The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-20 00:00:00

:est (prese n t e d on Friday, the 7th of June), and to to be m this House is of opinion . that imiuir_y_ . o 3t u li g n h t t . salue made into the grounds upon which the mei . ii _ Aofehief clerk of that department has been , i , t ti_ I,' frons the officer who, as it is alleged 11 46 „ t5, would in official artier have sacee 3 d „. e . l il ee to P i r t e ."_ irese9rostnaaster-General hod dena il the pstaioners 0 and they now came 1,0 the Ilouse to look into the sottg,?cl grievance. They did not come to n t a h ; e House to flaked to iuerease their miserable etipe d tl t i" lue HOUse to see that the rule ol'pro t n.i he o y tio e i i i i — lY te. Perquisite of office, as it had been termed—which i , ht not t;l t were entitled to, as well as their salary, e tTh siten from them by the arbitrary condu rn ct 6 of the of the i'et—a%ter-General, or rather of the secret thebleAlce, blr. Rowland Hill. It had been f a o r u y n a d that Wtreb a st waY Of economising the public money . nd re tisk .g Public service was to establish the principle of 1 044 4 3 the proper claim to any of the higher posts e a , Mlle offices as they fell vacant.. _ The Post-office PieZe e PoSed to act on that principle, at least the Yes t ) i ' l Was adopted and acted upon e (until last at serl tile I nuneY-order office. The present Postmaster- tie (il l! had broken through that rule in h es e tea ca s s s e te o r i tle t tl. l ef clerk of the money-order office, and it was teniVcausstance which had led to the present appeal here aeati'laraent. The Hon. and Learned Yora„, ll ,, t e a Minute history of the grievance U of em the peti ts 1 .4' Foul which it appeared that the complaint took °1k,. 111 1 849, in consequence of an altert k ee - ri made Iltk.a,,itowland Hill in what was called the sic und or Net"„ t1911 0. (The Hon. and Learned Member G 's n s v t e a r t n e - - fe tn ellt b . : 1 :1 33 4de solely to Hon. Members on the "uees " Q ues, there not being a single Member on the House.) Th e ihative side, from which he addressed the lleeln.dividual who had been passed over, and who, e on 1 4, 1141 of seniority, was entitled to be pre d sensed e t e e tkhlteatit post of chief clerk to the money-or er o t ffi gc , 1;444,014s claim disregarded because he refused o t - 1 j e l lkel lo Zte having signed a memorial which contained ee declared The person put in office, who had previously m , °l Ol. ea unqualified, was taken from the oney elelie‘"mee of the post-office at Edinburgh. He 40a charged a Public ' in calling the attention of the , le t c , „.. Pu ic duty 'Y kre" buts Matter, and now left it to the House to u tir i i k r ught to be done. iil ltt a i: "I A.US seconded the motion, and conteaded steni s ea tedl i ,,,, i rY ought to take place into the system sy 4ers)e '' tue ost-office, and more especial asserted ;ettleroffice ho books of which it had been t't,tilseettaha most slovenly and objectionable manner. e tt *r a,' ell submitted to Mr. Rowland Hill for the k' l h tete geraent of this department, and a better 0k °E ke eping the accounts, but nothing had been 11 0 ea e'erews.I4ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said '‘,,t ho le ) great inconvenience in not having any officer Ate i'l. °lB ° to represent the Post-office departmen t , We altoteee raatters as P the present came before them. ro I , ,414110je true th at that. senioritY . alone was the ground of p eke I)o'g:cording to seniority a person might of frise salary,to a 4 , ti f h a sn ' t : en and receive a certain increase .tic;inirwrottlL'svhere. to be made the sole ground of pro .. 44 est; tly e r i m possible ) t o conduct t a h t e e public eah .l e i s e h r _-_ f q ti t ben ta7( lear, hear. eke 4iteatioestY Persons were . wented, those best fitted and the same principle ka t I Y ap plite s. were selected . ta ea, tb e .to .pnblic establishments. In the pre itt e,ll,sasia7_ individual alluded to was selected by tleittstsnete. to regulate t e . office in Dublin i 4Fet, f a , C of the manner in which he dischar i g er e k d t, .ehe ' Was Promoted to the office of chief c . 14,itilleti-"ttgi and a considered fully qualified k7,ri lation to which he had been promoted. ewt„te;te'veriATT understood ie that although every one whohad been passed over in a :1444,4 tleusgeetleinen had been reported as duly , tre t ee, th e -- manner ch 4l , , in man who had been selected out of his I te e t 'he Year 1844, been reported unfit to clis- Iti (4ll o, l eXpZ il tOs of his office. Such a charge required kite% h t egul - e a t t io le as Although it might not be an estab departments that every ;1)4 ip ra n ?,n the pil 4 uh, , ,, ,, ' e ,. by seniorit b y l , le he believed it was acted 111 6 • (;li ts ? few exceptious. 7 (llear, hear.) eel matte t' tt protested ainst the House interfer -iy wr a , •. inasmuch as it was not per elk ; tba to of this kind, 11 1 ,` . t sata — tis 3 . 1 1 . dge of . the qualifications of persons hold 5t,1,11 ecrtit!is.puelic offices. N t I lete e te)zthY protested against the doctrine laid lb t ht It' u•uh• Member, and expressed his conviction ttse," eas e , 4„ was quite justified in instituting inquiries ought to be ex. I ,tot ti , ; _s ei t h n e , ' Such power, however, st Nit e'ea , carame. At the present time he did (14 ,Cki n t4e te Was ;.. , ‘ , 4 e eseentin su h fficien ot t in e n v , idence to warrant the si, a f .o g o t e to_ __ u placation e . rds from alr. 11 . ME and Mr. ANSTEY, 1 11 , , the motion was withdrawn. 1 / 4 e ke SUPPLY. Oashe . ete thee went into Committee of Supply, Mr. k ' T tl the chair. S t 7 t 4 kg f;pII4LIS said that as the Museum estimate w s e h n a d d ar - s tt elite qtletttlY explained to the Committee, he 1 Rte' t t , t iotr e ,b til ea on the present occasion with any ob k I to in at once propose that a sum of 45,322/.be Nte, words defraying the expenses of the British 4 ks N '' 4 11Au e tiotilldeee fn Wished to know whether anything h . ad . 1 '44 1 11 thellsteensequence of the report of the Commis t t , all alter4te of that important establishment, in Itel'ipatlittiou in the administration of affairs was h a tak e He trusted that some effectual . measures 14 tirt' tele " l er expediting the publication of th e e e c na a - - r had tee the great delay in which many t y ti t l 4. qittels made. 41 1at e ll %el, 1. said, that no steps had yet been taken N Oaf red with respect to that report, but the li s e Atee . e Museum had taken it into . consideration, The vot e a'everal plans founded upon it. e ast seat " 43 agreed to. t tr h .t Of lEl4' Proposed was 24,0301., to defray the be tl e 5 eivil establishment on the western coast ser e4 l. ' ea tt t ie) Il r th e X trusted some explanation . would be t 4 li e t e v et ' Rround s on which the Committee were tf t Pee t ° t ,his sum. He observed that 1 0 , 000 i pt,ol(llll,,(heta°tee Danish Government for the purchase t vo tt e t eud stores at the Danish settlement at the t ito,besti o . : oti their transfer to British authorities. I ° , 4 ti l t ta !ns ;lly", whether we ought to extend our ter- Ntit e ke e coast of Africa. His opinion was that Ve N vei 04' tssessions were already too extensive, h and li4 Nr ti le t4 t to ext d our sovereignty. W a 4 trir,g'outd a on ." . ft t,,,, : ry i n 4frio which it was proposed to increase Oh t.'"erld 0 .... a? . The first object appeared to Nti a ri ktie, kelt' operations for the suppressihnof e tb i e . iflNtitt oe I ,' o the next an endeavour to diffuse . iv tle° to t o ;!e continent of Africa. Now, was it de bN' tiav e t r au onreated outlay for the suppression f el Pre tac ie n that coast? Many doubts had %1i0.4e r" as tk ' 40 to whether we ought to continue our t tie: that Purpose but here was a project to em- . N Litv°l ll'to Pclat i° n. ' shore—to build forts, and A. 44 (1 f 1 Pet down: single-handed e landthat which l' egee a iled es ; with on .. - e t '-e(te --tee on the sea in con j unction t ki k ! 6„theaelr, ear.) The case had been fairly p h u S y laiit ; li l t° of Lords by Lieutenant Winnietawo k 'eth, Ivita Is opinion slavery would never be done f math, 4 (1 b t u 4 . e ePt by blockading the Bight of tee s al , 11ding forts alone the coast—that it tifhtes4lllllllsgikltallss blockade by seaward as , not to allow iiVal e Ikes • 1 , 1 : and the erection of foxes every ten or . .4;( 0 e . f a11, e 4. the‘ martello towers on the coast of Ott it 'erver,„seee Some fresh plan was continually ,p‘leaf'lnws,a to tnno extinguish the slave trade. At 0110 th e 3 9 at eat te 4 effeeted in two or three years by the . t eed tle-then came the Niger expedition, which half' t hie eti withtabilYa:rettlav4t3eltlO)tobaelleiri a horrible loss of life—and now a ccomplished in two years . and a 1 „ se t . he ,; wers and forts.—(klear, near.) He n 4 k Ject PPortunity of examining Earl Grey on Ge e •4 e ; Cis the eviden 'n by the Noble Earl s h e se do eet rev , ce given 'etle'ae d rsea the 9 ter delaying the vote. Earl h l' °pi ,Of th e .'' opmiou of Lieutenant Winniett, and ` it 'ke Il lee P'en of extendinie forts along the coast. 4Qt ti tp , L, eXpressed b E ' tl ati ' t g I s Zoe a Cabin by Earl Grey was very alarming, ete t 'ell y ! the cone t Minister, he was doubtless la ell' e .. ce had c rr9zice of his colleagues, and un tOtleet'4 to ab7l, enctiened this project far extending ;O t t e er /11 0 h ai ) B. l rh the slave t He (Mr. Cobden) '4l 't Ns c . te adY Made too many sacrifices for %i s b y s s . if we the 4.,,„e, it e ,,,„ _,could net prevent the transport of e eet e _elt ee, sa7 a usti r rd to suppose we could . do w s a o s ti Ir, usioti )ter, rile next object prh . fessed__ w 11 8 14 , ter t z • h t th e trade on the coast of Africa. No tha rlot ttery ; 1 cum/ lees of that House to per :4 beee prey 4,kfree, in order to promote trade, and f3 t4 th e fr oet tt ute w e lth he petitions on this subject . which,.. )pathtl'arti eut Of ?„,, i . re Manchester and Liverpool. -L el. t ter th4:,11%014,44.111ent to consider, not the interest , aea .}. were ab ", but the general interests; and Iv "41 W WI th (1111 to vote money on sound prin -I,Ni 44 id te e coe s at large. 