The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-27 00:00:00

1 0 the ------------ ore , they siiattlit,isves and saiisfactory to quarters Pes p i e °p k its heir iteerest to fawn 3i1.1 ,wont of it Q. this e " badthe '•sht to the eulde - he tpto. °entry re s .. flatter. The FSary, kigh t l. and oa this poin,t if it were 111., fleec Charles's, are nas Getr,er to the time of Henry the ..-fest tle 'and William IV., and to oar presenrt e last hiess4lBevereign, who would be one ( f the vet N,Btslosanction anything hostile to the !ee• vsyof her men t or le tt , r 's or calculated to interfere with their enioneg: oyment v the 4011 . So sacred was consid ered the right ot eis!villiam IV , P ple to the parks that in the time of ' into Ilide!'Ou'le carriages we ' re not permitted to goe with 1ett.144, where they bad formerly interfered with 4:) ,. espoleat mid recreation of a respectable thel I park li lt :. It now proposed to appropriate It ion ef . Iltpeatli,°Bo which would not tend to the re 3- t cso_ Illi et, or co d ti t toeli e i s , n uce to their a . t i le interf(r dvantaee, ' th " u slY, or socially but whie won the In -1/44 ear ieterestsho in ant the Exhibition of either _. e and trumpery te t t/ 4 all Nations, or rather of the ,the sittf4 foreign nations —(Lsughtr)— v b- which already so ,attiyii9ters• of this country had been e of the ' l trai 2„tire4 of this at the will and pleasures merely eslee'ners of Woods and Forests, who were lti s s :, e s 3° F 1110 public with regard to this property.were 1;11e3,te4 of protecting their property, they and i i lts dati seoliation and robbery. The Hoe, aiion 1 tiN kratlemar i ‘ f . e to allow the inforn,tion. ' 'kJ e for the l'elarpre as o m t e' obtaining an injunction, and esalrl44e!setl'his power°'aegainst the public right,iot b o triftitY, to prieciplo. The public would ,i i tie or iteitibtlwilll la this matter, and it was not ei such ~klsteat„°,llthe part of any public officer to make that '" se - "," Ile had been - ' f rmed and believed tte , 6slii,'4,al act •. ii a business deeply regretted to k tec t,lase e i t i bend this felt b"°"d 4, 1 0 With th a; they, however, foreigners P' 4 eti i s ;" scheme, .they, as so many e i shr to act kAsst th e '''!ell• But he would ask, was -t l ';' j ar the Ittt,6_ Wishes of th e le of this countrY t all? tita,t sales of forei e P ' it had no right here d a been tialtit teferree _,,, gners w i,,, 114, t the sale op opinion which had made i'ers '4°.sel, and the important declarations Gal. let Cate b 1 e . . well, the _ • est, Ps I and Zr,A Justice Creswell, to the con lAN 'l said he would leave the matter t hat settllosl,°„fet,lle 'louse and the Sovereign, trusting to 'Nes' "4 lkarzed Gentleman would be compelledday-, it ktt hi: t . 4141 utter his deci , ion. On a filtere d d ress be Ptrieta-st to mov ' tha, an humble a , - :t will 4 va . ideation t e ~._ e ' that her MaJeb 3 7 to tie l i Flonsly pis'elasen, praying Attorney-General a_ ti ott Is otiheti4ed to direct the proposed inferm h ar k ee i t a ° the filing of th e prop • o f any tion i t ale is Junction to restrain the erec . of d exhibition ise(ri Yde•park fur the intende , , The ettr,) 14 0 to 4'll'OßNEy_ f stat- L was desirous o been ae. tittetilhe efos GENER±k h e had t t ''lli . 14 t he co se the motives by which with . respect tisk, eirse which he had adopted adopted that tiles% 48,11)440n in question. He had . hout having dad 1 10 4 his own responsibility, without entertaining no bts tried 'or advised b one; and en-e dignified ktlrta to the Ittbjea, h Y any 'h a t the most to the !iti,iBtp.o,psesse„... e 0 thought t With respect doubt that l' e h ` 4 th e t ot (laear, hear.) be no hid' e t . t oo t s met e ore:t eon, there could hnt a matter in w dis. ittlige.tetsey_suarat.ter of form, to exercise a rt ain 11114,6)84r te ' r ,, 6 ; l , 41 had the right t rmation to asce r the l tr it was ",ng over the information consideration o .n.. ) til` ht i Thst it:4l3.roper case for thete established and i re- N ei ri, keeti e : e r ,t e i t i t noto only. Generals who had in p - the t i kta lotSt'hbat•he had beard )rii"over and over again that :tralitt,i'e courts of equity express their regretAttorney -4,6otre, Q(4 been fully brought before hn t h t e h e case he lieettoted I,°..g_ that if such had been and ,lii°tietts"e sanctioned such an back to the he ' l ees ea s been referred had been 114,..y.0ttur , es had facts .. IV,lostl, Theta al when additional. great evil which k it q o o e oeeN were various eases in which placed before . !e t 44'1 witi t ,„ ° , 4 „ell if informations were far the parties , d e t ke y se zully considering how recently re 'N,', t 0 - e,, ° be benefited, and he had the t ee ßt e' 00 infer• considering that 0 _ ,‘,. ht.. thee Broatton, d in the case f 'lke ties o ught to be redressed t the expense Sul to h e i alierity would not warren doubt, then, li t there ..aeUrree, There could be no - General. hett/14114s"sas a discretion in the Attor n ia n c e y r n i which 14tr 1447 !ndeaVOtir to explain the Illa tion signed by Ites,l geetiseged. This was an information the various Itetetrelet':ke'l ill Hyde -park, slating that the 15,141,1 p po '"ig to the Woods and and Forests, rihts and Ittiekes of Posed would interfere with the to re tit ,',' the 4 , "4! public, and praying an injunctionwas essential withtte4t eschon of those buildings. It ts connected ll tti lhe 40tteld bear in mind the inte s r e e d s the building oalygeibierer7eteida. which it was ploronpoa, ii ged, and cor tt ItteOr'etclni that thTe)h'e interests t a w t ere two—the interest interest t.elloleienkaad the interest of the üblic, the thepub. 1'4,4 tepi26ill,c; divisible into the interest f of Woods and e N t i as 47, 0 ted by the Commissioners o the public N,,,,releijistees, end that other interest of the park. )441111t of-„to exercise and recreation in a simple and ~te,;,, It 1,,„"e Crown to the park was property of the t .4 ' I-- Part of hereditary „N th, the that by anybody that et h Mit Icli ; n eenev been alleged . t from ti qr °t her 14,, t11 'd any relation be differen Crown, iiijiore, ~,-"Yel parks. The rights of the the fee bilh 0 . of thott° those arising from possessingpower of doing Isi t 't wh P4)Pert with the absolute far as that t erat it th ou 'lt,. Itas i ght fit, except Acts e ef Parliament C, t lag tb eBtraited L "hitC4l, il or -LI various , cy_ty o f the lo the "rn, from granting the Pr P er those Acts Da le y qape toProjildiee of successors, and by e Forests fl 'te t ' s t ° it sag e Conamissioners of Woods rents and. ki tti It IN le he.property and to receivehat the Com- It kt 4l 'ts of stet 1 11 the information t authority to tite r ti h . eetl6 and Forests had no a a. h t th sta wi Nei h 411114 as that proposed, nod tthat e t . t sense s ?It teed 4 1 eo such In one sl' th tr n authority. au autho e at ea e• It did not give them such the It Y lv l, 4 h ad : t° 84 3' a against " the Crown, and eltil t e -0 ahsol i t 8 i eb , die ~.,, . u ? power to prevent . the rights and its'teot f 'glen, might interfere with the Leq oi e tor- At eis„'ller s i the s:rown, and alight call . on fo r the pur se,v't reatr ° l ila au information ex officzo. that the le t t th°, with „ahltllne the Commissioners. Fiat. Forests, klp,7rt,Dosp,,"),oo4llllissioners of Woods and Hyde-park, or k hi i; the to - b * ?t erectine a building in slightest 'atithl,tdeet Parks, he' did not entertain the t. e ,_. ° how, '' plee'r'(ava, Crown That it had beet? .11 was le ta t by j' r t lee of the to exercise that si%h? as park yelts btrZrY species of record. In St. James of t,,,:resotit4 beee erteted, and of late , years a species had ij re... I) for which ot Parliament ttittosired, ,„ no Act ~ary was , the Orki steal .'ul that was necess erect the ls e . eo eerrnittiog the Commissioners to erected kl i N so , po With the respect to the cottage He !tekltf Pi'd if timas when George iv. wasßegent. titosii a nd ..',roesii conseuted to the Commissioners , th se F ore seated e xercisin g the powers entrusted_ sar. th w 'tit fetet, there was no necessity for an Act of r _, ttt k Yal te e Purposee • building in any °' tti , parks or erecting a • o. inter• Ilea Web „ • Of course, if such a proceedine. have ‘ Nits" rights of individuals th would the rows sh od as led ° but that . o t s ad s„„, Pendent of the Crown exercised it, 'ts ," oat a - ,'"' 4 Power doubt, had always It was qt;11111, bee slightest —(Hear, hear.) l,tistPublireer,h,aPs., as respected the rights and interests that e,' Th s :l th e he should here state his views on . a t/ pl. Thar c rests of the public were of a twofold h i o e ners eods stteWere, in the first place, the Commissioners s %t it - duty i; r'oreste created by Act of Parham t i n the e t 4e t ' was to In e the Crown property. and to Niv "t b enefi • 1 g d the public, , I 111 , e th e fia cia, to the Crown an act known (). th *er e • °es arid rents which, by a compact of civil list Br, Itl c o • • . Ai eta), lismeration of the grant a He N e d to 0, Paid into the Consolidated lan • 'a, it tl a tt it it•,eee,t• the attention of the House to that point,in the ,4v ,`,4lition"" oeou prominently brought forward _ora.. '54;40140' 004 hY the honourable and Gallant Al . ht to t l t t i :ar e w .-• It W 615 said that they had no rig related k t it' t e i t h t he ri htof public, so far as t see keine Pleasure g s the , the park. () Net ve st s and recreation in he ,kit to thll'ed to say, after the best consideration_ a , 'Ala s 'a thi s : sobjet, so far as related to any 1 ' 1 s e u g re 441,41 44;14440n, that the recreation and pleasure •t p blic • on the t'l'd N elig m ti r in Hyde -park stoodexactly h did with re ..'lly ottisse!arded that park as t ey ey h depended Ilene "11l ke y ' . itcyal Park, and that t ) lie ~,a ikso pleatitire of the Crown. —Hear, .hear.o, Ilt<)!6t, forl,ng morel as to the legal interpretation I ON: 10 terf . ' Was Inaniceit to all that the Crown would 1° i ete. with h ' andrecreation of the , i tsia i L e th e r, t e are be 'clahttked. tittt• so far as the right of way might as Nt lar ti alt th --et the public might as well interfere as a Pose ci tes 6 getes at a particular hour, or insist . on _ ar bit (116 Of the female beine admitted to a particular 144,41.0 sbttelhtrk, as insist O' n any particular species of 44 kti ) t l' iler rteteetioll :in part of the park.