The Sun. — London, England, 1845-05-31 00:00:00

, -- —.- Justice of England against the attacks of the Learned Lord I NOTICE OF TIAIOTONS lON—A ELANDE) CADMICAL INSTlTU behind him, once the Attorney - Gene ral of Queen Caroline, 1 (IR BILL. and the Lord Chancellor that supported and promoted him. ' Lord J. MANNERS gave notice that on the motion for the The Noble Lord had attacked him because he could not answer second reading of the Academical Institutions (l: eland) Bill, the arguments of his Learned Friend—arguments which, how- he should move that the IEII be read a second time that day six ever they might be disregarded by that House, would obtain months. for him from the country still greater admiration than his name ARRESTMENT OF WAGES (SCOTLAND) BILL. had already attained. But what was the practice now pursued , Mr. T. DUN COMBE moved for leave to bi ing in a Bill in the Post-office? They had a false seal, they opened the . to amend the law few the arrestment of wages in Scotland.— letter, they took a copy of it, then closed it again, they Agreed to. affixed a false seal to it, and thus sent it to its original desti- , Lord PALMERSTON presented a petition from Manchester nation. This was a custom so abhorrent to all honour and ' and Salford in favour of a Ten ZEALAND. Hours' Factory Bill. integrity, that every nation but En g land had renounced it. M. 1 NEW Mr. G. H. HOPE said he was desirous of calling the atten - Guizot had declared that he conside red the Post-office sacred, i and that the practice adopted in this country would be a disgrace ' tion of the House to a statement which he made on the 2d of to his. If the law remained as it was, an action might he May, in reference to the circumstanees under which a notice brought against Sir James Graham by Mr. Dnneombe or Mr. ' motion mad by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Maszini ; a jury might, under the d irection of the judge, 1 of Liskeard. (Mr. e C. Buller), was postponed. The postpone return a verdict against the Secretary of State, and the ; merit was made by the Hon. Gentleman himself, and not moist enormous damages returned against him ; and lat the request of her Majesty's Government, neither was it thus an officer of the Crown, conscientiously discharging the ! the result of any compromise between the Noble Lord at the duties imposed upon him by lel, might be punished, not for i head of the Colonial Department and the New Zealand Corn soy delinquency of his owe, but for the defect of the law. i pany. A report of that Company had been pub- The practice did not exist by statute until the time of Queen ished, from which different inferences had been drawn. Anne, but neither that. Act, nor those passed in the subsequent 'He would state in a few words what occurred. reigns, gave the power to the Secretary of State—when then On the lst of May, having postponed his motion in did it exist? He held that it did not exist at all, and he be. consequence of some communication with Lord Stanley, he lieved that common law would so decide. The person isuing postponed the motiou to which he had alluded, but the warrant was responsible at law, not the person who which, as he had stated, was not the result of carried it into effect. He admitted that the Secretary of State any compromise whatever. In order that no mistake had the hewer of issuing a warrant for the opening of letters in might arise, he would read the letter which had a house or elsewhere, if they were necessary for the ends of been sent by the Noble Lord to the Honourable Gentleman. justice ; but he had no power to cause letters passing through The Hon. Member then read the letter addressed to the Hon. the Post-office to be opened. He agreed with Member for Liskeard, requesting to know the reason why he the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench postponed his motion, and whether it arose from a previous that the power did not exist. If the power was to continue, arrangement. 'f o that letter he had returned an answer that surely some register should be kept of the letters opened. no arrangement had been entered into by the Honourable He hoped their Lordships would accede to the motion, an d and Learned Member. After this, he would leave it to ensured them that they would carefully examine the measure the House to decide whether they (the Ministry) were justi in Committee. fled or not in these proceedings. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the subject had been Mr. CHARLES. BULLER, who was throughout very nearly exhausted, and there was so much misconception of the imperfectly heard, so much so, that many Hon. Members law amongst Noble Lords that he was anxious to say a few re p eatedl y ealled out, " Speak out, speak out," was under werdwwpneerning it. It was impossible not to entertain the stood to say, that it was due to the Right Hon. Baronet op idea thlt the law was legal ; and if he could show that it was polite, and to Lord Stanley, that he should make some ex sanetioned by law he should be warranted in coming to the planation respecting the correspondence which bad passed conclusion that it was a part of the acknowledged law of the between himself and the Government, and the circumstances land. The power was exercised in the time of the Common- which had been alluded to by the Hon. Gentleman, in regard wealth, and the reports of the Committees of both Houses of to the withdrawal of the motion which he was sorry to say Parliament bore him out in this view. During that period had been attributed to circumstances that had no existence. the Post-office was leased to a person of the name of Bishop, It was a mistake to say, that the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir and a provision was inserted in the lease reserving the power of J. Graham) had entered into any compromise with him for opening letters to the Secretary of State. Subsequently it the withdrawal of his motion. What occurred was this. He was leased to a person of the name of O'Neil, and the same had; requested the Right Hon. Baronet to admit of a negotia power viaa retained as in the case of Bishop. In each of these tion on the part of the Directors. The Right Hon. Gentleman cases a proclamation was issued, specifying that the Post- said that he would consult Lord Stanley, but that it was im effree had been leased to them, and recognising the possible for the Government to enter into any negotiation so same right. In the time of Charles 11., a person named long as his (Mr. Buller's) motion stood upon the paper of the Coleman was put on his trial for sedition, and the principal House. He therefore represented the matter to the Board of charges were substantiated by letters which had been inter- Directors, and they agreed with him that it would be best to eepted in their progress through the Post-office. He did not withdraw the motion, and leave the Government free to enter way that he approved either of the trial or the verdict of into the negotiation. There was no compromise whatever.— the jury, but neither the judge nor the jury considered ( Hear, hear.) He had thought it his duty to say that there that the proceedings were illegal. If it had been consi- was no breach of faith on either side.—( Hear, hear. ) Jewel a violation of the law, was it not likely thzt it would Sir J. GRAHAM must corroborate the statement of his have been alluded to on the trial. The evidence on the trial Honourable and Learned Friend. But he must also state of Atterburty mainly consisted of letters from the Post-office, his regret that confidential conversation between Members which were proved at the bar of that House. No objection of that House even though they sat upon opposite sides, was made by the prisoner himself, or by any of the learned should be allowed to transpire.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") individuals at that time, that the Secretary of State was not The conversations which he had had with the Hon. and entitled to intercept letters passing through the Post-office, Learned Member for Liskeard were perfectly confidential, and and to bring them in evidence against a person on his trial. it was with great surprise he received a letter from the chair- He would ask if that was not the strongest evidence that the man of the New Zealand Company, informing him that the power was legally exercised at that time by the Secretary of secret committee of the board of directors were possessed of ehate. Another material fact, in support of his opinion, teas the minutes of the conversations between Mr. C. Buller and him ease which caused so much sensation at the time, namely, the self ; that they were about to publish them, and requested him oposine of the letters of Members of Parliament by the Master to corroborate or correct them. Now, as he had taken no of the Post-office. A resolution was passed to the effect that notes of the conversations, he could neither correct nor cur it was a breach of privilege to open any of their letters, except roborate those minutes. But the Hon. and Learned Member by a warrant of the Secretary of State. What could be a more for Liskeard had so correctly stated what had occurred, he illistinct recognition of the power than this, that it was vested could not doubt that the minutes alluded to would be equally in the Secretary of State for the time being. The'case of Hems- faithful. worth also substantiated his view of the law. On the trial of Mr. AGLIONBY said that the secret committee of the Horne Tooke a letter from the Post-office was produced in board of directors had thought it their duty to report the sub evieence. Now if that was an infraction of the law would not stance of the conversations to the board. He was glad to hear those eminent individuals Mr. Erskine or Mr. Gibbs, who were the Right Hon. Baronet bear testimony to the sincerity and connect for Mr. Tooke, or the judge, or the bench, have taken high honour of his Hon. and Learned Friend. notice of it? Would they have suffered such an infraction GAVE-LAWS—THE CASE OF JAMES DEANE. rhea a letter was produced in evidence against their client? Mr. HUME wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet a ques- He would peas over the Acts of Queen Anne, George the let, tion of which he had given notice last night, in respect to the end George the 2d, and would come down to 1830. He would case of James Deane. a man sixty years of age, who was sent direct the attention of their Lordships to the statement of to Reading gaol for four months for stealing pheasants' eggs. ill. N oble Lord (Denman) in reference to the clause He wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether it was his giving the power of opening letters to Government. intention to la y before the House the documents relating to The 'Noble Lord then recognised the legality of the power. the case? By a reference to the Acts from Cromwell down to the present Sir J. GRAHAM said that, in consequence of magistrates timer, and by the courts of justice during the last century, this having cumulated the punishment by adding one month's im power was not only legal, but never called in question. Why, prisonment to the previous sentence of three months' imprison shoee who felt aggrieved by the exercise of this power (Mr. ment, he had advised her Majesty to remit the cumulated por- Mazzini for instance) did not test, the legality of it by a resort tion of the sentence.