-Sir, in that book he first Pi eti u Pon it es t Lord the person of the Right Hon. Gentleman the ei te that Ri ght the • Treasury•-( Great laughter.) "ases ' li ght lion Gentleman, Sir, to take wile., notice M 41 "it .I will . leave . haven ot w i th ~ (Continued laughter.) Oh, Sir, I quer y,' .g d o the Honourable and Learned Gentleman for ;h'thin the done thi. I trust, Sir, that I can stand up ereseFeertwalls-of this House-yes , Sir, and I trust else hisentle telll Of whatever quotations that Hon. and Learned 'flan h a 1 inane sto present, and which his present and perhaps fr- less of arn friend may recommend him to introduce- ea ra tter whatever remarks he may make with regard to my cha, roleau..e gartdr_ue.t...Sir, I must naturally suppose, for I have 4001 editiot; h i !_o uld 15,. .!!' feeling that the Hon.. and Learned Gentle % _ v e u w riter niA Z o t• n ne most proper person, if indeed he has it not of al t r h eadY-perheps he has-to be the editor of H --(Great hat book, which I have read as a boy at laughter_ )-I mean Joe Miller's Jests. That 4leltirearuictl Learned Gntleman will permit me to say, but I ,„ l e ic !nethi n e Will or not I'll say it-(Loud laughter)-that he Gall he thing u t support of that religion and of , that measure t d e all" (professed to be so warmly attached. The Hon. an that `reutternan went on to say 4 Protthat lie deeply regretted !°hadviser f estant Itlinister of the Crown, and the confidential aveae, °Protestant Sovereign, should, he would say dared, ' 0 the f ee lrnught forward such a measure as this, so repugnant terprie, d i, re of every Protestant. He had been very much C han ' le- "Y the sp e / 1 f the Right Hon. Gentleman the h tl it ie e ' re el tt 7 ef t he Ex e cheq o uer , who represented the Protestant h pl ace °, Cambridge, and who had stood . up in 8 1 7 PPort . and said that he should give his cordial ,hat Right to t h e re measure before the House.-( Hear. ) o t t' 4B wh ig i ll ee t ",uns Gentleman had treated the numerous peti t-lan% e , a ,'".' nad been presented against this measure in a hr e lbar t h","leh they did not deserve. The Right Hon.. Gen "' teed a : - . said that those petitioner ; wished for the annihilation beli e, elnical i nstitutions altogether. He (Colonel Sibthorp) ser e i e f a that the petitioners had no such wish. Churchalreitnd Passed, would go far to establish the Popish in O h l p ' and would be a great step towards the demolition of %h rotestant Church. From the speech of the First Lord N e i Trealury, no one could tell whether that Right Hon. he n , 'erten was a Roman Catholic or Protestant, or a Ma iligitiu,ede.an.-( Laughter.) At no distant time probably the bee ei ; lion. Gentleman would be found sitting on a cross l atieh t in the proud position of a Mahomedan.-(Great all l r• ) He (Colonel Sibthorp) confessed that he had lost UN tlitudenee in the Hight Hon Gentleman. He was stepping alee4tjangerous ground . This ' hasty measure had spread clis nepo%;lr°gh the country. Already did the Hon. Gentlemen be neh 'te be to flap their wings and look to the Treasury the sees---( Great laughter.) The Right Hon. inchGentketa.n sitn;;Pille Secretary might smile, but he was not so safe is t eed ea t°4 as he thought he was. He (Colonel Sibthorp).in teseW" of course to give this measure his decided opposition. 1 Rill I sit down continued the lion. and Gallant Gentleman, thatl tell the ' Hon, and Learned Member for Cork Ile tell., entertain no ' malignant feeling towards him. he i,"'" rne to take what be said in good humour. I hope hope,he Psr.ePared to take what I say in' the same spirit. But I er, . Ir, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whenever . he t . sohje'et'ais House, to speak on such a grave-such an importer!, this i f as this, will at least consider that there are men in tik es ° use who regard their religion with veneration. These t rtti are not the times of revelre. These are times when the thei r '''. Public look to the House 'of Commons for a defence of whilights th ei ' . ll they and liberties, and for a defence of that faith in lion:, feebl;:voehb:en instructed. These are not times to turn bior_ Petitions into ridicule. These, Sir, are my honest opts too feebly - expressed ; and I tell the Rigtit t„ Gent eman at the bead of the Government, that I will to a s t ‘ r "PPort him. I will never support any man in a measure toeePPetirt which I believe would be contrary to my duty to my atteh reig n __ l Laughter.) 1 never will support any man in for c4a„nleasure; and though the lion. and Learned Member th a h ik told me that I would sooner sacrifice my principles ete:re ',4"e(Roara of laughter)-1 tell that Hon. and but had "entleman that I would rather not only be shaved, test en ie rnY head shaved off, than forget that I am a Pro eh band the faith in which I vvas educated.-(Cheers. ) kelt "itGKSTONE addreeled himself with considerable &f -I:at f Yindentitth pain to the question before the House-with pai••, Ot e d , tg e it h . is duty to differ from those with whom he usually P;toe th .•ll with difficulty, seeing the importance of the ques olvect h ad to discuss. It had been said that this measure esegi eee no piinciple. He did not believe that the people of i „iste,,, " were so stupid as to combine for the purpose of re e f the moth a measure which involved no principle. He thought r t tle h ouse new principle was involved in the measure before ‘ o ttlie c il t e• , The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Coventry 0. ep h :ee) had declared that Parliament was about to enter had eat,: the The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool le ek ;'‘ tne unfortunate word .. restitution." Now, he (Mr. 4 1, ° *. pr3i,e)sroald ask, whether restitution d id not mean that some te h 'Y iet t _P i e was involved in the measure then before the House? apt titan' told that by principle they were hound to continue t o Ai CI, e r e f used tYnOOth: Year after,year the grant was opposed, Ctrl to in af h b 0 ,.,. vote against it under the hope that was hell t,sde "sntrig it the following year. An attempt had been 411 ‘tut lan t° C e , d e r aw an analogy between the maintenance of the hol t hd""""lie priests in Ireland generally, and the chaplains 111 11:ea t C ni w a °l lL,fri oases.. T her e wa a vast distinction, because 10 14 placer e re ednotantly in the went of re. l es' ,ad d on po., ligiee t a consolati n. It (ea, Jett a question whether T:laynooth was to have twenty or thirty thousand pounds a year, for no matter how it ha,! been disguised by the Government, the real principle in the measure was the endowment of the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland. He could not support the motion of the Honourable _Member for Sheffield, because he did not understand the idea of plundering one Church for the support of another, but he did understand that if they adopted this measure it would become imperative on them to endow a second State religion in Ireland. Disguise it as the Government might, that was the principle. Let theta adopt the plan which prevailed in Scotland it they liked; but to suppose that the eeople of Ireland wsuld submit to have two State religions in the country was quite absurd. Mr. RICE said that many of his constituents had opinions very strongly opposed to this measure, but he would state, in as few words as possible, why he should not act in accordance with those opinions, but should give his support cordially and sincerely to the measure. He did not think that the question before them was whether they should endow the Roman Ca tholic priesthood, but nhether the grant should be effectual in giving education to th priesthood of Ireland or not? He could understand the observations of those Gentlemen who bad constantly voted eonsis'ently against the grant, but he did not understand why they voted against the increased grant, who had given their support to the grant on former oc casions. The Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down touched two questions ; first, as to the question of compacts, lie did not understand whether there was a compact or no'. But he knew that statesmen who had many years' experience re commended the increase of the grant as an act of justice. He also said that there was a new principle in the increase of this grant ; but lie was of the opinion of the Hon. Secretary at War, who said that there was no new principle involved in the increase. Some also objected on religious and conscientious grounds, but he was not going to yield to any in attachment to the religion which he believed to be true; he would respect their opinions and conscientious objections, but be could not disregard the feelings and religious opinions of his fellow sub• jects and fellow-Christians in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Others objected to the measure, on the grounds that it would tend to increase the number of Roman Catholics, and to decrease the number of Protestants in Ireland. He denied that the Bill would produce such an effect, for by making them more en lightened men they would make them more enlightened Christians, and it could not be contended for one moment that by making them more enlightened they were rendering them less susceptible of becoming converts to the truth. Nothing could be more injurious to the Protestant Church in Ireland, than the existence of grievance's on the Roman Catholic side. Nothing could be more prejudi cial to the Protestant religion in that country, than the suppo sition, nn the part of the Catholics, that they were treated with injustice. If they wanted to see the grateful feeling with which the Irish people received the measure, they had only to look to the Irish representatives, who in the House expressed their gratitude for the Bill. Looking upon them as the repre entatives of the Irish feeling on the question, they found that feeling better and more extensive than their most sanguine expectations led them to hope for. Were they prepared to take upon themselves the responsibility of refusing a measure which had been so proposed and so received—were they prepared with a refusal which would have the effect of disuniting the United Empire ? He eras not so prepared, and he would give his vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill, which his con science and his judgment toll him was the right course. Mr. PLUMPTRE said that he confessed that he approached the consideration of this subject with considerable pain and anxiety. He was in the habit of hearing remarks directed against him by ti e Hon. Member for Kent, which were not. at all of a pleasant description, and which may have been in.. tended to give great discouragement to him in the defence which he was about to make of Protestant principles. lie confessed that theugh they were unpleasant, they had not dad the effect of crushing his feeling, and the desire which he en tertained, of maintaining the course which he intended to pursue on this question. The Hon. Member for Lambeth se-id that from the petitions which had come before the House it appeared that this question was considered by the people of England as one of vital importance ; ho agreed with the Hon. Getitleman that was the view taken by the people. If it were not a subject in which religion was a part it was a matter to him of