—( : El h he tter-!trithta w as 40 common-law right —by whic e tt stio s 0 to the whole üblic—to take pleasure and 4 Iltt le t the prep P e ' person.There a te t eras _,erty or another . not ex- Stlitori° allt,' Utioolfbtedly; but a custom did a.o tea Of it7 3° .: 1 ., Of the community, but only to cert l e l'i'llitp? pub ] . e, or instance it would be bad to alleg ' g -le "ad 4 eusto ' of Playing cricket on a a Nos 1.54 ,le on' beeallse a custatom could not extend to toP,„bod Cre"4ll anity, though it might be good .as tI , ' t t -- 1.1111 b' o '• particular district. lit . y the a itants os a panic . distinction, he i t ay . might seem a technical upon I'liellt'Pe witit.s, of importance as it bore information. as pi P ahli o) titie° had been taken in ~this had eN st Ot by ai l erefore, in the character of the public, re -14 abs to ha th,,l A ct of No to pleasure and d . In R s etlc e - Patk• No such Act could he found. . ht t eh s of sn only in esto,, to es p ort . Y Act of Parliament the must be in k st of lon of the public could have o f a IN 4 Nato %It, 41 . pia 14 applicable to the inhabitants ...,,, a 'ter tt 3 for alle e. he admitted there might be s'ueluia, eststivith r efer the inhabitants of London and W t es were the tio e t Wotlici' et lee to the parks, but if that p ea rotlint Properly be a subject for an informs- the itl,,rq tootle 14(4 to the public generally; but some 41, et th e • te enforce the custom would be for fi t a Lil tub eelon e e , of London and Westminster to th d a l th e " h alf of themselves and others, and no re fla emstil efoteipart of the At could prevent te f °ls es il lt the right if it existed Nothing could c)r4 sY 14 the t han ' ' . to cosipof ri , thst tight. era to institute proceedings. t o r b 3, Whether they proceeded by petetio e i! 'ay terevvet a ti u ,i• no power of the Attorney-Gener i htlh,. too, em enforcing it. But no lawyer would ti t s' N far %aight existed ,in the community gene ligltitllt44 4 man tr a public was the the distined veeteato sts;`,l,4tt,er of little importance. But he had N s 4 su ch "87 'oat no refusal of his could have pre-. tresaoother teatter being so brought forward. There b at labs a l i t laelti which he had to consider. It was tot4is r.e4t the „,70.: instituted at the instance of the relators, tiaotiir_ observe the advantage they would have liti tti use Oe t ' i l Stilt of that de scription, if they could toosetZ3 Of i on : n ame of the Attorney -General in corn es of sshieit wrong, for the purpose of enforcing eisresef a p,i,tv._ WaB really intended to be the • enforce- Rile 00444 rght' --(hear, hear.) Now he de lei 0 gle e t , Y, after th ilt ot , .ge beat attention he had beenthathe es 4ta • s u bject, th a t ske of the' it appeared to him t. 44„,,vatieb,„the Antra„ad endeavoured to make use of the se %CIS ktbe_YGenerill, not for the purpose of et to rkeevottrio r :efit to the public, but for the purpose I)i t trffieg abtrtiu mine adv t to themselves, ptop4t„,, ,_. , an age i Wttle4 they had been advised, TIRE SUN, cr which they felt the courts of law did not enable them to enforce in any other manner. If that was so, ho vee tured to say if the Attorney-General had permitted his name to he used for the purpose described he would have grossly failed in his duty to tha Crown—he would have betrayed the interests of the public, and would have deserved the severest censure of the 1-louse of Commons. Another ground of objection had been put forward by the Hon. and Galleut Member opposite as repected the allusion to the vote which the House had come to on the question. It had been truly said that the Commis sioners of Woods and Forests, being trustees for the public, ought to be responsible for the exercise of their powers. He he!d this to be a point of the greatest im portance. The Commissioners of Woods and Forests were Ministers of the Crown, appointed for the ma nagement of the Crown revenues for the benefit of the public. Now, without reference to private rights, he held as regarded the public, though they were strictly accountable, they were not iu his opinion account able in any other place than Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) It would be a most dangerous innovation if they were to allow the Court of Chancery to call such public officers to account for the manner in which they performed their duties, instead of bolding them respon sible to Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) As an illustration of the danger of such a proceeding, he might refer to an Act of that statesman whose loss they all deplored. About six years ago the late Sir Robert Peel admitted by Order in Council foreign corn free of duty, though an Act of Parliament wits iu existence at the time imposing a duty. What would have been more easy than for a collection of landlords to have called on the Attorney-General--not for the public interest, but their own—to file an information in the Court of Chancery to rescind that order? The cases ap peared to him to be analcgous. If, with respect to public fines and rents, they were to allow the At torne)-General or private individuals to call the Com missioners of Woods and Forests to account in the Court of Chancery, they would be establishing a most dangerous innovation, which would be most injurious to the best interests of the country. Of late years the courts of law had manifested a strong desire to inter fere with the rights and privileges of that House.— (Hear, bear.) That such a disposition existed in the courts of law was notorious. In fact, a favourite adage in Westminster Hall was, that every judge ought to ex tend his jurisdiction. Now, if they had an Attorney- General who should hold public officers accountable to the Court of Chancery the most serious results would follow.—(Hear, hear.) It was with reference to such a consideration that he had alluded to the vote of the House as a❑ important element in this case. A majority of the House had confirmed the proceedings of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and so far as the information complained of the Commissioners, as trustees of the public, he considered it as an appeal from the decision of that House, as to the conduct of public officers, to the High Court of Chancery.— (Hear, hear.) Ho did think that, as Attorney-Gene ral, he would have grossly neglected his duty if he had sanctioned such a proceeding. These were the grounds upon which he had acted. If he bad consulted his own convenience, nothing would have been easier fer him than to have considered the question a mere matter of farm, and have given the use of his signature. His doing so would not have deprived him of the office which ho had the honour to hold, nor would it have interfered with his advancement in his profession; but he must have been blind not to have seen that by taking the other course,—knowing the great influence of the press, which took an opposite view—he would have to sustain a vast amount of vituperation and blame.—(Hear, hear.) He had adopted the course he had done because he firmly and sincerely believed it to be the best; and so long as he filled the office which he had the honour to hold, he would undertake to say that as far as he could he would discharge its duties on his own responsibility, with out throwing any part on the shoulders of others; and that he would always endeavour to do tempe rately, but fearlessly, that which he considered to be his duty.—(Cheers.) un3or them, still he could not refuse to admit that it was a recognition of the protection to which the soldier should always 'look up (Hear, hear) and soldiers were none the worse Cu. haring a bles:iing upon them.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the prayer the Hon. Member had read, he saw nothing in it that either could be found fault with, or no expression in it that could be improved.—(llear.) T:ie chaplain of the garrison of Dublin, from whom that prayer was stated to have emanated, no doubt expressed the inte rest which he felt fur the soldiers over whom he had pastoral charge sincerely and cordially ; and he believed these was no act which attracted so much the respect of the soldiers of the regiment, or one with which so little fault had been found, either by the public press or by any individual, complaining of a public department, as the observance of a religious ceremony at the pre sentation of new colours.—(Hear.) It was established by; no order or regulation of the army, that he was aware of. It was a custom that had come down from the earliest times. It was one which might be dispensed with at the pleasure of the army or the wish of that House ; but it was one which he saw no grounds to in terfere with. Therefore, with all respect for the reli gious feelings and conscientious opinions of the various classes of the country, he must say he had never be fore beard it stated that such a proceeding—whilst he knew it to be acceptable to the army at large—was at all offen,ive to the religious feelings of the public. Captain BOLDERO thought that the prayer com plained of by the Hon. Member did honour to the clergy man. From the manner of the Hon. Member for Man chester a stranger would imagine that he was as well acquainted with matters pertaining to the army as he was with looms and spinning jennies.—(Hear hear.) To do away with the practice would be considered as a gross insult to the army., The vote was then agreed to; as also were the votes -54,9161. charges and expenses of general staff officers; and, 46,6841. charges and allowances for the officers of the several public military departments. The following votes were also agreed to:- 8,8951., being part of the charge for the Royal Military College. 9,657/. for the Royal Military Asylum. On the vote of 41,000/., part of the charge of the volunteer corps, Mr. H. BERKELES moved, pursuant to notice, the rejection of this vote. He looked upon it as a most un constitutional force—it was only a mummery of noble war—a playboy of the nobility. He had no doubt he should be strenuously opposed, as there were a troop —if not a whole squadron—of yeomanry officers in that House. He approachiid the subject with no hostility whatever—(Hear, hear)—to the regular army—(Laughter.) He contended that the yeomanry had never adequately fulfilled the duties for which they were originally constituted. He contended that no armed force could be of utility unless it was strictly amenable to discipline, and unless it was amenable to the Government and authority. It was because the yeo manry had of late shown itself disorderly sad disobedient that he had come to the conclusion that they were no longer fit to be entrusted with the preservation of the public peace. He would refer to the proceedings in which they had been engaged for the last thirty years. — (Oh, and great laughter.) He would show that they were in the pernicious habit of reasoning upon the orders they received instead of carrying them out. He would remind the House of the occasion of the corona tion of George IV. The Queen had just arrived from the continent, and had expressed her intention of taking her place in the ceremony. The Life Guards were called out, as great rioting was apprehended, and so also were the yeomanry, who, after their kind, pro ceeded to reason upon those orders, and preserved the peace by cheering for the Queen and Alderman Wood. He admitted that no loss of life took place, the mob con• tenting themselves with smashing the windows of those who who were supposed to be opposed to the Queen. He would now remind the House of another case of insubor dination on the part of the yeomanry—the Manchester massacre of 1819 at Peterloo. The yeomanry were called on to disperse an unarmed mob, and brutally slew men, women, and children. Both these were cases of gross insubordination. He came next to the Swing riots. The yeomanry were called out to assist the civil power, but they would not come.