The Sun. — London, England, 1850-02-01 00:00:00

each several state paid in addition for its own government, and all the establishments necessary fo r the f :rnal administration of its affairs. He firmly be lieved that we were not at all over taxed in proportion to other countries; and while he should again say, that distress had not been exaggerated, he could not help expressing his deep regret at the language which was used in some places thro u g hout the recess, where, in some instances, actual violence was recommended.— (Hear, hear.) Ile also saw with deep regret and abhor rence that some of the Parisian journals recommended, almost in direct terms, the assassination of some of the princes of Europe, and that such assassin would be re ceived with open arms in the United States of America. Now, he believed that instead of being received with open arms by the people of fiat country, an assassin, whether from France or elsewhere, would be rejected by them with scorn and indignation. But, speaking of distress, he could not forget that a respectable morning paper had very usefully given currency to a great deal of curious, interesting, and most important information regarding the sufferings of our poorer workmen, and, above all, of oar poorer workwomen. He approached the sub ject with a fe ding of pain and great reluct ince—of pain at feeling that it was all true, and yet of reluctance at being bound to dispute the remedies which some able, amiable, and most excellent individuals had devised for these evils. They were most meritorious individual., but the remedies they had devised were intended for a state of society in which there was a difficulty in keeping soul and body together on their labours for " fourteen hours a-day, these unhappy individuals exist ing on the smallest pittance of food by which animal life could be supported, and meanwhile working with an industry which exceeded all belief and was beyond all praise. Fir these he felt strongly—that was a dis tress which went as near to his heart as any cf which he had heard mention made that night. But what was the cause of this? It was in proportion to the demand for labour that there was anover-abundant sup ply—it was in proportion to the superabundance of those who received that there was a low proportion of those who paid; it was that these persons were paid 2d. or 24-d. a day, because the state of the labour market would not allow of their being paid more. But in order to remedy the evil it was proposed to take them out of the market, reducing the superabundance of labour by so many thousands. Short-sighted benevolence ! Be nevolence more benevolent than beneficent ! Their sole object in taking those 10,000 or 20,000 individuals out of the market was to raise the price of labour, and no doubt as that was what they expected, so they would succeed. And to what would the success lead ? In stead of raising the 2id. to 4d., in all probability it would be still turther lowered, and it was like building not with wet, but dry sand. But then it was said there was emigration. One object of emigration was to provide labour for the colonies, and another was to take labour out of the home market, and so raise the price of it higher. But what was the next consequence? The colony would only take labour of a certain kind. The colonists were nice; they wanted la bour, but it must be the labour of virtue, so that we must. in the first place, scrutinise all the emigrants we sent out, and see if they were fit for emigration, according to the views of the celonists. It might be said if these women would make such good wires, why not let them remain here, fit we are thus exporting the best part of our po pulation. Ile had never been more horror-struck than when he heard of the total want of feeling exhibited by some of these colonists, when they insisted upon a con vict ship not being allowed to land the convicts they had on board. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by shortly repeating the sentiments he had already cx pressed as to the inexpediency of retracing their steps to protection, and altlioueh his Noble Friend's amendment had been most ably supported, he confessed he had not ye t been convinced that it was his (Lord Brougham) duty to accompany him. Lord STANLEY had t eard, in connexion with all the . r Lordships, the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend, who had just sat down, with great pleasure; but, certainly, he should say, that it had, especially the latter part of it, very little connexion with the subject then before their Lordships, either as regarded the Speech of ler Majesty, or tl e amendment proposel to the Address by his Noble Friend. He, however, agreed with the con do'ence expressed towards her Majesty, in consequence of the loss she and the nation had sustained by the death of the Queen Downer—(Hear, hear)—whose life was marked by splendid and unostentatious charities, and whose death was characterised by a spirit of piety most consolinf. He teliet ei their Lordships would Le unani mous in the expressions of their gratitude to Divine Pro vidence for the disappearance of a painful disease, and that they would lend their cc-operation to the adoption of all [re 'sures, extending as car as it was possible, the com forts of the lower clesse , . With regard to what had Lean said of the United States, ho believed there was no zedprocity which could pay this country for the loss she sustained by the navigation laws; and as to the passage in the Speech, that her Majesty was on terms of friendly relations with fsreien powers, he would ask, was the Government on such terms with Austria, Russia, or Naples?—(Hear.) For his own part, he did not understand what was meant by the terms used as to the instructions that had been given for settling the Turkish affair in a manner con sistent with the dignity of the respective powers con cerned. He presumed, however, that fuller details on this subject would be afforded by her Majesty's Govern ment, ant therefore did nut press the point further until he saw there details. Upon one pokt, however, he had expected, and naturally, to have received some informa tion from her Majesty's Government. For some cause or other, the Fri nch had sent a small army into Italy, which was subsequently largely augments f, and which bad not until this day been withdrawn. Austria had also march e I an army into another part of Italy, and held posees , ioe of it. He had no doubt that there was a per feet understanding b t veal the French and Austrian Governments on this subject, that they were quite in ac cord, and for the moment conteenp'ated only the pre servation t f order. But it was a singular thing that such a state t f affairs she ul I have existed far nine or ten months, and not have been deemed cf sufficient import arum to deserve a paragraph in the Royal Speech. He gave both thesis powers the credit of being actuated by the best intentions, but he could not help looking upon the continuance t f the present state of affairs as fraught with dangsr, and the sooner their troops were withdrawn from Italy the better it would be for the peace and se curity of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) He now came to that part of the Speech on which he must say he felt extreme regret to differ from her Majesty's Government. He was indeed most anxious that the terms of the Speech, with re fere tee to agricultural distress, should have been of such a character as would have obviated the necessity for any amendment, because it would bare given him great pleasure in seeing the Address unanimously adopted. It was, therefore, with sincere regret that ho fund the terms in the Address were of such a nature as compelled him to vote against it. Indeed, the whole course pursued by the Go vernment was cne of defiance to the agricultural interese They had selected to move the Address in the other House one of the most strenuous advocates of that free-teede system which, if it had not caused, had at least greatly aggravated, the distress of the ag ricultural classes. Taking that fact in conne x i on w ith th e terms of the Speech itself, and the speeches of the Noble Mev, r and Seconder of the Address in that House, it would al most app ar as if it had been the intention of her Ma jesty's etieistere to force them to move an amendment. The t ne in which allusion was made to the distress of the agricultural interest was of a slight, if not offensive, chars. t •r, though the severity and the extent of that die tress had re t hen either questioned or doubted by any speele Tho Speech said that her Majesty had observed with regret" the complaints which in many parts of the Uuited litn,gi'om had proceeded from the owners and occupiers of laud." Now, he said that was not a fair and eaudid statement of the case.—(Opposition cheers.) The complaints did not proceed from one class, but were bread and general.—(Hear, hear.) The distress was not confined, neither did the complaints :proceed exclu sively from the owners and occupiers of land. The dis tress reached further, and beyond these classes. It fell ereviotedy, and most heavily, upon the labourer, the ir shopkeeper, the mechanic, and the artiz en. It ouched all those classes whose welfare depended upon their being employed by the owners and occupiers of the soil.