'tit giv e ;at th e tof the taxpayers t ti 141vIly a'teereasee of these Danish for: fla,,, t ee „,, U teat n,,,facilities to the wrowth of cotton . q ss-rti on os ' tt ele not been produced before, when 4 ' 4 a "Ctl e the 0, 1 i kee l b a fore 4 1% h ear. , ( ' Coast was under our in lkitie4e, e,tewell ad apts The soil and climateef British tie e,trlee, the obstacle 'of ' cotton, for the cultivation ‘iiii e iltil e v !tt ,oup,_ tnrow n in the w e, n by the Colo growtiess, N est& ,:liry Would grow . cotto . ..enough for li hOtti" Of th e L i'v nen we have in Br!tash . Guiana, C4o es ti be i e P t tee, ha" I.4clieS, sufficient territories for the eli Nei et , e did not see why the public money alas] eat •el la ti o , l es tps .Wise e , a new territory.—(Hear.) If the e the tt 4 „' kid „ ulth „::' to assist trade, let them reesov- xa.. 0 4 4 e i lo kiht eoit'yW existed —let them diminish ta tl at :lle eo w, sei th u the Custorn-house officers and excise yo. t i i , tad e r i tl it of AP:anect to the extension of civilization t a Are a (1. , ~,k,i t ett nr y c ' e h a , Sir C. Trevelyan, in a letter s pirle e; tie euriv 1 ambers, Dec. 12, 1842," and a , cl , - t) le tt a•clettiet Ear148,,...3q., said, "I am to request that t he 1 'l ttl 1, tire th t Ittrithittic,,el,l4,etzle;til sress?ssethi ae s oasen his t orti e . Y a. my Lords concur 111 patand Viscount Palmerston as may be expected from such p rov t h is ii tta tk_spects the suppression of the slave tl, e' "1 1 -art (,fue, probable extension of our trade thiettdicte,,ll,24ion of.t!'icit: in consequence of the ina ateees,l7 coutari;s:nehi.nhabitants of the coast and may be anticipated from litthitti;,,ll3,ia,ll;: wirilit,a I:v.tteirellfrom Mr. Merivale to Sir ti 113 1 i tleid e „ tiea ace `„?_ ln the name of Earl Grey, he ei ei ,,e g te .Vabl e ; 111 :eerY tt to point out to their Lordships teetiemi_eeual dife_?rt nee of these results with a view that' ekt e . ) . over the en of the light of Christianity and 14kxttehlits.tecitilliostzi :frte:eatenrcoreannetirisneheen;ft of Africa, and to l e eae • e s ritieh but I am to observe es., 1 1:0 1 t1 4 4 114, the aph er,s ov orts would not only, 4 British. influence, spread over 11 47' but' ac e the be' erts with which it bas been at leedPelity ;71911d furiatlae give inc.eased efficiency to 4)*eaatieet itch our leFen pursued in the territory al , sieb t o . 1 , r Jurisdiction." m kt eil t i, vote 1), sum The House was 11„ N 4111 ,8 in a „ este of 1.1:900/. for the purpose 7. 4 e bers t 'ut oe e sa ica ue to civilize and examine the ~,N0t5,,,,,, e esabarT,ini : But they ought to look at (Iht_4.o w!ie etraost !lAittlihtiek‘4tltsc'W ther e tt 'titilll such a scheme, for within as mass of the population ^el:talsezinseand care. —(Hear hear.) Wa; • Whar s ,: t iothe r to it Lite/el - ce l l. ° we goio on deserving of consideria airy mul es. to pa,eheletom buy from the Danes? HI th e i r r.... er the forts with the ' Li g e ' or © aten.tive dependencies? TILE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1850. This was not very clear. It appeared that hitherto wo had never claimed the right of sovereignty over any part of be Geld Coast. Be found from the report of a tour made by Lieutenant Winaiett, who had gone back as Governor of the Gold Coast, to take possession of these Danish settlements, that ho was not confining his pereerinatory tour to the Dutch forts. He talked of the natives declaring fealty to the British Government; and went among tribes, the chief of cue of vsh3ch he says. " talritig a sword by its point and elevating the handle towards rue, holding the sword almost et arm's length, vowed. Br:cm-Oleg to the fashion of the country, fealty to her Majesty the groom" lie then says:—" I have endeavoured to place before you a narrative of un adorned facts relative to the transfer of these settlements, and connected with my tour; but it still remains for me to make a few remarks on some parts of these dependencies through which I have not had an opportunity of travelling. The most distant and important of these is Akim, bor. dering on Ashantee, from 80 to 100 miles into the in terior. A country of considerable extent and great fer tility of soil, occupied by one of the largest tribes of these regions. I can give no definite account of the ex tent of the Akim country ; its position your Lordship will find on the accompanying map, furnished me by Governor Carstensen. Farther to the eastward, bor dering on the Volta and its tributary streams, are the Aquambus and Crepees, and other small tribes,. all of which, together with those before-mentioned, have pos sessed Danish flags, and recognised the authority of the Danish Crown." That did not seem as if we meant to con fine our territory within range of the guns of the forts. Allusion was made to a country a hundred miles in the interior, bordering on the Ashantees, a formidable tribe, with whom we had formerly been at war. What gua rantee was there that we should not some day hear of another war with the Ashantees, if we took occupation of the territory in question? He wished toknow whether we were about to buy the forts only, or the territories also; and what regulations we proposed to extend to the populous tribes of these territories. Earl Grey spoke of raising a revenue from the natives; but if that were done, protection must be afforded them by this country. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies might say that there was a scheme attached to the purchase of these forts by which a large revenue would be raised. He never knew of any purchase of territory which was not to bring in money some way or other; yet, strange to say, the result was to take money out.—(Hear, hear.) The present project was to raise a revenue by establishing custom-houses on the coast of Africa at these forts. But how was a revenue to be raised if they had no territory, and what could prevent the natives receiving goods entered at other points of the coast? It was proposed to levy 3d. per lb. on to bacco, and also a duty on rum. Now, if we were only to possess certain houses, and no territory, the landing of rum and tobacco would be certaie to lead to a contra band trade. He advised the House not to trust to the promised revenue until they were made aware of a mode of raising it. 1,1501. was the esti mato of the increased charge of the five Danish forts. It was a most fallacious estimate. The three years which he had sat on the Committee of the army, navy, and ordnance estimates, had convinced him that nothing could be more fallacious than the estimates of the expenses of our establishments in the colonies. The civil establishment gave no idea of the total expense. In the army estimates of each year there was a vote of 6,0001. for a black corps on the coast of Africa. The Right Hon. Under-Secretary might say that the West India corps was to be withdrawn, but still there would ba an absolute increase of 6,0004 a year. He exhorted the Committee to pause before they sanctioned any extension of our possessions in tropical countries. There was a great difference between our possessing a territory within the temperate zone, and one within the tropics. In the former we might make our race indigenous, and afterwards derive benefit from them as a self-governing community; but in tropical countries our race could not become indigenous—and the native inhabitants must be governed by force. So far from extending our tropical possessions, there were many of them we ought never to have acquired at all. The notion formerly was that exclusive trade and taxa tion would meet the expenses of their government. Mr. Burke, in his specco on the American colonies, noticed both these points; but stated that taxation of the colonies must be abandoned, and that a re compense must ba found in exclusive trade and the maintenance of the Navigation Act. At the present day, however, we stood on a different footing, for we had thrown open trade and given up the Navigation Act. The Committee ought therefore to pause before adding, even to the extent of a square yard, to our possessions in tropical regions. No doubt he should hear of the great benefits to humanity from the abolition of the slave trade. He appealed to the House whether some consi deration was not due to those whites who were sent to the coast of Africa, more especially to that part of it known as the Gold Coast, or " white man's grave." In his evidence before the Lords' Committee, Mr. Lander stated the mortality among the whites to be 25 per cent. annually; and another witness, speaking as to the health of the white officers, said they were generally attacked with fever, and that those who survived and became seasoned were often attacked with fever and ague. Was it consistent with humanity to persevere in a system which involved a sacrifice of 25 per cent: of the white men sent to the coast of Africa, more espe cially as all attempts to prevent the slave trade had failed ? It was no excuse to say that the men volun teered to go out. He would regard himself as almost guilty of homicide if he had been a party to the Niger expedition. When it was first proposed he'denounced it, at a public meeting in Manchester, as little short of murder. Believing there was not the slightest ground to justify them—either as economists, philanthopists, or politicians—in extending their territory on the coast of Africa, he opposed the proposal, and begged . to move that the vote be reduced to 10,000/. The question having been put, Mr. YORSTER said he had one advantage over the Hon. Member for the West Riding on this occasion—he knew something of the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member, in his opinion, never departed from the the discussion of the corn-law and such questions without injuring his reputation. The Honourable Member had stated this question to be one of extending oar territory on the coast of Africa. It was no such thing. Neither was it a question of build ing forts. As to the assertion, that it would increase the mortality on the coast of Africa, he had only to remind the Committee that one great object of the plan was to lessen the mortality by substituting a black corps in place of troops commanded by white officers. He be lieved that the present proposal had been entertained partly in consequence of the outcry raised by the finan cial reformers—the Hon. Member for the West Riding and his friends—against the expense of cur colonial es tablishments. Earl Grey, anxious to reduce colonial ex penses, had no doubt considered that the expenses of our establishments on the Gold Coast might be met by a revenue raised on the spot. Our settlements on that coast lay between the Dutch settlements on the one side and the Danish on the other; and it was impossible to raise a revenue without coming to an arrangement with them. For 40 years Denmark had maintained its forts on that coast at an expense of 3,0001. a year, without deriving the slightest benefit from them.