—( Hear, hear.) to the courts .f law. His Noble Friend said that it was an Mr. MILNER GIBSON said that it was exceedingly abominable and disgraceful power, but the effect of the present wrong for a man to be imprisoned and fined both for such an Bill was to legalise that power. With respect to the inconsis- offence as this. It. was anything but fair for the proprietors to tencies of the present Bill , they had b een so full y p ointed out profess a wish to reduce poaching, and then to take the very by a Noble Lord who had preceded him, that it would be an measures which were likely to increase the evil. There was idle wa.sth of time to take up their attention any further upon nothing more monstrous than for the preservers of game to 'become the purchasers of it from the public. In the case -them, and he would conclude by gi vin g his most strenuous opposition to the present Bill, believing that the power which which had been cited the poor man had been relieved from his it done away with was one which should be possessed by every imprisonment by the Hon. Member for Athlone (Mr. Collett), Government. who thought that a double punishment was too much, and Lord DEN-MAN explained in reference to the opinions therefore paid the fine himself. which he had expressed in 1830 upon the subject, and which Sir JOHN WALSH said that this man had been con had been alluded to by the Noble Lord who had just sat down as victed for this offence without his knowledge, and certainly favourable to the legality of that power. The question of the without any wish of his. The circumstances, it appeared, leg ' ality of the power did not then enter into his consideration. were these :—The offender had offered game for sale ; he be- He never referred to it in a factious manner—it was not a lieved the y were p heasants and pheasants eggs, to a young party question. It affected all parties. and he threw the blame man, who had only been about a twelvemonth in his service, equally on all. So far from approving of it, he had always and who, from being unacquainted with the game-laws, had opposed it as most unconstitutional, and the Noble Duke asked the other keepers what course he should pursue, arid in Alemeite could bear testimony to the accuracy of what he conse q uence of their advice, he had again seen the man, who Wetted. He was opposed to the power on constitutional was apprehended, taken before the magistrate, and convicted. grounds when he was Attorney-General, and as he still ente - He (Sir John Walsh)'was out a the country at the time, or he tained the same opinion as he did, he could not do otherwise would certainly have interfered. than oppose the class power now. Perhaps he had done snore Mr. OSBORNE said that a man had been sentenced to one to obtain its abolition when he was in office than any other month's imprisonment, but had undergone three months, in Attorney-General would have ventured to do. consequence of his inability to pay the fine, and he certainly After a few words of explanation {from Lord Brougham, the thought that the Government ought to inquire into the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Campbell, matter. The Marquis of NORMANBY admitted having exercised Sir J. GRAHAM said the merits of the case had not been the power while he was in office, but declared that he never was brought before him, nor did he go at all with them. It was entrusted with any power which gave him more pain. The quite open to the parties to go into the merits of the case, but question, however, for them now to consider was, not the pro- they did not go into them. pekes( of abolishing the power, but the particular provisions of Mr. COLLETT said ho hoped he might be excused for now the Noble Earl's Bill. When the question for the abolishing saying a word or two, as the matter had reference to himself elf the power came before them, lie should be prepared to give personally. The daughter-inda-law of this poor man came to it his best consideration. He confessed that, before he came his house, and a a statement corroborative of that which appeared in the Times newspaper. Feeling for the poor man, into office, he was ignorant of the existence of this power, but EITUV ,he thought it was known to almost all the world. Ile he sent his servant down to Reading with the money for his did not agree in the provisions of the Bill, but, nevertheless, liberation. The poor man was obliged to pick oakum, and he hoped Government would take the matter into their serious had been in solitary confinement. The money was, however, ceesideration, and see if something could not be done, either to paid, and the man was set at liberty. The Hon. Member do asvay with the power altogether, or to limit its exercise. then read a letter which appeared in the Times newspaper of Lard STANLEY briefly explained that the practice of the that day, and added, that as the payment of the fine had been idoine-office was to preserve the warrants with every instru- ascribed to a person much higher in rank, he thought it but meet connected with their exercise. right to make this statement. He had, on that day, written Earl Fl'l Z WILLIAM, while protesting against the ar- to the Times to the same effect.—(Cheers. ) gument of the Secretary for the Colonies, who treated the JERSEY LAW COURTS. subject as a police question, and that of his Noble Friend Mr. ROEBUCK said he wished to put a question to the ( Lord Brougham) who regarded it as necessary for the Right Hon. Gentleman relative to an appileation which had well-beieg of the nation, should support the second reading of been made to the Comptroller-General, respecting the eon the Bill, although he objected to its framing and preamble. duct of the law officers of Jersey. Application was made to h ill Earl of CARNARVON opposed the second reading of the other law courts, and from them the matter had been re tie ferred to the consideration of the e b Court, which had dv- The Earl of RADNOR briefly replied in a few words. termined it was a matter of civil action. It was not a concern The House then divided, when there appeared : for criminal interference. A secret inquiry, which is peculiar Contents Non-contents Majority against the second reading of the Bill —46 language, and it was determined that no punishment should THE RAILWAY CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION BILL be awarded. The Hon. Member wanted to know whether any (SCOTLAND.) steps had been taken by the Government to ask for an ex- This Bill went through Committee, and the House resumed. planation of the conduct of the law officers of Jersey. Ass" al Bills were then advanced a stage, and Sir J. GRAHAM replied that the law officers had not yet Their Lordship adjourned at Ten Mi nu t es pas t Twelve haul an opportunity of making a ny defence, and he felt satisfied o'clock, till Monday. the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would not press his question -nee until the officers haul been enabled to explain. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Mau 30. QUESTION OF PRIVILEGE. The Sr:sees:a took the Chair shortly before Four "'clock. Lora J. RUSSELL wished to know what step the Govern- This was the last day for receiving Private Bills, other than ment intended to take with respect to thequestion of privilege that had been brought b e f ore th e H ouse last night. A report feailwayltills. Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from Birmingham, pray- of the Committee haul been presented, and it appeared to consist hie that the Bill for the improvement of Duddeston &c. of two parts. The first was with respect to delaying the exe might 110 t pass into a law. cution on Monday next ; and the second was that, the Court The Yerit and North Midland Rail ray Bill (Bridlington had come to the decision that it was proper to proceed by a writ I , :ranrlaA, was read a third time and passed. of error in the superior Court. With regard to the first part, rev York and Scarborough Railway Deviation Bill was read that of staying the execution next Monday, the House might go into the subject ; but with regard to the second part, that a tisal time anti passed. relating to the writ of error, he bogged leave to state that it h Lord BARR INIGTON presented a petition from John was the opinion of the Committee that they ought to meet Tempte Leader, Esq., a Member of that House, against the again and draw up a more detailed report, to be presented to Iliotimond Railway Bill. the House before any discussion took place upon the gees thon. it . was necessary, before the House went into the sub- The reports were received on th e Newcastle and Darlington Ileilway (Brandling Junction) , and the Neweastle•u p on-T y ne act, to have the fullest data before them. Tim Hon. 1 and North Shields Railway ( Tjnem outh Extension), and Learned Member for Worcester (Sir Thomas Wilde) and and ordered to be engrossed. Right Hon. Member for Devonport ( Sir George Grey) The report was also received on the Newcastle and Berwick thought this would be the proper course to pursue. Railway, and ordered to be engrossed. Sir R. P EEL said, as this was a most important question, On the motion of Mr. MORRISON, the tim e for receivin g It was desirable, before going into its discussion, that they time leport from the Committee on the Agricultural and Corn should have the fullest report from the Committee, along with reereial Bank of Ireland was ordered to be extended to Wednes- ' the reasons on which their report was founded. Before taking day, the dth uf June, any other step, such a course, he held, was absolutely necessary. Sir T. WILDE thought it was desirable to state to the House that, of the two evils, the taking of the course recom mended by the Committee would be infinitely the lesser one. The allowing the execution to take place next Monday, would not interfere with the proceedings of the writ of error. The evil of levying damages, bore no proportion whatever to their taking a premature step before full and explicit information was placed before them. Mr. ROEBUCK thought that, if the proposed levy was allowed to take place, it would prejudice their case when they went into another Court to have it heard. He wanted to know how any difficulty of this kind was to be got over. Sir 'l'. 