—(Cheers.) He therefore indignantly repudiated the statement that the complaints proceeded exclusively from the owners and occupiers of the soil—the distress was great, genera', and grievoas among all classes, and not a small, secondary, and subordinate matter, as it was assumed to be in the Speech. Having thus endeavoured to fos.tsr upon the owners and occupiers land an impu tation of melsi , g complaints, the Speec h went on, in a somewhat condescending tone, to express regret that any portion of her Majesty's subjects, however small and unimportant they might be—such as the owners and Occupiers of land, for instance, should have an y cause of compl a i n t ; b ut that regre t was qualifiedbyt u la s e e sincere grati fi cation with which her Majesty saw the increased command of comforts by the great body of the people.—(Cs o p p osed heersand counter cheers.) a Let him not be under s t oo d cheapness and abundance, and to the con sequent to commandovf t s a er i t le he com fortnd necessaries of life by th e great body e —such cheapness and abundance a s ex i sted in 1835, i n people to, junction with an abundance of money and employ meet, he would gladly see; but the cheapne ss and abundance of the present time was widely different, and her Majesty's Ministers, in his belief, hat been seduced into a wog unwise policy by listening to persons who, be cause they wake a great noise, believe they are the people, and every other party a mere faction. He believed that they were committing a fatal error. The great body of the eeeple were not in the position the Speech described them to be. The cheap ness and abundance of our imports had not given them that comman d over the comforts and necessar i es o f life which was assumed they h a d.—(Ch eers .) If it was the case that the wages of labour had declined through out the agricultural districts from Us. to 9-., from 9s. to 75., and Bs. to e s . — that is, in order to keep heavy bur dens from falling upon the rates, and keep down the nominal amount of pauperism to the extent of seven per cent., persons R ere set to work upon th e r oa d s , or em ployed only for thre e d ays in th e week, he tho ug ht thi s of e did not prove the condition the great body of the people had Lem improved. Tie cheapness and plenty boasted a by was not particip ated in them.Why,ae cording to the very terms of the returns that h relied upon by the Noble Lord, it appeared was l at be th en e amount ( f pauperism for the whole country seven per cent. loss than in the ye ar 1849. But it would be remembered that the year 1848 was a year ef the deepest depression. The Noble Earl himself was in the habit of speaking of it as an exceptional year, When, therefore, the lit of January, 1849, the com mencement of a year following upon a year of deep depression, was compared with the Ist c f January, 1850, sorder to show that there had been a diminution of eAn per cent. in the pauperism of the whole country, ‘itsias clearly fallacious. The Noble Earl and the Gc- vernistent, boasted thatihemanu : acturing districts were so uttich improved under the free-trade system. It Was ~ .j . tit e uao 80 important a fact that it was made a matter f9r special congratulation in the Queen's Speech, Way ,_ / eIETVS A/A:: ) 1 :74 7 e.rt.: ~=~. THE SUN, LONDON, Fit then, he was entitled to deduct the number of persons who had been thus improved from the total of paupers that had to be supported in 1848 and 1849; and thus, upon the face of these very figures themselves, it was proved that the agricultural distress, which appeared to be doubted, had increased, and was much greater this year than last ; and that the ccmplaints so slightingly referred to bad a re al and solid feunda tion. He admitted with pleasure that there was a great improvement and a large increase of our trade, and he was ready to join in congratulating her Ma jesty on that fact. But even the Ministry themselves did not attribute that improvement to any specific cause; and he thought it would not be difficult to show that there were causes at work which, as in the years 1644 and 1845, and before the disastrous ye , rs of 1847 and 1848, produced prosperity altogether irrespective of free trade in corn. He found that our exports of calico had last year almost reached the amount they e ere be fore free trade operated upon t'sem. But how much of this increase was owing to free trade, or to en increased demand in the markets opened for us in markets by free trade ? Why, of the 128,000,000 yards of calico ex ported, no less than 89,000,000 were sent to a part of our own empire—British India.—(Hear.) This showed conclusively how small a portion of our increased exports was due to free trade. He could only express his here that the present prosperity in the manufacturing dis tricts would not lead to over-trading and over-specu lation, and that the improvement would be as perma nent as it had be ea rapid. But if he was told that this improvement was owing to free trade, he would remind 1 those that so argued that the boon thus conferred upon the manufacturing interest bad been at the expense of the agricultural interest.—(Cheers.) No one could look at the prices of agricultural produce without seeing that there must exist deep and general distress, which every Noble Lord bad admitted. But his Noble and arned Friend (Lord Brougham) had said that in France the agricultural interest, though not exposed to free trade, but enjoying the benefits of protection, was labouring under the deepest distress. He would accept the filets, but the facts in the case of France were widely different to the facts in our own case. Her Majesty had adverted to the fact that this country had been, under Divine Providence, preserved from the wars and convulsions which had shaken continental states. He thought that these wars and convulsions were one great cause of the distress of the agricultural interest of France. — (Hear, hear.) Bat another great cause was to be found in the different tenure of land in that country. Under the Government of liberty, of fraternity, and of equality, the land had been so minutely sub-divided among a mul titude of small proprietors that it was impossible for them duly to cultivate the soil—(Hear. hear)—and yet the party who had so much power over her Majesty's Ministers, in the course of the declamations against ex isting constitutions, wished to produce a similar state of things here.—(Protectionist cheers.) They wished to put down the landlords, whom they described as possess ing too much land to be able to cultivats it themselves, and who therefore let it to others to cultivate fer them, screwing an exorbitant rent from their tenants. They made the whole a question of rent. He denied it. This was no question of rent. If they were to follow the ex ample of France, and take the soil from the possession of the great landed proprietors, in order to make what had been called a" safe and permanent democracy "—(Hear) —if her Majesty's Government were led away by the influence of these [attics, and gave countenance to mea sures which were intended and calculated to strike down the influence and alienate the property of the great landed aristocracy they might fall—their days might be numberel; but, with the numbering of its days, with its fill, would follow the fall of the British monarchy.— (Cheers.) And, when that monarchy and aristocracy were destroyed, and they were placed under the rule of a crude Republic, they would only find that, as in Fraece, they would have to endure the distress which bad been so graphically described by his Noble and Learned Friend as existing among the small proprietors of that country. Then, when his Noble and Learned Friend enumerated the taxes that pressed upon these proprietors, he almost thought they amounted to 100 per cent. That was another cause of the distress in France; and, in addition to this, must be takes into ac count those internal convulsions from which the agricul tural interest could not fail to suffer, and from which we had firtunately been saved in this country. But the Free-trade party wished also to burden the land by di rect taxation, and he should deeply regret to see her Majesty's Ministers become the instruments for carrying out so destructive a policy. But it had been said that the distress was owing to temporary causes. Why, he found that the decline in prices had been steadily going on for the last three years, and though it was said that the fo reign grower would not import except at a remunerative price that would protect the -home grower, yet he found that from taking 1844, when the imports of wheat and flour, at an average of 69:. 9.'. per quarter, were 4,451,000 quarters, as compared with 1349, when the average price bad fallen to 445. ld. per quarter, the im ports were 4,453,352 quarters, being an actual increase in a year when we had a good harvest over the year 1847—a year of famine, when the average, price was 575. 7d. per quarter. Again, they were told in 1847, when there was a deficient and bad crop, that caused low prices ; and in 1849, when there was a good and abundant crop, they were told that abundance necessi tated a low price—the causes, then fore, were not tem porary, they were permanent. He did not pretend to be a prophet, but ho had, when this questioned was dis• a . cussed priori, and without the light which actual ex perience had since thrown upon it, stated his belief, that in three years the imports would mount up between fur and five millions of quarters. and the prices range from 40% to 455. ; and the result had shown the correctness of that opinion. —(Cheers.) I lie thought, therefore, that they had prima facie eri. dence that the distress was not :owing to temporary cauzer —that the decline in prices would be permanent. If they now could have corn poured in at the present prices, they had no grounds for believing that corn could ever be higher than 45*. or 465. a quarter. lie asked the Noble Lord if the consequences which had resulted were such as they had anticipated from the repeal of the corn-laws? lie would say confidently that the ad vocates for the repeal of the corn-laws never contem plated that the effect would be V) bring corn down to 45s and 461. On the contrary, it was argued that the effect would be to raise rent; and one Noble Lord, who advo cated the repeal, looked forward with great confidence t) that result.