—(Loud cries of " Hear," and laughter.) He did not mean to say that no trade had been carried on; but it had been carried on, not by Denmark, but by England.—(Hear, hear.) France had been anxious to obtain the Danish settle ments, but Denmark had wisely preferred transferring them to England, as she had been more zealous than others in attempting to put down the slave-trade. It was not till the proposal of raising a revenue on the Gold Coast was made that' England agreed to purchase these settlements. Holland, on the other hand, bad agreed to be a party to the arrangement of raising a re venue. In fact the measure was a measure of economy, and he was prepared to defend it oa that ground. If it did not turn out to be a measure of economy it would be the fault of the Colonial-office. He held in his hand a petition from the merchants of Liverpool, in which they expressed their satisfaction at the purchase of the Danish settlements on the Gold Coast. He had also a petition from the Commercial Association of Manchester in which a belief was expressed that the acquisition of these possessions would increase trade and extend civilisation. But to show that a due sense of the value of the acquisi tion ant entertained by the people of Manchester, he might refer to a copy of the Manchester Guardian—a paper which represented the feelings of the manufac turers—in which much surprise was expressed that the lion. Meni her for the West' Hiding should oppose the vote of 10,000/. for the purchase of those forts, and that the two Hon. Members for Marchester should support him, particularly as not long ago one of those Hon. Members had brought forward a motion relative to the growth of cotton in India, which, if carried out, would have involved an expenditure of at least 100,000/. In his forty years' experience of affairs cunuceted with the coast of Africa, he must say that this was the first vote he ever knew likely to be attended with beneficial re sults to the trade and civilisation of Africa. He could show that, from first to last, 1,000,000/. had been comparatively thrown away.—(llear, hear.) He had tried to dissuade the Noble Lord, in 1841, from countenancing the expedition to the Niger, for ho knew how it would end. He rccollscted speaking to the Noble Lord, in the library, on the subject, but the Noble Lord received his suggcstions a little coldly, and though he could not say he was snubbed, he felt his advice was disregarded. Unfortunately his pre mAfarniacagehda,da, n fo d r i t t he wa la s s t t o f o or b t a y d y , caairts,rbr2 all the pre dictions had be en rea li se d . T he whole af iai rs o f western e 1 I cm money Ple e) that y mis had bees thrown away, that this, the first useful vote for Africa, ehould be object e d to . surprisedreason fcn.thpartoptohseine. S i n O e N d the a Government thvcite had . M n r. o ex JACKSON AC p I I C- a The Hon. Member said the Liverpool • merchants did not trade to this coast; but let there be 10,0001. a year spent there, along with other sums, and they might depend upon it the Liverpool merchants would be found trading there as well as the Hon. Member himselr.—(Laughter.) When they themselves had got possession of the West India islands, they assisted,the Africans in committing a great crime. Thanks to a Clarkson and a Buxton, they had put an end to that crime; but how did they put an end to it? By paying themselves—that was, it was like taking the money out of ono pocket and putting it into another. If they had paid the African chiefs halt' us touch for putting an end to the slave trade as they wastel on their fleet on the coast, they would have put an end to the slave trade long since. Mr. HAWES said his reason for not rising earlier wns that he desired the opinions of those trading with the west coast should be first known, in order that the House might bear the commercial value cf the proposition now made to the House. It was conceived that one of the best means of putting an end to the slave trade sees by promoting legitimate trade on that coast. Wherever British possessions had extended there the slave trade had ceased. As they encroached on the slave coast they diminished the amount of slavery.—(Cheers.) The Danish forts extended over 200 mites, and along the most fertile territory on the coast, but they did not profess to assert a jurisdiction over the natives and territory. The commercial world viewed, this proposition with favour, for it was believai by them it would teed to kunst) that British trote which served to diminish, or to the rx tiroation absolutely of the slave trail,.. mere ma terials they wcird aolit to purche were equal to the money value that was about to h:, given for them. Then the End we's Lvourable to the Im:im:- tier, of ewtoa. Toe trade was inerea3irg thaT ciia...h.—ctiear.) The return uf British eiuf:etur exported to the west coast of Africa was in value as fo!lows: —in 1841, 421,CC01.; in 1547, 513,0001.; in 1848, .571,0001. tie buieved that the revenue raised would meet the whole of the annual expenditure. This would not be done by high, but by duties so low as sufficient to deter the practices of the smuggle-. One of the chiefs of that coast declared that he found his trade by slaves was diminished, as his subjects preferred directing themselves to the peaceful pursuit of industry, and acquiring profits of trade.—(Hear, hear.) He said that "his people were getting rich and setting his au thority at defiance."—(Hear.) This showed the value of extending their forts, which were not military for tresses, but stations fur carrying on trade, and affording protection to British subjects and natives. In these places it was net proposed to have a white force, but a native force. As to the growth of cotton in their pos sessions, it was to be remarked they had hitherto dis c mraged it by the high protecting duties they had given fur sugar. And he was sure the 10,0001. now proposed would do far more for the growth of cotton than by sending commissions to India. Oa these grounds he trusted the Committee would sanction the vote. Colonel THOMPSON was confident that he spoke the sense of his constituents by giving his support to this vote, as it appeared to him calculated to increase the trade of this country. There was a rampant hostility against this country in other parts of the world, and that might be detected in America, amongst those who were descended from the slave-drivers, who originally found refuge in their country, and were far different from the descendants of those great men who had gone over from this country, because the country was not worthy of them. Under these circumstances, if Great Britain did not take advantage of the opportunity of playing off free Africa and free countries, wherever they existed, against that surging power that was destined perhaps to occupy the whole of South and North Armories, she would greatly injure her own interests. He objected to any prejudice on account of colour. Englishmen would not be anything the worse for a little of the infusion of the blood of Ham.—(Great laughter.) He com plained that so little had been done in the way of employing the natural-born inhabitants, in protecting their settlement; and extending their commerce and their power. lie thought the British merchants ought to be competent judges of whether the expenditure would or would not be attended with beneficial results; and, in the present case, they had given their approval to the proposition submitted by the Government. Mr. M. GIBSON said there was one point of the an swer of the Hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary for the Colonies which ho did not distinctly understand— namely, the tariff of duties that was to be imposed; be cause it would appear that the large revenue that was to be derived from the trade with Africa was to be obtained by taxing the free negroes. Ile contended that they bad no right to impose any tax upon these parties. He did not think that the abolition of the slave-trade would ever be accomplished by coercion; and he should therefore give his vote in favour of the amendment of his Hoc. Friend. Mr. CARDWELL took a review of the slave ques tion, illustrating his argument by reference to the map of Africa, and contended that it would not only be pre judicial to Liverpool, but also to Manchester, to refuse to obtain possession of that pait of the Gold Coast, which would complete their territory. Unless they cut off, and completely put down the slave trade, they would cut off their own power of export, for their export must neces sarily be curtailed and incomplete so long as the slave trade was suffered to exist. He was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Milner Gibson) would agree with him, notwithstanding the facetious remarks in which the Hon. Member indulged, that the sooner the nefarious traffic in the slave trade was suppressed, the better ; and if they wanted to put down slavery—if they wanted to promote Christianity, and to serve the inte rests of humanity, he asked them with what consis tency they could object to the proposed vote of 10,0001., which was to be devoted towards the carrying out of those objects. Mr. VERNON SMITH said, whatever opinion he might arrive at with respect to this tote, he wished to offer his humble mced of approbation to her Majesty's Government for the candid spirit in which they ap proached this question. He shoald be the last to treat, and to treat lightly, so momentous a question as the ex tension of Christianity; but it appeared to him that this was less a matter of proceeding by moral influence than it was one of extending our colonial empire by force of arms in every part of the world, and of increasing our military expenditure for that purpose. The papers on this subject contained all the arguments which had ever been urged in favour of the expediency of our colonial ascendancy, and it struck him, notwithstanding anything that bad been said to the contrary, that this was really the object, let them disguise it as they might, which they contemplated. He must say that in his opinion it was most inexpedient of this country to avail itself of every oc..porturity which Oared for