insignifivance, whether they gave a certain sum of money to a certain college in Ireland or not, but he felt that it was a connected with t m h o is st ß i i t l n l P We r r ta e n t g e He had heard of a meeting which ha d latel y been held in this u i e n 3 t t C rcerit"ShoefnthheePsraowteFs'toawntelEossetlayblished Church. great eity,Tn theceonve caneeielbsyi theen,and that m magistratefirsteeting was tt ofthaecein ded city, who hy presided all the great eaentdiugbarnekseerlsu,tiaennds were er adopted traders ofw which greatcity. c w a e t r e e d , r t e o l g a i e e , e , e r t t a e i p n a a x t t i e n n n t . , o —( f c a e x i r es l ig n i f o N eh o a , ra n c o t . e , r ,) , a n i l e a dhvao d e h t ea e r v d er a y n e, H ,e o e n t n Is g l e m l d b e u r peexnp thisress g d u i s e s s e t n i e t e , , b r u e t h gh.i hofi w o a u s l d t h say q e t t . lion and the only one, and he believed he might say that re l eant ,wthhei which , fi e,. o d n h i e n e n t h a i s m c a e s e e t i h n a g d h t e a l k d e n i n ass I t o h i e f t o h u e r c t i r t u y m t p heatre ri s l , leading s i s r, l7ssre features • em oadfethaagtadinissetutsh,iiesnrawsurerere; pa,n,lditiweshaitntwreordeuetehe this d me asure were two w there ? No ; nothing but a religious aspect alone features n f c t h h a e raterised the proceedings, and formed the leadingdiscus sion.nntsetdn extenso, and which, therefore , became Parliamentary papers; Amidst some hoiefhthheadpetit been i°n s o ordered presented e ag pr a i t and he would ask were not those petitions well worthy the con sideration of that House? He ( Mr. Plumptre) had had the pleasure of presenting hundreds of petitions to the House upon various occasions ; hut, amongst the m all, not one was there that more deeply affected a relig ious q uestion than the present.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He d id not understand why, if the present Government were deter mined be upon carrying this measure, that a different cou rse shou ld adopted towards Ireland than was pursued in other countries where ti n Roman Catholic religion was endowed.—( Hear, hear.) Russia, Austria, Spain, and other countries, there was a wholesome control exercised over the Catholic institutions ; and, therefore, be would ask, if the Roman Catholic religion were to be endowed in Ireland by the Government, why the Government should not have some control over it? The Hon. Member then read some passages from a pamphlet en titled " Maynooth, the Crown of the Country," which he con tended supported his arguments ; but the low tone in which he read the extracts, as well as that in which he spoke, rendered it almost impossible to catch the connexion of his sentences. He continued by saying that if evils did arise from such a state of things as he believed would follow this grant, let the Go vernment remember that they had been warned, and made ac quainted with the difficulty in which they had been placed. Nothing could be further from his intention than to give pain to his Roman Catholic neighbours by any expres• sions he should make use of ; but he felt he had a duty to perform—that duty he would fulfil no matter how painful to him. Ho had heard the Noble Lord declare, that he did not believe that the Roman Catholic reli gion was the religion of Anti-Christ; but he (Mr. Plumptre) should say, he regretted that he could not agree with the Noble Lord. He had heard a great deal from the Hon. Mem ber for Canterbury ; but he (Mr. Plumptre) begged to tell that Hon. Member that he did not want to take advice or counsel from him. The Hon. Member concluded by declaring his determination to oppose the motion. Mr. TRELAWN Y said he would support the measure of the Government ; but, at the same time, he should say, he wag averse to the endowment of any Church Establishment; and he contended that the further the Government went in making such endowments, the deeper they became involved in the difficulty. But as an endowment was to be made, he would contend for it, that in this instance much that was useful and beneficial would follow. There was another argument, that this would be an induce ment to agitation, and that other Dissenters would demand endowment. But he thouoht there could be no parallel be tween the case of the Roman Catholics and the Dissenters of England. The priests of the Irish Catholics had been perse cuted to death—a price had been put by statute upon their heads. This was a persecution to which the English Dis senters had never been subjected. And he further agreed with those who argued that if the union had never taken place the Roman Catholics of Ireland would before this have ob tained more than the Government now proposed to give them. From all considerations of Justice and expediency he would support this measure—no matter what unpopularity it might involve. He was glad that the Right Hon. Baronet who brought it forward did nut shrink from his purpose in consequence of the taunts which had been cast upon bins. The Honourable Member for Shrewsbury had attacked the Right Honourable Baronet for his inconsistency, but the Right Hon. Baronet was very consistent in the way in wbich he treated the past adulation and present a.btFe of the Hon. Member.—( Hear, hear.) The argument that the mea sure ought to be rejected on account of the inconsistency of its proposer. was worthy only of the Member for Shrewsbury and Fielding's philosopher, Square.—(Hear.) For his own part, he gave the measure his hearty support.—( Hear. ) Lord COUItTENAY had weighed well all the arguments of those who opposed the measure. They could not oppose it on principle, so long as they allowed a grant of a smaller amount. Looking to the physical destitution, and the spiritual wants of the people of Ireland, he would ask would that House do its duty if it did not, to the best of its power, promote the educa tion of the priesthood. He thought it was a duty of the Impe rial Parliament to effect that object. But that was not his only reason for supporting the measure, but he thought also that it would have the effect of binding the connexion between the two countries, and promoting the happiness of both.—( Hear.) Mr. WYKEHAM MARTIN was in the same predicament as the Hon. Member opposite, who had been required by his constituents either to vote against this measure or to resign his seat. But he thought the measure of so much importance to the good of the United Kingdom, that he felt it his duty to support her Majesty's Government. He thought those who supported the regium donum to the Presbyterians could not, upon principle, oppose a similar support to the more numerous and more impoverished Roman Catholics. He did not see why they should ask the Roman Catholics to contribute to the support of the Protestant Church, if they were not, en the other hand, willing to give something to maintain the College of Maynooth. It was painful for him to be obliged to differ from those who sent him the memorial, for many of whom he entertained great respect, but he fell that the step he was taking was the correct one, and he was deeply convinced that he was only acting according to his duty in supporting the pre sent measure.—( Hear.) Mr. H. M. TUITE would support the measure of the Government, as an Irish Protestant Member, and he begged to remind those Hon. Gentlemen who spoke of the Pro testants of Ireland, that there were a great number of Irish Pro testants who were in favour of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that the measure of the Government would not only be an advantage to Ireland. but to the empire at large. He regretted the acrimonious feelings which had been exhibited during the present debate, and those who accused the Government, and talked of being deceived, should remember that the Right Honourable Baronet gave ample notice of his intention with regard to this measure—( Hear, hear)—though he had not done so with regard to the tariff and other measures upon which so many in that House were interested. A great deal had been said of the conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy, but it was only last Sunday week that he heard the clergyman of Christchurch, St. Jo'in's-wood, request his congregation, both gentlemen and ladies, to come down to the vestry-room after the service to sign petitions against the Maynooth grant. When that conduct was pursued by a Protestant clergyman of the Established Church, be did not think that they ought to be so bitter against the Catholic clergy of Ireland for allowing the use of their chapels for political purposes, especially as here they had Exeter-hall and such places to hold their meetings in. He thought that the Roman Catholics would feel deeply grate ful to the Right Hon. Baronet for this measure.—( Hear. ) Mr. CAREW (Cornwall) expressed his intention of voting for the present measure, though he had presented petitions against the grant. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Kent, that the question had taken a religious complexion though he deeply regretted it. He thought they owed some thing to the people of Ireland ; and they should not forgot the trickery by which the Union was brought about against the consent of the majority of the Irish people. He did not sympathise with those who thought the present measure would destroy the Established Church in Ireland. He could not see how the affording of increased education to the educators of the people of Ireland could have that effect. Lord LEVESON regretted the tone of bitterness used by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincoln. He did not think he was called upon to enter into the consideration of the ques tion, how far the Government deserved the censure so liberally bestowed by these who sat behind them ? It must be evident to every one that the Government had begun to regret the line of policy which they pursued when in Opposition. He washed to drop that subject. He felt anxious to support a measure, which he really believed to be good i n it se lf ; an d w hi c h h e bought good, because unaccompanied by any injudicious and harsh re. Motions, and btoause, from what he had mon of the Age of the country, and from what he could hear from the speeches made in that flouse, he believed no other party in the king dom could carry such a measure, except those now in power.