—[An Honourable Member— " Where?"] It was a general complaint throughout the country. The lord-lieutenants reported in many parts of the west of England the total inefficiency of the yeomanry corps. In 1838 he found that Lord Mel bourn reduced the yeomanry corps, and thereby gave great umbrage to that body. The yeomanry in those riots behaved in the worst possible manner, having been inefficient, disorderly, and undisciplined. The opinion of all lord-lieutenants was that yeomanry were unfit for the purposes of police; a couple of guns and a regiment of soldiers could be taken from London to Leicester before a body of local yeomanry could be got together. It took 48 hours to concentrate a body of yeomanry on any given point of a county; and the lord-lieutenant of Gloucester had said that he could take the staff of his own militia regiment to any part of that county in wag gons several hours before he could get together the local yeomanry. He would show what good the yeomanry were on an emergency. All persons remem bered the Bristol riots.—(Hear, and laughter.) Well, Bristol stood in two counties which abounded in yec manry, well-dressed and moustachiod gentlemen, but that town was three days in the hands of a lawless mob, and the yeomanry were no more good than so many old apple-women. In the course of the riots ten Somer set yeomen marched into Bristol, but they had to be locked up by the mayor in the riding-school, for fear the mob would do them any harm—(Laughter.) This was stated in the Bristol Gazette of 9th of May last; that was his authority. So much for the gallant corps of Somerset yeomen—so much for Somersetahire. But what aid had Bristol from the heroes of Gloucestershire? Captain Codrington certainly appealed at the head of the Doddingtou and Marshfield troop of yeomen; but he only marched into Bristol at the request of the ma gistrates, but he marched out again to the light of the incendiary tires. Yet this was the force which the people of Bristol was compelled to pay for; but they could not be compelled to respect them or to confide in their prowess, when, as old John Dryden said, the yeomen were— " Mou.ths without arms maintained at vast expense, . In peace a charge, in war a weak defence. Stout once a year Sou march, a blustering band, And ever but in time of need at hand." It might be said they could mot find a magistrate; and he was perfectly aware a magistrate could not be found; but it must be remembered that this was in the time of the old corporation; and it was laid down by the judges of the land and the president of the court martial, that soldiers might act for the protec tion of life and property without a magistrate. One more instance of yeomanry valour, obedience, and mili tary qualification. It was a rare instance in which tho yeomanry was under fire. This was in Glamorgan shire, and his authority was Mr. Franklin, a magis trate at Bridgend, in that county. It was in the time of the Merthyr riots, in 1831, which that geetleman had hoped were wholly forgotten—(Laughter)—as they did no credit to any party. A whole regiment of yeomanry, consisting of three divisions, were ordered to assemble and march on Merthyr. The western division, com manded by an old Peninsular officer, never reached Merthyr, having been disarmed in a bloodless encounter with the mob. The centre division marched to Merthyr where it found the eastern division. A party was ordered to escort some powder to Brecon, and about two miles from the town they encountered numbers of people who obstructed the road, and threatened to attack them if they did not retire. After some delay the major in command gave the word " threes about, march—retire," which they did accordingly. The mob then fired on them, and the march became a run.—(Laughter.) The writer said he attempted to cut down some of the pri soners, but his sword being blunt—(Bursts of laughter) —he was thrown back on the crupper of his horse, and did not recover his seat until he reached the barracks. When it was reflected that the yeomanry jacket scarcely reached down to the os sacrum, it could scarcely be said they turned tail.—(Laughter.) Mr. F. concluded his letter by saying that was the consequence of making bad farmers worse soldiers.—(Laughter.) Hunianity for bade the employment of such a force, as the remits of excitement on the part of an infuriated mob could not be calculated on such a force. If Newport had been de fended by this-regiment of yeomen, and not by half a company of the 45th, what would have become of it?— (Hear, hear.) So much for the past; but for the future, what? The yeomanry declared that if certain measures were not carried they would tight—they would not draw their swords except for their own interests 'I his was stated at public meetings—at the great Crown and Anchor meeting, for instance, in the Strand. At York again they had Mr. Ferrand flinging up the hatchet. What would they say of a cavalry officer who should say what mob his regiment should charge and what it should not? Would they not call that insubor dination? The Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer had said, in a late debate, thatall this ought to be treated with contempt—that the contemptibility of the threatener excused the threat. But they had to deal now with the people's purse; and to pay those who resorted to such threats, and maintained a sort of private Horse Guards of their own, would be a measure of which he appre hended they would disapprove. The Right Hon. Secre tary of War might tell him that some force was neces sary to support the military. Then increase the civil force, and instead of maintaining a rabble of 300 or 400 yeomanry, who were never found when wanted, and when found were of no use, substitute a mounted police, with well-trained men, with well-broken horses. The magistrates and the people at large would have infinitely more confidence in such a body of men than in three or four times the number of yeomen.—(Hear.) One word on the subject of discipline. All cavalry officers of ex perience preferred being without raw recruits, who had been entrusted with arms in their hands; and what could yeomanry cavalry be but raw recruits? Distinguished infantry officers were of the same opinion. Ho had read an account of a speech delivered by the Hon. and Gal lant Member for Frome ' in returning thanks for the army, in w hi c h h e sa id he trusted the army would not be reduced in number, for a soldier wai not made in a day.—(Hear.) What could a rabble do who met only once a year to go through what was called a drill ? Cavalry officers had their portfolios crammed with cari caturesn of yeoma nr y a t d r ill. H e h a d s h ow n that, for a lo n; series of years, the yeomanry had been insubordi nate and useless, and that at the present moment they had added the additional characteristic of being disobe suffimcri.enFt.cai,sieAwuaLs made out these utfor client and dangerous. rejectingg rounds this h e vote.th oght a O said he would not have proposed the vote had he not felt convinced that the yeomanry corps was a good and a constitutional force. From 1831 Gentleman yeomanry c orp s had be to the present day, th e Ho Gentlen had only quoted three instances in w hi c h t bayed otherwise than thexyprnil; ht have been expected. hadali than his 7 Hon. er'of the habit s of the yeomanry force Thaler-Secretary o f' Statee for nd six 'hav y i e n a g rq, and he held the ander-in-Chief the knew from the report of the Comm LONDON, SATURDAY st.tte of efficiency of the various corps; and he knew, also, that no deficiency in discipline was in any case passed over. His Hon. Friend had stated that Lord Melbourne, feeling the insufficiency of the force, made great reductions in it. But his lion. Ftiend must per mit him to say, that Lord Melbourne, while Secretary of State, increased instead of diminished it. Reductions certainly tcok place in 1837 and 1838, but they were made entirely ou financial considerations. Ile main tained that the character of the yeomanry was not to be ak.ailsd on the ground of honour and zeal. As to the absurd and wild sentiments uttered at the Crown and Anchor, no one could for a moment suppose that they expressed in the smallest degree the feelings of the yeo manry.—(Hear, hear.) As to what hal taken place in the north of England, he was quite certain that if the yeomanry should be called on they would do their duty as faithfully as they had hitherto discharged it. The Hon. Member had qaoted instances in which the yeo manry hal failed to do their duty; but he knew a case which happened at Stirling, in which, had it not been for the assistance of the yeomanry cavalry, a great loss of property and life would have ensued; and their services were remembered with gratitude to this day by the in habitants. Similar services had been rendered in times of disturbance in other parts of the country. It was not that the force was always called into active service agsinst mobs, but it was the knowledge that yeomanry corps were in reserve to protect the locality to which they belonged, which enabled them to avail themselves more effectually of those other means of defence.—(Hear, hear.) The vote had been from year to year put upon a very reduced scale, and he could state from his own knowledge, derived from the report of officers who had inspected them, that at this moment, when they were accused of leaving the country in an almost defenceless state, if they did away with the yeomanry force they would do away with a force which contributed mainly to the safety and protection of the country, and at a trifling cost, which this House had hitherto voted, and he hoped would still continue to vote. Colonel REID entertained an opinion diametrically opposed to that of the Hon. Member for Bristol. The Hon. Member complained of the incapacity, the inade quacy, and insubordination of the yeomanry troops; while he, on the contrary, was of opinion that they were a corps of immense value, both physical and moral, and eminently qualified to perform all the duties which could possibly be imposed on them.