extending the British ter ritory; and it wal for those reasons that he should vote with the Hon. Member for the West Riding, in opposi tion to the proposed vote. Sir E. BUXTON said that when the question of our expenses on the Gold Coast of Africa were being spoken of, it should be recollected that we already had a colony there. It appeared from a correspondence which had passed between the Foreign Office and Captain Winniett, that the effect of this purchase, so far from adding to our expenditure, would enable us to dispense with a considerable portion of it. He confessed he was greatly astonished at the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Manchester, when he said he was entirely opposed to the system of taxing the in habitants which was still in force on that coast. He had no hesitation in giving his suppost to the vote. Mr. ANSTEY called upon all those who were opposed to the greatest blunder ever committed by any Adminis tration—the maintenance of a fleet on the African coast to put down the slave trade by force—to oppose all votes like the present, which, by maintaining establishments on the coast, directly promoted the continuance there of the equadron to protect them. Mr. BRIGHT was anxious to make two or three observations, because, after many other excuses had failed, the interests which he was supposed to re present were dragged in as a justification for the purchase of these forts. He agreed with the Right Honourable Member for :Northampton that this was neither more nor less than the old excuse for planting colonies in every part of the world on the ground of advancing trade, civilization, and Christianity. He did not attach much weight to the authorities which bad been referred to, of Liverpool and Manchester mer chants, for he knew that there were a few merchants everywhere who were not more enlightened than other people. He certainly protested against the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester being quoted in support of such views. The proposition, as connected with cotton, led him to the consideration of what was done in India. TILT had conquered India, but what had they done in the way of cultivating cotton? But cotton had always been brought forward when some political job of this kind was in contemplation, and it was sufficient to refer to the conduct of the Government with respect to the re cent motion made by him (Mr. Bright) for an inquiry, to test their sincerity in the matter. He repudiated the scheme on his own behalf and that of those whom he re presented, and believed that if it should be carried out they would not get 100 bales of cotton from Africa in the meet fifty years. On these grounds he would support the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. Sir DE LCY EVANS opposed the amendment. He considered the vote intimately connected with the sup pression of the slave trade. Mr. lIUTT agreed in the views expressed on the question by the lion. Member for the West Riding. Ile looked upon the proposal as another of those costly and unfortunate experiments by which the people of the country had been so long deluded into imagining that they were magnanimously suppressing the slave trade. — (Hear, hear.) What was the result at which they had arrived after thirty years' experience? They arrived at the conclusion to which the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Canning came in 1822, that it would be well for the cause of humanity if none of those experiments were undertaken.—(Hear.) The Under-Secretary fur the Colonies had said, that although they had failed with regard to other cases, in this they were to be successful. He did not doubt that the Hon. Gentleman believed what he expressed, hut he would whisper in his ear that persons us honest as himself, not less sagacious, and as much experienced on the subject as he could be, had predicted success for every one of those experiments, as they had arisen, by which this system had been peotrected to the present year. They had failed, and he could not see how they could prove that this plan should succeed.— (Hear, hear.) Tho slave trade was now as extensive, and carried on with circumstances of as great horror as at any former period. It was. but six weeks ago he had been informed by the President cf the Brazilian Associa tion at Liverpool, that the slave trade was carried on as actively as ever, and that slaves were now sold in the markets of Brazil at a lower price than ever. What, thee, was the value of their contract?—(Huar, hear.) Unless they were prepared hermetically to seal the entire coast-line, no good could be done by occupying a few isolated points. He saw in this measure the com mencement of a system of national aggrandisement and lavish expenditure which might lead to very deplorable consequences. Ho could not sit down without e n _ tering his strongest protest against the course which the Government had resolved to pursue. Viscount PALMERSTON said the question had risen to an altitude disproportionate to its merits. One party said it would establish the dominion of England in Africa, in the same manner as in India; another that it would promote the slave trade; another that it would do some thing else. The only one who took a practical view of the question, however, was his Hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead, who advocated an agreement between England and Brasil for the purpose of a limited and modified slave trade. Mr. BUTT said the Noble Lord had misrepresented him. Viscount PAL MERSTON said that at all events his Hon. Friend imagined that this country should cease to m make furth er e ff orts to suppress the slava trade; hut if he was not d eceived, he had not only argued in public, ably, as was his custom, lint in private also, that this country should h ave a regulated slave trade. If his lion. Friend did not entertain that opinion, it was his (Viscount Palmerston's) mistake, and he begged his pardon. Mr. BUTT said he had advocated no such doctrine. Viscount PALMERSTON was bound to yield to his Hon. Friend in that case. But his lion. Friend had asked, where, after the long and costly endeavours made by England to suppress the slave trade, was the success or those cffirts? He (Viscount Palmerston) would answer him. 1ta1845 the utm ost t h at it was considered could be accomplished by :the combined, powers was to pat an end to the slave trade south of the line. At pre • soot the slave trade was , uppresaed all the way between Whyelah tint! Lagos. with the exceptitm of a :.mall par tien of the coast. it vets not, therefore, correct for his Hon. Frielid to infer that the efforts to put down that trade had he uncueeosOul. His I.l‘in. Friend liAci stated that the slave trade in Urszil was at this tizi , more es tensiv3 than i: had over been; but his lion. Friend wits also rni:t :lien in that fix'. By the accounts before him (Viscount Palmerston) it appeared that the importation of slaves in 1847, though still considerable, he was sorry to say, fell very much short of the importa tion of IS4B into that country. His Honourable Friend was aho mistaken if he supposed that the price of slaves had fallen in the Brazilian market; on the contrary, the accounts in his (Viscount. Palinerston'a) possession showed that it had risen. With respect to the question under discussion, one would suppose, who did not know the fact, that the object of the vote was to acquire a vast extent of terri tory in Africa, at an enormous expense to the people of England, whereas it was the very opposite. The only question really at issue was, whether this country should accept an offer made by the Danish Government, of two or three trading posts, defended by a few black sol diers, for the purpose of securing the inlets of commerce to the interior of Africa from the jealousy of active commercial neighbours. If these forts were not secured for England, they would pass into the hands of some other power ; and all those persons who knew the African trade knew very well the difficulty already ex perienced by too close a neighbourhood to a jealous commercial rival. The way the thing happened was this : the Danish Government had communicated to him (Lord Palmerston), that, seeing the anxiety of England to suppress the slave trade, and knowing the extent of our commerce with Africa, they were desirous of hand ing over these forts, of which they had no longer any use, as their traffic with Africa was insufficient to justify their further maintenance, on condition that the price of the materials was paid for—a sum of 10,000/. A more handsome offer had never been made on the part of one country to another; and a more unwise refusal could not be imagined if the House refused that offer. It was difficult, if not impossible to please everybody. One day the House was told that it was important to obtain a supply of cot ton, and it was engaged to send a Commission to India, which would not be able to report for a long period, and which would possibly end in no useful result. And yet when the Government was now offered two or three forts on a coast where cotton existed in the interior in the greatest abundance, the House was asked to refuse that offer, and forego, perhaps, of all others, the most likely mode of obtaining an unlimited supply of that in dispensible article. The Hon. Member for Manchester seemed to treat the supply of cotton from that quarter as not available; but Mr. Beacroft had already gone out to Dahomey to arrange, in the first place, such an agree ment as it was urged would put down the slave trade— namely, by offering the chiefs pecuniary allowance for a certain period on condition of ceasing from that trade; and in the second, to collect specimens of cottin in the colonies, and arrange for their transmission to this coun try. Whether, therefore, it was to afford an additional opening fur the commerce of this country in the centre of Africa, or for the higher purpose of extending Chris tianity and civilisation in that land, he contended that the acquisition of these trading stations, which filled up the gap between the posts already possessed by this country, would materially further those objects. Mr. HUTT rose to explain. The Noble Lord had said that at some time and place be (Mr. Hutt) had ad vocated a modified system of slavery. He (Mr. Hutt) distinctly denied it, and he trusted that when the Noble Lord made charges of that nature again ho would be prepared with