—(llear, hear.) Allusion had been made to the length of the debate. He thoueht it a matter of regret thet the debate was so lenethened, because a favourable oppor tunity was afforded to excite what he believed to be the con. scientious, hut at the same time misguided feelings of a large portion of the British public. He regretted that clergymen had on such occasions considered it to be their duty to raise ,uch feelings in the minds of their floc:-s —feelings of hostility and towards their fellow subjects and fellow Christians. —( Hear, hear.) But on the other hand tho debate which had taken place in that House must go far to assuage those feelings. Ile thought that when the public read speeches, such as that of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Devonport this evening—speeches delivered night after night since the debate began, it oould go far to create a favourable impression of the Government policy. When they read the report of the speech of his Noble Friend for Dorsetshire—a speech admirable for its tone and temper towards the people of Ireland, and a speech which, while opposed to the measure, appeared to him to state in the closest manner the anomalous state of the religious instruction of the Irish people at this moment, and which demonstrated, in the most logical manner, that the step to which the Government had come was the most equitable basis for the religious instruction of that portion of the people. He thought that when the English public saw that some of the advocates against the measure were obliged to have recourse to the poverty of the Irish church—when they saw advocates, not the least able, refuse to urge an argument which had been urged on the House on every previous measure, when a benefit was about to be conferred on the Irish people, namely, that if the Governrne it persevered in such a course, England would lose its station among the nations of the earth. When the public compared the speeches made upon both sides, he thought they would nut long continue in the present state of excited feeling. In his opinion the chief boast of Eng lishmen was not their commercial prosperity, not the power of the country in war, but the a( knowledged superiority in the civil liberty of the subject. And were they to be told that a step in the direction of toleratien would degrade Eng land among the nations of the earth? The Noble Lord tl e Member for Lynn, in a speech which he thought good in itself, but better as an evidence in the present generation of a more kindly sympathy felt by the Irish Protestants towards their Catholic fellow-subjects. That 1\ oble Lord, who had supposed the case of a stranger visiting that House, might have carried his supposition a little further—that a stranger had actually visited that house—a great statesman— whose high intellect was known throughout Europe, who, though a Protestant, had been much among Roman Catholics, a man eminent fur high reputation and great learning, and phi lanthropy, and who would consider religious denominations of all torts on the same comprehensive and philanthropic basis a man deeply studied in the principles of the British Constitution, and if he had sq_ppos.ed such a stranger watching the debates, would that NoblWLord not have blushed for shame to find the Imperial Legislature of this kingdom disputing about a miserable pittance for the religious instruc tion of a portion of their fellowesubjects.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) [The Noble Lord alluded to the Duke de Broglie who, on a former evening, was present during this debate.] For his ( Lord Levison's) part he cordially approved of the measure, and would not weary the House by bringing further arguments in favour of it. He was sorry for having trespassed so long on the attention of the House, and thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to him. Mr. R. SPOONER said that if be had consulted his own private feelings he would have given a silent vote, but as the representative of a large community that felt deeply on the question, he considered it to be his bounden duty to state, as shortly as he could, the reasons which reluctantly obliged him to oppose the Government. He did not. treat this question with any feelings of bigotry, neither did he mean to treat it as a mere money question. He treated it as a question of a reli gious principle to which he would adhere as long as he held a seat in that House. He agreed with the Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman who had spoken on a previous night, in the view which he had taken upon this subject. He divided the opponents of the Bill into three heads. The first resisted it because of the increased amount. Now, he thought those who could vote for the small sum could vote for the larger. But there was certainly this broad distinction between the two grants, that whereas the one was only annual and under the control of Parliament. this was perpetual, and removed from that control. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer had added that Parliament endowed the Roman Catholic Church on a former occasion. He (Mr. Spooner) denied that this was the case, and he made this dis tinction, that whereas the one Bill merely enabled Roman Catholics to endow with their own money, this Bill would endow a Roman Catholic establishment with State money. The second class of objections he could perfectly understand. They went upon the voluntary principle, but he could not see how any Honourable Member who entertained such views could vote for the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) To the third elms of objections he declared himself zealously, firmly. and conscientiously attached.—( Hear, hear.) He had a strong religious feeling on this matter, and never would con sent to endow the Church which, he really believed, taught doctrines dangerous, unsound, and unscriptural. Upon this subject he must open his mind freely, and declare that he never, never would consent to the endowment of a Church which, in his opinion, was dangerous to those to whom its dangerous doctrines were taught doctrines so de lusive, and a Church which, at the hour of death, instead of administering to its followers the comforts of religion led them to trust to an awful delusion.—(Loud cries of " Oh," from the Opposition.) The Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to mistakes in translations, but this step was a delibe rate sanction of error, not an accidental encouragement of mistakes in translations; and they were voting a sum of money for the purpose of teaching doctrines which they conscientiously denied, and believed to be full of error, and to which he trusted the House would never consent. Looking at the question as a political one, and viewing it on the grounds advanced by his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, he could not see its utility, although he firmly believed the Right Hon. Gentleman and the Government were actuated by the best motives, for what else but a high sense of duty, and a desire to confer a benefit on the State, could have induced them to make such sacrifices ? He, therefore, gave his Right Hon. Friend full credit for sincerity and honest motives, and he trusted the same credit for sincerity and honesty would be given to himself. He would give an extract from a speech of a de parted Right Hon. Gentleman, one which had been quoted by his Right Hon. Friend, not, however, very fairly quoted, for the Right Hon. Gentleman had left out a most material part. He could not mention the name of that departed Right Hon. Gentleman without regretting that some younger Members of that House had spoken of him so slightingly.—(Hear, hear. ) He (Mr. Spooner) had known him, perhaps not so intimately as many Hon. Members of that house, but he was sure that all who heard him would concur with him in this, that if a conscientious discharge of his duty as Prime Minister—if a life devoted to his country—a man who met with his death at the very door of this House in the execution of his office—if such claims as these did not call for generous remembrance—if a conscientious discharge of all social public and private obli gations, which reeommended him to the veneration of all who knew him—if all those claims did not entitle his memory to respect, he feared that few public men could hope to receive it.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Percival said that "he disclaimed the odious principle of intolerance ; but he observed, at the same time, that the memorial of Roman Catholics, which was the foundation of Maynooth, claimed no pecuniary relief. The Roman Catholics promised to defray all expenses themselves, and though Government and Parliament had given 8,000/. in aid of the object—(" Mind," said the Hon. Gentleman, " Mr. Percival did not use the word perpetual")—that was ne rea son that the country should be subjected to constant and in creasing demands for a purpose for which no precedent existed in Rey ago or country that of educating a priest hood differing widely from the Established Church."—( Hear.) He conceived that they had, on the present occasion, begun at the wrong end. They proposed to educate the priests, and they said that the educated priests would enlighten the people. If he really believed that they would be really enlightened, he confessed that much of the sting would be taken away, though that would not justify him in voting for the present moasure. But they would be disappointed in this expectation. If they educated the priests they would require to pay them. If they did not pay them they would be obliged, as before, to go among the ignorant and the poor, who had not the means of paying them. He would ask what, under these circum stances, must be the nature of the machinery which the Roman Catholic priests must use—what but exacting from the super stitious ignorance of the peasantry what they would not other wise get from them, spontaneous charity. The House might depend on it that the people would not be enlightened, for ig norance was the parent of superstition, and superstition was their very means of support. They had not been able to draw from the Right Hen. Gentleman any declaration as to whether this was to be a final measure, or whether they had in contem plation some future measures of a similar character,--( Hear, hear.) He had well oh-erred whether the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer would reply to the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Dorset, but the Right Hon. Gentleman answered only satisfactorily upon one point tied that was, nothing should induce them to touch the funds of the Established Church, but not one word did he say relative to the payment of the priesthood. He ( Mr. Spooner) thought that this would furnish a very bad precedent, for the Government might come down at an after period to that House, and using the same arguments as in the case of Maynooth (for they had already broken down the prin ciple), Bay that they would pay the priests for them to carry out the objects which they had in view when they intro duced the first measure. The very facts of the case enabled every Member in that House to draw that conclusion. The Ministry seemed to be acting upon the principle of giving the se boons by instalments, and he thought that the people of Eng. land had a right to complain that they were likely to go further and further until the Roman Catholic Church should be regularly endowed. Let them go to every populous town in England, ju stly stated his Hon. Friend the Member for Warwickshire had stated the other night, let them go to that county or to his (Mr. Spooner's) part of the country, or in the neighbouring counties, and there they would find schools, colleges, and seminaries for the very purpose of creating congregations by a display of pageantry, by a lavish expenditure, and by the at tractive character of the services they placed before the people. If they had no other objects than to gain congregations, why not commence where the congregations really were ? Why not themselves establish schools and colleges and seminaries in Ire land ? Why came to England and lavish their money in search of congregations ? Ignorance was the grand work on which they reared their superstructure. He