'WILDE said that the proceedings in the writ of error would be quite independent of die others pending against thiosn. The writ would be unaffected by the execution. When such a course was taken by the House, with the understanding that it was to try the question in a superior Court, no evil could arise from it. Ile was satisfied that no evil could arise from the execution, if they acted upon the suggestions of the Com mit tee. Mr. HUME said that many of their warrants had been is sued, but few of them had been carried into effect. The war • rant ran thus : " Aecording to the Standing Orders of the House, the House of Commons in Parliament assembled, these are to re quire you to take into your custody any party or parties who may or shall affect, interfere, or molest the person of Sir Wil liam Gossett, our Sergeant-at-Arms ; and also all Sheriffs, Sheriffs' officers, or other persons who may be assisting in the same. And for so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant. " Dated this 3d day of February. ( Signed) "C. SHAW LcFEVRE, Speaker." Now, this was a powerful warrant, and lie did not think that they ought to depart from the position they had assumed. They might, indeed, waive their own privileges, it they only consi dered themselves, but they affected the public, and, therefore, he thought that it was their duty to uphold them. He thought that they had succumbed sufficiently already. For his part, he was inclined to propose that the officers of the House should t a k e intocustody all and every person who should atte m pt t o carr y thi s ju d gmen t i n t o execution, and imprisonw re a p i repo r t, waiting and for further s t , he a m ke fo d rt f i o i rw informationfi,tithr.herThe delay before l f o o n r . before tt:hleeyttchi,,lie),(;siiii,r toad' l ar a :ti d it.e don the , r a a u l , k . e i c i l ; 0 ,, - f thin, but fir this he eaw no necessity. Every Member of that House haul a right to act as an officer, and on the unhappy hil:ieua:i°ZwpheerusonMiro. ti i e z e e i vtahles.vassatli'n't, and t'e as ( si ' s i s r ; n li c u o n n 'P ve ) y l i t a ig il him up stairs, and had kept hima saferthere in custody until the o w tfi as e , er w a h a p r t r i i i v ,- e r ti th t i n y convey inn toThe question really hail an y not. He thought they had, and that it aas high ti lnvdukg7 , 4poini.g. only wished that his Hon. tout Leincrenetodviiih'ilci:;sadtks'etobuelndll'eaanctital:e' hoped theful t l ha r t ep tl u i r e t 11 0 ( f iu t s h e ,, w ( , ,, culd pause ay' beforeSirß. they acted, N( l There were two parts in the report which it w as essential Committee. brought under the attention of the House. First, whethe t r o the House would follow out their decision and seize the Lord Chief Justice on the seat of justice. Mr. II [Jill E—" Seize him if he comes to this House." Sir R. H. INGLIS said, that if the Hon. Member waited till the Chief Justice appeared at that her attic House his cos i rage was not lii ely to be very soon tested. But though'" . here RAILWAYS. The Ely and Huntingdon Railway Bill was read a third time and palsied. On the motion of Mr. 11. HINDE it was ordered that there should be laid before the Ilous , , the evidence taken before the Select Committee on the Newcastle and Berwick Railway arrd the Northumberland Railway Bills, relating to the atmospheric principle of traction, and that the same should be Finted at the expense of the promoters of the Newcastle and Berwick Railway. On - the motion of Mr. DIVETT, the Bristol and Exeter Railway Branches Bill was read a third time and passed. 'The Dies, Beccles, and Yarmouth Railway Bill Has read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Th, hull and Selby Railway ( Bridlington branch) was read a thiixitime and passed. Mr. SIL\ RMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition against the Liverpool and :Manchester Railway Bill. Mr. MA i'rEli.lllAN presented a petition against the West minster Improvement Bill. Mr. W. PATTEN postponed the third reading of the Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Rail,vay Bill until Monday next. On the motion of Sir G. GREY, it wag ordered that the proccodings on the consideration of the report of the Syston and Peterborough Railway Bill should be resumed. On th e mo ti on o f M r. GRO GAN, the time for receivin4 the report upon the Dublin Pipewater Bill was extended to the 6th of Juno. The Sheffield and Tinsley Canal Bill was reported, as was ati.o the Brighton, :Lewes, and Hastings Railway (Keymer Is - obeli). Captain PLTZNIAURICE presented a petition against the Brighton Railway Extension Bid. Mr. SPOONEIt brusgbt in the Birmingham and Glouces ter Railway Bill, which was read a first and ordered to be read a second time. GOOLE AND DONCASTER RAILWAY. The Goole and Doncaster Railway RAI was read a second time. PETITIONS. Mr. FELLOWES presented petitions from various places in Huntingdonshire against the proposed alteration in the law of settlement. Alr•o a petition against the union of the Sees of St. Asvh aryl Bangor. POST-OFFICE ABUSES. petition. stoned b y Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE presented a o r merchants of the City of London, complaining of the exaction of fees by the officers of the General Post-cffice, under the pretence of an early delivery of letters ; also, com plaining of the abuses of the Post-office generally, and pray lug for inquiry. He had already given notice of a motion fur a Committee of inquiry. Also, a petition from an • individual, praying for the inclosure of waste lands for the benefit of the poor. BRADFORD, LONDON, AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY. The Bradford, London, and Birmingham Railway Bill was NEWSPAPEIisead a third.time, and passed. Cr-''''- MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. . ~ ...,; . --', 4 : - 'gem flow the Lords brought down certain Bills. -q4....,fi-- -:- r ..MAYNOOTH. ING.L:IS presented petitions from Dundee and other diaatutoying of th e Maynooth grant. 17. 11.1....- . 7 :;~`' arc 7\~; TETE SAN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 31, 1845. were, he was aware, many Hon. Members who were ready to I make speeches, though they were not quite prepared to imi tate the gallant bearing of the Hon. Member for Montrose, yet still he thought that the best decision to come t• on the sub ject, was to wait for the report of the Committee. Lord HO WICK thought that the wiser plan would cer• tainly be to follow the advice of his Hon. and Learned Friend, and reserve the discussion until they had the full report of the Committee before them. Supposing, as it was stated, that the levy should be made, and the damages taken, it was better to allow this, than to take an inconsiderate step. It would still be in their power to compel the parties who had received them to refund, and to punish the parties who had been in any way instrumental in carrying the execution into effect. This would, in his opinion, be a much better course than to take any inconsiderate step. They would then Nava the advantage of waiting for the report of the Standing Orders Committee, and avoid being committed at present to any specific motion. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought that it would cer tainly he better to postpone the discussion until they got the full report of the Standing Orders Committee, and they would then see what would be the better course for them to adopt. The Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) seemed to think the the full report of the Committee ought now to be laid before them ; and doubtless, if they had had the advantage of that Hon. Member's industry, intelligent dili gence, and business-habits, it might perhaps have been ready, but circumstances had occurred that had rendered it impossible. The members of that Committee had been mast indefatigable, for in the midst of numerous private engagements they had closely attended to their duties. He should move that when the order of the day were proposed to be read, that it be post poned till Monday next. After a few words from Sir T. WILDE and Sir R. PEEL, Mr. HUNIE said that he should move a resolution to the effect, that it should be a breach of the privilege of the House to levy money on any servant of that house executing a war- vileges which meant, if they meant anything, that the House should possess an unlimitable and irresponsible power.—( Hear, hear.) The conclusions and dogmas meant, if they really meant anything, that all power and authority should be concentrated in that House. He would ask, was that the view which they believed to be acceptable to the peopleof this country? He (Mr. D'lsraeli) would say the people, but the public was lately the Parliamentary phrase. He observed no disposition on the part of the public to take part with the proceedings of that House on the present question.—( Hear, hear.) They sympathised with the courts of law, and they looked upon them as the protectors of their rights and liberties. —( Hear, hear.) It was a profound sentiment in the mind of the people to support the law of England. They had asso ciated the law of England with the security and welfare of public liberty.—(Hear, hear.) The feeling out of doors was one of satisfaction at the decision of the courts of law, and he had only risen to repudiate the idea that the people of this country had any wish to curtail, or war against the just privi leges of the House. He exposed the assumption of such pri vileges because he considered them inimical to popular liberty. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman would " suppose a corrupt judge—suppose a corrupt court presided over by one who had a dark design against public liberty." The same might be said respecting the House of Commons, and the real question was, whether the House of Commons should be invested with a su preme irresponsible power, or whether the dignity of the law, as administered by the judge, should not be respected, upheld, and supported ?