—(hear.) The primary object which he had in view was to prevent large quantities of land from being thrown out of cultivation through the great de preciation of prices—and by so doing, thereby reduce still more the condition of the agricultural labourer. A Noble Lord had talked about the increase of rents since 1815, but the alteration which had taken place in the value of the currency bad not been taken into ac count. The rent paid for the land was a very insignifi- cant return fu)r the millions cf capital which had been sunk upon it, and was a return which the men who attacked the landed interest would think a very inade quate return. Although labour might be obtainel by the landed interest at sixpence a day, they preferred pay ing a shilling, and did not take advantage of the compe titiun to reduce the wages cf the labourer to starvation point.—(hear, hear.) So much then for the conduct of the landed interest, which had been so much vilified. Fur himself he could say that from the property he pos -Bes:e3 in Ireland he had not, as we understood th( Noble Lord to say, received during the last 18 months a sixpence of rent. Considering the heavy burdens to hich land was liable, and the unremucerating prices of agricultural produce, was it unreasonable that they were not sari: fled with the language used towards the agri cultural body in her Majesty's Speech? It was with re gret he assented to the amendment, but not feeling satisfied with the language in the Speech of her Ma jesty, be felt bound to give that amendment hi: support —an amendment, he would aid, which bad been so ably and so temperately introduced to their Lordships' attention. Be the policy right, or be the policy wrong, of the measures which they had adopted, it was decidedly unfair that the occupiers of land should still be compelled to bear the exclusive bur dens which had been so long cast upon them.—(Hear, hear.) He asked them—and he asked them with confi dence, to give their support to the amendment, which upon two grounds accounted fur the distress which they all regretted, namely, the adoption of free-trade mea sures, and the pressure of local taxation—two causes which had resulted from the measures which had been adopted by her Majesty's Ministers.—(The Noble Lord then resumed his seat amid loud Opposition cheers.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, after the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, he felt it his duty to address the House npbn some of those topics to which the Noble Lord had alluded. Admitting that it was the right of Noble Lords to give vent to their opinions, and to embody them in an amendment, it seemed they had found only one subject upon which it was necessary to move an amendment. The Noble Lord (Stanley) had expressed his surprise that, with reference to the relations in which this country stood towards foreign powers, so meagre a communication had been made. Whatever the Noble Lord might think, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would take upon himself to say that the statement in the Speech was strictly correct; and, with respect to Russia, to which the Noble Lord had particularly al. luded, he could confidently affirm that the relations of this country with Russia were of a most amicable character.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to what had been said about Turkey, this country felt itself bound to aid in upholding the dignity and the independence of the Porte ; and the result of the measures which had been adopted had been of a nature best calculated to maintain the peace of Europe. As to the effect of their legislation on the navigation-laws, which the Noble Lord had deprecated, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could say, that both on the part of the United States and of Sweden there had been every desire exhibited to met t this country in a spirit of reciprocity on that subject, and similar assurances had been received from other Go►ernments —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He would now refer to the amendment which bad teen moved. The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had complained of the terms which were used in the Speech as contrasting in vidiously the condition of the manufacturing labouring population with that of the agricultural. Now be de precated any invidious comparison, and for his own part he considered the interests of the agricultural la bourer were identified with the interests of the landlord. ( which fear, had ha b e ee r n . ) s p o lie ke n w o o u f I r efe o t b d y the r Noble h Henley e Lord a Union, s being a union in which the condition of the agricultural la bourer was so bad. He found that in the Henley Unit :n the cost of maintenance of paupers had been reduced in the year 1849 from 7821. to 368/., and the numbers had been reduced from 28,327 to 19,312. The Noble Mar quis adduced other instances, such as the increase which had taken place in the consumption of tea within the last ) ear, as showing the increase in the comforts of the mass of the population, and the advantage which had re sulted to the country from the passing of those measures which Noble Lords opposite so strongly deprecated. It was the glory of this country that commerce could not increase without the landed interest being benefited at the same time. And when he stated that, taking the an:MIA Of the exports up t 9 the latest cement, it W9ULd be found that the increase in these during the last year amounted to no less than ten mil'ions sterling—(Hear, hear)—that then must greatly benefit the community at large. But then the Noble Lord said that was counter balanced by the large importations of foreign grain. But what was the fact? He found that in the last three months of 1848 the importations of foreign grain into this country amounted to 1,438,000 quarters, while during the last three months of the year 1849 that im portation was reduced to 145,800 quarters. But he had also got the amount of the quantity of foreign grain of all descriptions imported into this country during the present month, or during the first four weeks of 1850, and he found that while in the first four weeks of the year 1849 the amount imported was 1,108,618 quarters, during the past four weeks the importations had only amounted to 336,895 quarters. So that this importa tion of foreign corn, against which the farmers were told it would be in vain for them to struggle, was reduced in the proportion of about ,one-fourth of its former amount. Some allusion had been made to the state of France, but there could not be a more instructive pic ture than that which the Noble Lord (Brougham) had drawn of protected France and unprotected England. The Noble Lord said that a „vrt at part of this distress in France was owing to the parcelling and extreme sub division of the land. But that existed long before these extensive importations had taken place. The Noble Earl who moved the amendment referred to former p• Hods, which he described as times of happiness to the labouring classes of the community, under a state of protection of corn-laws and of the sliding-scale, of which he avowed himself to be still the advocate. One of the years to which the Noble Earl referred, was 1833. He would quote from a most authentic document the state of England and the landed interest at this period, when prot 'ctcd by the sliding-scale. It was the report of a Committee which was composed of the greatest au thorities on both sides of the House. After referring to the report of a former Committee of 1821, the Commit t-e expressed a hope that the great body of the occupiers of the soil in this country possessed a power which would enable them to surmount the difficulties under which they laboured; and they then go on to say that they were bound to state that a great many c f the difficulties remained unchanged —that the savings of a great number of the occupiers were gone, their credit was diminished, and their re sources generally exhausted. This opinion they stated was formed not upon the evidence of the ratepayers, but of many of the most respectable gentlemen, as well owners of land as occupiers, surveyors, and land agents. What worse description could the Noble Lord give of the state of agriculture, and the owners and occupiers of land at the present day ? Could he describe them in more simple, or more em phatic terms than " that their savings were gone, their credit had failed, and that their resources were exhausted!" And this, too, was under a scheme which he thought so good that be refused to take an Bs. permanent duty in lieu thereof, believing that the country could only be saved by the aid of that defensive system, with this panoply, this fort"fication of a sliding scale, which exhausted the resources, took away the savings, and diminished the capital of the country. Die ' condition of the agricultural labourer had, therefore, been at various times equally as bad as it is at present, and therefore it was that he hoped Noble Lords and Honourable Gentlemen who were in the habit of addressing public meetings upon this sub ject would cease to hold delusive language to the far mere, and forbear to tell them that their resource was only in these protective laws. They deceived the farmers when they held out such delusive hopes to them, instead of telling them fairly that they were not the only body in England who had to compete with the foreigner, and bidding them look to the woollen and silk manufacturers, who were successfully competing with the foreigner, and bidding them "go and do like wise." Instead of adopting this course with the farmer, they deceived him by telling him to go to Parliament, and that Parliament would relieve him. And what, after all, was the relief proposed to be obtained from Parliament ? Was it a recourse to a system of fixed duty? If a farmer addressed at one ef these public meetings was told that by going to Parliament he could obtain relief and security—if he bad the intelligence of a British farmer, and would come and look over the amendment of the Noble Earl, he would ask, what is the relief you promised us? You have nothing here but mere general statements? What do you propose to do? He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) understood that the Noble Duke was prepared, if the amendment was carried, to follow it up by some other resolutions in favour of a return to the old system of ppotection— The Duke of RICHMOND—I am prepared, if this amendment is carried, to get rid cf the present Govern ment; and I have every hope that the Members of a new House of Commons will give their protection t all the domestic interests in this country.