would now allude to another part of the subject; but he would merely allude to it in a few words, and he would quote on this subject the illustrious individual to whom he had already referred. The Hon. Member then quoted from Hansard a speech of Mr. Percival in 1408, in which he deprecated the idea of making the grant to May nooth a perpetual one. He now came to a subject which had caused him great surprise on the previous evening, and which merited the earnest attention of the House. The Noble Lord, the Member for Newark, after stating that in the remarkable work of Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, it was stated—" that whereas by all other countries, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic, in which the Roman Catholic religion was acknowledged, and sanctioned, and supported by the State, every precaution was taken, and every safe guard was devised, to secure the temporal supremacy of the monarch against the Roman power—in these realms alone no such precautions were taken, and that Isere alone was free trade with Rome.' The English nation," it continued, " pays for Maynooth, and the Pope governs it ; shall not the nation either cease to support, or the Pope to rule it ?" The priest takes avow of obedience to the Roman Pontiff; the bishop swears to maintain the Papacy, and to preserve the rights and royalties of St. Peter; the archbishop may not exer cise his sacred functions till he has received the pallium of Rome. Priests, bishops, and archbishops, are all the vassals of Rome, rather than the subjects of Queen Victoria, and yet it is to them that we make over the exclusive management of the establishments for the education of the Roman Catholic priests." Those were the ;premises. He had admitted them to be true; but what was the conclusion at which the Rev. Gentleman and those who agreed with him arrived ? —to have nothing whatever to say to that enormous power which they themselves admitted to be so greatly influential and formidable. It was a case, in his opinion, for a course of con duct totally different. He would say to these gentlemen— " Admit frankly and freely into your union and intercourse that power which you acknowledge to be so great and exten sive. Accredit a Minirer to the Vatican—receive a Nuncio at St. James's—and see whether you cannot thus do what you never can effect if you continue by the most miserable and childish weakness to ignore the existence of a monarchy which was great before England was a kingdom, and to which is yet was ilia over thestate e m v e e n ry t icohntremendous s. su h i p p or er t m io i n tte o d t t y h ottr e ezeyracsitsedo9fmsinu --, of the Noble Lord. Yes, the Pope was strews, and they in England must submit to him. He was foPoeecrin the same argument by the Hon. Member for Canterbury. The whole of his speech in substance was,' do that which absolutely con tradicts the Coronation oath ; that which is subversive of the constitution of the country; that which, if ado; fed by her Majesty's Ministers, would render them liable to impeach ment." He would tell the Right Hon. Gentlemen below him that the country expected from the Government an entire and unequivocal renunciation of the doctrines propounded by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear.) lie thanked the House for the attention with which they had heat d him in the exp ress i on of hi s honest op i n i ons . Sir J. GRAHAM said—Sir, the Right Hon, Member for Devonport has expressed a wish that the debate upon this question should not pass without some declaration on the part of my Right lion. Friend at the head of the Government or of myself, as to what the ultimate intentions of the Government may be on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) It has been complained of, on the other hand, that this debate has been too much prolonged. (Ironical cheers. ) Sir, Ido not think so. I think that neither the Government nor the country has reason to regret the prolonging of the de. bate.—(Hear, hear.) Because, Sir, I feel thet in this moment of excitement—in any moment of the greatest excitement—an appeal to the feelings and understanding of the people of this country never fails to produce the best results— ( Hear, hear) — and, I believe, that the appeal to their reason in the very matter of this debate has already produced the best results, and that the feeling which we are, not beginning, but carrying out— ( Cheers)—is triumphant —(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Renfrew has stated that if we had foreseen the storm which we were raising, we would not hare pursued our present course. But I beg to assure the Hon Gentleman and the liouse, that this preposition has been deliberately, earnestly, and with forethought of all consequences introduced to the consideration of the House by my Right lion. Friend and his colleagues. Sir, I deplore, as much as the lion. Member for Birmingham can deplore, the division which this question creates upon this side of the House. Sir, it is deeply pa'nful to me that there should be any division—it is deeply painful to me that we sh ou ld l ose ( I hope the loss will not be permanent) that we should lose for a time the support of those gen tlemen who, upon this side of the House, have declared them selves adve rse t o t hi s proposition.—( Hear, hear.) Whilst I deeply deplore the loss of their support upon this occasion, when we propose to the House a measure of great importance, and one which upon our responsibility we could not fail to propose, and we must not hesitate to persevere in. I think it is our duty to redress any real wrongs of which Ireland has to cemp!ain.—( Cheers. ) And Ido not hesitate to say, that this measure is a commencement of a better state of things.—( Great cheering.) s must say still further, that I am confident, that if we did not lay the foundation of that better policy by this measure, any other would give way.— ( Cheers. ) But what are the arguments on the other side? My Right Hon. Friend, the Member for the University of Oxford, argues that the effect of the measure will be to damage the Protestant Establishment in these realms— whilst the Hon. Gentleman, the actual if not the virtual re presentative of the University of Durham, opposed the measure because it was calculated to perpetuate that Establishment. Yet, Sir, I have heard no speech so conclusive in favour of the measure as that of the Hon. Member for Durham, who spoke so fervently against all establishments and all endow ments —(Cheers.) But the Hon. Member at the same time admitted that if it were not for his opposition to establishments of every kind, he would support the measure for its conciliatory tendency.—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Member for Edin burgh charges me with inconsistency as a Member of the Go.. vernment, in supporting this measure.—(Hear, hear.) He says that the policy which we have hitherto pursued has been to uphold the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland.—( Cheers.) Now, Sir, observe what is the answer of the Government to that accusation.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") The various accusations against us repel each other, and many of them refute themselves.—(Loud cheers.) Some Gentlemen have told us that we were conferring greater strength and permanence on the Established Church. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin says that the clergy are reduced to the most grievous state, by the measures of those now in opposition to the Government. Well, what was the first mea sure which he mentioned, as an instance of our inconsistency? Why, the Church Temporalities Bill. But that was the mea sure of my Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies.— ( Cheery.) The next was theTithe Lo C rd om s p t o a s i i l t l i e o y n a A n c d t. my T se h l a; also was introduced by my Noble Friend the Se c r e t ar y f or th e Colonies. The measure was adopted by the G o v ernmen t of Lord Melbourne, in 1834 ; and being in Opposition, gave it our most strenuous and decided support.—(Cheers.) Of what other measure does the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin complain ? Why, of the national system of education. That also was the work of my Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies.—( Cheers. ) Another Hon. Member complained that in all offices strangers were preferred by the present Government. Is that the fact? —( Hear, hear.) When vacancies occurred upon the bench, we preferred to the bench Pennefather and Blackburn, and Lefroy and Jackson..—( Cheers.) But these are not the accu sations against which I think it most difficult to defend the Government. But allow me to tell the Hon. and Learned Re corder for Dublin, that if he thinks the day when Protestant ascendancy could be maintained in Ireland is not yet passed, he is mistaken.—(Great cheering.) The day is passed— ( Renewed cheering)—and I will not be one to attempt to go. vern Ireland upon his principles.—( Very great cheering. ) Now, Sir, I think that so far as my consistency is concerned, I have stated enough to show that uniformly, whether in Opposition or in the Government, I have endeavoured to act steadily up to the principles as enunciated by us in the Temporalities Act. Again, in the scheme of national education, and practically in principle, by the Tithe Commutation Acts. With respect to the Hon. Gentle men opposite, I entertain but little difference with them, for I have never expressed an opinion as an individual that I was at all opposed to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland. That point was raised repeatedly. 