time, place, and circumstances. No one lookel on the slave trade with greater horror than he di,l, and it was because he looked upon it as one of the greatest possible crimes that he took the course he did on this occasion. The Noble Lord thought he had put down the slave trade; but the Noble Lord would excuse him when he said that he believed him to be the most practical promoter of it in existence. The Noble L or d said that he (Mr. Hutt) was mistaken in saying that slaves had fallen in price, in Brazil ; but he (Mr. Hutt) had not made that assertion without reason. One of the great merchants had assured him of the fact; and that at no period had slaves ever been offered at a price so low as now in the markets of Brazil. And yet this, as he (elr. Hutt) had stated, was the result of 30 years' efforts. Viscount PALMERSTON was under the impression that in an interview which ha had with his Hun. Friend at the Foreign-office, his Hon. Friend had said that there was a natural tendency of labour flowing from Africa to America, and that ho wished him to weigh in his mind whether a limited amount of the slave trade could not be carried on between Africa and Brazil, subject to arrangements lass injurious to the slaves on the passage. Mr. MUTT denied that he had ever states what the Noble Lord had given utterance to respecting him. He had had an interview with the Noble Lord at the Foreign-office, in which ho pointed oat that as it was almost impossible under existing circumstances to pre vent the influx of slaves into Brazil, it might be desirable to act in concert with that country so as t 3 secure a sufficient supply of free labour in the same manner as it took place in the British colonies, which would in his opinion effectually put down the slave trade. Mr. HUME did not consider the offer of the Danish Government so liberal, for they offered these forts to a private merchant if he would only hoist the Danish flag, an offer which was refused. He thought it mad ness to suppose that they could cultivate cotton in a territory which was limited to the range of a cannon shot. In one case they would get a fort of 40 guns, a martello tower, and a burial. Two or three others ware in complete ruins, which would require repairs, and which would involve an enormous expense. Three hun dred natives were to be raised for the defence of these forts, which would cost 6,000/. a year, but they were told this was for the promotion of civilization. Ho should oppose the motion. Mr. MUNTZ said that they had been discussing all the night a question respecting a miserable 10,000/. — (Hear, hear.) Why, he had laid out 10,0001, over and over again without anything like the consideration that the House of Commons bestowed on this wretched sum of 10,000/.—(Laughter.) If England had not slipped in and purchased these forts some other nation would have done so. This country had only met the wishes of a very large portion of the peopl e a t a ver y small cost. He did not think any reasonable objection could be urged against such a course.—(Hear, hoar.) Sir W. MOLESWORTH said that this was not a an expenditur e o f 10,0001., but a the extension o f a b e d system.— (Hear,est i on h e respecting acrs.) e c prnhge settlements of Sierra Leone, Cape question q respecting Coast, and Gambia had cost this country 53,000/. in 1846, whilst in that year the exports of Great Britain to these places amounted to only 176,000 l,: so that, for every 1761. worth of goods sent out by certain merchants the people,of this country paid 551.—that was to say, for every 171. worth of goods sent from Liverpool and Man chester that, on free-trade prinei- England p a id 51. 10s.—(hear, They had no ri g ht to tax the peo phchieeelirs.—t)er(HNtheoaewr:phheeeoaprol.b) ple of this country in order to put money into the hands of certain merchants.—(Hear, hear.) Let it be proved that the people of England paid nothing, and he would not object to the vote. After a few words from Mr. FORSTER, The Committee divided, when there appeared— For the amendment 42 Against is 138 —96 •• . Majori iy • ••• The vote was then agreed to. The following votes were then agreed to:-10,8751. or St.. Helena; 7,3791. for Western Australia; 1,23411. for Port Blessington; 1,4861. for Heligoland; 5,000/. for the Falkland lilands; 13,296/. was voted to defray the charge of the Colonial Land and Emigration Board. The House resumed, and the Chairman reported the resolutions to the 'louse. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM TILE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. TlMES.—There is a deep fund of loyalty in the Whigs. It is true that they decapitated one King, and drove out another; they confiscated the estetee of the Crown, end :it proper intervabe have sufficiently vindi cated the interest,: and majesty of the people. But, once charge them with the dignity of the Crown, aiel they prove themselves its best possib!o guardians. " Ofilee shows the man," arid olliee always makes a courtier cut of a Whig. We can only say that the present Doke of Ceinbridge is a monstrous lucky fellow. His lot is fsllen under a Ministry which shows a vilest amiable anxiety to make things pleasant. Besides various trifles under the late Duke's will, amounting eventually to near 3,0001. a-year, besides va rious military appointments, we should think to as great, if not a greater amount, the young Duke is to have an allowance of 12,000/. a-year, charged on the consolidated fund. How much more he is to have in other forms, what wardenships, rangerships, and governorships, when he is to be made a Field-marshall, and, perhaps, Commander-in-Chief, is not announced as yet, and probably de pends on the time when these things may happen to fall vacant. Lord John, too, expressly desires to say noth ing at present as to a possible addition of 6,0001. a-year in the event of the young Duke forming a matrimonial alliance. Much less has he permitted his thoughts to wander to that remote period when the House of Cam bridge will have given fresh pledges to fortune and the country. Patting these contingencies out of the ques tion, the now Duke of Cambridge, besides his profes sional income, is to havel2.ooo/. a-year. John Bull must not grumble. Lie saves 3,000/. a-year by the change. The late Duke had 27,0001. a-year. Under the new ar rangement the Duchess has 6,0001. a-year, the two daughters 3,000/. each, and the son 12,0001., which makes up 24,0001. veyear, leaving the British public, as aforesaid, better by 3,0001. a-year. Did all the circum stances of the case permit us, nothing would give us more pleasure than to indulge a romantic loyalty, and vote away the money of the nation to descendants of George lIL, even to the third and fourth gene ra!ion. But, unfortunately, we cannot so easily forget what is passing about us. Here we aro screwing, pinching, cheeseparing, starving, cutting down, abolish ing, appropriating, and all but cheating, in every direc tion. Not a day without some niggardly act, which no thing hut necessity can reconcile to the conscience and taste of a gentleman. A Committee has been sitting on official salaries, which is about to recommend a heap of reductions to the amount of some 20,0001. or 30,000/. a year. If a judge now receives 7,0001. a year, his successor is to receive 6,0001., and so in proportion; be sides that various incomes are to be wholly extinguished. Some scores, aye, hundreds of persons, will, in due time, succeed to offices with perhaps augmented duties, equal position, but diminished income. Already th e chill blast of ? retrenchment has passed over every de partment of the public service, blighting present salary and future promotion. Only last night, immediately after the above vote, the House heard the case of more than a hundred clerks in the Money-order Department of the Post-office, who, out of 701. a year, have to pay a substitute for every day of absence over and above the regula tion three days' holiday in the year. In fact, the public service is becoming about the worst a man can take, and is even losing its old character for certainty. Now, when the first lawyers in the land aro to devote their days and nights to the public on short allowance, and many thou sand smell officials are to maintain wives and families, and have good coats on their backs, on pay varying from 70/. to 300/. a year, with here and there a prize of 800/. attainable by one man in a thousand, under these mise rable circumstances, we think with our old friend, the Member for Montrose, that 8,000/. a year for the Duke of Cambridge would, to say the least, have been much more suitable to the spirit and necessities of our times. Ungracious as it may seem, yet the truth must be told. The late Duke, with his 27,000/. a year. for so many years, and his numerous other sources of income, not to speak of his long Vice royalty in Hanover, ought to have made ample pro vision for all his children; nor can we admit any extent of lavish generosity in private alms or public subscrip tions as an excuse fur the prior obligations of justice to his children and his country. But, it will be said, are the children,to suffer for the improvidence of the father? It is so in every other class of life. Nay, her Majesty herself has cheerfully undergone no trifling amount of inconvenience and self denial, which was all the heri tage she ever had from her father. The young Duke of Cambridge should have been Made as are that the country will not always go on replacing the children in the exact position of their fathers. Under the arrange ment so hastily sanctioned last night, it is very probable that eventually the Duke of Cambridge will be more burdensome in the second generation than in the first, whereas the very most that can be expected is that the original grant should be kept up for two or three lives. For some other very telling considerations we must refer to the debate. If the second Duke of Cambridge is to have 12,000/., besides many other sources of income, what are the Queen's children to have as they grow up? It might have been expected that the Whigs would have had warning enough from the scandal created by Queen Adelaide's 100,0001. a-year, and from the untimely fate of the 50,0001. a-year they proposed for Prince Albert. There was a time when statesmen might bribe Royalty with no less of credit to either party, but it is not so now. The age professes purity, honesty, independence, and economy. Never before were such enormous sacrifices demanded and exacted in the name of public good. Whole classes have been ruined for the sake of principle. Rank, property, life itself, have been held of no account when an act of national justice or national repentance was to be performed. We are reducing our prelates to apostolic dimensions. Once or twice a year the nation sees the catastrophe of a noble house with great equanimity. Never, in fact, did public good assume so stern an air. In the midst of this just severity a Whig Government procures for the grandson of a King a larger settlement than was thought sufficient in the lust century for the sons of a King, though the former is wholly out of the reach of the succession. If the precedent of the Duke of Gloucester was to be followed, it would be well to carry it out by a more gradual ascent to the maximum, That, however, would not have laid the young Duke under a permanent obligation to her Majesty's present advisers. Happily we can afford to inflict a momentary uneasiness, and therefore we venture to tell his Grace that we would much rather have seen him win his way to his father's position, than lifted into it by an obliging Minister. DAILY NEWS.