—(Hear, hear.) This was no mere casual or theoretical opinion, but one founded on experience and personal observation. When he had the honour of commanding one of the regiments of the household brigade, he was sent to inspect some troops in Hants, commanded by the Right Hon. Gentle man (the Speaker), under whose able command they all were in that House.—(Hear, hear.) He saw the Right Hon. Gentleman presenting a most soldierlike appear ance and bearing, and he saw him conduct his regiment through a variety of well-selected movements, so prac tically useful, especially one of them, that he had never bad a field day with his own regiment since without adopting it. He left the field with the conviction that the corps whose evolutions he had witnessed was emi nently fit for any duty which it might be called oa to discharge, and he would stake his reputation as a sol dier, that a body of such men would quickly rout and disperse a mob of thirty times their number. With regard to the expense, he considered it the most econo mical description of force which could be employed: 13,500 men cost the country, if not called out, 45,0001. per annum, and, if called out, 81,0001. What was the cost of the regular cavalry? A regiment of 400 men had only 271 horses, out of which there were not more than 250 really efficient. The cost 'of this was 17,777/. per annum. The cost of 1,140 men in the regular cavalry was more than 13,500 yeomanry, and it must be recol lected that these 13,500 men were liable to be called out at any hour. During the Chartist riots the Bucks Yeo manry were called out to replace the regular troops sta tioned at Windsor and the neighbourhood, and that regi ment, to the number of 600 men, assembled, he had,been informed, in less than four hours, and not more than 20 men were absent. There might be inefficient corps, but they ought to be disbanded. This was, however, a course which ought to be excercised with very great caution and discrimination—a little more than had been shown by the Whigs. He would not deal in general charges. lie was sent on one occasion into Berks to in spect some corps of yeomanry. He inspected three corps. Two portions of the yeomanry troops were in a state of great efficiency, and he reported accordingly to the Commander-in-Chief. The third corps was not in a state of efficiency. The three corps were, however, disbanded. The Hon. Member for Gloucestershire inquired the reason, and was informed that it was in consequence of the unfavourable report of the inspecting officer. Now, as the inspecting officer's report was confidential, therefore it was hardly fair, after the report he had himself made of the efficiency of two of the corps of yeomanry, to disband all three of the corps on a confidential report. This was a specimen of the judgment exercised by Government in dealing with the yeomanry force. He believed the country gentlemen and yeomanry constituted the moat respectable portions of the community, and he did not think their characters would suffer by any calumnies that might be directed against them. Because a few persons used intemperate language at public meetings, was it fair to implicate all in the same censure? If occasion should arise he was satisfied that no political considerations would shake their feelings of loyalty, and prevent them from doing their duty. Col. CHATTERTON bore testimony to the efficiency of the yeomanry force, of which he had inspected sixty three regiments. Mr. OSBORNE complained that the officers of yeo manry corps went to balls and assemblies in uniforms which were not sufficiently distinguished from those of officers of the regular army. Officers who had been serving abroad all their lives did not like on their return to see yeomanry officers • in such uniforms, and called captains and colonels.—(" Oh!") He wished to know why the general order establishing a distinction between the silver lace of the yeomanry and the gold lace of the regular army had not been enforced? Mr. MAULE was not aware that such an order had been issued. Mr. BASS said, that after thirty years' service in the regiment of yeomanry to which he had the honour to belong, his experience led him to the conclusion that the yeomanry corps did not deserve the opprobrium which had been cast upon them by the Hon. Gentleman. —(Hear, hear.) The instances to which the Hon. Gentleman had referred were, he thought, more dis paraging to her Majesty's troops than to those corps. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had also said there was great delay in getting the men together, but it had happened to him (Mr. Bass) to be called out on many occasions, and he had known his regiment summoned at seven o'clock in the evening, and to have marched into Derby before eleven o'clock the same night —(hear, hear)—and they had afterwards the satisfac tion of receiving the thanks of the magistrates for their services. In 1842, when at a great distance from home, he had been ordered to attend in his county, and his re giment, which consisted principally of farmers to the number of 600 men, cheerfully left their own labours, though it was in the middle of harvest-time, and served for three weeks.—(Hear.) The only advantage he had ever had from belonging to a yeomanry corps was to in in h ° i n s eY li - re. (l l l f a h u i g s h) c — orp fo s rhe n5:O-hundredth poarwtnof the opprobrium the Hon. Gentleman had lavished upon the yeomanry in general, h e (Mr. Bass) should feel it a disgrace to belong to it, had never received Is. pay but it did not deserve that opprobrium, and he hoped that until he had a son ready to succeed him he should spend de served e l be allowed to remain in it. Mr. HUME objected to the yeomanry force, because from their short service they had not time to acquire He believed th at twenty-two troops of forty h a bits of steadiness when they came into collision with the people. men each, of regular cavalry, would do more to preserve the peace of the country than all the yeomanry; and, in deed, if free trade continued, as he hoped it would, far mers and their sons would have something else to do than to belong to these corps', and having a spree when they were called out.--(A. laugh.) Mr. F. MAULE, in explanation, said that the yeo manry when they were on permanent duty received pay, and in that character became subject to the Mutiny Act. Mr. CLIVE bore testim on y to the t tb yeomanry corps with which he was connected. Mr. EDWARDS re f erred e s erviceseffici efficiency c h y so ofregi ment in preserving the peace of the town of Halifax in 1842_, and said that th eythe had received the thanks of the s county. The moral eff ect of 150 men in that distri c t was s Mr. NE W DEG ATE trusted u n tli t c o ie t n ak t e to it d i i n s a to rm co d n i s s i a d ff e e r c a t t i i o o n n : the Committ ee would scor n and as to the trumpery matter of expense, he thought atwhent a h b eH t o o t n. Gentleman (M r . H. B er k e l ey) s h ou ld again be about m m a a d k e e t s e o . n u i n g p h , t ) , pu la accompanied, r a proposition a s a it was,s that w ya h a i ch attackh had the Protectionist Members, he would not select that (the Protectionist) side of the House to make it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H. BERKELEY believed the Hon. Member (Mr. Newdegate) commanded a force somewhere in the neigh bourhood of Uxbridge. Mr. NEW DEGATE— I do not. Mr. H. BERKELEY—At all events, the Hon. Mem ber belonged to-that distinguished corps which was com monly known in the country by the name of the " mournful and dangerous."—(Great laughter.) He had been told of some half-dozen of them marching through Uxbridge with umbrellas over their heads.—(Renewed laughter.) As regarded his (Mr. 11. Berkeley's) select ing his seat on the Opposition side of the House, that, ho presumed, depended upon his own feelings, without the necessity of consulting the Hon. Gentleman.— (Hear, hear.) But if the Hon. Gentleman wished to know why he preferred addressing the House from those benches rather than from the other side, which he should very much pref e r, h e b eg ged to say that from h aving a physical infirmity he found it con venient to res t upon the table while speaking.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the magistracy of Bristol, he hoped the present gen tlemen who held the Commission in that city would not be confounded with the past. The town of Bristol was now as perfectly safe from the threats of an. ill-dis posed mob as it would be from an ill-disposed yeomanry. Mr. HENLEY observed, that as the lion. Gentleman bad chosen by inference to cast an imputation against a set of what he called unreformed magistrates, it would have been but common justice if he had stated that those gentlemen were brought to trial in the county of Berks and acquitted. Mr. NEWDEG ATE said that it was the last thing he should have thought of to make any observation as to which side of the House it might be convenient fur the Hon. Gentleman to address the Committee, but he could not help feeling, that as the Hon. Gentleman had indulged in language not highly complimentary to those around him, be (Mr. Newdegate) might be excused for having adverted to the c ircumstanc. As to the " mournful and dangerous tro o p_ ( Lou 3 laughter) —he would not stop to inquire iu what purlieus of Uxbridge the Hon. Gentleman had:picked:up that naine.—(Div:de.) The Committee then divided, when there appeared— SUPPLY. The House then went into a Committee of Supply on the army estimates. 