—( Hear.) Mr. F. KELLY submitted that the only course for the House to pursue, was to agree to the motion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Solicitor-General, which he had pro posed at the express suggestion of the Hon. Member for Lon don. That suggestion was agreed to, and then the Hon. Member for Montrose proposed his amendment. 'The Noble Lord the Member fur Sunderland also had an amendment, by which he sought to postpone the consideration of the question till next Monday week ; but the question was, should the dis cussion also be postponed till the same time. Having briefly stated the facts of the Howard v. Gossett case, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman proceeded to say that it was now their duty, and one of transcendent importance, to decide what course should be adopted by the House, by which, on the one hand, due respect would be manifested for the law, and the Courts which administered that law ; and, en the other, by which the undoubted privileges of the House might be maintained. The question ought not to be prematurely discussed, nor without careful deliberation. The question had been referred to a Committee, that Committee had thought it best to considerthe question fully in all its bearings—that Committee had expressed an unanimous wish that it was necessarythat the question should be postponed, and therefore he considered the House ought to postpone the discussion till the time proposed. He considered it was the duty of the House to accede to this request of the Committee. The discussion could be as well taken next Mon day week as to-night. It was necessary that they should ven ture upon no course without due deliberation. They should not act prematurely, but take the proper and reasonable course suggested by the Noble Lord the Member fur London, and moved by the Hon. and Learned Solicitor-General.—(Hear.) Sir T. WILDE said that he considered the course recom mended by the Noble Lord the Member for London the proper course to take. On a former occasion, when the ques tion of privilege was under their consideration, he had opposed the course then taken. Proceedings had been instituted against the officer of that House, and the matter was brought before the House. A vote was come to, the House agreed to appear and plead, and the consequences were well known to all the Hon. Members present. But now the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said, let the execution take place. He regretted the subject had not received in that House the benefit of the talents of his Hon. and Learned Friend. His absence had pre vented that. He (Sir T. Wilde) might say, that when he was consulted on that occasion by Mr. France, his Hon. and Learned Friend took some interest in the question. He ( Sir T. Wilde) advised Mr. France to petition, and drew up a petition for the purpose, when his Honourable and Learned Friend being consulted on this subject advised an exactly opposite course.—( Hear, hear.) 'the part he had taken had been less disinterested than that of his Hon. and Learned Friend, for he (Mr. Kelly) was the volunteer counsel of the House of Commons. He trusted that the House would give them each an unbiassed hearing. If he thought his 11% m and Learned Friend could carry his resolution, he would second. it with all his heart, for, in his opinion, it was a very er re solution to be moved ; but when the House was, d i d, ST) p was not competent to proceed, and that w e ' ;:ul d laced in the not suppose that power of the Court of Queen's Bench, h that any such power could exist. Th . answer to his resolu tion, would be what the Hon. Mere : este for Oxfor d had stated, that that it would be ridiculous, afte",. talk any more about it, and f e . is fine had been levied, to post ponement was, that it reason for suggesting the stayed, and hinder the ' e ssuld prevent the execution being alternative . of bringing a writ of error. He admitted it we : 4. - scl step to take to levy the execution. He considered th, t the questio" the present was the last occasion on which could be discussed with the advantages it , r°7 .acs 'House if a future great occasion arose was intercepted in its proper functions it "'Act cut through all that had been accomplished as the det,sthe levels the standing corn. It appeared to him that the method hitherto pursued was highly discreditable to the House. It was a surrender of the constitutional privileges of the House and with it a yielding up of the great principles of the Consti tution itself--( Hear, hear.) He trusted he should convince the judgment of every Hon. Member that the decision of the Court of Queen's Bench was false in every particular, and that the warrant that had been issued by the House was good.— ( Hear.) The judgment of the Court was contrary to law, and compromised the honour and privilege of the House. The warrant, on the face of it, was direted to the Sergeant-at- Arms, to take into custody a certain individual, and was per fectly correct. But whether the Queen's Bench was right or wrong in its decision, the question to decide was, did it pos sess the power to interfere on a Parliamentary warrant. He would say and maintain that Parliamentary powers were only amenable to Parliamentary rule;—(Hear)—and he thought the Court of Queen's Bench had greatly overstepped its autho rity in endeavouring to set aside the warrant that had been is sued. He would say that when his Hon. and Learned Friend told the House that it would sustain no injury by levying the execution, it would sustain greater evil by refusing to sustain a writ of error in prevention. Mr. KELLY rose, and said he wished to explain. The question had been put to him whether, if the sheriffs were to submit to the House of Commons, and refuse to levy the writ issued by the Court of Queen's Bench, would they be protected by the House of Commons ? His answer was, that if the sheriffs refused to levy any writ they would he liable to attach ment and imprisonment until the writs were levied. His Hon. and Learned Friend had accused him of having been the volun teer counsel on the argument that had taken place, but he would tell his Honourable and Learned Friend that:he had a re tainer in that case, and he argued the case as he would have argued any other case, and there was nothing inconsistent in what he had done. Mr. DUNDAS expressed his surprise at the observations that had fallen from the Honourable and Learned Gentleman over the way. He felt persuaded that he of all men ought not to have tied his hands and have fettered himself as a Member of Parliament, by receiving a fee in such a case. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said if his advice was required on the question he would willingly give it, notwithstanding the retainer he had received, but he would have the House to be cautious how they received his gratuitous advice. The House of Commons had acted right when they availed themselves of the only legal measure of letting the Court of Queen's Bench know what and how great were their privi leges. The law officers of the Crown had been instructed to defend the action ; but he would deny that at any time the House of Commons yielded to the decision of the Queen's Bench those privileges to which they were constitutionally entitled. It might, perhaps, be a matter of regret that the Court of Queen's Bench had ever, in any way, been allowed to inter fere ; and ho would contend that no Court in Great Britain should ever be permitted to decide on their privileges.— (Hear, hear.) It was now known that the Committee of In quiry had reported as their opinion that a writ of error should be issued into the Court of Exchequer. Now he could not imagine how the Hon. and Learned Member could even con sent to an appeal to the Court of Exchequer ; but the appeal would he made if his motion were carried. He (Mr. Dundas ) would advise a bold step, and let us remain as we are—(Hr ar) —end abide by the loss , if any shall accrue. The public would stand by us in the position we assumed, and our honour and hi part, regrtte .o d uh thati privileges would remain untarnished and undiminished. It support }i o the n . mo tion would be advisable to follow the advice of the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland , and depend on ourselves for relief a sto o r anti r only and Learned Friend should have proposed so ungraci o u s a r eso l u ti on. ofthtehediNffiocbulletyL. He, fo r The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said it appeared to him inconsistent with the privileges of the House to allow this matter to remain in its present position. He would entirely coincide in the view which hit Hon. and Learned Friend had taken. Was the execution of the writ to be averted by pro ceeding to extremities? If the House intended to interfere further it would be proper for those who suggested this mea- sure to state how far they intended to proceed in that course. It would not satisfy the honour and privileges of the House if they rested merely with the punishment of the irresponsible subordinates. All persons, no matter what their stations were, ought to be proceeded against, who interfered with the privileges of the House.—Hear, hear.) The public feeling would be carried with you in the prosecution of such a course. Public opinion would sustain them if they did not flinch from maintaining unreservedly the dignity of their rights. When a warrant had been issued against the Speaker upon a question where the privileges of the House had been concerned, the House had allowed the Speaker to appear and plead against the action. From the year 1810 until the year 1836, no occasion had arisen in which it had been necessary for the House to decide whether it was right or wrong to pursue a similar line of proceeding. In ISA the question arose to which all their difficulties might he traced. This was the direction to plead to tire action of Stockdale against Hansard, which had itself been occasioned by the publication of Messrs. Hansard of the Reoort of the In spectors of Prisons, part of which report had been published by Stockdale himself ; to that action the Attorney-General had pleaded the general issue. He had pleaded the general issue under the orders of the House. It hail happened unfortunately on that occasion that the Lord Chief Justice had expressed a strong opinion on the right of the House to enforce any such order, or to express any opinios of the conduct of their fellow-subjects which might not be ex pressed by any person out of that House. That eminent per son had, it is true, in the most generous manner, on another occasion, lamented the warmth of expression into which he bad been betrayed at a subsequent opportunity. when he gave judgment in the case of Stockdale. After that time a Com mittee had been obtained, and that Committee came to a ,sgedoe of resolutions, which were reported to the House on the Stn of May, 1837, and en the 30th of May the resolutions were adopted. By the law of the privileges of Parliament, it was agreed that the House had the right of carrying these resolu tions into effect to their utmost extent; and they would render any party contravening them amenable to the displeasure of the House, and liable to punishment for so doing.