—Twenty years ago, the rival par ties in office and opposition were led by two men the most dissimilar in character and sentiment, but who might equally claim the merit of having raised themselves by their own ability and perseverance to the distinguished positions which they held. Sir Robert Peel was Ministerial leader of the House of Commons; and Henry Brougham was chief of the Liberal opposi tion. Both have since passed away from popular sight, though hardly as yet from popular remembrance. Both have ceased to sway the thoughts and acts of men. The one by a premature fate has absolutely been removed from the turmoil of a troubled world; while the other, by a still more heavy dispensation, has been allowed to survive in the flesh his own moral and political extinc tion. It hardly violates, therefore, the maxim of the classic sage, that the true estimate of men cannot be formed until their career in life has closed, if we venture to compare the characters of these distic guished individuals, and to contrast their relative ser vices to their country. Circumstances gave each an early opportunity of displaying the peculiar gifts wherewith name had endowed him. Before entering the arena of public life the one had gained as high a reputation for classical scholarship as the other had for scientific at tainments. Both seemed at starting to possess in an eminent degree the faculty of eloquence; end it were difficult to say which of the two was the more indefati gably industrious. Between their entry into Parliament there was no great interval of time. The Oxonian started as a supporter of the Tory occupants of power; the Edinburgh Reviewer avowed himself a candidate for the post of future spokesman of the powerless, and, at that tinv, almost hopeless, Whigs. Bigotry was imputed to Peel, as a reproach; sedition was the muttered taunt perpetually on the lips of Brougham's enemies. Neither, probably, was jug.. The youthful Secretary for Ireland I found himself flung into a lion's den, and the accusation against him is, that he made friends of the Orange beats of prey, and eventually tamed them. In like man ner, when a meeting at the Crown and Anchor or a crowd at a contested election was to be amused, excited, and sent quietly home, without doing themselves or any body else any mischief, Brougham was the readiest and ve:bally the most reckless man. Where steam was to be got up, and at the scene time let off, noisily but harmlessly, there was scarcely to be found a match for him. He was at once boiler and safety-valve; and this double function was well understood and appreciated by the calmer and more earnest men of the party whose co lours he wore. It is a curious and not uninstructive point of resemblance, however, that while the two champions were for years the most applauded and ca ressed men in their respective camps, neither was ever able to win that personal loyalty which many persons confessedly their inferior in every intellectual respect are known to have inspired. From some cause or other personal confidence appears to have been always wan ing. Peel seldom conversed, and still more rare ly wrote, even to his most intimate friends, the platitudes about Church ascendancy or the maintenance of landlord monopoly, which twice a year his position required him to put forth in his place in Parliament. The zealots dared not repud iate , and yet they could not cordially trust him. They tried to persuade ono another that it was uli consummate shrewdness on their illustrious leader's part; but they were incessantly anxious, perplexed, and unhappy at his marvellous mysteriousness. Who has forgotten the early impatience of the celebrat e d muti neer, who was ultimately destined to overthrow the die tater ~ hip of Conservatism? Or who do es not remember the fitful cries of warning that at intervals arose during his long reign, that "the cause was in danger?" So t , too, with the vehement clamourer of th e v i nd i cation of i an injured Queen—the rrestrainable advocate of educa tion reform—and the. exultant boaster, when can didate for the West Ri ding, that he sought the suf frages of the people on the ground t h at h e possessed neither property, station, nor influence." Had his laugh at his colleagues for their really thinking their royal client innocent never been over-heard—had his future desertion of the cause of four universities never been foretold —had his latent longing after title and rank not been self-betrayed to all who had op pdrtunities of judging—Henry Brougham would still have failed to win the affection or confidence of the better men of hi s p ar ty. Th e f un d amen t a l caus e of this result in both instances was doubtless the same. Both were egotists—egotists not in the vulgar sense of . the term, but in the deeper and subtler meaning of the phrase —men thoroughly self-engrossed and unsympa tthh j o s:: g tl g ill 5 r n a o p t t upwi without utth sinceree r own opinionsv es, for projects, and time 1 being, but essentially without fixed or rooted faith in any opinion. And mankind are wisely furnished with an instinct that firbids them to put much faith in those who nave littl e i n thems,lv;. , s. Peel in hi s l a tt er d ays I seems to have keenly felt and silently to have 1 mom ned over his p , :!itiea I isolation. -But, even to I the last, he knew not how to confide fradtly or atnetionately ; the habit had b oon never f ormed iii early l ife, and when the solace of chivalrous and intimate sympathy would have been pr!celesa to him, it came hot, for it could not come. As for the contera povary with whom we have baen comparivg him, it may ba enough to say that the difference between them in this e3sential respect was, that while Peel listened to every friend's thoughts without disclosing his own, Brougham was ever sesdy to tell every one all that came into his mind without caring to hear what any one felt, or thought, or desired. The physical propensity was the most opposite; but the moral want and t en d enc y was the same. Their dreams and their aspirations who shall venture to surmise? The eagerness of the one to snatch a coronet, and the interdict imposed by the other on his family receiving the distinction of ennoblement, are rather indications of diversity of temperament than proofs of diversity of feeling. It is too soon to pry too curiously into these things. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. On Thursday a Court was held for the dispatch of public business. The principal subject for consideration was that of the removal of Smithfield market, the adjourned discussion upon which was fixed at the last Court. FILE INQUESTS IN THE CITY AND BOROUGH OF SOUTH- WARE. The TOWN CLERK read the following communication from the Coroner of the city of London:— "My Lord and Gentlemen,—l trust you will permit me fur a few moments to occupy your attention on a subject of considerable importance to the city and its liberties. The decision which you came to on the sth instant regarding the communication I had the honour to make to the Court on the subject of fire inquests in London and Southwark, I presume I must consider as an intimation of your opinion that those inquests ought no longer to be held, As a justification of my having continued to hold them to the present time, I may be permitted to say, that when I revived those inquiries in the year 1845 the proceeding we. honoured with ap proval by the Lord Chief Justices and other judges, by the daily journals, the fire insurance companies, and the public in general; and the Government Board of Health, in their report of the 28th of May, 1850, have expressed their opinions of these inquiries in the following terms:— " The frequency of fires led Mr. Payne, the coroner of the city of London, to revive the exercise of the coroner's function of inquiring into the causes of fires most:usefully. Out of fifty-eight inquests held by him since 1845, it ap pears that eight were proved to be wilful, twenty-seven apparently incidental, and twenty•three from causes un known, including suspicious causes. The example of Mr. Payne has been followed in several counties, and a marked decrease in the number of fires has been ob served, whilst sufficient reason has been elicited for the belief that a more regular and systematic prosecution of such inquiries would be of great public advantage.' " The Corporation readily paid the expense of those inquests for three consecutive years, and although in the last year the result has been much more useful than in any preceding year, yon have declined to take any cog nizance of them. "It is impossible for me to conjecture the cause of this sudden change, unless it be intended as a means of admonishing me that I am to hold them no more. " I deem it right to state that the fees and expenses paid by me on holding those inquests during the last and the present year amount to 1301., of which I presume I shall be the loser by my effort to render a public ser vice; and whilst in those parts of the metropolis in which no inquiries aro instituted some hundreds of fires occur in the coarse of a year, I have the satisfaction to state that since the month of February last, in the ex tensive district of the city of London and borough of Southwark (in which inquiries have been hitherto held), there has been only one case of house-burning, and that was aecid, , ntal. If it be not a matter of public impor tance whether incendiary tires occur in the city or not, I am content; but if it he, I must not, under the circum stances, ha held revomible for the cessation of those public investigations which by many are considered one of the meet effectual means of checking and preventing their occurrence. "I have the honour to remain, " My Lord and Gentlemen, " Your faithful servant, " Temple, July 18. W. PAYNS, Coroner." Mr. 11. L. TAYLOR thought the question had already been decided by the formal refusal of the Court to en tertain it, and suggested that the letter should be laid upon the table. _ _ _ Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR said it would be a great public calamity if inquiries of the kind were checked.