1,362,4001, being the remainder of the sum necessary fir defraying the expense of the land forces in Great Britain, Ireland, and abroad. Mr. HUME complained of the increase which had taken place on the three branches of the service since 1828. He trusted the Government would take the whole subject into their consideration, whether the Committee should make their report this session or not. He wished to see the distinction between the line and house hold troops abolhheci, and every regiment take its routine of duty at home and abroad. Mr. F. MAULE said that he had no doubt the report of the Committee would contain many suggestions which would be cf great benefit to the army. Tney had consi dered the questions of clothing agencies, as well as the commissariat, and time and deliberation would be re quired before they could make their report. He would undertake that, before the estimates were brought for ward in another year, they would give the evidence heard before the Committee their most careful considera tion, and the Government would come to that House in the next session prepared to state the grounds upon which they would either make changes in conformity with the opinions of that Committee, or the grounds upon which they abstained from making such changes. Colonel CHATTERTON complained of the practice of compelling the soldiers to pay for every good conduct badge which they received. The cavalry officer, too, was subject to much greater expenses than the com manding officer of an infantry regiment, and the pay of the former was, under the circumstances, much worse than that of the latter. He (Colonel Chatterton) wished to repeat those remarks he had before made as to the impropriety of allowing the married and single sol diers to occupy the same room in the barrack. He had heard that a great boon had been granted to the soldiers in this respect, but he found, upon inquiry, that that boon amounted to only 4d. a week for the lodging of the mar ried soldier. ..e._ Colonel DUNNE said that when the report of the Committee was presented, he should make many obser vations as to the evidence that had been given before that Committee. He hoped that the Government would take immediate steps to put down that system by which a corporal, when promoted, received for a time less than he had previously been paid. Mr. BRIGHT said there was one point which he wished to bring before the attention of the Committee. There was, it appeared, 17,5 0 0/. allowed to officiatin g clergymen performing services at home and abroad. He did not object either to that vote or the clergy. But he had observed with great pain that the practice of conse crating banners presented to regiments was continued. — (Cries of" Oh, oh.") It was a practice which he thought was well calculated tc give pain to a very large class of persons, including the members of the Established Church, and of Dissenting bodies, and more particularly from the manner in which it was performed. There was a case reported in the Freeman's Journal of the 28th March, 1830, on the presentation of colours in Phcenix park, Dublin, to the 55th Regiment. Theßev. C. Hor ton read the prayer. This gentleman, who was chap lain to the garrison, appeared upon the occasion in question, and robed in full canonicals. After praying for the Queen, and offering up a variety of petitions, the Reverend Gentleman went on to say, " Having im plored thy blessing, Lord, on the Queen and the Royal Family, we would now implore thy blessing on the loyal and devoted subjects now present, and more immediately on those engaged in the service and defence of the country." The prayer then pro ceeded to say, in effect, that " Though the main tenance of an army was rendered necessary owing to the wickedness and depravity of man, and was counte nanced in the pages of thy holy word, like the banner of the cross of Christ, upon which the soldiers of Jesus Christ relied in the day of trouble, and to which they looked with an eye of faith, and were inspired with con fidence and energy, so may this earthly banner, conse crated to the service and honour of our Sovereign, be as instrumeetal as those laid aside have been in maintaining the fidelity and loyalty of thy people, and that it may stand forth in confirmation of the fame and glory of the British Army. We call upon Thee, 0 Lord, to bless and consecrate these banners in thy name, most mighty Lord of Hosts. May they not be unfurled in any but a good cause, and may they be borne by strong arms and brave hearts; 'unity they be enabled to do all things through Christ who will strengthen them. May Thou, 0 Lord, shield and protect those over whom these colours shall wave in battle, or if they fall as men have before fallen, may they die as good soldiers of Jesus Christ, and like those who have triumphantly borne the balmier of the Cross. • • • • • May they be strong in the Lord. May they this day put on the armour of God and fight the good fight of faith , and eternal life. And for their encouragement may they treasure up the words of the Great Captain of Salvation, Be thou faith ful unto death and I will give thee a crown of life.'" Now (observed Mr. Bright), if there be any person who really believed that tois prayer could give any advantage to the banners, or to them who served under them, he could only say he believed it to be one of the grossest superstitions conceivable. If a man did i not believe that any advantage could be gained from this religious cer e mony, then he said it was a hol low imposture which should be abolished. From the day when Constantine marched under the banner of the cross, upon which this motto was inscribed —" In hoc signo vinc es ," up to th e p resent t h ere was not hi ng more approaching to superstition and imposture.—(ob oh.) There was here an awful confusion of things totally dice tinct in the minds of th e so ldi ers b efore whom this lan guage was addressed. They were sacrificing Christianity itself in endeavouring to m a k e Ch r istianity bolter up that which must be wholly opposed to the our Christian religion. They m i xe d up principles sacred es of d name and attributes of religion with s uc h a ridiculousae c eremony as this. The case to which he had referred prayer was the worst he had as yet seen recorded. Th e was one dictated in the worst taste. He consider e d the ceremony not only as not religious, but h e would not shrink from saying , in the most emphatic language that he could resort to, it was as blasphemous a prayer as was ever offered in the face of Heaven. Mr. F. MAIJLE, in reply to the Hon. and Gallant Member for Cork (Colonel Chatterton)), said that be did not think it a great exaction tJ ask the soldiers to pay a trifle for their good-conduct badges, when they carried with them an increase of their daily pay. In respect to the separation between the married and the single soldiers, he could only say that he had done everything in his power to effect such a change in their mode of living in barracks as would secure this desirable result. The subject, however, would still receive his best et tention.—(Hear, hear.) A 3 to the question of the con • secretion of the colours of a regiment, it was one which must be a matter of opinion with regard to its observ ance. It was a custom which had been handed down in the army from time immemorial— (Hsar, ,hear)—when rww colours were presented to a regiment, to sanction their psesentation by invoking upon them the blessing of God. He could see nothing offensive in that — ( Hear, hear)—nothing superstitious init.—(Hear, he4r.) Whilst he admitted it might not_be necessary to attach to those colours the regard of the soldiers who fought EVEWING, JULY 27, 1850. For the v3to 147 Against it ... Majority —122 The following totes were then agreed to, to complete the sums plvviously granted on account :- 29,000/, for the pay of general officers not, being colo nels of regiments.. 8.1121. for rewards fur distinguished services. 27,500/. for the pay of retired officers. 21,0001. for half-psy and reduced allowances to officers. 63,5001. for the charge on account of the pensions of widows of officers. 46,0001. for allowances on the compassionate list. 18,756/. for Chelsea and Kihnainham Hospitals. 20,0001. for compensation and superannuation allow ances. 633,0001. for out-pensioners of Chelsea Hospital. The House then resumed, the report was brought up, and the resolutions agreed to. The Fisheries Bill was rear! Pi. third time and passed. MR. ROEBUCK AT SHEFFIELD. lIEFFIELD, THURSDAY.—Yesterday Mr. John Arthur .1:4 - :ehunk., one of the Parliauw,tary representatives of this bar-,ugh, appeared before has constituents to doliver to them an adflre , 4, in alcardance with an annual custom th•lt Was established by his predecessor, Sir H. G. Ward. There was a large and influential meeting, h e ld i n t h e Town Hal) undr the presidency of the Mayor (llr. Thomas Birks). The proceedings began at one o'clock in the afternoon. , Before'latr. ROEBUCK made his addreaS he replied to queries put to him by individual members of his consti tuency. He defended the vote of 24,000/..to•tho family of the Duke of Cambridge on the ground .thav the majority of the people of England were determined to have monarchs, and therefore it was but jets- . tiee that the members of the Royal Family should be suitably provided for. He explained his absence from the meetings of the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association, by stating that the House of Com mons was his arena. It was easy to talk to an applauding audience. The difficulty was to go into an assembly where all the prejudices of social life, all the prejudices of ancient education, all the prejudices of individual am bition were against you—to state boldly, fairly, freely, and decorously, your opinions, discuss arguments opposed to you, and never shrink from meeting a discussion. These preliminary queries disposed of, Mr. ROEBUCK addressed the assembly as follows :—I am here, Sir, at the request of certain gentlemen who believe that there was a sort of implied obligation on my part, when I received the honour of being your representative at your hands, that I should from time to time make my appearance amongst you and explain what required to be explained in my conduct. Now, I think I may say one word more about this, and then dismiss it. The ex ample is constantly brought forward of the celebrated Andrew Marvel; and people appeal to his conduct towards his constituents, and say, " there is the model of a representative." Now, my answer is, that the time of Andrew Marvel and the present time are greatly different. When ho represented Hull there might be a newspaper, but it did not travel down into the country until a month after it was printed. There were no railroads; there was no electric telegraph; and in fact the country was as different from the present as light is from darkness. You, I believe, know every act of my political life just as well, by the aid of those gentlemen (pointing to the reporters) whom I see so well represented at this table, as if I were to come down ()nee a week and tell you what I had done—and I suspect a great deal better. Every step that we take as your representatives you know. Every vote we give is published next morning before our eyes are open. There I is no hiding what your representatives do. Therefore, I I say they need not be anxious to thrust themselves be fore your notice unless some very important matter I calls for them. I have been now asked to make my appearance here with a full persuasion in my own mind that I could explain nothing that you did not already know, but it being part of my duty to satisfy you I have come down here to do so. As lam here, permit me to say a few things. First, with regard to my view of what will be our political history for the next year, at least what I prophesy it may be. I I will then say a few words respecting the individual acts of the present Parliament in the present session, and .I I will close what I have to say by addressing myself to certain public transactions in which the working men • and masters of this town have an especial interest.