—( Hear.) Only two days after that time, the Attorney-General ,had taken an active part in the debate, and had expressed himself very strongly on the subject. On the Bth of June, after that period, the Attorney-General had come down to the House from the Messrs. Ilansard, and requested, on their behalf, per mision to plead to the action, and he had recommended the House to come to the decision of allowing them to do so. By the resolution, it was decided that any person would commit a breach of privilege by commencing any action in a court of law. After this, in 1813, this action was brought in consequence. of what had taken place :in 1840, notwithstanding it had been said that any one going into a court of law would be guilty of a breach of privilege. The resolution come to on that occasion was that the Sergeant-at-Arms should plead to the action. Now, when the !louse came to this resolution, it w as impos sible to say to the House when they went into the Court •f Queen's Bench, what view that Court might adopt. It was, therefore, impossible that the House should know what view the Court would take at that time of the case of Stockdale anti Hansard, or whether they would take the question of privilege into consideration at all. The Court had refused to be fettered by the question of privilege, Anil had entered into the whole question. Strong expressions from the Hon. Member for Worcester had induced them to suppose that such would be the case, arid his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Government had warned the House that the court of law might not enter into the whole question, and he (the Solicitor-General) thought, therefore, that he could not consistently give his support to the proposition of the lion. Member for Montrose. They had evidently gone into a court of law with the impression that tire court of law might take or have a particular impression of the case, and come to an unfavourable decision. The Court did come to that decision, and he thutedit that if the hionse were now to endeavour to carry their resolutions into force, they would do ran,. Lord HOWICK trusted that the lion. Member would delay his resolution. Lord JOHN MANNERS hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would persevere. Mr. HUME said he was anxious to proceed, and he would now move that it be a breach of the privileges of the House to levy any sums of money on any servant of that House executing a warrant. Mr. ROEBUCK seconded the motion. Lord HOWICK thought it would be better that the House should not pronounce any opinion on this matter, but that it would be more expedient that the debate be adjourned, which he moved accordingly. Sir R. PEEL said that it would amount to the same thing if the Noble Lord would not put his amendment, for the House would not in either case come to any decision on the subject. Mr. LABOUCHERE agreed entirely in the amendment of the Noble Lord, and thought the House should in some 'degree consult the impression which would be made upon the public, who at. this moment were under a great misapprehension re garding them, and which would be much strengthened by the course which the Right Right lion. Baronet who had just sat down proposed. ?le could not help expressing his entire assent with the lion. Member for Montrose, though ho could not sup port his motion that if the threatened proceedings were perse vered in the parties who promoted and abetted them would be guilty of a gross violation of the privileges of that House.— ( Hear, hear.) They were now about to be engaged in a con flict to which they should not lightly commit themselves, but upon which, when once entered, they should act firmly and de cidedly.—( Cheers. ) He would support the amendment of his Noble Friend. Sir R. INGLIS said, though unaccustomed to concur with the Hon. Member for Montrose, he agreed with him In think ing that it was more desirable that the House should now come to a decision on this important matter. Now was the time for them to decide, for it would be idle further to talk about the inviolability of their privileges after they had been violated.— ( Hear, hear.) For his part, he did not think they had been violated, but if they were to take up their stand against the law of England, now was the time. Mr. ROEBUCK was not at all influenced by the observa tions of the Hon. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford, When Hon. Members talked of haste and the necessity for deliberation, he begged to ask them how long had this measure been under consideration? Every individual Member was now as well prepared to come to a decision as he could be on Monday night. The question went far deeper than it would at first sight appear.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord opposite were opposed to the pri vileges of the House, and he could not wonder at it. So long as the House merely represented the aristocracy, none could be more chary of its privileges than the High Tory party ; but the moment it became, in part, at least, a House in which the people were represented, that moment they abandoned them. lie saw the Noble Lord opposite shrugged his shoulders when he said " representatives of the people," and he (Mr. Roebuck) had no doubt but the Noble Lord re garded such representatives in a very contemptuous light. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") lie would not dwell further on that, but would tell those Hon. Members that he for one was pre pared to pit the House of Commons against the Queen's Bench from the first hour of its exissence to the present moment. Th, Queen's Bench had always been opposed to the liberties of t h e people, and had often been the abettor of wicked and ty-, sesil i ca t monarchs.—(lronical cries of " Hear, hear.") Ad they deny this—he was prepared to prove it from the h.*ary of this countrv.—( Hear, hear.) Might he not refer . to the days of Hampden, and to cringing favouring judges ; chief justices, too, who were willing to gratify the propens ; ;cies of the Sovereign at the expense of justice. In those days the Queen's Bench abetted the King in his assaults upo n the liberties of the coun try, whilst that House manful: A y stood by them and resisted such encroachments. He he. s i no doubt but the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford would have been very anxious for the privileges of that House in the days of John Wilkes—he would then have fought as seanfully as anybody for their privileges, not because they mere the privileges of the House of Commons, but because he could contend for them in opposition to the liberties of the people. They must now make a stand for their privileges or give them up altogether, and permit the House to become a mere secondary authority—inferior to the meanest court of justice in the kingdom.—t Hear.) Within the last four weeks a gentleman had appealed to the British law for his liberty, but the Court of Queen's Bench yielded with perfect acquiescence to the Royal Court of Jersey, told him he must submit to the constituted authorities of this realm, and sent back the unfortunate man to be dealt with as the 'Royal Court of Jeraey might think properr. But if the House of Commons dared to interfere, even for the protection of its own privileges, then the Queen's Bench stepped in and treated as waste paper their rules and privileges. " Who is the House of Commons ?" said the Queen's Bench ; " what are we to know about the House of Commons—the Court of Jersey is a constituted au thority; but who are they—why:should they bring the man to the bar ?" He was brought here by the warrant of the first officer of that House ; a warrant, worded with all formality and regularly prepared, and to say that such a warrant should not be valid, was to forfeit ail their privileges as representatives of the people of England. He (Mr. Roebuck) was prepared to carry the matter out and abide the consequences.—( Hear. ) Suppose there should be at a future time a chief justice who would be the pliant tool of a despotic sovereign ; and supposing that House to come into collision with the Queen's Bench, what would be the result—how was the House to guard against the precedent which Hon, Members opposite were so anxious to establish ?—( Hear, hear)—The Queen's Bench would persevere in its course, and it might come to pass that the Sergeant-at-Arms, having no domicile—(The Hon. and Learned Member here let his voice fall to so low a key that several Hon. Members, unable to catch the last word, asked, " No what ?" The Hon. Member replied, in nearly as low a tone, " No domicile." The question was repeated by Hon. Members in a distant part of the House, upon which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, with a voice loud and irascible, shouted out, " No domicile," which occasioned roars of laugh ter from all parts of the House. ) The Sergeant-at-Arms having no domicile, the Queen's Bench would issue a warrant against his person, and the catchpole might seize him by the neck —no, he would not say in that House—they would not tiara to venture so far—but in its precincts, whilst executing the business of the House, and drag him before the Court. Where, then, was the great bulwark of the liberties of the English people? They would no longer be in a position to be their protectors. They would have lost their independence, and could not be thereafter designated what they were now proud to assert, the representatives of the commonalty of England.