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that the causes of fires were ne cessary to be investigated as well as the causes of sud den deaths, at the same time that he admitted the pro priety of limiting the expenditure. Impressed with the belief that the conduct of the coroner in holding the fire inquests was highly commendable, he moved that the letter be referred to the Coal, Corn, and Finance Committee. The great majority of the Court were of Mr. R. Tay lor's opinion, and the report was accordingly referred to the committee. REMOVAL OF SMITHFIELD MARKET. The TOWN CLERK then announced to the Court that the order to proceed in the adjourned debate upon the reports of the Markets Improvement Committee must next succeed. The following is a copy of both the motion and the amendment. Motion:— "That this Court do agree with the committee in their reports, and that it be referred back to the committee with instructions to send an answer in conformity with their report to Mr. Cornewall Lewis., and with power to communicate or confer with the Government, if neces sary, and to report to this Court." Upon which the following amendment was moved— namely:— That the consideration of the reports be adjourned, and that the committee be directed to ascertain the na ture end extent of the powers her Majesty's Govern ment would be disposed to confer on this corporation for the control and management of a new market beyond the limits of the metropolis." The Towas CLERK having read both the motion and the amendment, Mr. Deputy OBBARTJ considered that as a matter of commerce the removal of Smithfield market would be most unwise. He ea as quite certain that if the market was removed frora the locality of Smithfield the inhabi tant tradesmen of Newgate-street and other localities contiguous would feel it in a very great degree. He thought thae, all things considered, it was for the benefit of the entire metropolis that the heart of commerce should lee confined to the city of London. Alderman SIDNEY said, that he had taken great inte rest in the question then before the Court, and he would at once state that it was his intention to oppose the amendment of Mr. Norris, as he trusted that the Court had too high a sense of its own dignity to condescend to " ascertain the nature and extent of the powers her Majesty's Government would be disposed to confer on the corporation, &c." The market of Smithfield had for 523 years been vested in the citizens of London, and it did appear to him that the remarks which had been made respecting the anxiety of certain authorities to crowd live cattle into the City was a great mistake. The fact was, that it was the trade of the City which they, as guardians of the citizens were most anxious to preserve. Improvement of the present market, certainly, ho ad mitted to be desirable, but for that the corporation had provided. They were willing to stand in the gap, and with regard to the removal they ought to say to the Government, " You may remove the market, but in doing so respect our rights as citizens."—(Hear.) They had as much right as the greatest nobleman to ask for the maintenance of such a privilege. For all losses they were entitled to compensation, and it was only fair for the country at largo to be asked, whether they were willing to pay for the removal of Smithfield upwards of a million of money out of the Consolidated Fund?— (Hear, hear.) No joint-stock company, formed for the purpose of providing a new market, would pay such an amount; then, why should the citizens—the meat con sumers—be so taxed? No argument in justification of the removal bad yet appeared, and therefore he be sought the Corporation to pause before they gave their san.tion to the amendment.—(Cheers.) Mr. BENNCCII said that the arguments which bad been used by the worthy Alderman who had just sat down were of the worn out and tattered character they had been for some time in the habit of hearing. It had been said that no complaint had been made as to Smithfield being a nuisance. .That was not so, as their present Markets Improvement Committee had been formed in consequence of petitions which had been read in that Court, from parties who prayed that the market might be enlarged. He wished, however, without further com ment to cut away all the extraneous matter which had been introduced into the debate, so that he might inquire into the real state of the matter. The simple question put to them by the Government was this—" Are you prepared to undertake the management of Smithfield market in a spot removed from within the City bound ary?"—(No.) The question before them was not so much the enlargement of the market, as the management of it.—(hear.) In the case of London-bridge, and the erec tion of docks some years since, the corporation had acted most unwisely, and the City now felt the cense coences, as the proceeds in the shape of dues might now have form e d part of the revenues of the City. He be hoved that the crisis for Smithfield-market had then come, and that the wisest course they could take would he to agree with the Government and take the manage ment of the proposed market. As it regarded the pro posed plan of the corporatioa he admitted it to be ex ceedingly good, but the locality beat them. They were "Cabin'd, cribb'd, confined;" and it was impossible for them to do any good under such straitened circumstances, however they might de sire to do so. He admitted that the present market was moat admirably managed, but the situation was objec tionable, and he believed that any attempt to improve it would be found to be perfectly abortive. Public opinion he felt was against any such an attempt, and Mr. H. Taylor at their last meeting had well said that he once was "in favour of the continuance of Smithfield, but be (Mr. Taylor) had found that times had changed, and therefore it was for them to consider before they com mitted themselves hastily en that matter. He (Mr. Bonnoch) considered that if they did not act carefully they would be committing the suicide of the city of London. Mr. ELLIOTT believed that the parties residing in Smithfield would be bonefitted rather than injured by the removal, and that a great public benefit would be ac complished in consequence. Mr. BARLEY said that be bad made several inquiries, as the late chairman of the Board of Health, of medical gentlemen; all of whom united in opinion that Smith field was decidedly a healthy locality.—(Hear.) No cater of cholera had occurred either at St. Bartholomew's Hos pital or in the vicinity. Mr. G. TAYLOR supported the report of the Markets Imrevernent Committee. Mr. Deputy PiNVTRESS argued that the parties con tending for the removal of the Trial ket had not made out their cr‘.4,c, and thert:fore they (the corporation) ought to defc,nd the continuance of the marks'. Mr. Deputy STACEY was of a similar opinion. Al Inman LAWItENCE that the corporation had always dono their best for the public with regard to Smithfield, but they had many times been opposed by the Government, He contended that if the market were removed to a distance from town the cattle would inevitably cruse a greater nuisance than existed at pre sent, inasmuch as they must be driven through a much greater number of streets. They had to deal with Mr. Lewis's letter, and they ought, instead of rejecting the proposition contained in that communication, to endea vour to ascertain by a conference with the members of the Government its accurate report. The manage ment of a new market might be attended with some advantage which it would be impolitic in the corporation to reject. The new prison at Holloway, although at a distance from the City, would he still us much under the control of the City authorities as was that which it would substitute. Such might be the case with respect to the new market, under circum stances which it might be advisable not to re ject on the ground of public convenience and advan tage. —(lluir, hear.) He wished for the protraction of a positive decision. There was time enough for the consideration of this important subject. He was not bound by the opinion he had expressed relative to Smithfield-market. If he saw reasons for changing that opinion he would with sincerity acknowledge the change, in accordance with the example of a deeply lamented and illustrious statesman, who did not hesitate to avow the honest convictions of his understanding.—(Hear.) Mr. J. WOOD, shortly referring to the position he bad had the honour to hold in the Royal Commission, and to his having undertaken the responsible duty com mitted to him (in conjunction with his colleagues) with independent feelings and an unbiassed judgment, ob served that he had, after mature inquiry and delibera tion, conscientiously arrived at the conclusions to which his name as a member of the Commission was attached, and whilst, therefore, he did not feel himself called upon to take part in the discussion in that Court, the import. ance of the question required, and he was satisfied would receive, the calm and serious consideration of every member, and he hoped the result would be honourable to the corporation and satisfactory to the public at large.—(Hear, hear.) _ _ BLAKE said it was certain that there was a load public demand for the removal of Smithfield-market.