— ' (Hear and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, our friend the mayor has referred to one act of my Parliamentary life in which, as far as I myself am concerned, I feel perfectly satisfied; and that is a late motion which I presented to the House of Commons, and which the House of Com- I mons was kind enough to pass with a large majority. That motion referred to the foreign policy of the Go vernment. Now, I must frankly tell you that with the present Administration lamby no means satisfied. I do not agree in many portions of their public policy with regard to our own international affairs. But in so far as fbelieve that the English Administration, as now constituted, represents to foreign nations a great liberal principle, I was anxious that that principle should not be put down in their person. And when I say that I do not agree with them in many por tions of their policy as regards our internal concerns, I say that which I fear you yourselves will discover to be the truth in a very short time. If, instead of being at the end of a session, we were at its com mencement, you would find that the great principles of free trade and liberal government would be in daily, hourly, danger. And so sure as Parliament assemble together next year in the month of February, the old fight between free trade and protection will have to be fought.—(Hear, hear.)' We have gained one victory, but we have not subdued the foe. The present Admi nistration is, unfortunately, in all its good purposes, un decided—it is in its aspirations for liberal government so lukewarm, that the slumbering power of the House of Lords, which is ever directed against liberal go vernment—(Hear, hear)—has reared up its front and has awakened its energies; and next year, so sure as Parliament meets, you will find that those energies will be directed both against free trade and liberal govern ment generally.—(Hear.) There is only one way to meet it. It is to have an Administration strong out of doors, strong in the support of the people, and strong also in its own individual energy and knowledge . There must be no lukewarmness, either as regards tree trade or the Irish or the English franchise.—(Hear.) These three things will be made the battle-field next year; and you will have this Administration, so sure as it meets in Feb ruary, put day after day in a minority in the House of Lords; and every act of theirs, whether good or bad, will be shipwrecked by that body. The consequence I believe. to be unavoidable. And I was extremely struck by reading the observations made by the present Attorney-General upon his re-election at Devonport. He unequivocally stated what I now state. He saw, as I see, that this divi sion will occur, and that this dispute and this eager fight will take place. Ido not know that the Learned Gentleman felt as Ido, but a great interest is about to be jeopardized because of the lukewarmness of some of those who will have to conduct the fight on our side. Therefore Ido hope that the feeling abroad will have its influence upon the Administration—that we shall have an Irish fran chise that deserves the name—(Hear,hear).--that we shall have, as connected with what I believe will be the strongest support that a Liberal Administration can receive, a pro posal to make a large addition to the English suffrage. Based upon those two principles, free trade and a large and liberal acquisition to the constituency of this country, I think there will be such a feeling throughout the country in support of the Ad ministration, that the House of Lords will not dare to interpose between the- people and their repre sentatives.—(Cheers.) At present they have done so. And I was struck by an observation made by a Noble and Learned Lord the other day, who said that there was a tendency out of doors to speak with contemptu ous feeling towards the aristocracy of this country, and generally to bring the House of Lords into con tempt. Now I believe that if ever we do come to speak of the House of Lords with contempt—if there should be at any time a feeling in the edu cated mind of England against that noble body—they will have nobody to blame but themselves.—(Hear, hear.) If we should find that they are constantly hos tile to the wishes of the people—if we should find them ever active in thwarting those desires for liberal insti tutions—if we should find them giving way to indi vidual and party purposes, and seeking to attain power reckless of the consequences to the English people—then indeed we may not only speak with contempt of the House of Lords, but have a bitter indignation against that body. And I must say there was a tendency in my mind to look with anything but favour upon them when lately I saw the despots abroad found their chief support in that Right Honourable House—(Hear) —when the battle for Russia, for Austria, for Prussia was fought there, and successfully fought; and when I saw that our only hope to prevent the down-sinking of the heart of every liberal-minded man in Europe was, by getting an opposite ex pression of opinion by means of the House of Commons. —(Hear.) Now I would warn that Right Honour able House that this is an experiment that will be very dangerous to themselves; that the less often they repeat it the more sure will be their tenure of being; and that they cannot risk its existence but by being thus opposed to the true interests of the people.— (Applause.) There is always the temptation, and that Right Honourable body have a desire to over step what I call the liberal aspirations of this country, which cannot in any way be checked or controlled ex cept by the united feeling of the United Kingdom. Be lieving thus 1 am ready, as I have hitherto been, to sup port the Liberal Administration. But I will in no case link myself to them. When I think them wrong I will say so, even though it should lead to put ting them out of office—(Loud cheers)—for I must sav that of all the acts that have given me offence on the part of the present Administration— the calling together a body of Members of the House of Commons, and threatening them with resignation unless they did what their conscience did not approve —of all the Ministerial acts that gave me offence that proceeding of Lord John Russell did so the most.—(Hear.) I thought it most unjust towards the persons he addressed, most tin wise as regards his own influence with the country, most dangerous as a precedent in a free country.—(Cheere.) Such, then, is my view of the question. I shall now, gen tlemen, with your permission, touch upon some of the con , duct of the House of Commons and the Administration during the past session. I believe that in the present Ad ministration, as I have always stated, there is not a hearty feeling towards the advancement of liberal opinions, and that they have, by presenting a multitude of measures upon the table of the House of Commons, prevented themselves from doing anything like what ought to have been done during the last session. Day by day we saw fresh measures brought in. At the end of the session they are all lumped together, and then occurs what has been face tiously termed the massacre of the innocents. Careless of the enormous expense to which the country is put—care less of the constant disappointment in the public mind by the very fact of the want of order and energy in the cause, they are doing more mischief than if they did not pretend or attempt to do anything, And I do hope that in the coming session of Parliament there may be such a lesson read them by the various means which we have of telling the Administration what we desire, that when next year comes they will base their principles upon some one great measure—bring, that forward—carry it on from day to day—and not waste their time and our time and your money, and their ener gies and ours, in a heap of little, unworthy, peddling, pettifogging legislation, which occupies our time, and only spoils our tempers, and does no good.—(Applause.) If they will next session bring forward what they will not pass this, namely, an Irish Franchise Bill, if they will make it a Bill for England and Ireland—a really united measure—a measure for the United Kingdom, we shall beat our opponents. But if they merely indulge, as they did last recess, in a series of ambitious promises, by which great expectations may be raised, which expectations are only raised to be disap pointed by the Ministerial answer on the first night of the session, their doom is sealed, and we shall have to go through-.what .1 believe sincerely we shall have to go POOR, RELIEF BILL. Oa the question that the Poor Relief Bill be read a third time, Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved a clause to prevent the practice of passing the poor from perish to parish of a union in order to get rid of the liability to relieve them. The clause enacted that a residence within the union should have the same effect as if such per Suns hu.i con tinued to reside within any single parish comprised in each union. Mr. BAINES said that the change proposed to be made by the Hon. Baronet was one of so much import ance to the whole poor-law [system that it could not with propriety be introduced at so kte a period of the session. The subject of the present clause had better be reserved until the whole question of settlement came be fore the House. The clause was then negatived, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. The Excise Sugar and Licenses Bill was read a second time. The Equivalent Company Bill went through C.MI. mittee. SAVINGS BANKS BILL. In reply to a question from Mr. SPOONER. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he was pressed to go on with this Bill. At all events he wished to have a discussion upon it, but whether he should be able to go on with it or not would depend upon the turn that the discussion might take. If this Bill did not pass, he must pass a short Act on the sub ject. He would put off the Bill until next Friday. The order of the day for the second reading was then postponed until Friday, Aug. 2. The Cruelty to Animals (Scotland) Bill was read a third time. BENEFICES IN PLURALITY BILL. On the motion that the Lords' amendments to this Bill be agreed to, Mr. GLADSTONE said the Lords hai made an al teration in the Bill as to the value of benefices that might be'held in plurality, but in that alteration he saw nothing objectionable. With regard to the contiguity of benefices, however, they had made a change of which he did not approve. Instead of the arrangement agreed to in that House, the Lords had made it necessary only that the churches of two contiguous parishes held in plurality should not be more than three miles distant from each other. This he considered fatal to unity of charge, and therefore he would move the:re•insertion of the words containing the principle of contiguity. Mr. FREWEN hoped the Right Honourable Gentle man would not press his amendment. Much considera tion had been given to the subject by the bishops in the other House. Mr. GLADSTONE said he withdrew his amendment with considerable reluctance. The Lords' amendments were then agreed to with an unimportant exception in the 9th clause. The Engines for Taking Fish (Ireland) Bill went through Committee. The Duke of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was brought in and read a first time. The House adjourned at Two o'clock to Monday at ,welve. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Conanons.) FRIDAY, JULY 26. SUPPLY. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Motion made, and Question proposed, " That a sum not exceeding 41,0001., being part of a sum of 81,0001. (of which 40,000/. bas been granted on account) be granted to her Majesty, for defraying the Charge of Volunteer Corps, which will come in course of payment from the Ist day of April, inclusive." The to the 31st day of March, 1851, both -days The Committee divided : ....._ MAJORITY—AYES, 147. Anson, Colonel Ferguson, Sir R. Newdegate, C. N. Arkwright, George Fitzpatrick, J. W. Nicholl, John Bagot, William Foley, J. H. Nugent, Sir Percy Baines, M. T. Forster, Matthew Paget, Lord A. Baldock, E. 11. Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord C. Baring, tdr F. T. Frewen, C. H. Paget, Lord G. Barnard, E. G. Gladstone, W. E. Pakington, Sir J. Bass, M. T. Goddard, A. L. Palmerston, Viscount Bellew, K. M. Granby, Marquis Parker, John Berkeley, Admiral Grey, Sir G. Pelham, Hon. D. A. Blair, Stephen Grey,:R. W. Pennant, ion. Col. Boldero, H. George Grogan, Edward Pigot, Francis Booth, Sir R. G. Grosvenor, Lord R. Portal, Melville Bouverie, E. P. Guernsey, Lord Price, Sir R Bowles, Admiral Gwyn, Howel Prime, Richard Boyle, Colonel Hallyburton, Lord Bowdon, Colonel Bramston, T• W. Halsey, T. P. Reid, Colonel Bremridge, Richard Hamilton, Lord C. Rich, Henry Broadley, 11. Ilatchell, John Romilly, Colonel! Brocklehurst, John Hawes, Benj. Romilly, Sir Jolin Brown, W. Hayes, Sir E. Russell, Lord J. Burghley, Lord Heald, James Sandars, George Buxton, Sir E. Henley, J. W. Seaham, Viscount Campbell, W. F. Herbert, Henry A. Seymour, Lord Carter, John B. Herbert, Sydney Sibthorp, Colonel Chatterton, Colonel Hervey, Lord A. Simeon, John Childers, J. W. Itobhousa, Sir John Smith, J. A. Cholmeley. Sir M. Hodges, T. L. Smyth, John G. Clay, James Holland, Robert Somerville, Sir W. Clements, Charles Howard, Lord E. Sotheron, T. II.!S. Clerk Slr G. Howard, Sir R. Spearman, Henry Clive, It. 11. JoiWe, Sir W. H. Spooner, Richard Cobbold, J. C. Knox, Colonel Stafford, Augustus Cole, Hon. H. A. Labouchere. Henry _Stanford, J. F. Corbally, M. E. Lascelles, W. S. Stanley, W. 0. Cowper, W. F. Lennard, T. B. Stuart, J. Craig, Sir W. G. Lennox, Lord 11. G. Start, Henry G. Dodd, G. Lewis, G. C. Taylor, T. E. Douglas, Sir C. B. Lindsay, Colonel Tenison, Edward K. Duncuft, John Littleton, E. It. Townley. It. G. Dundas, Admiral Lygon, General Wellesley, Lord C. Dundas, Sir David 31 agan, W. 11. Willoughby, Sir H. Dunne, Colonel Manners, Lord J. Wilson, James Ebrington, Viscount Matheson, Colonel Wood, Sir Charles Edwards, H. Maule, Fox Wortley, S. Egerton, W. T. 3lllner, W. M.' Wrightson, W. B. Elliot, John Monsen, William Wyld, James Estcourt, J. B. Morris, David TELLIERS. Evelyn, W. J. Mostyn, E. M. L. Baylor, W. G. Ferguson, Colonel Mullings, J. R. Hill, Lard Marcus MINORITY-NOES, 25. Anderson, Arthur Heyworth, Lawrence Thompson, Colonel Bright, John Jackson, William Thornely, T. . . Brockman, E. D. Kershaw, James Wakley, Thomas Brotherton, Joseph Mangles, R. D. Walmsley, Sir J. Cobden, R. Melgund, Viscount Williams, John Duncan, George Pechell, Sir G. Greene, John Pilkingten, James TILLERS. Hardcastle, J. A. Reynolds, John Berkeley, H. F. Hastie, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Hume, Joseph Headlam, Thomas Stuart, Lord D. COURT CIRCULAR. OSBORNE, FRIDAY. The Queen and Prince took their usual early walk this morning in Osborne•park and grounds. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, and the younger members of the Royal Family walked and rode as usual. Colonel and Lady Katherine Harcourt had the honour of joining the Royal dinner party yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. The Duke and Duchess de Nemours and Prince Leo pold of Saxe Coburg Gotha visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent yesterday, at Clarence House, St. James's. The Duchess of Gloucester visited their Royal High nesses the Duchess of Cambridge and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, on Thursday, at Cambridge House. - - - The Commission for promoting and encouraging the Fine Arts in the rebuilding the Palace of Westminster met yesterday afternoon, at two o'clock, in the new Pa lace of Westminster. The Commissioners present were Lord John Russell (in the chair), the Marquis of Lans downe, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Colborne, the Right Hon. Sir James Graham, the Right Hon. T. B. Macau lay, Sir Robert H. Inglis, and Mr. B. Hawes. The Se cretary, Mr. Eastlake, was in attendance. The Commissioners for Auditing the Public Accounts, with their Secretary, Mr. Bromley, attended the Chan cellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at the half-yearly de claration of accounts. The Royal Commission for the promotion of the Ex hibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations, to be held in the year 1851, met at three o'clock yesterday afternoon, in the new Palace of Westminster. The Commissioners present were Earl Granville (in the chair), the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Sir Richard Westmacott, Sir Charles Lyell, Mr. Barry, Mr. Baxley, Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Cubitt, Mr. Eastlake, Mr. John Gott, Mr. Pusey, M.P., and Mr. John Shepherd (Chair man of the East India Company). Mr. Scott Russell, Secretary to the Royal Commission, was in attendance, Colonel Reid, Chairman of the Executive Committee, was present. The Building Committee of the Royal Commission had a meeting yesterday morning, in the new Palace of Westminster. Mr. Tidd Pratt had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dispatches were sent off last evening from the Colo nial-office for the Governor of Canada, and also for the Governors of the other North American colonies. ARRIVALS AT MIVART'S HOTEL. The Prince Barietinsky and suite, from Naples; the Count d'Oberscoff, from St. Petersburgh ; the Baron Kleist, from :Berlin ; the Count Alvenslehen, Minister d'Etat, from Prussia ; M. and Madame Montgomery, from the United States. Departures —the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury, for Alton Towers; the Marquis and Marchioness of Waterford, for Curragh more ; the Dean of Worcester and Mrs. Peel, for the Isle of Wight ; Colonel and Mrs. White, for St. Helen's, near Dublin ; Lord and Lady Farnham, for Gray's, near Henley-on- Thames. CITY OF LONDON SCHOOL.—The annual distribu tion of prizes and examination of the pupils of the City of London School, took place yesterday afternoon, in the theatre of the institution. The Lord Mayor was in the chair ' sup ported by Sir Chapman M ars h a ll, M r . U n d er •Sheriff Wire, several aldermen, and a number of common council members. Declamations in praise of the founder were delivered by John Robert ()eolay, in French; by Win. Cornell in Latin; by Wm. Woodward Mills, in English; by Earnest Abraham Hart, in Greek; and by - Robert Chapman Noble, in German. Prizes were afterwards distributed to the successful competi tors, Consi sti ng of scholarships, some of the value of 501. per annum each ; gold medals some worth 10L 10s. ; silver medals, v a l ue d eac h at 5/. ; a n d parcels of books, some worth five guineas. At the conclusion of the distribution, votes of thanks were passed to the benefactors, masters, and others interested in the institution, and a similar compliment to the Lord Mayor, closed the proceedings. through in spite of everything—a Protecticnist Minis ! try, ‘‘it i Lurd Stanley at its head, and a proposal to put on a certain duty on corn. That will be proposed as sure as we are in existence, and it will only depend upon the strength of feeling out of doors whether or not it will be successful.—(Chr'ers ) Mr. Roebuck next addressed himself to the working men of the town, and pointed out to them that it lay with themselves to secure the . 101. householder fran chise. He did not know how many pots of beer a good hardworking man might drink in a week, but if he would only cut off one and put by . the six pence, that it cost, every one of the class might be a freeman: The Honourable Member then referred 'to a case tried •at the recent York Assizes, when two Sheffield men were . convicted of a diabolical outrage against one of the principal manufacturers of the town. Trad es ' un i ons were i n • great &toe Sheffield, and according to the manner in v. 040 that force was employed would ebe apierion their capacity f or government:- IT by tti ir. , conduct they persuad e d t h e m iddl e classes that 'there Wbellel be danger in trusting them with the franehise, yen:ll 2 - would pass away before the fatal impretesion, , could be removed. Mr. Roebuck thee proceeded as :—Now, gentlemen, I could by taking separate topics keep you here hour alter hour; but, as I said at the commencement, my career as your representivive has been mt2p by step betore you. If any proportion, or the majority, of my constituents think I have done wrong, I only ask of them just that fairness and good faith tout they will tell me openly what they think. Give me an opportunity of removing misrepresentation, setting right that which has been wrongly conceived, and de fending myself if I be myself accused.