—( Cheers. ) Sir JOHN HANMER agreed with the Noble Lord, and would support his amendment. Mr. WARBURTON would support the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose. Mr. DISRAELI weld the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had described those Members on the Ministerial side of the House as o p posing the privileges of the House of Common , , be;ause the House now represented the feelings of the people of England ; and then the lion. and learned Gentleman in describing with extraordinary inconsistency those privileve, so important to the public interest, and so indispensable to the liberties of the public, turned round and said—" Where would you have been if a Hampden had not arisen and vindicated the privileges of that House." But that lion. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. (Roebuck) appeared to have forgotten that at that time it was an aristocratic assembly that supported the privileges of that ilouse—,an assembly not elected by the con stituencies so numerous as those represented by the pre sent House of Commons. He could not understand why the lion. and Learned Gentleman should impute to Members on his (Mr. D'lsraeli's) side of the House, a desire to give up or repudiate the privileges of the House, because that House repre sented the people of England to a greater extent than it had done before the recent alteration made in its constitution, and at the same time appeal to the times of Hampden, when the House of Commons had asserted its privileges.—( Hear hear. ) It might be true that judges had been and might be corrupt, but the Hon. and Learned Gentleman should have been the last to assert that Parliament had not been corrupt also. He was sure the people of England would be able to distin guish between the Parliament of England and one branch of the Legislature. In dealing with this subject, he did not dwell much on what the House of Commons might have done in former times ; hut he might state, that every case of tyranny that could be brought against the Court of Queen's Bench, might find its parallel in the proceedings of the House of Com mons. He agreed with the lion. Gentleman opposite, that it was necessary to try and settle the great issue so long pending. —( Hear, hear.) lie wondered that any one should say that there had not been sufficient time allowed the House to de cide upon the course it should take. It could not be asserted that the subject came upon them suddenly. Ever since he had held a seat in that House, the question had iron often mooted, and lion. Members had always evaded the difficulty—had in variably procrastinated the evil hour.—(Hear, hear.) Let the lints. and Learned Gentleman and his supporters try the case, sod send the Lord Chief Justice of England to the Tower, and then it would be seen with whom the affections of the people of England res'cl.—( Hear, hear.) He was of opinion with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that the time was come when the House should stand forth and try the question between the privileges of that House and the authority of the courts of law, but he ( Mr. D'lsraeli) could not conceive how any one could stand up in that House and assert that they required time to consider how they should ti eat this question ; or could assert that it had come suddenly upon them—that it had fallen like a star in the serene at mosphere of Parliamentary discussion—or like a comet, the course of which could not he ascertained, and the appearance of which was altogether unexpected. It was by this continual system of pi oerastination that they were now brought to the extreme point—like a man in difficulties who had always put off the evil hour. After the judgment of the Court of Queen's Bench had been vindicated under eircnmstances the most igno minious, it was quite impossible for the nous' to offer the pre tence that the opportunity still remained to try the justice Of that decision. The Right lion. Gentlemen the Member for Taunton ( Mr. Labouehere) dwelt strongly on the advice which he eases in reference to the public opinion out of doors. He (Mr. Disraeli) wanted to know what public opinion ? The judgment of the Court of Queen's Bench he hound was vindicated in the property or person cf the chief officer of that Court, and the people of the country would not sefine much upon the question. They would un der-tend that an humid , subject of her Majesty had hail the daring to put himself in collision with the House of Commons, s e c a r t i a b s e t d ro w o e i r e e a r l i l e u e d e e s d sar t y . and haul gained the decision and authority of the courts of law in his behalf. There was not a man in the country that would believe that the alleged privileges such as they had been de ofthe subject, but . on the contrary they would look upon them as injurious.—( Hear, t l o )y th t e he lib l e i r o t n y . hear.) He (Mr. Disraeli) should not at all deplore the champions of those privileges, pri vileges which the Ho Gentlemen opposite, the Ateb but he considered those m er . for Bath declared necessary for Ihe liberty of th e ' ' 1 Igentlemen. people—pnvile e , i „ which (how, -, ver, like at of his school, he might avoid • . ' • dennitions)—pri so without the benefit of public opinion ; and without the • advantage of the assistance of that public opinion, he thought that it would be unwise to carry that resolution into effect.—( Hear, hear.) He did not therefore think that this was the proper moment for the House to stop the execution ; and he therefore felt that it was impossible to adoptthe course recommended by the Hon. Member for Montrose. He did not think that they would have public opinion with them in endeavouring by force to carry these resolutions into effect, by the imprisonment of the plaintiff in this action. What, then, were they to do? Were they to postpone the question and allow the goods of the Ser geant to be levied upon ? and were they to suffer him to be the victim of their own supineness? But he did not think that this would consist with their dignity, nor was it any more wise to postpone the decision of this question, and expose their officers to the consequences of their neglect. 'they could of after this use force to commit the parties who were thus offending against their privileges. The House, therefore, should come to some decision on this point to-night, for, unless they interposed, the execution must take place. Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to state what had been the course pursued on former occasions. In the particular case referred to by the Solicitor-General, the House had directed their officer to plead to the action. That was the course on a former occasion, but on that specified occasion the House did not plead. The question was now whether the damages should be levied, and the House should or should not pay the damages. The House had been advised by the Attorney-General to plead to the action. He (Lord John Russell) had proposed to the House that Howard and all those who acted with him should De summoned to the bar of the House. The House had not agreed with him at that time and this was the consequence. fhe motion of the Hon. Member ,for Montrose could not i• his opinion he acceded to, and unless the House interposed the execution must be levied. The Solicitor-General had read the resolutions adopted on a previous occasion, yet the question was whether they were right or not, and it was an im perative duty on the part of the House to come to a decision, and agree whether they should allow Mr. Howard to levy for the damages under this judgment or not. Sir R. INGLIS ruse only to say one werd on the observa tions of the Hon. Member for Sutherland. He observed, that that portion of his speech in which he had spoken of the Hon. Member for Cambridge having taken a brief on this suit as a breach of privilege, was loudly cheered. Now he (Sir R. Inglis) thought if that were a breach of privilege, it was equally so for the Attorney and Solicitor-General to have taken briefs on the other side. ••••••=••••••••••••••••••••••••••••1100.................. " . rate, as indicated by the Learned Gentleman opposite. man that hinted at by some Gentlemen on that side of the Houe. He, for o ne, agreed in the opinion that the days of ascendancy of all sorts wer e nu mbered. What ascendancy could there be in giving, one college for Protest nt; and another for Catholics? Education ought to be free, and the divisions of the day 30 politics an d re ligion s hould la least be excluded from the lecture room,—( H ea r, ) He preferred a separate system of education to such an e d u cation. They would write for them the history of their country. An How. MEMBER—Who will read it ? Mr. ROCHE—The people of Ireland would read it. They refused t o g i v e them a free and unshackled education, and they woAuildr.rßefoussestoexrepclaeiinveeda. scheme filled with such imperfection. as the present. Sir R. INGLIS said he would repeat what he had alrea2 said, that the present was a gigantic scheme o f G - en.c oirgoetwitithlastup dish al Cacho less education ; but in doing so he begged to says in a , n __ . swer to the charge of the Right Honourable Gent 7 man the Secretary of State for the Home Departnulits that he regretted the Right Hon. Baronet had declared h,l! determination to s tand by the whole of this Bill —that shore, have been left for the Committee. The Right Hon. Baronet who nailed his colours to the meat, and. therefore, every one ,i voted for the second reading of the Bill voted for Governme?tt, io)ower, Governmental nomination, and Governmental di w f e o r o ffi t c a e u r s o t a e s d they t o b l o ,p u , g s l i i t t i o p o r o t p o e a r il o H i oeccaotiuolnd, n a e o t d hale he r i e .: n i avowed he would rather see the people of I 1 10 thrown upon their own resources. He believed they the same view of it as he did. He never said there we,,,sl:. thing ag gressive in the system, but it was a negative of re n lir., He w o uld w ish that in any scheme of education for Irela O_L'ie colleges in that country should be based on the same pr.ofrt as that of Oxford, where Protestantism was made an.eietwthat. in the education of youth. He was quite ready to ad ' °is differ between religion nd ;tab cerin schemes of education. t hat t he enee might be observed at he should be glad to find " c t & to 10 same systems were established every where. ..e h - ind bias agree with the proposition of the .Noble Lord behin d for ( Lord J. Manners), that there should be separate on pae , Presbyterians, Roman Catholics, and Church a Enrtioc, • did not ta Sir J. GRAHAM explained, but hi so low and to a _ io . tone th a t it was impossible to reduce his statements into .' telligible form. m t pro' Mr. REDING TON was in favour of the Governt%clioa cation, of an a d position, but he thought that the principle of mixedruAect it. theological ol t o h g e i c u a g i was of great value, and the Legislature ought not to e da• Ile would support this Bill as a measure of ,_odo meet Catholic. that had been said both by Protestants and 110001 w , abet ht cha it ir on this question, he should say that his opinion 0 s , ' Fo r there should be Roman Catholic professors es we r s ofe.P r ; tcstant. He approved of the appointment of the ! oa r. being vested in the Crown for the present, for he i conesalt.4ooo6l wiseop to leave ttneo,:na 0 instances i of abuse of the power vested in the •°- u. , ' He thought that in Ireland some scheme for the _ n ie done to Ireland.