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thanked his Noble Friend for stating so explicitly his intentions. It was now des-, that what was intended was to get rid of the present Government, and then to call together a new House of Commons to re-enact the old corn-lave. He would be as frank with the Noble Duke as he had been with him. There was a time when he considered that a fixed duty was the best mode of meeting the nseces• sits which existed for a great and radical change in the system cf the corn-laws. That proposition was made, and by the Noble Lords opposite it was resisted. —(Hear.) It was resisted by them successfully, and the rejection of that proposition placed the country in a situation which compelled it to determine between The sliding-scale and no corn duty at all. Whether the farmer was now, upon reflection, grateful to the Noble Lords opposite for having saved him from a fixed duty, , he did not know; but, at all events, the farmer was so , saved by their exertions, and Parliament having once decided between the tee-total repeal of the corn-laws and the sliding-scale, and that havirg been decided by large majorities, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) for one— though the Noble Lord might be ready for the conflict —was not prepared to engage in that conflict of interests which would ensue if that proposition were now to be carried. He would not be responsible for it. Noble Lords had a right to take the sense of the House upon the subject, and he was glad that they were pre pared to take it with the explanation so distinctly stated by the Noble Duke. He did not entertain that low opinion of the English farmer which some of those who prefessed to call themselves his friends appared to en tertain, that he alone who was engaged in the manufac ture or the land, was unable to compete with the manu facturers of other countries. He was not sreaking lightly when he said that, although the farmers might be rather slower than the manufacturers in embracing improved methods, and in making new exertions, still he did not want the energy which was indispensable to success. Their Lordships would recollect, that from one end of the country to the other, all protection had been substantially done away with.— (No, no.) Take the case of silk, for instance. Since the amount of protection was diminished, the exporta tion had been steadily increasing during the last year. The quantity of silk exported had increased from 605,9631b5. to 1,231,8351b5., while the increase in the declared value had been from 466,0001. to 805,0001., or nearly doubled in amount. And a great quantity of this silk eras exported to the countries from whence the raw material was imported into this country. Was not this a proof of the injuriousness of the protective duties? Again, in the article of copper, the same results had been obtained from a reduction of the duty. The poor-rates of the county of Cornwall had not been so low for some years as they e ere at present, owing to the great in increase of employment given to the people in connexion with the manufacture of copper. With respect to the public meetings to which he had referred, he had seen and heard enough of them to know that those who addressed them did so not with a view (1 . discussing great questions of principle, but of inflaming the minds and exciting the passions of one part cf the country against the other. He (Lord Lansdowne) was not prepared is go back on their past policy; he was not prepared to hold out what he believed to be a delusion. He objected t the amend ment of the Noble Lord, which was calculated, if carried, to give rise to general uncertainty and confusion. The way to test the question was to appeal to the energies that distinguished the British character, and which were not confined to ore class alone, but extended to every class—energies which at the present moment were ex hibiting themselves notwithstanding the change in the navigation-laws, for in spite of the predictions in that House, and the declarations of persons interested, er supposed to be interested, in that subject, there was scarcely a port in England at that moment in which ship building was carried on, in which there are not more ships building than at any former time; and at that port which was the emporium of the trade, the port of Sun derland, there was an enormous quantity of shipping laid down. With such an example of what energy could do before him, he could not accede to the proposition of the Noble Earl.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of BEAUFORT said that a doubt having been expressed as to there being distress amongst the agricultural labourer?, he could only state, in spite of the figures referred to by the Noble Marquis, that such distress did exist. When he saw repeatedly at the ses sions and other meetings bodies of labourers coming and begging for work and wages, and stating that they could not get one or the other, he could not but believe there was considerable distress.—(Hear, hear.) Earl GREY wished to say a single word in reference to a statement made; by a Noble Lord opposite. The Noble Lord represented him to say that repeal of the corn-laws would increase his rent, but he never had said any such thing; what he did say was, that the repeal of the corn-laws would increase the value of his property. Noble Lords generally could not attempt to deny the improved state of the country, and its ad vance, in spite of the difficulties of the last three years, in the career of prosperity—(Hear, bear)—and no one could entertain any doubt whatever that at no distant time the land, like other interests, would share in these benefits.—(Hear, hear.) As the Noble Lord had re ferred to his (Earl Grey's) private affairs, he would only say that nothing had occurred within his own personal experience public experience or the slightest expectations dege re were enter tained.—(Hear, bear.) Their Lordships then divided. For the Address : Present ••• • Proxies ••• For the amendment:— Present Proxies ... ... 86 ... ..• 66-152 ... 69 ... 34-103 Majority fur Ministers 49 The Address was then agreed to, and was ordered to be carried xi) by Lords with white stares. The House then adjourned until Monday. DEATH OF ME. WESTALL, William Westall, the landscape painter, died on the 22d inst., in the 69th year of his age. Though little celebrated for bis oil pictures, he had a pleasant f sling for landscape nature (lake scenery more especially). Mr. Westall was elected an Associate of the Royal Academy in 1813, and was the senior Associate at the time of bis death. NEW EDITION OF EVELYN'S DIARY. Now ready, 10s. 6d. bound, V OL, I. OF EVELYN'S DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE. NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION. Revised, with numerous Additional Notes. To be completed In 4 Volumes, uniform with the New Edit'on of Pepy's Diary. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. To be had of all Booksellers. TWEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. JAMES ANDERSON. THIS EVENING, will be presented. tsy her Majesty's Servants, The Play of THE LADY OF LYONS. Claude Melnotte, Mr. J Anderson ; Beauseant, Mr. Montagne ; Glavin, Mr. Parry ; General Daman, Mr. Baker; M. Deechapelles, Mr. Davidge; Pauline Des chapelles, Miss Vandenhoff. To conclude with a New Grand LTlsterical, Metaphorical, Allegorie.l, and Diabolical Pantomime, by the author of " Bluff King Hal 'to be called HARLEQUIN and GOOD QUEEN BESS ; MERRTE ENGLAND IN TILE OLDEN TIME, Private boxes, 31. 3e., 21. 12s. fid., 21. 25., 11. Its. 6d., and 11. Is. Stall., ss. each. s. d. s. d. FIRST PRICE. SECOND PRICE. Roses - - 4 0 Boxes - - 2 0 Fit - - - 2 0 Pit - - - I 0 Lower Gallery - I 0 I Lower Gallery -0 6 Upper Gallery - 0 6 No Ilalf•price to Upper Gallery Box-book-keeper, Mr. J. Posey. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Mr. B. Webster. Aele Lessee and Mamurer. Old Brompton. MR. ARCHER'S BENEFIT. THIS EVENING, Will be performed NELL OWYNNE. After which TIIE CHRISTENING. To be followed by THE MAID OF CBOISSEY. To conclude with nib: MAID WITH THE MILKING-PAIL. The Box-office is under the direction of Mr. L T. ♦rcher. THEATRE ROYAL. ADELPIII. Under the direction of Madame Calera. THIS EVENING Will be performed a new domestic Drama, called THE WILLOW COPSE. Principal characters by Messrs. Hughes, Wright, P. Bed fore , 0. Smith, Worrell; Madame Celeste, and Miss Woolgar. Aster which FRA.NKENSTEIN ; or, The Model Man. Franken stein, Mr. Wright; the What is It? Mr. P. Bedford; Zamiel, Mr. 0. Smith ; Otto of Rosenberg, Miss Woolgar ; Tiddlewincz, Miss E. Chaplin ; Agatha, Miss Coveny ; Undine, Mies E. Battling. To be followed by a new slippery sketch called MRS. BUNBURY'S SPOONS. Mr. Highbury Barnes, Mr. P. Bedford ; Bob Twinks, Mr. Wright; Job Smith, Mr. 0. Smith; Mrs. Banbury, Mrs. F. Matthews; Mrs. Highbnry Barnes, Miss Brooks. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Under the Management of Madame Vestrfs. Sole Lessee. Mr. Charlet, Mathews. Tflrs EVENING. Rill be performed METHINICR I SEE MT PITIMR. Ater which TM: ISLAND OF JEWELS. To conclude with BOX AND COX. Dress Boxes 54. ; Upper Boxes, 41. ; Pit, Ss.; Gallery, Is. No bait-price to any part of the house. All applications for Private Boxes must be made to Mr. Allcroft, 15 New Bond-street. PRINCESS'S THEATtIE. Mr. J. M. Maddox, Sole Lessee and Manager. THIS EVENING, Will be performed a new comic Opera, entitled THE VALLEY OT ►NDOIIRE. To conclude with KING JAMIE ; or, Harlequin and Magic Fiddle Harlequin, Mr. Bolegna ; Pantaloon, Mr. Paul.; Clown, Mr. Flex more ; Columbine, Miss Fawcett. ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. FRENCH PLAYS AND OPERA COVIQUE. Mr. MITCHELL begs respectfully to announce that the French Performances at the St. James's Theatre will commence THIS EVENING, Eight o'clock, when will be performed LE MAITRE CIIAPELLE. To conekde with a New Opera Bonffen, entitled LE CIID. Th. Box-office of the Theatre is open daily from Eleven till Five. ASTLE Y's ROYAL AMPHITHEATILL. Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty. THIS EVENING, The performance will commence at a Quarter to Seven. with a new Grand Spectacle of THE KNIGHT OF . THE EAGLE CREST; or, The Tourney of Lore, in which Mr. N..T. Hicks will appear. To be followed by a brilliant display of Batty's peerless scenes of .he Circle, supported by the accomplished artistes of the establish ment. To conclude with a trend Equestrian Comic Pantomime, by Nel son Lee, millet HAT: L SQUIN YANKEE DOODLE, Who came to Town upon his little Pony. box-office open from Eleven till Four. 111GLI WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tom DAT —Morning, 56 min. after 4 1 Evening, 1G min. after 5 To-Mealow —Morning, 37:atin. after 5 1 Eveitag, 57 min. atter 5 THE WEATHER.—Suit OFFICE, FEB. 1. THERMOMETER, Lowest, 35; Highott, 47; Noon, 50, BAROMETER, 2914. WIND S.S.W.—dull hazy weather. 4 _ ;4 ti !Mc . , „ir 1, • • N 14 A = _ WW:j' beitilind anti; LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1830. A. more comprehensive, a more propitious, or, altogether, a more satisfactory Speech from the Throne, has never within our recollection been deli vered either by the lips of the SOVERZIGN or by those of her Commissioners, than the one which yesterday inaugurated the third session of the present Parlia ment. Generally speaking no document elicits more invariably or more universally the cavils and con demnations of the community than that Ministerial manifesto, which is designated by courtesy the Royal Speech. Scarcely ever is even one solitary section of the multitude disposed to regard it with any degree of complacency. All recognise in it faults of omission ; ' some of commission. All perceive in it the absence of allusions which they would have fain seen intro duced ; some the presence of allusions which they would have fain seen differently expressed. The advisers of the Crown may usually with implicit confidence anticipate the expression of more various and virulent opposition against this otie effusion of their statesmanship than against all the rest of the voluminous harangues which during the from of the session may eman a t e from the Government. Whatever sentiments they may place in the mouth of the Sove- REIGN, under ordinary circumstances, those senti ments they may be sure will be violently assailed by a crowd resolved to be unsatisfied. In the present instance, however, it is we are satisfied otherwise. One class of the population doubtless will articulate its displeasure in no measured terms—we mean, of course, the Protectionists. But with the vast ma jority of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom the prevalent feeling on the perusal of the Royal Speech will be that of peculiar and almost unalloyed satisfac tion. Each of us, to be sure, will regret that so and so was unnoticed, that such and such a matter was overlooked, that one or other of our individual hob • bies was paEsed over with indifference—but of this we are satisfied, that the mass of the population will exult in the tone of every paragraph comprised in this important document, and will rejoice that matters of such moment have been mentioned in language so singularly felicitous. After a solemn and feeling allusion to the demise of ADELAIDE the Queen Dowager,her MAJESTY, through the mediutri of her Royal Commissioners, felicitates herself and congratulates the country upon the uninterrupted and honourable maintenance of the most amicable relations with the various countries of the globe, but more especially with the different states of Christendom. The reference made immediately afterwards to the happy settlement of the autumn differences which had arisen between the Austrian and Russian Governments on the one hand, and the Government of the Sublime Porte on the other—dif ferences which are acknowledged in so many words to have been "of a serious character"—will have been observed with profound interest by all those whose sympathies are with the expatriated heroes of Hungary. To th ese individuals, and they are numerous, the announce ment made indirectly from the lips of the SOTE• REIGN of England, that all such differences have been amicably arranged through the united mediation of the Cabinets of the French Republic and of the English Monarchy, will be a source of inexpressible gratification, more particularly seeing that that an nouncement is accompanied with the assurance that the advocacy of the cause of the SULTAN, in opposi tion to the demands of the Austrian EMPEROR and of the Russian AUTOCRAT, has been conducted throughout in a manner " consistent with his dignity and indepen dence." Nothing again could be more peculiarly satisfactory than the declaration which thereupon follows, seeing that it affords an augury indirectly of improvement to the commerce of Great Britain, and directly to the advancement and general eman cipation of the commerce of all the countries of the earth, in both hemispheres. Her MAJESTY graciously informs her Parliament that not only have the Governments of Sweden and of the United States of America responded to the generous reforms made by the British Legislature in the re laxation of the restrictions formerly imposed by the laws relating to navigation, but that propitious assurances have been received from the rest of the foreign states that, ultimately, their own codes of navigation will be sinalarly modified, thereby con• ducing in the end to a perfect freedom of marine in tercourse. Not an individual in these islands but will appre ciate the b eau t y o f the acknowledgment sub sequently made as to the cessation of the ravages of tmheortalCithy, And to stay that fearfulolero, ALMIGHTY GOD, in his mercy, having been pleased "to arrest the progress of A , R Y 1, 1850. 'pestilence." "Her MAJESTY is persuaded," continues 'he Royal Speech in terms eminently noble, and in a spirit at once rational and humanizing, "that we sh % . 11 best evince our gratitude by vigilant precautions age inst the more obvious causes of sickness, and an en' ightened consideration for those who are most ex pos sd to its attacks." In that sentence is pronounced an indirect eulogium upon those sanitary improve ments , which are declared, further on, to be developing thems elves in all quarters of the United Kingdom in a manner highly satisfactory to their promo ters. Comprehensive but, at the same time, cautious diminutions of the national expenditure are hinted at by the Royal Speech in that portion of it wh err, on commending the yearly estimates to the Ge ntlemen of the House of Commons, it is intimated that those estimates " have been framed with a strict regard to economy, while the efficiency of the va rious branches of the public service has not been neglected." Meanwhile, in making that concession to the popular ambition for financial improvement, it is rema.