—(Hear.) I believe that from the beginning to the end I have had only your interest at heart. My own individual aggrandizement, after now eighteen years of public life. I may not think myself called uptAi to talk of; and I shall believe that any man who makes any open or covert imputation or insinuation respecting myself and my motives must either be very blind or very malicious. [Alderman Dunn—Hear,. hear.] Hitherto there has been no benefit for myself. And if, as some of you have now and then told me, I believe, that I ought to have been present here or there when a di vision took place, my answer is, it is impossible with limited strength and human endurance to do all that lam called upon to do. There are Members in the House of Commons who make a glory of being in every vote. Now, first and foremost, I honestly tell you that many a thing is decided in that House which I do not understand—(Laughter)—and I do not like to vote in a matter that I do not compre -1 bend.—(Hear, and cheers.) I never can, and I believe there is not a man in that House who can, understand Ia debate upon a priv a te Bill. U n l ess I rea ll y k now the contents , of a Bill and understand the matter I always go out of the House. But if I gloried ix being in every division this would rob me of a glory-- a most easily acquired one. It only consists in a power of sitting—(Laughter)—and carelessness as to the consequences of your vote. But as I believe a vote a solemn thing, I never give one unless I understand the matter in hand.—(Hear.) Now I have no doubt that there are certain gentlemen in this town who take a great interest in questions relating to Church and State.— (Hear.) So did I. And if you listen to any one of us who shall come -and describe to you the course of conduct in the House of Commons with respect to ques tions, you will know that it is a much more easy thing to desire a discussion than to be able to bring it on. Mr. Cobden says that he has balloted, I believe, every time that a ballot has taken place in the House of Commons, for the purpose of bringing on his views about peace and arbitration; and yet Mr. Cobden, with all his good inten tions, has been unable to get a night for that purpose. I, like Mr. Cobden, had my hobby; it was not the peace society, but it was the Church of Ireland. I tried, night after night, to he on that ballot to get a chance. 1305 there is a set of honourable gentlemen—and we are all honourable men—(Laughter)—who have a fancy and a pleasure to see their names always upon the books of the House of Commons. They are invariably pro posing questions about which the world takes no earthly interest; and as sure as the day for balloting comes round you find twenty or thirty balloting papers which relate to those mysterious matters that only concern the gentlemen who propose them. The consequence is that the real work ing business of the days which are devoted to the private Members is overrun by those ideal matters; and the consequence resulting from that is, that those in which the people really take an interest when the people desire it cannot come on to be dis cussed. I will give you an illustration. There is a body of gentlemen in this country—l dare say you have heard talk of them—called country gen tlemen. Now, the country gentlemen had a great ambition about the malt tax. They wanted to discuss the malt tax. They, like us, found the ballot overrun. There was no possibility of getting the malt tax dis cussed, but instead of the malt tax there was something about the Raja of Sattarab or Kamschatka—(Laugh ter)—or something in which nobody took any interest. Under these circumstances ten of them, I think, combined together, and every one of them put his hand into the box, with the full intention that the first of them that was called should give the malt-tax for dis cussion ; and that was the only way in which they were enabled to get the discussion. They got it, and they were beaten as you all know. If I could get ten friends to do the same with respect to the Irish Church, I should fancy I had a very decent minority to go out into the lobby of the House of Commons with. Whether I shall ever get ten men into the lobby Ido not know. But as good luck would have it- I did get a day; and it is to explain the consequences of that day that I favour you with the description which I will now give you. The day came, and I was first on the list. The Irish Church had been do*n many months on the books of the House of Commons, and that was the first night I had a chance of discussing it. I had taken great pains with respect to the foreign policy of this country. For a fortnight I was not in bed till after three in the morning, and was necessarily obliged to be up at half-past seven. There is but limited endurance in man—l broke down, and when the Irish Church came on for discussion I was lying on my bed and unable to move. I hope my friends will take that as an apology for deserting that which I could not help deserting.—(Applause.) I hardly know whether I have any further explanations to make. You know what I have done for you ; you know the principles upon which I have acted. The time will come—it may come more rapidly than some of us, or at least some of you, expect—when you will be again called upon to select your representatives. If the sample that I have given you the last two sessions be not to your liking, you will then have the remedy in your own hands.—(Hear, hear.) I am frank with you—you will then be frank with me. I cannot alter my course of conduct, because that course of conduct is the result of a good deal of calm reflection. The principles which have governed that conduct you know. The conduct itself has been before you. If it suits you, you know how to reward the ser vant; if it does not suit you, you know how to punish him. Gentlemen, I have done.—(Vehement and protracted applause.) The meeting, before it separated, unanimously re solved, " That the best thanks of this meeting are here by given to John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., for his inde pendent conduct in Parliament, and for his attendance here this day." THE SIR ROBERT PEEL TEST MONIAL. The following communication has been received by the treasurers to the Peel Fund:— " City of London Police, Chief-office, July 25. " Gentlemen,—l have much satisfaction in sending to you, at the instance of the contributors, the sum of 431. Is., in aid of the Peel Fund,' from the officers and con stables of the city of London police force, being a sub scription of half a day's pay by each member, including my own, as the commissioner. I avail myself of the occasion to advert to a letter under the signature of ' Leo,' to the editor of a morning paper, in which the writer asserts that it is not true that the subscription from the police force in the city of London is voluntary. It is the result of an intimation from their superiors that the foroo is expected to sub scribe half a day's pay; and while very favourable to the subscription on general grounds, I protest against any direction being given to the police, or any other!, in any department on such a subject.' Nothing can be more remote from the truth than the imputation of Leo.' The first intimation I received of an intention existing among the members of the force to subscribe to the Peel Fund was in the form of an inquiry, whether I, as the commissioner, had any objection to their subscrib ing a day's pay, such being the very general wish of its members. My reply was, that while I was greatly pleased to hear of the prevailing feeling among them, I considered half a day's pay would be ample, and that every man was to consider himself a free agent to sub scribe or not. When the subscription was placed in my hands the superintendent observed that every officer and constable had subscribed, except two, and at the same time produced to me a list of names of the subscribers, but which I declined to receive, inasmuch as it would be to make me acquainted with the names and numbers of the men who had declined to subscribe, and they will consequently remain unknown to me. " It is my uniform practice to allow every man the same privilege of thinking and acting that I claim for myself. " I feel sure that you will concur with me in the opinion that whoever assumes to enter a protest which implicates the official conduct of the individual to whom it relates should take oars to be well-informed as to his facts. I willingly admit that the character of a publio man is public property, but it is not therefore open to the malicious attack of every unmanly assailant who may choose to shelter his malevolence under a fictitious sig• nature. " I am, Gentlemen, your faithful servant, " D. W. HARVEY." " To the Treasurer of the Peel Fund." ABATEMENT OF RENT.—At the rent audits ill. , cently held by Mr. Horncastle for the Venerable the Dog' and Chapter of York, Sir Henry Fitz-Herbert, Bart., and Henry Frederick Walker, Esq., returns were made, varying according to circumstances, from 7i to 12 per cent., upon the half- year's rent due at Lady-day last. Edward Coke, Esq., of wa L u o n n d g e f r o s r t d a , n n d e atrh athat Derby, an had been given to one tenant, who did no t a pp rise the othe rs , in h t a i s m re at d in u n ce n d f h ia is r r . e cn nts h l e o ,B p i e n r te c n en ti t o . n ; d havinge d the rtenn re-pocket e a - u p d n i n t k a with h the e i3O fall r. r The trustees of the Wakefield r a c e n e u n d t t a . c l: 7 n d s t e lie t u i i r e i li n g t r l w a y t a i t ti s h c e a g y t r i e o a a n t t t . en at Charity (Sir Oswald Mosley, Bart., acting trustee) returned 20 per cent. to the tenants on Monday, the 15th instant. Derby Mercury. Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1645 . r A DVEISTISEMENT.] An 7 ie T a. :: ,huand E d a t tg ß e EARL cure s P ebey ALD e this xr a extract from miraculous C loh his r s beg to acquaint you that your pills have et rmALNDroecrd:deiscsuhisniooperziaioolsilletAotrylever'eacedPry_amtsoetsidtrii—:eir, fected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all the most eminent of the faculty, at home'and all over the continent, had not been able to effect; nay, not even the waters of Carlsbad or Ma rienbad. (Signed) " ALDBosonan." These wonderftd pills will cure any dieease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor holloware Establishment, 244. Strand. Ali by 41 medicine vendors throughout the civilised world.