— (Mingled shouts of "No, no," and " Hear, hear.") They were bound to know from the Government the exact views entertained by the Government on the question of the removal. He would not like to see the door bolted and barred by any hasty or intemperate act of the cor poration. lle referred to a familiar instance of the im prudence of rejecting an offer of conciliation in the case of the City gas companies, the directors of which bolted and barred the doors against all conce s sion, but soon found that their opposition was of no avail, and that the advantage which they might have obtained had totally disappeared.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ANDERTON—The gas question has nothing to do with Smithfield-market. Mr. BLARE —The corporation wore in a difficulty similar to that in which the gas companies were plunged. By adopting the motion they would bolt and bar them selves, and voluntarily surrender acy prospective advan tage.— (Cheers.) Upon the motion of Mr. HALL the debate was ad journed. A good deal of excitement prevailed during the day. THE WEST INDIA MAIL. SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY MORNING.—The Thames royal mail steam-ship, Captain Abbott, with the usual West India and Mexican mails, arrived somewhat unex pectedly at four o'clock this morning, having made an excellent voyage. The latest dates brought by the Thames are—Vera Cruz, June 15; Tampico, June 12; Havatinah, June 27; Demerara, June 18; Jarea'ca, June 22; Trinidad, June 20; Barbadoes, June 27; Antigua, June 29; Gre nade, June 23; St. Thomas's, July 1. The Thames brings on freight 44,889 dollars on mer chants' account, and 282,733 dollars for the Mexican dividends. She has also manifested 386 serons of cochi neal, 11 serons of julapa, 46 cases of cigars, 138 bales of tobacco, 11 cases of pine applee, 29 turtle, 33 bales of indigo, 252 packages of arrowroot, besides a variety of other packages and merchandise. Stations of her Majesty's Ships—At Halifax, the Wellesley, Sappho, Plumper, and Helena; at Port Royal, the Imaum and Trincomalee; at Barbadoes, the Ber muda, and Scorpion off Nassau. The following is a list of passengers by this arrival:— Mr. C. 0. Ledward, from Vera Cruz; Mr. and Mrs. Holt, Miss Melville, Mr. Motgomery, Mr. Jackson and servant, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Laird, from Mobile; Mr. Hencke and servant, Mr. Montero, and Mr. Arrietta, from Havannah; Mr. Scott, Mr. Fryer, and Mr. Gar land, from Jamaica; Mrs. Doris and child, from Nas sau; Mr. Dawes and Mr. and Mrs. Lebret, from Dama ra: a; Mr. Wylie, from Trinidad; Mr. Da Silva Pcrto, from Barbadoes; Mr. La Rosyery, and Mrs. Poncy and three children, from Martinique; Mr. and Mrs. Garra way and family, from Dominica; Mr. Mackenzie, from Guadaloupe; Mr. and Mrs. 'Manger and two servants, from Porto Rico; Mr. H. Eisenblat, Mr. W. A. Andral, Mr. G. Latrose, Mr. Hengelberg, and seven distressed seamen, from St. Thomas's; Mr. Maitland and servant, Bombadior Proctor, R.A., W. Chancellor, R.A.. and E. Scantlebury, from Bermuda; Mr. R. Shears, Company's officer. EQUIVALENT COMPANY This Bill wo , ut through CoanittPe. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he had stated early in the session that be proposed to apply 250,0001. to psy off the annuity cf what was called the Equivalent Society in Scotland. EXCISE SUGAR AND LICENCES BILL. Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the object of this Bill was two-Lad—first, at the time the duty on colonial sugar was reduced, no reduction was made on excise sugar made from beet-root, and the in tention was to reduce the duty oa home-grown produce to the same amount as that made from colonial produce. He proposed to put such a duty on sugar used in bro iv cries as would render it equivalent to the malt. The Bill went through Committec. Rnport to be re ceived on Mond=iy CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. On the moti on f or t h e t hi r d r eading of this Bill, Sir W. JOLLIFFE opposed it. After some conversation, the House divided, when there appeared-- For the adjournment ... ... 16 Against it... 74 Majority ... ..• ••• —5B Mr. NEWDEGATE moved that tha debate be now adjourned. Sir G. GREY said that this was a most useful Bill, and the object of the motion was not to delay it for a day or two, but to postpone it indefinitely. 110 hoped that tho House would consent to the third reading. Mr. HENLEY said that the Government might have read the Bill a third time a week since if they had ipo chosen. All the delay they now asked was until Mon day next. Sir G. GREY consented to fix the third reading for Monday next. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH (No. 2) BILL. The House went into Committee on this Bill, and the several clauses were disposed of. The House resumed, and the Bill was ordered to be re ported on Monday next. The Savings Banks Bill second reading was fixed for Friday next. THE SUMMARY JURISDICTION (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. COLLECTION OF FINES (IRELAND) BILL. Tho amendments to this Bill were considered and agreed to. STOCK IN TRADE BILL. This Bill was read a third ti me and passed, af te r a protest from Sir H. WILLOUGFIBY avinst passing a Bill of such importance, involving powers of taxation, at that hour (half-past or w) in the ruorninz. HIGHWAY RATES BILL. This Bill BOROUGH GAOLS BILL This Bill, as amended, was considered. UNION OF LIBERTIES WITH COUNTIES BILL. FISHERIES BILL. These Bills wore read a second time. The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past One o'clock. JAMAICA. Our dales from this colony extend to the 22d of June. Business, though not very lively, has evidently im proved; and there is no doubt but the periodical visits of the American steamers from Chagres, with their nu merous passengers, contribute a life and spirit to the city which it would not otherwise posseta. The weather had of late been very favourable, al though warm. Fine rains had fallen all over the coun try, and still continued in moderate showers when the packet left. The Jamaica Legislative Assembly was to open on the 27th June, and was looked forward to with some degree of interest. The intelligence of the vigorous proceedings of the Protectionists of the mother country received by the last packet, had raised the hopes of the colonists, and the manifesto by Lord Stanley had afforded them great sa tisfaction. Parties were still leaving Jamaica for Chagres and Panama, en route to California; and many had also left for Angostura, in Venezuela, where ' gold had been discovered to be very abundant, especially iu the Juruary River. The Avon steamer, which arrived June 20th, from St. Jago de Cuba, brings little additional intelligence frem that island. The authorities were under undis guised apprehension of the invasion being renewed at other points than that attacked by Lopez, and were making adequate preparations for resistance. The French islanus of Guadaloupe and Martinique continue:l under martial law, in consequence of the repeated acts of incendiarism committed by the la bourers. The dates from llavannah are to the 26th of June. The cholera, although it hsd not entirely disappeared, was considerably on the decrease, and the fatal cases were not so numerous as at first. From Mexico there is nothing in addition to the news already received via New Yotk. Our private advice!, however, slate that the cholera was raging in that city, and had extended very considerably into the inmost re cesses of the country, and as the proper mode of treat ment was not generally known, the fatal cases were ex tremely numerous. In the city several additional hos pitals has been established for receiving patients, under guidance of the Sisters of Charity, who had rendered themselves extremely usAul iu alleviating the sufferings of their fellow-creatures. Rain was sadly wanted. A severe drougbt prevailed, and cattle had died by thousands for want of rain. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.—JAMAICA. (From De Cordova's Mercantile Intelligencer.) No improvement has taken place in the condition - of the market since the date of our last issue; in fact. business has been more than usually dull, while stocks generally arc accumulating. The trade purchase very cautiously, in expectation of it decline in prices. The flour market is largely stocked, but holders appear to think that pre sent rates will be maintained, if not increased, in conse quence of high prices in the United States. The supply of piel:led fish i 6 still enormous, particularly of herrings. The stock of cod-fish is very nearly cleared, and prices are looking up. REVIEW OF MARKETS. (Unless specially stated to the contrary, long or duty paid prices are always given, and are to be considered as whole,sle prices.) Flour—We have heard of a sale of 370 barrels Phila delphia flour at 325. Smaller lots of Baltimore are being moved at the same rate. Meal-110 barrels Philadelphia have changed hands, at 17r. Rice—The stock of Carolina is enormous, and the market quite stagnant. Holders, however, are firm at ISA., but the trade refused to operate thereat. East India has been sold at 145., but that rate cannot now be obtained. Butter—Sales of Philadelphia to the extent of 170 kegs have been made at 7d. The market still continues heavily stocked with Irish, for which only 10d, is offered. Bread—Wattson's pilot is moved at 18e., and crackers at 225., in small lots as wanted. Mackerel—The stuck is very heavy, and more than 28s. cannot be got, at which rate the article is dull. Ilerrings—Remain as last reported. Alewives are scarce, at 225. Oil—The market is overstocked. Cod remains at 2e, 2d., and whale and lard have been sold at the same rate. Laird is very inactive notwithstanding that the stock has diminished to a considerable extent. The large quantity of lard oil at market checks the consumption of this article as soon as prices are attempted to be raised. Not more than sd. per lb. can be got for it. Codfish—Last sales were 13s. per cask, and 16s. per box. Salmon is wanted. Pork—Mess is taken at GSs. to 703.; prime is almost unsaleatle at 545. Hams--American change hands at 3d. to Gd. per lb., and Lancashire at Bd. The market is largely supplied, particularly with the former. Soap—Vie quote Olden's 50Ibs. at 10s., and 601hs. at lie.; Steel's 48Ibs. at 10s., 561bs. feather at lls. 6d and 561hs. and GOlbs..crown at 14s. 6d. .1 p a C c e a d n d a l t e s6Tdr.N. perts.e - b a . s s so ix rt e e s cl a l r o from lade e t plentau P l h a i ndd l u p i h l w at as ; short eights are wanted. Cheese—D. G. is worth l ld., American 7d. per lb. Lumber—Part of a cargo from Calais (Mtvi.ne) has