-ked, as if in justification, that " her MAJESTY has seen with satisfaction the present state of the ra•venue." In reference to Ireland, the allusions of the Royal Speech have :n this instance acquired an especial interest from the circumstance that the Monarc.h is enabled to observe, that in her late visit to that portion of her empire, her MAJESTY " de rived the highest gratification from the loyalty and attachment manifested by all classes of her subjects." Those allusions, moreover, have happily become on the present occasion fraught with some degree of encouragement, seeing, that while they announce the effects of former years of scarcity to be considerably mitigated by the general abundance and the prevailing tranquillity, they intimate various measures for the improvement of the condition of Ireland, particularis ing those ameliorative measures by name, and asserting that they will be brought in due succession under the consideration of Parliament. Besides announcing to the country the probable speedy resumption of all postponed improvements, the Speech from the Throne contains two important paragraphs not yet speci fied, the most remarkable and felicitous portions of this most remarkable and felicitous document. The first of these admirable divisions of the Royal Speech is the following reference to the increased and increasing prosperity of the country, to the vociferous and interminable complaints of the agriculturists, and to the latent determination of the Government to maintain their Free-trade policy in opposition to all the noisy demands of the Monopolists : " Her Majesty has great satisfaction in congratulating you on the improved condition of commerce and manu factures. It is with regret that her Majesty has observed the complaints which in many parts of the kingdom have proceeded from the owners and occupiers of the land. Her Majesty greatly laments that any portion of her sub jects should be suffering digress; but it is a source of sincere gratification to her Majesty to witness the in creased enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts cf life which cheapness and plenty have bestow el upon the great body of her people." Than this nothing could by possibility have been more admirably, more justly, or more emphatically expressed, indicating a sympathy for whatever sufferings have really fallen upon the landowners, but intimating at the same time mesolute determination to adhere to a cause upon which the comfort and hap piness of the "great body of the people" are entirely dependent. The other important paragraph of the Royal Speech not yet particularised is the following majestic and eloquent peroration—language worthy of a constitu tional SovzaziGN, worthy of the Patriot Monarch idealized by BOLINGBROKE :- " The favour of Divine Providence has hitherto pre served this kingdom from the wars and convulsions which, during the last two years, have shaken so many of the States of the continent of Europe. It is her Ma jesty's hope and belief that by combining liberty with order, by preserving what is valuable, and amending what is detective, you will sustain the fabric of our in stitutions as tho abode and the shelter of a frog and happy people." Regarding the Royal Speech as an augury of the session just commenced, we are now more than ever sanguine of its proving one calculated to advance the interests of the community, and to conduce to an ex traordinary improvement of the Constitution ; a hope materially heightened by the masterly speech deli vered last night in the Commons by the Hon. CHARLES VlLlamas, and the noble and decisive oration pronounced in the Lords by the Earl of CARLISLE. Notwithstanding the many proofs which have been afforded during the last twelve months of the reckless misrepresentations in which the partisans of the reactionary movement habitually indulge, we cer- tainly were not prepared for the assertion which has recently been put forth by the friends of obscurantism and liegemen of King BOMBA, that Great Britain never guaranteed to the Sicilians their constitution. We had imagined that the debates which took place in the House of Lords last session, when even the Earl of ABERDEEN only ventured to hint a doubt, and when Lord HETTESBURT was compelled to admit the authen ticity of the memorandum of 1814, had set that question at rest. It would appear, however, that King BOMBA and partizans in this country are pre pared again to raise the issue of guarantee or no guarantee, and they found their pretensions on the following note from Lord PALMERSTON to Lord Nonmennv, which will be found in page 2 of the Parliamentary Papers:— No. 11. " VISCOUNT PALMERSTON TO LORD NORMANDY. " Foreigc-office, January 13, 1848. " My Lord,—Reports have of late been circulated that, in some way or other, the constitution, which was granted to the Sicilians in 1812, was guaranteed by the British Government. I think it right to inform your Excellency that the correspondence in this Office with Sicily in the years 1811-12, while the reversion cf the constitution of the island was under consideration, and in the year 1813, after that constitution was finally sanctioned by the King, contains no mention of any pro posal for the guarantee of Great Britain to that consti tution having been either required or offered; nor does that constitution, which was finally sanctioned by the King of the Two Sicilies in February, 1813, allude to any such guarantee.—l am, &c., (Signed) "PALMERSTON." There can be no doubt but that no written gua rantee on the part of Great Britain of the Constitu tion of Sicily was required either in 1811, 1812, or 1813, because during the whole of those years the forces of Great Britain were in military possession of the island of Sicily ; during those years Great Britain guaranteed the Sicilian Constitution by her acts, and so far were those acts carried, that when the intrigues of the notorious Queen CAROLINE of Naples for the over throw of the Sicilian Constitution were detected by Lord W. BENTINCE, his Lordship did not hesitate to deport her from the island, wif e though she was of the idiot Bourbon who at that time wore the Sicilian crown ; it was not therefore before 1814, the date of the evacuation of the island by the British troops, that we should expect to find in the British Foreign-office any record of a guarantee of the Sicilian Constitution on the part of Great Britain, and that such guarantee was then given appears from the memorandum, dated Palermo, October 20, 1814, signed WILLIAM A'ConaT, addressed to the Neapoli tan Government, and published to the Sicilian people ; which memorandum was never presented to Parlia • ment until 1849, when it was laid before the House of Peers on the motion of Lord BEAUMONT. This memorandum had been withheld from Parliament rtbe. by Lord CASTLEREAGH in 1821, when other p lating to Sicily were presented; and when questioned on the subject by Lord W. BENTINCE, his Lordship inuendoed rather than asserted its non-existence. Copies of it, which had been circulat e d i n S i cily, arrived in England in 1849, and sear c h Ives again made for it at the Foreign-office without effect, the Sicilian copies not bearing any date which could guide the searchers; at length the date was ascertained, and on searching again in the Foreign-office the memorandum was found. In this memorandum (which is published in extenso in the correspondence relating to Sicilian affairs, presented to the House of Lords, pp. 3 and 4), in speaking of the appeal made to England by the Sicilians in 1811 on behalf of the Constitution, the British Minister says— , " England could not be insensible to the appeal which was made to her, and whilst she charged herself with the protection of Sicily from any foreign invader, she at the same time lent herself t) the invitation she had received, and became the protectress and supporter of alterations founded upon principles so just in them selves and so creditable to those from whom they had originally emanated." This surely reads not very unlike a written guarantee of constitutional government to Sicily. The memorandum then proceeds thus : " In any temperate and prudent modification of the Go velment, England would willingly lend that aid and sup port which it may bo in her power to afford. Sho ex acts only, a 3 a condition of this assiwance, that it be done by the Parliament itself--that it Ee awomplisiled in a legal and constitutional manner, end as far removed from any direct int •rvention of overbearing authority on the one hand as from any undue exertions cf popular int-IT-Tenet , on tha other," From the aly;ve pissage it is clear not only that constitutional government was guAranteed by Great Britain to Sicily, but that Gre-at Britain claimed a right of interfering between the KING and his Sicilian subjects, should the former attempt to in troduce any modifications in the constitution without the consent of the Parliament, and the reservation of this right of interference on the part of Great Britain becomes still more clear from the tenor of the note of Lord CASTLEREAGH to Mr. A'CouaT, of the '3 11 of September, 1816 (Lords Papers, p. 5). In speaking of the interference of the PRINCE REGENT of Great Britian in the affairs Sicily, Lord CASTLEREAGH says— "You may apprise chN Neapolitan Minister that the Prince Regent would c:►nsider such interference imposed on him as a duty, if (which IP: persuades himuelf, efer the assurances he has received from his Sicilian Mjest, ern never happen) those individuals who acted with the British authorities during the late difficult times in Si oily, should be exposed either to unkindness or persecu tion on account of such conduct. " His Royal Highness would frel himself equally compelled, hooves or reluctartly, to inter fo.e, if he had the mortification to observe any attempt made to reduce the privileges of the Sicilian, nation in such a degree as might expose the British Government to the reproach of having contributed to a change of system in S;cily, which had, in the end, impaired the freedom and happi toss of its inhabitants, as compared with what they fir merly enjoyed." These conditions were communicated to the Nea politan Minister, the Marquis of CIRCELLO, and the following is his reply (Lords' Papers, p. 8, No. 5.) : "THE MARQUIS OF CIRCELLO TO WILLIAM A'COURT, ESQ. "Naples, Dec. 6, 1816. " The Marquis Circello has tlken into his mature con sideration the verbal declaration which his Excellency, Mr. A'Court, his Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraor dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, has made to him. " It was stated in this declaration, as nearly as the Marquis Circello can remember, that his Royal High ness the Prince Regent, from motives of friendship to his ally, the King of the Two Sicilies, wished that these changes should be wisely and prudently effectuated; that as to his own conduct, his Royal Highness the Prince Regent would abstain from all interference in the internal affairs of a foreign and indepenee4 state, pro vided his own honour and the good faith