1 think it was raised when I was in Opposition ; and I am quite sure it was raised two or three years ago ; and in the course of the dis cussion the Hon. Member for Kilkenny said with respect to the endowment of the College of Maynooth, it was an arrange ment to which he would not give his consent. I stated then that it was my belief, whatever might have been the circum stances which et any former period would have rendered such a course impracticable, and although there existed an unwilling ness on the part of the Irish clergy and the British public to maintain such an institution, yet my own private feelings and judgment would not then prevent me from mak ing such an endowment. A slight differarce, however, has always existed between me and the Noble Lord opposite, namely, with respect to the propriety of withdrawirg the funds for endowing such an institution from the property of the Protestant Church Establishment in Ireland. Upon that point I have a decided opinion, and I have endeavoured to adhere to it uniformly, and I still adhere to it, because I have an insuperable objection to such an arrangement. I repeat, I have never swerved from that opinion—l have ever kept to it, and certainly I will not give it up now. Now, Sir, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Belfast, in common with many other Hon. Gertlemer who have addressed the House in the course of this debate, has referred to a particular expres. sion I used in - my place in Parliament—not when in Opposition, but since I have assumed office. It was used by me in 1842, during the discussion on the Arms' Bill. Now I will beg the House to remember the circumstances of that Act. I have stated that some time before a discussion arose relative to this institution, in the course of which it was announced to the House that it was the intention of the Government to fulfil a pledge which they had given in Opposition, to bring forward a measure for the regi s t rat i on of county vo t e rs in Ireland, and for enlarging the el ec ti ve f ranc hi se i n that country. It had also been announced on the part of the Government, that they intended to take an early opportunity to bring in a Bill relative to the regulation of the municipal franchise in Ireland. That measure was conceived in a spirit which we had hoped and believed would have been most satisfactory. Well, we redeemed all our pledges, given while we were in Opposition, with respect to taking precautions against the con tinuance of perjury w hi c h m i g ofht follow a de fective registra tion. We took certain precautions which h ad the effect preventing a great amount o f per j ury i n Ireland. We brought were introduced, and almost co-existent propositions,ch they diretfitodseamndeassuetrtelsedwhpircihnebirpoloulhatntdheinctohuenty franchise upon a measures were brought forward of a very different character, certainly, on the part of the Government. It became their duty . I did to revive the Arms' Act, and certainly upon that occasion make use of the expression which has been attributed to me, b but really Ido not think it altogether fair that I should su..... taunted now with having used it, seeing that it Ta m tie . ciently explained in this House soon after it esea d Pe lreland e l ad The expression I used was " that concession towards w ifh ye t a h r es i e wwhi that that had already reached its utmost limits." I saidhaye a. Opposition ex pression, and I regret having used it.—(Loud interests of a cheers.) I say more, that where the feelings and expression was explained. I will do more. Jdmit that ! say I am sorry the part of a Minister is a serious offence. l can only say that for having used it. I deeply regret it, and m heart, my at nation are concerned an intemperate or ungarded expression on upon my conscience, and from the bottom 0f d... 2 (Loud cheers. ) tachment to Ireland was better than my r_ Now, Sir, J am bound to say, very much ex pression the public mind of Ireland h be av e e a adverted, after they ex cited, and the measures to which I n otwithstanding they had received the Legislative sanction, and ish of the people of were introduced for the relief and at the w The Government last year Ireland, were all but rejected. that aftv:rentlehad used this sits on the opposite of by an Honourable Member who the Noble Lord—the the House—l think it was measure which, without Member for Tiverton, brought in State aa direct endowment of the proposing on the part of the acting upon a suggestion which had been thrown out Roman Catholic clergy, enacted some thin g which was less t ro duced by the willing con sent•ob- jectionable in principle. It was in tion of the wealthy landlords of Ireland, and enabled them to leave property to the Roman Catholic cler gy and co-opera which would progress and gradually reach endowments— (Hear, hear.) I say her A ajesty's Government directed their attention to that sub j ect, and we introduced the question into this House after g reat deliberation. l The measure certainly produced an effect which far exceeded . must tothat pro d ucti ve ineasurean o d f, th t e h y e and be Individually a portion of the Roman our expectations, and which satisfied us. It was a measure Catholic clergy had been opposed gwrheiacthestwouiwould possible b e with great force and strength. On the resisted it for a time . other hand, it was supported by of t o e t ( t i iersthe clergy boldly and firmly, and they had co-operated with usefulthe Government T in effecting and carryingmeasure... he d were divided • in opinion wi th hierarchy of Irelan d :e eit in o g urseivestha th e t re h e wasßo man measure, but the majority of them respect to that Government in earl. • prig the measure have since aided the followed by, Previous to the Bill which is now under the into operation. h sof Ireland contemplated , Catholic archbishops and bis op . _ sought for an in d the question then, for the first time crease of this grant, an s . . me, presented itself to us.. h t there . •►et e —t a was nothing inconsistent wrong i runty no thing n P Protestant Sovereign, or to the Pr with our duty to our os , consideration of the HoNuvsee. testant Church in Ireland —to increase the grant, because it was not like a direct endowment.—(Hea r , h ear .) No ! we were certainly not prepared to endow the Roman Catholic clergy directly h ; ut here is a particular grant which the Roman Catholichierarchythat there say, "If you will extend we will accept," and seeing r t duty tore e w on as ee n d oloh jection to it on principle, we thought it . ou gratefullyit. We . give it and the Roman Catholic clergy accept it. We ' le it is not only justifiable , but •t. contend that in principle of the measure ex pedient, and hence the origin we are now die- Honourable Friend cussing. Now, Sir, my don the the Member for Dublin has com m en t ed Friend the Member for Edinburgh', Right Honourable the money question of this grant who has, said that but Hon. Friend the Member for Bir minghamwas unimportant, my . considers it of great importance. Now, Sir, I must ofthe Right Hon. Gentl e man the Mem bersay that the argument . oint was • for Edinburgh on this . p put possibly with rnore it appeared to me to than his usual force; and . . be perfectly In the question which we are now discussing, triumphant. the letter at least in the spirit something there is though not in , t h a n the additional sum of money. B ut, as I more important said before, thatif r s a rt of th e . question has been triumph an tl y disposed of.—( ea • e Now, wi th respect to the reli •sp I admitth at, •in the year 1785, w h en ous part of the question. .Maynooth was first founded —first recognised by a Parliamen taryligious question was then raised, whether a vote, the religious question and Protestant State should establish endow a seminary fur the Roman Catholic ; exclusively teaching .. . - priesthood — in short, at all interfering with their ' religious dis c ipline ? I conceive that to be a grave religious question, and I believe it was so considered at the time, or Lord Kingsley would not have been sent over to Ireland in the room of Lord Fitzwilliam, who had held out, in his speeches as Lord-Lieutenant, expectations to the Irish people of larger concessions than the Government J4;VENING, APRIL 18, 1845. was prepared to give. Be it observed that the elective fran chise had been given to the Roman Catholics of Ireland two yell s before, and when we remember the great numerical supe riority of the Roman Catholics of that country over their Pro testant fellow-subjects, I must say that even at that time it was ch•ar, what experience since has proved, that that fundamental concession must, sooner or later, be the groundwork of the largest extension of civil and religious liberty. But to return to the circumstances of 1795. Lord Camden was sent out to supersede Lord Fitzwilliam; and, although he was nut autho rised to go the length which Lord Fitzwilliam had gone in the promise of civil equality to the Roman Catholics of that coun try, yet he was distinctly instructed to propose further indul gers. es to her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in that country:; and within ten days of his arrival, his first measure, after con sulting Lord Chancellor Clare; Agar, Archbishop of Cashel; Foster, the then Speaker ; and Sir J; Parnell, then Chancel lor of the Exchequer, was to send to the home Government, advisedly, the draft of the Act of 1795, which endowed the Col lege of Maynooth. The home Government deliberated upon th proposition. My Right Hon. Friend stated that the Home Secretary at that time was also at that time Chancellor of the University of Oxford • and it has been most cor rectly stated that, bef o re ihe measure of 1795 was adopted by them, the Government draft of the Bill was submitted to the Archbishop of Canterbury. It is im possible to conceive more calm deliberation upon any matter. Well, that Bill became law, and it proceeded in dis tinct terms to endow the College of Maynooth as it is now es tablished. Yet it is said that we are now discussing for the first time a Bill which recognises by vote the ex istence of the Roman Catholic religion and hierar chy in Ireland. But, Sir, I deny that proposition. There is nothing in the constitution of this country which ren dered it impossible, impolitic, or inexpedient to endow a semi nary set apart for the Roman Catholics. Without the inter ference of religious education, the Government directly recog nised the Roman Catholic religion as existing in Ireland with its hierarchy. How do I endeavour to show that ? First of a.l, if any bye law was made respecting the College, it should come to the Lord-Lieutenant, who had the power of giving it his veto, end when it was thought expedient that trustees should be appointed, Protestants were appointed as rustees, as well as Roman Catholics ; and on account of more interference being displayed in the affairs of the College by those who were Protestants, it was ultimately thought expedient that they should be abrogated. But to show the connexion between the State and the College of Maynooth, it is only necessary to show that every bye dew must be submitted and has been for fifty years submitted to the Lord-Lieutenant for his sanction ; they submit a bye-law and he can veto it, and it can only become a bye-law by his having given it his veto--(Hear, hear.) A president of the College cannot enter on his ts• ties without his having been acceded to by the Lord- Lientenant. I held in my hand a return which was laid on the table of the House of Parliament, which showed by the re gulations of the College of Maynooth, according to the bye laws, the number of students receiving endowments, for they were fixed to a certain number, which had been distributed amongst different Bishops of different districts in Ireland, and there is further stated in this return from Maynooth the name of each student and the name of each diocese. Now here is a bye-law sanctioned by the Lord-Lieutenant and laid on the table by order of the House of Lords, showing how the Roman Catholic religion and its hierarchy were recognized by the State. It is stated that all those who object to this grant on account of the voluntary principle might entertain a double ob jection in this case because the grant is about to be increased. Ido not think that that reasoning is very effective, and if there is any principle in the objection on the part of the Protestants, that principle is violated by the application of the public funds to numerous endowments in the colonies ; they are not only given to the orthodox Presbyterians, but also every year we are in the habit of voting a sum to the Presbyterian establish ment in Scotland, and to the Dissenters in the Hebrides. I think that there are no religious grounds for objecting to a practice which has for so long a time been uninterrupted. I will not rely on a compact, that has been already argued; I do not think that there was a compact, but I think that there was a nominal engagement which the Parliament ought to recog nise. Some state that there was a compact, it transpired after the Union. It has been shown that a compact existed for twenty years, and, at the expiration of that period, the matter was reconsidered, and the Government, by the adoption of the endowment, bound themselves to the contract again. Whether it is the matter of a compact or of an honorary engagement, I think that it rests on the strangest possible grounds ; but I do not wish to rest it on any such grounds.