—( Hear. ) Trinity the people was required. He considered that the Prel'a-ii bit sure was only a small reparation f • iniustice the'„ 04 1 i:. the wa s lep oho' was, the door of that College was still closed to . go i c a t lies, and, until it was opened, they would net t io 3 • deh lti people of Ireland.—( Hear. ) , s the Osi the motion of :.Ir. MON CKTON MILO t . to was then adjourned to Monday. a;g 3 The other orders of the day were then lisp l i ca f' i. to House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'clock P l satisfactorily carried out in Ireland? Had they not seen that it would not be deemed a measure of real benefit to the Ro man Catholic people of Ireland ? That it should have the sup port of the Protestant people of Ireland would appear to him a most unnatural proceeding. To think that those who heti opposed the present National System of education, should support this proposition, would be a thing he could not be lieve. He had no doubt it would be looked upon as an evil of far greater importance to Ireland than even the Maynnoth Bill. These were his reasons for taking the rsourse he had in regard to this measure—a coarse which he had felt it his imperative duty to pursue. He would not weary the House with any further observations, and in the few he had offered he hoped he had endeavoured to be as calm as the nature of the subject permitted.—( Hear, hear.) If he could consistently support this measure he would; but he could not help saying that he felt justified in his opposition by all that he had heard in that House upon the subject, as well as by the expressions of the leader of the Irish people in reference to it, anti in which he, as well as the Protestant people of England, fully concurred. These expressions were to this effect, that a system of education should not be enforced unless it had the father's sanction and the mother's blessing—(Hear, hear) —that religion should be the basis of all education, and if it were not it would corrupt more than it would en lighten. The same authority proposed a scheme of education which he (Lord Jelin Manners) con sidered far preferable to the Government Bill, and that was, to have separate colleges' for the Roman Catholics, the Protestants, arid the Presbyterians; and as for Trinity Col lege—and here let him request the attention of the Ri g ht Hon. Member for Dungarvon—a s for Trinity College, he could see no reason for any change in that. Now, that was the plan which he (Lord J. Manners) would wish to see carried into law, and if it were, all objections of a religious nature would be obviated ; but if they separated secular from religious edu cation, it would ke worse than useless, and prove not a blessing hut a curse. It would be a measure which future statesmen would tremble at, and future ages deplore. He would beg to move the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Lord ADAIR seconded the motion. Mr. ROSS said, he cordially approved of the measure pro prosed by the Government, and he could not see upon what grounds the Noble Lord opposite assumed that it would prove a curse instead of a blessing. In approving of this measure lie (Mr. Ross) could not shut out from his mind the fact that up to this time it had always been the practice in Ireland to set one day of the week apart for religious instruction in all the schools, and he had yet heard no reason why that should not be continued. He believed that Mr. O'Connell did not represent the Trials people.--( Hear, hear.) He believed that he had greatly ex aggerated matters, and he felt assured that the Roman Catholics of Ireland viewed this measure, not with dislike, but approbation. When Mr. O'Connell characterised the Bill as iniquitous, and that education apart from religion had led to crime in France, he answered by a denial of the fact. He asserted that where education had existed crime had diminished. He called upon the Government, in conclusion, not to give way to the clamour that had been raised against the measure in Ireland.--e Cheers. ) Lord ADAIR thought it would be better to establish Catholic Colleges in the south of Ireland. He was opposed to the measure altogether, and one of the material grounds of that objection was that it gave to the Minister of the day the power of the appointment of the professors. Lord SANDON could not think that voting for the second reading of the Bill pledged any Hon. Member to adopt its details. •He was anxious to see the Bill go into Committee, in order that such alterations might be made in it as were re quired. He believed that it was a measure in the right path for the future legislation of the people of Ireland. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who spoke in so low a tone of voice as to render it difficult to hear him at all, said that he was one of those who thought that no personal question of re ligious feeling or belief ought to be discussel in that House. His Noble Friend had truly stated, that under the present circumstances of Ireland it was impossible, with the least prospect of success, to propound a mea sure generally acceptable to the people of that country for the endowment by the State of the clergy of a portion of the people. He could well understand a scheme such as that which had been suggested by his Noble Friend the Member for Newark, who advocated a scheme of separate edu cation for the different sects prevailing in Ireland. He could understand founding a Roman Catholic College in the South of Ireland, and he could understand founding a separate College for the Presbyterians in the North of Ireland, but, for his own part, he for one very much feared that, so far from removing religious differences, no scheme could be propounded more certain to produce the effect of perpetuating those differences. The Noble Lord the Member for Newark had referred to the proviso at the end of clause one, which had reference to the formation of the proposed colleges. Now, the principle which that proviso went was that upon which the University of Lon don had been established. Considering the great diffi culty which attended this question, it was absolutely necessary that they should be perfectly explicit upon it. It was the intention of her Majesty's Government, in pro posing these colleges, that no religious tests should be applied either to officials or to students. There was no novelty in this, none whatever. Let them look to Scotland, a country respect ing which no disrespect for religion could be alleged. There was no country in the world where religion was more venerated. In the colleges of that country no religious tests of any kind were imposed. Attendance at Divine worship was not re quired, nor upon theological lectures; and yet the parents and guardians of Scotland sent their sons and young men to the colleges of Edinburgh and Glasgow, perfectly satisfied with the system that was pursued. Two Noble Lords who sat opposite would bear testimony to this. What then was the course pur sued at Oxford? When he was a member of that University, a student matriculating there was not examined as to what he knew (Hear, hear) but he was called upon to subscribe to what he believed. He was bound to say that for the two years and a half that he was a member of Christ Church, Oxford, he never was called upon to attend any lecture on theology or on divinity. He never received any re ligious instruction whatever, and he did believe that through out the whole time that he was at the University he never heard one sermon.—( Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Mem ber for Newark himself must know that this was a cammon thing, although ho (Sir James Graham) did not know what the taste of the Noble Lord was when he was at college. The effect of this would be an interference with the election of the professors. Something of the same kind had occurred with respect to the appropriation of the regium donum, and the appointment of the professors at Belfast. There were at that place a congregation of Unitarian Presbyterians and of Or thodox Presbyterians, and in that case there had been felt to be a necessity for the appointment of two professors. If he were to follow the same plan. there would have to be a profes sor for philosophy, theology, and anatomy, of different opi nions ; and then he would have to meet the difficulty by the appointment of three professors of divinity, to obviate the in convenience. Now he thought that the introduction of such professors would destroy the very utility at which these academic institutions aimed. There ought to be every care taken that parents and guardians sbould have the power of securing the principles of those in whom they were so deeply interested, for he believed that no greater evil could occur than that the spirit of proselytism should be let loose. It had always been an opinion of his that great injury would arise from the alienation of the Irish people from their national religion, for he feared that it would only end in that infidelity which was worse than any other evil. The supervision of the parents and guardians would be one means of security, and the power of removal which was held by the Crown, or, as it was, in fact, the removal under the ad vice of responsible Ministers, who held seats in that House, would be a complete guarantee that these means of education would not be perverted. The visitorial power co! the Crown could not, he believed, by the prerogative, be delegated to any one but the Keeper of the Great Seal, unless it were by statute. This facility was liable to abuse. According to the rules which ho believed were observed in Trinity College, he be lieved that no attendance was compulsory on the Divinity Lec tures, and he thought that some provision ought to be made for religious instruction; he therefore intended that oppor tunities should be allowed for the residence of teachers within the colleges, though he would not provide balls or other facili ties for the teaching of any particular theological opinions. There were several Gentlemen opposite who received their early education at Trinity College, and, from their principles and appearance in that House, he felt assured that no test of religion had been enforced on entering the college, ei on taking the honours which the college conferred. He would now refer to the petition of the professors' chairs. A memo rial had been presented, requesting that certain chairs should be held by Roman Catholics. The first chair referred to, was that of history. He saw no reason why there should be any restriction or exclusion, and, therefore, he should not agree to any departure from the principle of the Bill. The next chair was that of moral philosophy and metaphysics. He saw no reason why any rdvantage should be given to any particular creed. The same rule applied to logic and geology ; he did did not conceive that any rule of the kind should be permitted. Then came the question about the removal of professors. He considered it the best to place the power cf removal in the hands of a responsible Government, riot under the authority of any other power. While the Government had the power of removals, they had no objection to allow a visitorial power, vested in parties in whom con fidence could be placed.