of his Govern ment-did not otherwise require it ; and this would be its the two following cases :—First, if the Sicilians, who, during the last few years, had acted in concert with the British authorities, were exposed to a reaction ; and, secondly, if the condition of Sicily should be rendered worse than it was in former times. " The Marquis Circello having submitted, as was his duty, this declaration to his Majesty the King, his master, must assure Mr. A'Court, that his Majesty acknowledges in this declaration a new proof of the particular regard and friendship of his august ally; and he desires that Mr. A'Court will express his most lively gratitude to his Royal Highness." Can the authenticity of theEe documents be denied ? It would, we think, require more than even a Bourbon power of mendacity to attempt such denial. If their authenticity is admitted, then we have the gua rantee contained in the memorandum of 1814, in which England declares herself the pro' ectress and supporter of the alterations introduced into the constitution in 1812, and declares that as a condition of any modifi cation to be hereafter introduced into the constitu tion, she exacts that such modification should be made by the Parliament itself. We have the declara tion by Lord CASTLEREAGH, of 6th September, 1816, that the PRINCE REGENT would feel compelled to in terfere if he should observe any attempt made to re duce the privileges of the Sicilian nation in such a degree as might expose the British Government to the reproach of having contributed to a change of system in Sicily, which had in the end impaired the freedom and happiness of its inhabitants, as compared with :what they formerly enjoyed, and we have the acceptance, on 6th December, by the Marquis of CIRCELLO, on the part of the Neapolitan Government, of the right of interference on the part of Great Britain, as reserved in the note of Lord CASTLEREAGH. It is admitted on all hands that the Constitution of 1812 had been modified without the consent of the Sicilian Parliament. There can be no doubt but that the effect of that modification has been to render " the condition of Sicily worse than it was in former times." The case provided for in the note of the Marquis of CIRCELLO has arisen, and the right of England to interfere is incontrovertible. Equally incontrovertible is it that the Sicilians have a right to call for such interference, and that England is bound in vindication of her own honour and to save herself from reproach, to interfere, by arms if necessary, to secure to the Sicilians the restoration of their constitutional form of government. CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.) The Lord Chancellor sat in the Old Hall, Lincoln's Inn, to-day, pursuant to the intimation his Lordship gave yester day. It is usual for all the equity courts after the last day of term to adjourn to the first seal, but in consequence of the arrear of appeal occasioned by his Lordship's indisposition last year he is anxious to overcome it by sitting during those periods which are usually devoted is recreation. MARKS V. SOLOMONS. The arguments in this part-heard appeal were resumed and concluded to-day. The LORD CHANCELLOR gave judgment, reversing the de cision of the Court below. ------ VICE-CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.) (Before the VICE-CFIANCELLOR of ENGLAND.) His Honour sat to-day for the purpose of disposing of some pressing motions, none of which possessed any points of interests except to the partie s conce r ned. It is understood that his Honour will not sit again until Thursday next, the first seal. (Before the Vice-Chancellor .NIGHT BRUCE.) His Honour heard ban kru p t petitions to-day, none of which were of any interest. The Master of the Rolls and the Vice-Chancellor Wigram did not sit. COMMON PLEAS.-(THIS DAY.) Mr. J u stice Talfourd and a common jury were occupied at Westin. i ns t e r throughout the morning in trying the case o f Wernock v. Jacobs , which furnphed no materials for a de tailed report, the matterin dispute being a copper vessel which had been removed from a house occupied by one o f th e parties on his leaving the premises, and to th e ownersh i p of which both laid claim. EXCHEQ UER.-(THIS DAY.) (Sittings at Nisi Prius, at W estm i nster, before the Lona CHIEF BARON and a Common Jury.) WILSON V. GADSDEN. This was an action to recover under a charter party. Mr. KNOWLES stated the case to the jury. The plaintiff was a ship -ewner at Sunderland, and the defendant was a charter hl ;c e e reote h ene a r, tn, party rae r t e 4 r sylsi7t which v. ho n ai f g cl n gehte aodLdbotebner been be o nel n 8 , e due . e n e r d et led t t h it e nha actiontpeopebp appeared artnd, w t ff a s ü brought ee t n hat th a e t p t a h r e beginning of the month the plaintiff had a vessel called the Radiant in the London Docks, unloading a cargo of linseed which had been brought from abroad, and being anxious to get employment for the ship as soon as the cargo was discharged, he employed for this purpose a broker named Lindsay, who entered into an agreement with the brokers of the defendant to bring a cargo of wheat from Smyrna. The charter party in question was accordingly duly executed both by the plaintiff and defendant, and by it the defendant engaged that his factor at Smyrna should load the vessel with Indian wheat, maize, or other grain, and the freight to be charged was to be at the rate of Bs. per imperial quarter. The vessel was allowed to go to Hartle pool first, to take in a cargo of coal, which was to be dis charged at Smyrna. She was finally cleared at the London Docks, on Oct. 14, but the wind being easterly, she could not sail until the 16th,and did not arrive until the 22d at Hartlepool. She left Hartlepool on the 31st, and reached Smyrna on the 25th of December, where the captain discharged the cargo of coals, and then saw the defendant's factor, Mr. De Young, but he told him that he had no cargo to send to England, and must act, under these circumstances, as he thought best for the interest of both parties. The consequence was the captain loaded the vessel with madder root, and sailed on the 15th of February for Liverpool, where he arrived on 1.4 9th of April, and the cargo was finally discharged on the 21111 of the same month. The sum sought to be re covered, therefore, was the difference between the freight actually earned and the freight which would have been received if the charter party had been complied with. The freight of 2,250 quarters of wheat, the stipulated quan tity, at Bs, per quarter, would b t e b 9 e oo l l. , , es a e n e d l to this w d a e s ta t i o ne b d e added 6/. a day for demurrage, ed in the charter being detained 14 days 9 d B t 4 h . e time The mak ing a total received by the plaintiff party, freight e for 4571. He believed that the cargo of madder root only amounted to 527/., so that the real balance due to him was sP ei bona fide question in th e case would be w h ether or not Mr. De Young was the agent or factor of the d e f en d an t at Smyrna, but he thought, after they had heard the evidence, there would be no doubt entertained upon the point. Mr. Alfred Smart proved having witnessed the signa tures to the charter party. Cress-examined by Mr. MARTIN—When the document ta-ought to the plaintiff it had a memorandum attach e d was loit by the defendant, making a condition that the vessel should sail within seven days. The LORD CHIEF BARON—That puts you out of court. The defendant entered into a charter party on the condi tions contained in a separate paper, that the vessel should sail within a given time, and the charter party must be taken with the condition. By the Couicr—The defendant wished the vessel to sail immediately. The document was written and signed at the same time as the charter party. The CHIEF BARON—Certain conditions were made, and if the plaintiff was dissatisfied with them, he ought to have cancelled the contract. You, in fact, want to declare upon the contract without the separate paper. Mr. Knowia:s applied for lca're to amend the declaration. The CHIEF BaiioN having consulted with the other Judges of the court upon the point, said he could not allow the plain tiff to amend. After a short discussion, it was ultimately arranged be tween the parties that there should be a verdict for the de fendant on the issue of non assumpait, and for the plaintiff on the other issues.—Verdict accordingly- ---- 31 () NEY ana NEV COMMERCIAL , " CITY. QUARTER TO THREr:. The sales of Cotton at Liverpool yesterday were estimate, at 5,000 bales, 1,000 of which were taken on speculation, an" including about 4,000 American, 150 Pernam and MaranhsT at 6 1 Ad. to 7d. ; lthr Bahia at 6%d. to 7W; 400 Surat .at 4,l.tie. to •`1,;(1. - and 50 Sea bland at I Id. to Is. 4d. per 1 1 1. market closed rather firmer.