—( Hear, hear.) I look upon it in this light, that seven millions of the population of Ireland profess the Roman Catholic religion.—( Cheers.) I differ altogether from the Hon. Gen tleman who has just sat down ; he said that the Roman Ca tholic religion was an awful delusion.--( Cheers and laughter. ) I agree with the sentiments laid down in the admirable speech of the Hon. Member for Devonport ; I am a sincere uncom promising Protestant; I am not ashamed to be a Protestant; hut still I cannot for a moment imagine that the Roman Ca tholic religion is an awful delusion.—(Cheers.) I remember that it is a Christian creed, that it is the creed of the great majority of Christians—( Hear)—and though there is an impor tant difference between the Protestant and Roman Catholic religion, yet we agree with them in the main points, and to say that the Roman Catholic religion is an awful delusion, would be the destruction of every religious hope. Ido not deny that the policy of Great Britain to that country has been at different times cruel—(Cheers—but the people always ad hered to their religious tenets most uninterruptedly. Penal laws, penalties and privations have be-n equally unsuc cessful in destroying their religious feeling. The Roman Catholics are now the great majority of the population of the people of Ireland, and are one-fourth of her Majesty's subjects in the United Kingdom. You cannot 'interrupt them ; but they are now willing to accept this small boon in aid of the education of the clergy who are to be spiritual advisers of the greater number of the people. Can we then refuse a grant so accepted and so offered on the grounds of a religious princi ple ? On the contrary, I think that the religious principle has been settled fifty years ago. We cannot refuse it through pecuniary motives, for such would be beneath our contempt; it is nothing for us, and it is everything to those who receive it. I will now refer to what was stated by my Honourable Friend with respect to the institution itself. He commented on the miserable appearance of the professors and students. Why do you keep them beggars and then blame them for being so?—(Cheers.) They were, after all, the clergy of the people, and they must be taught.—( Loud cheers.) I do not believe the assertion that they be long to the lower grade of society. They are drawn not from the lower class, but from the middle class. They are trusted by the people, and they perform their duty to the people. There exists the power of constant visitation, and we have communication with the president, who inspects the seminary. Mr. Fi ankland Lewis, who was the head of a Com mission to inquire into the system of education in Maynooth in 1826, assures us that he was for two days present at the College examination, and that the curriculum of ecclesiastical education was such as to ensure honours in any of the English Universities. The facility of turning English into Latin, he says, surprised him, and that, as a literary seminary, it is by no means to be despised. Now, let me ask some Honourable Members who have opposed this measure upon grounds affecting the interests of Irish landed proprietors, one or two questions. Suppose that certain Mem bers of this House happen to be Protestant landlords, and that they have a Roman Catholic tenantry on their estates, I would ask these Gentlemen would they prefer an uneducated population to take charge of the cultivation of their estates, instead of a number of well-in formed, educated gentlemen ?—( Hear, hear.) I be lieve I need not wait for a reply.—(Cheers.) I will not go over the various points already discussed before this House upon this subject, for I should only weary the House by doing so, without perhaps strengthening my argument. I shall therefore content myself by saying that I have the strongest and deepest conviction that, such is the feeling of grati tude in heart in the Irish people, and so keen their sense of being laid under obligation for fa vours conferred, that they will thankfully accept this measure as a boon, and that the result will be to bind them to this country by bonds more enduring than any hitherto known, and that the union between the two countries will become more lasting than ever, because it will now be consummated by the blessings of happiness, peace, and good feeling; and I hope happier days for both countries will: be the result. I do think, besides, that this measure will tend to the better security of the Protestant Church, both in this country and in Ireland —(Cheers)—but I deny that a refusal of it will have any such effect.—( Hear, hear.) There are many ether important ques tions before the Government in reference to Ireland; but this is one of the most' important of them all, and, therefore, I tell you that, after having deeply and painfully reflected upon it, I feel satisfied that no proposition of the State could be brought forward, the rejec tion of which would be attended with more dangerous conse quences to both countries.--( Loud cheers from both sides of the House.) I have listened to the speech of the Hon. Mem ber, who may well be called the father of this House—he is a Gentleman of great and many years' experience, and one of undoubted authority upon all questions upon which controverted opinions may exist.—( Cries of " Hear, hear".) That Gentleman has stated frankly and fairly his opinion upon this subject, but he has also stated what he considered to be the justice of it more strongly than he has upon any other measure. And what did that Hon. Mem ber say? Why, that he came down to the House last night, and declared that though no circumstances could compel him to give a vote upon such a question in favour of it some time ago, yet he now felt so convinced of its justice and necessity, that he never gave a vote that afforded him more sincere gratification, and therefore he gave the measure his most cor dial suppo r t.—(L ou d cheers. ) Some Hon. Member behind me has laughed; but I say this is no laughing matter; it is a measure introduced to this House, after having received the approbation of her Majesty, and above all, it is one that will be received in Ireland with feelings of the deepest gratitude ; but the rejection of it would be attended with results that would spread the greatest dismay in that country, and the greatest excitement in this.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. MACLEAN next rose to address the House, but he was speaking for a considerable time before a word he uttered could be heard in the gallery, owing to his own low tone of voice, and the continual noise kept up by the incessant crowd of Members, who thronged the door-way, in their eagerness to leave the House. He was understood to say that this proposition of the Government had placed the country in circumstances of great and peculiar excitement, for he contended that the proposition was one which involved a violation of principle. He would ask, was there a doubt upon the mind of any rational man that the result of this measure, if carried, would be, that the Government would be called on to pay the Roman Catholic Clergy ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not speak in any hostility to that Church. He would not advert to the arguments respecting the destitution of the Catholics.—( Hear, hear.) The measure now before the House went to prevent the evil of which his Hon. Friend had complained, and he had asserted that it was the reasonable result of this measure that they would riot send the Catholic priests into the world to live on the eleemosynary provision of their flocks; that if they intended to make them gentlemen, they should not leave them with the prevision of beggars. He had been much astonished at the speech of his Right Honourable Friend the Member for Ne wark (Mr. Gladstone), who, in the course of his communications with the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Government, seemed not to have understood the reasons on which he left the Cabinet, or at. _least not to have made them clearly known to the House. If the plea were to he put forward, that this grant was to be male in considera tion of the number of the Roman Catholic subjects of her Ma- jesty, on what principle, he would ask, was it that they refused endowments to the numerous congregations of Dissenters? If the project introduced by her Majesty's Ministers had been merely for the improvement of academical education, he (Mr. Maclean) conceived that no objection would have been made to any such relief to the Roman Catholic subjects of her Majesty in Ireland. But when the advantage to be con ferred on the College of Maynooth, was not only to place it on a level, but above the position of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, it was not to be wondered at that in that House great opposition should have been offered to the mea• sure, nor could it be matter of surprise that the clergy of the country should have been opposed to this grant to the College, when it was recollected what had been the opposition of the members of the College to the Church of England. And when he recollected what these doctrines were, he was surprised, thongh he could not but admire the zeal and ability which characterised the speech of his Noble Fri en d th e Alember for Newark (Lord John Manners), when he spoke of that portion of our eventful history by which:t‘hhe religion of ea these kingdoms had been settled, and whi c h he ( must look upon as one of the greatest events in the l I annalsacl n o)f, the country. The Noble Lord had spoken of the stadtholder of Holland as merely the agent of that Dutch conquest which had unsettled the Romish religion in these realms, but he must continue to think that the stadtholder of Holland was one of the greatest characters of that history, and that had it not been for him their country never could have en joyed the advantages of religious education which it now pos sessed, and those many advantages which had flowed from it. He could not but congratulate the Right Honourable Baronet and his Honourable Friend on their obtaining a new ally in the Honourable Member for Durham, but he did not think that the Honourable Gentleman was paying any very distinguished compliment to Ireland, when he derided the Protestant clergy of England ; and lie conceived that the Raman Catholic clergy themselves would not feel inclined to accept this boon as hush money ; and lie thought nothing would be felt as more insulting than that this should be thrown to them as a sop, and as hush money to abate their agitation. He had, indeed, no hesitation in asserting that this hush money would act neither as a bribe nor as a reason to induce them to forsake that which they felt to be their duty. What he would ask on this point, what was