—Railwav Shares were dull. The Corn market is exceedingly heavy again to-daY• 1 , In the Colonial produce markets this week there has 'been a went of animation, and all the principal-. ataPl' l s , l s. J . somewhat lower. Sugar has declined, and coffee is do been , Os. per cwt., according to the dscriptions. Eke W., fair dull. Provi,sions maintain their value. Spices are 1 request, as also is rum, cotton, and wool. . • . There are advices of October 4 from Sydney.. -A- eve in g ral ve t• sels haying arrived from England, the mariceta I, "e„r e l ar ge great measure supplied with the goods wanted. " d ie, portion of the cargoes consisted of marketable Mere han . and realised satisfactory prices previous tobeingll nded. Re tail business was very dull. ts of Mauritius a cc ou n t s o f Nov. 16 state that the expo r 8 to sugar this re a r t o th a t d a te were 31,44",048113s , wh e o6 lbs. the correspondi ng p er i o d o f 1848 they were but 15,849, 5 per The exchange on London for Government pap er W3B , cent. premium. r • c rest The Continental letters bring nothing of prominent la in reference to the money markets. A very heavy market exists to-day for Pub an t ball and prices . are again is to IA per cent. lower. Con- -s o at. Thepse 9 )7/; to!Jtit4 for Transfer, and 9ti to 9% forMentiet, been :7 1 Ns,w Three-and -a-Quarter per Cents. have and Eubsequentl3 98%. There has been nothing Olio, Bank Stock. Exchequer-bills have realised 585' to 00 premium ; and India Bonds 90s. to 935. PreT illub intelligence from Greece has affected the market.. . n . in Peruvian In the Foreign Market there is a large business de l , ll ,az . n oted eruvian Bonds, which have risen W 74N and 1 " Grenada One-and-a-Half per Cent. Bonds are , , od 18q(4 ~, . Chilian have risen to 101 and 101 , / , :. Russian to 89. Mexican have been quiet at o : l4 l :ibree Scrip is flat at 3to 37,', premium. SPa n ' i s u All per Cents. are 37 to 1 %. Venezuela have been 3'7 1 ',.00 the attention now seems to be directed to South Moe' investments. _ lie Securitie, The week's rrAway receipts are as under :-- i Bl9. Od. 1850. a. c 7"7 98 ' sel North-Western X 39,347 Bs. 4d. PA , . ', 3, 3 . 1. , •-• 8, 19 ' ,n.,. led' South-Westein .. X 7,089 12s. 11d. 3,4 87 '"-- 5/1. Caledonian £ 5,246 ss. Od. Os. 6,6 36 MO South-Eastern £ 7,731 75. 8 ( 1 . an d The Railway Share Market is dull to -da y , Stafford, Midland, and Caledonian are cheaper. 01 ,01 4 " ONE rille t s PR 3 , . oF oRITIstI i lINDN O'CL Oa - 206 41 • Bulk Stock 96Y 96 96A 3 ~er Cent. Reduced Anna 9 5 7 k 54 3 per Cent. Consols Annuities... ..... 9 1 4 A 9 9/ 4 3 per Cent. Annuities,l726 9SIA ~ 06 N w ew ag 3 An P s e . r to Ce e n a t p . i An reJ n an s. .186 . 0 11- 16 8 1 92 9 3 p In Um Bonds, 1,000/ ... Ditto under 1,000/.. ....... ........ 93 p 10 64 9 4 4 South Sea Stock Ditto New Annuities ...... 96 4 Bank Stock for Account , — :.onJols for Account... 96% 96 14d. Es 2d 61 p ':chequer Bills. 61? 1,0001. June 6B 61 p 500/. June small. June 5B 61 6 -' ll P O P gg i'RICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. CC" 009 O'CLOCX . 89 ... 04 Brazilian Bonds.. Buenos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent Ditto, Account 101 Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent .. ...... Chilian Bonds 6 per Cent „„..• ICA Danish 80nd5,1825,3 per Cent. Ditto 5 per Cent..... lOO , 1 8 j Equador Bonds . Grenada Bonds, I% per Cent. 1 8 344 Ditto Deferred Mexican, 5 per Cent.lB46, with Coupoor 294 Ditto, Ex Jan. Coupons ... Ditto, Account 2'% 70 /i 7411 Peruvian Bonds, 4 per Cent .... 74 % 4 3 ‘ 75 754 7 4 3° Ditto, Account •••••...• 0 p Leeds mouth Russians poDDDDoaa Newcastleit i iii h t titi stni t s 00000 h, Ditto, I, D . 1,,P38.rA , Scrip . ea c hopi. ac c, : f sneies e .rsrdro r si Deferred e t ,4ir.,di, Cent n. t. t.. . i. .84050 . 3O 30 IA 29 .• -- .• • 3% 3 p .... 4 —' 5 1 , L —' 57's 37 37 374 4 ' • ii SO Venezuela Bonds, 2! d i per Cent - Ditto, Account . 34% do p, io Dividends on the above payable in Lcin C l l PRICES OF BUSINESS DOI. r III„ icAILWAY MURES. PAID. A T °NE o'CLOL , I; .... lii 13erdeen 5O ...... , "' •• .. 1, : . auckingharnshire ..... 17% Caledonian ...... ........ 50 Ditto, New 101. Prof... 10 Jhester and Holyhead... 50 eastern Cot-intim— ..... 20 Do. New, Gua.6 perm 10 . Ditto,Extonsion, 3 per . P Cent., No.l. 6/.135. 4d — P••••" ...... :6 Ditto ditto. No. 2...6L 13s. 4d l /2 P••••' ... ....... ...- -;dinburgh and Glasgow 50 - 4 ... 1 4 Great Northern MN., ;i t B 6 per Cent.. 7% — '• ...... 68 Do., 5 per Cent. Pref. 12% ll 107 i •' S 3 el Great Western e iii ste s rn hares ... •• .. ' 66 % ,‘ ..... ** 1 • Ditto, 1 4 Shares ,„.. Ditto, New 17/... .., l5 ... . 9I 8. 7 4 " . " ." 7 Lancashire& Yorkshire 100 - ............... : Ditto, % Shares Do. Fifths... ........ Do. Thirds ............... 18 .. ......... ••'' 10 1 Leeds and Bradford 5O .. 101 ........ ... ... ........... ,I Do., Prefer., 6 per Ct. 3 1,4 ...... -- ...... ......... 5 Do., do. No. 210 Do., Pref. Quar.,lB IS 9 ... 91 .. ." A.-- ........ A, 1 Landon, Brighton, and .° 5% South C0a0.... --AN Lyndon and N Western 100 1i 6 14: y4 .. e• *"." 1 :1% Ditto, New Quarters.. 12 . .... . Ditto, Fifth. PI - ..... .." •.. •. .-- ••• ........ • Do. 10/. (M..& B.) C. 1 . ........... ••• b c . London &S.Westm .. 100 .: 6B 681 i ... -e" 4 ' Midi and ...... ........ ...1i 0 ... 44 44 , 4 43/i •'• og Do., do., 501. Shares 30 ... Norfolk - 100 ...... 27% ........... ,% North British ........ ..... ...... ..„ ..... Ditto, Halves .. Sorth Staffordshire ... 17 ..... 7 " ....... ..." 10 Oxford, Worcester, and ... Wolverhampton Reading, Guildford, and Reigate l5 -... 133.iliii ......... 9°l lA:oDiriktso Guaranteed .:s oni e tr s e . 8 , . ; . e . r oath Eastern 33 4) — - ••"" .. / 36uth Wales ............ 4 5 3 0 .., Wear Valley 6 per Cent. Do. do. lt ; ... -.. 50 ......... • ...'' 27% ...... . 40 Berwick..... .. " ...:...::: :d . . 2 2 2 0 5 5 . Yor i k og an n l 3 ; a : n o d rt A h M idland Fieon 50 ....... ...... .. , D tee Preference .. 18 . i . E Iii2 I( 0 ) N RAiLw s 2 , i i .. - .. .. 5. :: : : : :: . .............. I ' ll,. Orleans pt3ouut h ord .......... 7 . 11: --:14443 / 4 —:::::::::* l'o Dutch Rhenish Luxembourg ... ... . -... 8 ... ti Paris and Strasbourg ... 12 6 'X i ....... "".. 1,; Rouen and Havre ...... 20 : .... . : 10 ........... •:: West Flanders ..... •• ..... 8%...» .. IN ............. p3i B A r u a s z t i r l a i l a i n an Cocaes&Cuiaba 3 424 0 11X -E."5:-- .... ........... 14 Do. St. John Del Roy 15 4 1 20 3 2 : 4, .. 1 A. 1 .7.. : .. : ..........•.: i i lf :: _— ... ,•••• . ,:.... 61 Santiago de Cuba United Mexican - si,' 4 JOINT STOCK BANJO' ~.. 4 0 3 Australasia ~.. 4O British North American 50 London Joint Stock...". 10 0 , t iol . - I will 1 $ 1 11 CALEDONIAN Socwry.—The anntlo 0 0 , 1 10 effin ll3l°' t he v f. national institution t.mk place hot - re 1 $ l. Llanover-:quare Rooms. The members w ( d ) res sed gill donian uniform, and, with their elegantlL eepe.oeree ners, gave a brilliant appearance to to" k .„01 1, „ r ( 14 rooms were decorated with flags and 'J. - w oe ba t ed hero and there with the tartan of varioas C. ji b 0 0 ; 6 0 national emblems. Dancing was kept up k olid to oh' vigour till an early hour, after which a' r ete° If sit was served in the supper-rooms. We ri t t s ero °9 bat` serve that this anniversary was not so 0 s olo , 0 0r tended as those we have seen on former 1 fill oSe d rig i l is full explained by a new society, mael,? on Tb,400 1 bers belong to thir, having their first bau of caroolq next. It is very creditable to the natir,eL e of.c u o , F e; that so many institutions, arising out of J t v be 00; 1 4 and Rational enthusiasm, should exist ju its of ort,, and that all emulate each other in the w ° s et, the ea and benevolence_ Our readers cannot forgot., tbe4 o lla o I able treat and novel entertainment oee h ojn de jee l , societies (the Royal Scottish) gave tte , Pl i b u y I,er ;all% Park, last summer, and so much enjoye d ` , t teit t he cl. and Prince Albert. The stewards and ,00 dog/ - secretary, Mr. Gray, paid the utmostrege'd e ll ' . forts and amusement of their friends, I' ll be e " ledged having spent a delightful eveoloPat o n b ill ,. PO! To THE EDlTOlt.— Sir, --My sttenb"eodedr inner called to a paragraph in your paPe r .' t eetifi %W e il Costume," in which you allude to 03Y P" I II you ie , tions in the make of outer or top-coe tj he . t i 1 e te t bose e o ns indebted to you for your notice, but It'. oo ot bii • •0 - • is calculated to convey a wrong inspre al ttitled 70:1 0c , e to ventions, I think you will consider Me e ',,, tog be' o f full explanation. My aim has not bee'• w i n tert (of 0 0 , garment alike adapted for summer of o itabl ° 4 Ro b es render one made for either season more s oe coe 0 e variable climate. This is effected by li fo titt it i f e rilid, which, when buttoned, conceals the low": but tiolo I v the appearance of an ordinary over-e""whee oc a f fe r more complete protection for the cheer • ne ars s ea 0 0 ditional front is left unbuttoned, the 101 l 1/ 00 I. sented is that of a frock and over-eoat• te ije t , 1 4 1 i driving, the outer front can be brough t (ni 01 still B it t ito te ire °, 1 11 of the buggy, so as to cary off a ll Ne e . 0 ., it e $ iff io letting in the lap; and when in a ear n i T o yein e , ° • ed , e ol covers and prctects the knees. The twr j 0 1 ' 1 40 0 a s leevedd iti o i l: t a o pp t heiri app licable !e h a to pe e , ve a r r y e d s c o s c d r i i p 5 p t used s esseo3 t . 0 , i l p sr , ° .e ° oo l , friction, so soon apparent in the le a rn ito et ! le Wir e s further observe, that one object in 5 1 " t Oir r efi e ll 0 Ifel tiP % was to enable gentlemen. through th osno e, e xte p to , to obtain a garment differing in ePl uce d, U de at .01 utility, to anything hitherto pro, ~,. to _, 00 licenses to the respectable portion or liT 5B , se" fling cost.—l am, Sir, Sec., J. ST OYEL, street.— Herald ---...."---- $lO l .0' DIED. fi 0 0. „i Al f( ' On the 19th ult., at Brighton, Laura, the Vi Esq., of the Bengal Medical Establishment. the saf• 0, On the 19th tar., i n St. peter,s.squaray. A riC i li' B. Parrin. curate of St. Peter's Haturnersmit fre.l ll $1 On the 22d ult , at Tunbr'ilUe-welle, agej,s',„licrig Hill, eldest son of . T. W. Hilll,-Esq., late of L'" AO' NV, ge tary Service. On the 25th ult., at Shirley, near Lieutenant-Colonel Russell blanners, c•-• so e bop of No. • 1" D .14 112, Strand, Prin, sit The $ London: Printed and Published solu ti oetilc;oo3t ; . it rlnd . 11 - Preeinc ter, ef the Servor, 1.13 bliddlreelr, Friday, February 1, 185°' I