really the case, and what had been the cause of the foun dat on of the College of Maynooth. It was notorious that it had been projected and established for the purpose of prevent ing the increase of democratical principles. It was hoped that at the establishment of a Roman Catholic College that the stu dents for the priesthood would provide them with all the fa cilities which they required and thus I revent that tendency to wards foreign connection which had always been felt as a weak ness by England. But what, he would ask, had been the expe rience of the last fifty years of Maynooth ? Had that demo cratic feeling subsided, or was it not notorious that it had very largely increased ? Was it not notorious that the whole of the Roman Catholic clergy were at this moment in a decided and open opposition to the Government ? Let the Roman Catholic and the Protestant clergy be com pared in their allegiance to the throne, and the inquisition would soon show the difference of their principles, and he was led to believe that if their claims were not satisfied that the principles of the Roman Catholic clergy would be still more evident. He might cite the opinions of the Hon. Member for Waterford, of whom it was impossible to speak without senti ments of the deepest respect, and whom he believed to be one of the most useful Members in that House, and in saying this he intended no disrespect to the Hon. Member for Dungarven, and he desired to speak so that he should not offend the moat sensitive feelings. He told them that the course pur • sued at the College, and the consequences of that course, were alike calculated to foster feelings of the most earnest affection and delicate regard for the Establishment to which they were attached. It was known that the members of the Catholic Church would stop at nothing in propagating their faith. This measure would have the effect of establishing twe Churches, and a bullum intestinum of the most ferocious description would be the result. Let them remember the words of a great man in his dying moments—the words which he (Mr. Maclean) had heard the Right Hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary himself quote—let them remember the words of Lord William Russell when on the scaffold—" I do believe that Popery is making great strides in this kingdom, and those who wish to forward it will hesitate at no step for its advancement, and I lament that many Protestants lend their helping hand to it." Mr. S. CRAWFORD then moved the adjournment of the debate, which was immediately agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned shortly atter Twelve o'Clock. TUE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY LITERATURE. BE ROHAN ; or, 7'HE COURT CONSPIRATOR. By Eugene Sue. The stealthy course of time has effected wondrous changes, but far more marvellous are those which follow in the march of intellect. Now, in the nine teenth century, we seem to inhabit a different world from our ancestors—we can look back with the eye of wisdom, we may look forward with experience for our guide, but, above all, we can look around us with out prejudice or mistrust. The clouds of error no onger obscure the light of truth—old animosities are softened—the ill-feelings of the past forgotten—all is changed, and for the better. This is nowhere more manifest than in the intercourse with foreign nations whom our forefathers encountered only in the "tented field." A foreigner was synonymous with a fee ; while we, having laid aside the sword, are as eager in the rivalry of literature and arts as they were in the din of battle. The hearts of nations now beat in unison, and the narrow rivulets which fertilised each separate land, now flow in one broad stream of intelligence, diffusing the knowledge of each for the benefit of the whole. This must be ap parent to all who turn their attention to the literature of the day. Works from the English press circulate through the world, and we see around U 3 transla tions from every land where learning flourishes ; even Sweden and Denmark are now familiar, while our intercourse with France is as cordial as our enmity was formerly. M. Thiers' history was published on the same day in the two capitals, and the lighter works of fiction are translated to one language almost before they are read in the other ; such is the case with the book before us, one of the latest productions of the indefatigable Eugene Sue. His name is well known to the lover of romance, and his writings are eagerly perused both in France and England; they may have a lasting celebrity in the former country, but in England they are chiefly read from curiosity, or perhaps from having acquired the prestige of a name. The dif ferent characters of the two nations is marked in their literature—the novels of the French are like them selves, lively, vivacious, spirituel; they sparkle brightly on the surface, and attract general attention. Their chief merit consists in variety of incident ; plots, and counter-plots, intrigues and adventures may be found in every page. It is on this account they excel in comedies and vaudevilles. All our light dramatic pieces are " taken from the French." taut in the development of individual character, in portray ing the hidden working of the passions, they cannot compete with us. Our novels have generally some object in view, some point to which the whole tends, but swith them the aim is only to amuse, and to do them justice they generally succeed—leaving us to " point a moral"— their object is to " adorn a tale." Though following in the course of his compatriots, the works of Eugene Sue possess a gloomy interest, all his own. Ile has delighted to portray the scenes of guilt and misery; his heroes are men celebrated only for their crimes. By his own confession he believes that evil prepon derates over good, and he seems anxious to make converts to his melancholy creed. Such tales may suit the excited passions and depraved minds of some, but surely truth is sad enough without invoking horror from the realms of fancy. Admiring the powerful ease with which Monsieur Sue adorns his pages, we cannot help wishing that he would consecrate his talents to some nobler end than the chronicles of crime. It is on this account we welcome his new work, wear ing as it does the sober garb of history. It performs all it promises : truth is minutely followed, and the corrupted Court of the " Grand Monarque" appears before us divested of the empty splendour with which so many servile flatterers have sought to veil its faults and follies. The caustic pen of Eugene is well suited to the task, in portraying the characters of the great and powerful—not as kings and princes, but as weak and faulty men—in showing how little of real glory surrounded the " grand siecle," and how little of real majesty adorned the acts of Louis—here Sue is in his element. The hero of the tale is the weak and unprincipled De Rohan, the accomplished courtier and cowardly conspirator— " Not half a villain, and but half a knight." The chequered career of this unfortunate man, the detail of the conspiracy of which he was the nominal chief, the characters of his com panions, above all, the description of the King and courtiers, are depicted with all the vigour we should expect from the author, while its historical researches and practical philosophy render it perhaps the most interesting of his productions. In the wide field of history he will find sin and sorrow enough—let him therefore seek the aid of fancy to embellish and not darken the page of truth. HER, MAJEST Y'S THEATRE. The opera of Semiramidc was performed here last night, for the first time this season, Mademoiselle Bram billa sustaining the part of Alsace, being her first appearance here for the last two seasons. She was in good voice, and sustained the character in the most tasteful and artistically accomplished style. The celebrated duet, in the second act, " Gioino d'er ror e di contento," was encored, as a matter of course. Grisi was the Semiramide, and never was Grisi more brilliantly magnificent than she was last evening. Fornasari in Assur was very.finc. He retained all that impassicned energy which has ever been his dis tinguished characteristic, while, at the same time, he is more polished. Who does not know, and who that knows, does not admire, the Oroe of La , blache ? This is one of the many instances in which Lablache elevates a small character up to his own level. Corelli displayed great taste as Idreno, and the opera, on the whole, has never been more ad mirably represented. Between the acts of the opera the danseriscs Viennoises, appeared in the Pas Styrien, which was given with all that liveliness and precision for which the performances of these wonderful children are so distinguished. After the opera a new divertissement, entitled Kalluovas produced with the most complete and deserved success. The idea of this divertissement is due to Mdlle. Gratin, who suggested its composition in order to afford an opportunity for the display of the wonderful pantomimic talent of Fraulein Fanny Pragher, on e o f the Danscvscs Viennoises. Perrot composed the diver tissement, the scene of which is laid in Norway, and Lucile Gratin having sung several popular Norwegian airs t o Prigni, he speedily instrumented and adapted them The scene is laid in Norway at the time of h arvest, and . the following are the characters : Kaya L'Amour Hermann linud ........ M. Perrot. The following is an outline of the plot. which is as old as the days o f Anacreon has s t which, f rom manner prett ie s t i n d ls iN b er ic t b issem it' ent a that b een has trea h t e e e d h , m tb a e ke n s ov t e h l e produced for many seasons past. Ka.ya is a village coquette, the daughter of Hermann, a rich farmer. Her hand is sought by Knud, but his suit is rejected, not from any rooted dislike, but out of mere spirit o f coquettry. He offers her a ring h a a ccepts, but instead o f putt i ng it on her, fi w o ich she n,er, she passes a ribbon through it., and after playing a number coquetti s h t r i c k s w i th it, she suspends it round her neck, The esri e- •• e,lerie of Lucile Gratin in this scene was grace ful and f asc i nat i ng i n the extreme—Knud leaves her in despair. As he is proceeding up the mountains, he meets a poor child which has lost s way ; the child has fallen from weariness, he takes it in his arms, and bears it to the cottage of Kays, who tends it with the greatest kindness. This child is the God of Love himself; who seated at her feet as she is spinning, interrupts her work by all sorts of mischievous tricks. At length she seizes a birch, and, threatening to chastise him, drive him away ; and here is introducsd Le pas des Cin q Sens, by Lucile Grahn and Frau'ein Fanny Praghe r, wht.se pantomime, as Cupid, was delightfully arch and amssing. The child offers strawberries to her to please her taste. He then gathers a rose. She wishes for it. lie snatches it from her, but wafts it so near her, that, delighted with tle perfume, she is still more anxietis to obtaie it. This is the illustration f smell. She snatches it, but, in doing. so, runs a thorn into her finger, and thus illustrates feeling. The hunters' horn is heard in the distance. She stands fascinated by the sound, and at length her sight is delighted by the entrance of Knud, whom all the while she had loved in her heart. There is something exceedingly quaint in the idea of this pas, and it is most artistically and beautifully worked out by Lucile Grahn —it was delightful to see the manner in which she acted with little Fanny Pragher, always managing her own pantomime in such a manner as to af ford the child the fullest opportunity for the display of her powers. Knud determines to work on her jealousy, and makes love to the other girls. She ihen finds she really lures him. The mischievous urchin • is denounced as the cause of all the confusion, when he appears in his real character as the God of Love. A pas de six, in which Perrot and Lucile Grahn take the principal parts, follows, and in this the dancing of Lucile Grahn is trsly marvellous. She was • rapturously applauded, and in her solo part, if we may be allowed the expression, was de servedly encored. The divertissement concludes with the pas des moissanneurs by the danseuses Viennoises, which surpasses ev: n the marvels of the far-famed pas des fleurs. It is impossible to convey by words the slightest ides of the wonders performed by the children ip this pas. It is in fact a perfect illustration of harvest —they reap, they pile the sheaves, they thresh out the grain, but their operations are mingled with the quaintest devices, the most picturesque yet intricate groupings imaginable. The scene, which repre sented a Norwegian landscape, was very beaut:ful, and Kayu, it' we mistake not, is destined not merely to be the d ice) tissement of one season only, but to take its place with La Giselle, and Alma, and Ondine, as a ballet tor all time. After the belle!, Moriani appeared in the last scene of Lucia. Le Nena gave us one of the National Dances of Spain ; and the performances concluded with the last scene of Eo!ine. With such a bill of fare, it is needless to any that the house was crowded. COURT CIRCULAR. The christe nine of the infant daughter of the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch took place yesterday morning, in the Chapel Royal, Buckingham Palace, the Queen being one of the sponsors. The Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, accompanied by the infant - , and the juvenile members of their family, arrived at the Palace shortly betbre twelve'o'clock. A select circle, including the Earl and Countess of Cawdor,, Mr. Archibald and Lady Mary Campbell, Lord and Lady Evelyn, Lady Montagu and Mi ss M on tague, Rev. Lord John Thynne, Mr. and the lion. Mrs. George Hope, Mr. and Lady Caroline I)uncombe, Lord Stopford and Mr. Frederic Stop ford, Lieutenant-Colonel F. Clinton, Captain the Hon. Pere grine and Mrs. Cost, Miss and Miss Charlotte Cust, and Mr. Francis Cust, also arrived at Buckingham Palace, and were conducted to the Chapel Royal. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, and attended by the royal suite, entered the chapel soon after twelve o'clock, when the Hon. and Rev. Charles Leslie Courtenay commenced the baptismal service. The child was named Victoria Alexandrina. The sponsors were the Queen, and also Lady Montague and the Rev. Lord John Thynne. The royal suite consisted of the Marchioness of Douro, Lady in Waiting; Lady Caroline Somers Cocks and the Hon. Miss Deyereux, Maids of Honour in Waiting; the Lord Chamberlain, Viscount Hawarden, Lord in Waiting; Lord George Lennox, Lord in Waiting to Prince Albert; Sir Frederic Stovin, Groom in Waiting; Captain Francis Say ininir, Groom in Waiting to Prince Albert; and Colonel Ar buthnot, Equerry in Waiting. After the ceremony the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch and family returned to Montagu House, Whitehall Gardens. and the other visitors also took their departure. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Colonel Bouverie, rode out on horseback yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of \Vales, the Princess Royal, and the t'ri»cess Alice were taken an airing yesterday in an open carriage and four, accompanied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton. The Queen and Prince Albert inspected, on Wednesday, the Royal Hunt Cup of Ascot Races, the subject, " Brace's escape on the Retreat from Dairy." Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were graciously pleased to express their ap probation. Her Majesty and Prince Albert honoured the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch with their company at dinner yester day evening, at Montagu House, Whitehall-gardens. The royal suite included the Marchioness of Douro, Viscount flawarden, Lord George Lennox, Sir Frederick Stovin, Cap tain Francis Seymour, and Colonel Arbuthnot. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, Countess Wratislaw, and Colonel Sir George Couper, honoured the Duke and Duchess of But clench with her presence last evening. The Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden visited her Ma jesty the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. The Duchess of Gloucester continues in a favourable state. The Duchess of Kent and the Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden yesterday. A Deputation on the subject of the Portendic Claims had an interview with the Earl of Aberdeen yesterday, at the Foreign-office. The deputation consisted of Mr. Somes, M.P., Mr. Lvall, M.P., Mr. Foster, M.P., Mr. Rcdman, Mr. Harrison, aria Mr. G. F. Young. The Marquis of Breadalbane and a deputation had an in terview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the Board of Trade. A deputation, including Mr. Hawes, M.P., and Mr. Turner, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. Spotti.sw•oode and Sir John Rennie had an interview yesterday with the Earl of Dalhousie. The Chairmen of the Excise transacted business yesterday at the Board of Trade. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET CRAVEN MEETING. THCRSDAY's RACES. Subscription Plate of 50/., fur three yrs old, 6st 121 b ; four vrs, Bst 71b; live yrs, 9st; six yrs and aged, 9st 31b. D.M. Col. Peel's Little Finch, 3 yrs (carried 7 s t) (Ch app l e 1 Mr. Herbert's Ajax, aged (Sly) 2 Mr. Newton's Ma Mie, 6 yrs (Stephenson 3 The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Booth's Priscilla Tomboy, aged (Crouch)—Sir J. Hewley's Vibration, 6 yrs (F. Butler)—Lord Albemarle's The Brewer, 5 yrs (Whitehouse)—Duke of Bedford's Glen Fisbie, 4 yrs ( E Edwards)—Mr. Rogers's St. Domingo, 3 yrs (Abdale)and Lord Exeter's Deodara, 3 yrs (Pettit). Betting-7 to 2 agst Glen Fishie (t), 4to 1 agst Little Finch, 4 to 1 agst St. Domingo, and 5 to 1 agst Ma Mie. St. Domingo, Ajax, and Little Finch laid in front to the dip, where the running was taken up by Ajax , _ Little Finch . and Deodara waiting on ; they ran t h us to the cords, where Little Finch challenged, and wen cleverly by a length ; Ma Mie an indifferent third, and The Brewer fourth. Match, D.M., 100 sous. , h ft.—Duke of Bedford's Pro logue, Bst 101 b (Robinson), beat Lord W. Powlett's Energy, Bst 31b; 7t04 on Prologue. Won by half a length. Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h:ft; colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 41b. D.M. (7 Subs.) Lord Stradbroke's Idas (Nat) I Lord Exeter's Wood Pigeon 4tol on Idas. The non-favourite made running a good pace until half up the cords, when Ides went up and defeated him easily by a length. After the race, 6to 1 was offered to be taken about Idas, fur the Derby. The Stanhope Stake s of 100 sovs. each, h ft, for 3 yrs old colts Bst 71b, and fillies Bst 21b. R.M. (8 Subs.) Lord G. Bentinck's Cowl (allowed 31b) (Nat) I Mr. Bowes's Heather Bell Sir R. W. Bulkeley's Chertsey 4 to 1 on Cowl, who took the lead, cut down his horses in the tirst quarter of a mile, and cantered in, three lengths in advance. Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h ft, for 3 year old colts Bst 71b, and fillies Bst 31b. D. M. (3 Subs.) Duke of Bedford's c _by Cesar, out of Misnomer (all 31bs) (Edwards) I Mr. Batson's Dr. Lecock (late Homoeopathist) 5t04 on Misnomer colt. Won easy, by half a length The Claret Stakes of 200 soya. each, hft ; for four yrs old colts, Bst 71b, and fillies, Bst 21b. D. I. (4 Subs.) Mr. Salvin's The Cure (Nat) I Mr. Herbert's Antler 2 3 to I on Antler, who was beaten in a canter, by two lengths. Produce Sweepstakes (reduced to a Match) of 200 sovs. each, h ft; Bst 71b each. R.M. Lord Exeter's Lyons received 45 sovs. from Mr. Greville'a c by Slane, out of Morella. Produce Sweepstakes (reduced to a match) of 200sovs. each, hft ; colts, Bst 7113 ; fillies, Bst 41b ; three yrs olds. D.M. Lord Exeter's Topaz received from Lord Albemarle's Zadig (dead). A remarkably fine day and a full fashionable company. BETTING BEFORE THE RACES. Two -THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES-6 to 4 agst Idas (t) —5 to 2 agst Winchelsea. CHESTER Cur-10 to 1 taken about Ould Ireland ; no other change. DERBY-7 to 1 taken about Idas. (RECEIVED THIS DAY.) NEWMARKET, THURSDAY NIGHT. So nnai ntuhtantelm.o,uesclacneroentlyhetdraelpisanliutreas a s f h t o e r r t th li e st rac of es al t m bi o s st at - -moioTwo THOUSAND GU I N EAS S TAKES. -11 to 8 agst Idas (t) —3 to 1 ag.t, Winchilsea-5 to 1 agst K edger. CHESTER CUP.-7 to 1 e ac h agst Cataract and Semiseria— prices. n, 10 to 1 agst Ould Ireland-20 to 1 agst Trueboy (t)-12 to I agst Obscurity -20 to 1 agst Portrait —and 1,000 to 15 agst the Cure (t). DEPZBY-9 to 2 agst John Day's lot-12 to 1 agst Forth's lot-5 to 1 agst Idas-9 to 1 a gs t Al arm-16 to 1 agst Kedger-16 to 1 agst Pam--20 to I agst Newsmonger--25 to 1 agst Winchilsea (0-40 to 1 agst Annandale (t)-1,000 to 10 agst Fitz-Allen. FRIDAY's !;ACES. Handicap. T.Y.C. All -round-my-hat. Sst 1 01b—Queen :flab, Bst 41b—c by Ratcatcher, out of Turquoise, Bst 21 b—Ilartshorn, 7st 101 b Poor Soldier, ist 611). Pineapple pays 40 sot's. forfeit to Minotaur. RAILROAD TO NEWMARKET.--A deputation of the inhabitants waited, this morning, on the Jockey Club, for the purpose of soliciting its sanction and support of the Cam bridge and Bury line, rid Newmarket, in preference to the branch from Wickhambrook, proposed by the Norwich Direct Company, which branch the inhabitants conceive is not cal culated to be of the slightest benefit to the town. The Club received the deputation courteously, and heard their state ments, but have not yet expressed any opinion on the matter. MELobisTs.—There are four candidates for the prize offered by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge for the best convivial duet, which will be awarded by his Royal Highness, at the Melodists' Club, on the 24th inst. WESTRUTHER.—A GOOD DAY'S WORR.—Mr. Wm. Gibson having entered on a new lease of the farm of West. ruther Mains, and having executed a drainage of upwards of 1,800 roods during winter, his farm labour from that operation and from the spring frosts was retarded; his friei.ds, accordingly, gave on a him a day's ploughing on the :!4th ult., when 17 plo ughs lea field of '27 acres, and turned the whole over i n ecution e. of the work performed in superior style. Mr. not snore than eight hours. The turn-out was splendid, a nd Gibson enter tained a number of his friends, whoh a d so kindly come forward to assist him, at dinner in the evening, when, over a afterwards Fader. social glass, "Speed the plough," was tot forgotten.—Berteick