—( Hear.) While they objected to favouring any religious party in the appointment of the pro fessors, they had no objection to allow halls and lecture-rooms for the use of lectures, providing poetics were found who would endow them for the purposes of religious instruction. To that extent he had no objection to go, and that in Committee pro vision should be made to that effect. He did not think it neces sary to add more at present, as he had referred to the leading objections urged against the measure. Great advances had been made in the education of the lower classes of Ireland within the last few years, attributable to the influence of that excellent establishment, the National System of Education. Great social and educational progress had been made, and the pre sent measure was only an extension of that plan. The Hon. Mem ber for the University of Dublin had objected to that system, but against his objection he ( Sir J. Graham) could place the authority of the Hots. Member for Belfast, who had stated that, so far from evil having resulted from that system, it had been of the greatest benefit to the people of that country. The children of the National Schools of Ireland, if placed in con trast with the National Schools of this country, wont.' appear in a very advantag , ous position. The best possible effects had been produced upon the poor of that country by the system, and the present measure was only to extend to the upper classes what had been already extended to them.—( Hear, hear. ) This Mealitire ivduld be found the only measure calculated to satisfy the claims of Ireland as regarded education, and was attended with such principles as would realise the most happy results.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. ROCHE said it was incumbent on bite to join with the Noble Lord the Member for Newark to oppose the tecond reading of the Bill. It would be Unnecessary for him to say that the proposed measure of education was s difficult subject for any Irish Member to deal with. He would be ready to give his assent td it tratasiire fot *hat WO tailed a mixed question of education. He would go as cal II dtly MAO in the desire to spread proper notions of religion and education among the people. He considered that religion should be a Main ques tion in carrying out any mixed system of education. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said you must lease to us the ap pointment of the professers) because I am determined there shall be nothing savouring of proselytism intrOdeeed into these colleges. I will not permit any professor to remain in otlice who endeavours to prosel3te any of the pupils under his care. The Right Honourable Ilarotiet did not understand what was very with apprehended in Ireland that he had fixed the teeing ef his holding there. He contended that if the ;44,-ht nos. Gentleman carried out ills tiwit tittestion 114 ITtitla be carrying out hie own rroselytism. They requited in Ireland that those professors Oioxi)Vlet !se the mere nominees of the Gr;vernmen't. s to be ree Tensible to public opinion in Ireland, and not to any Govern ment in England--ti, be exposed to the prejudices and the ideas of the Government of the day. lie would be most anxious to lend bis tissislant6 to the §tipport and spread of information and education in Ireland, but he was determined that there should not be any means of poisoning the fountain from whence the youth of Ireland drew their first draughts of knowledge.—(llear, hear.) lie would con tend that the power should not rest with the Ministry to dismiss a man because he should not meet their views on an abstract p es s:oo f I against aln ag st net b iqnu elreland o f wereo l i t i • when it was offered in the shape of 500/. or 8001. year.—( Hear, hear.) They might be tempted, for they were noet. If you give us these colleges the profeseeee proof against temptation, any more than genera l eei:areesdpeetoutisiyay that people I ium an na i t n u d r e. i pendent as the professors of Oxford and Carnbridg U and in versities were ; and if they are not to be as unfettered i dependent, then, he would say, let Oa grants e refused id be gether, and, in do' 1 curse w°il ing so, nothing awe ()teen d tion must be as witaeld- He would . rather have a . v /stem of e ; Sir R. PEEL said that it was only postponing the evil day to defer the decision of this question, and he thought that it would only be increasing the difficulty by deferring their deci sion till Monday night; and if they were disposed to resist en• croachments, this was the day. He did not understand that what they had done, or the allowance of this judgment, was in any way a recognition of the jurisdiction of the Co ur t over their privileges. He had been a party to the resolutions respecting their privileges. On the previous occasion they had acted under advice, and, after eight days, had consented to plead. This they had done when Lord Campbell was Attorney- General, and he would say that the privileges of the House had never had a more zealous or able advocate.—(Cheers. ) He had been quite inclined to exert the power cf the House, and it was by his advice that they had pleaded the general issue. It was on this high authority that they had consented to plead, and hedid not understand the doctrine that this was an admission of the jurisdiction over the privileges of the Hou7. It was a :doctrine and a distinction which he could ; sot ac knowledge. If they went to the ulterior fact, and 'ame to the resolution of allowing the Sergeant to pay, the-- l would be un able to go further; but he thought the most advisable plan would be to give a distinct notice to '.ne parties not to carry their execution into effect. By P ..ns means they would relieve themselves from any false position, and then they would be able, if they , th' - t. eget proper, to commit those who were guilty 'of any breach of their privileges. He (Sir R. Peel), objected to the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose, 'ter he was not prepared to enter intoany contro versy on tt '.e subject. He thought tte Consequence of his mo tion w". .suld be to increase the di.: culties by which they were ',rounded. But while he Admitted that he was not prepared to enter upon this disec.asion, he was fully prepared to vindi cate the privileges of the House.—(Cheers) And if the House intended io uphold those privileges, he would tell them that it was ebsolutely necessary that they should make up their minds not to deal with subordinate officers merely. That cesnse could give no satisfaction. They were, on the one hand, dealing with mere agents—sheriffs and other officers; and, on the other, with the Court of Queen's Bench. He said that they must deal with higher personages, they must deal with the Court of Queen's Bench itself. The Mouse had, by a resolution passed at a former period, determined to uphold and maintain their privileges—privileges which were given them not for their own benefit—not that they might be capriciously exercised—but for the interests of a free people.—(Cheers.) If they were pre pared to uphold and exercise those privileges, they must take a different course from that adopted in 1840. They ought to be pre pared to go to the utmost extremity in vindication of their privi leges, but before they did so,they musticonvince their own minds, their own consciences that such a state was absolutely necessary, and that no other resource was left them. They must not only conceive themselves that such was the case, but they must im press the same opinion on the minds of the people of England. The prominent feeling was at present in their favour. Fortu nately the period had not yet arrived when extreme measures were necessary. He should recommend that for the present the defendant should be allowed to try his case at bar, to appeal from the decision of the Queen's Bench, and to carry the ques tion before a Court of Error. He trusted that he had con vinced the House that he himself had shown no disinclination to vindicate the privileges to which:they were justly entitled, but as they had a powerful minority in the House to contend with, he was not willing that they should press the question to an issue. But still, if no other means were left them, if no'other resources were at hand, he should be prepared to proceed with the question in that House, and to maintain privileges which he believed were essential to the rights and liberties of a flee people—privileges which were now invaded by a decision of the Court of Queen's Bench—a decision which he believed to be unjust, and which ought, in maintenance of the rights and privileges of that House, to be set aside.—(Cheers.) Mr. BERNAL was free to confess, from what he knew of the constitution of the House, that any report emanating from the Committee at any future period, could not put the House ina better position for deciding the question than they were, in at that period. He thought that, in the course of the dis cussion, much matter had been introduced which had no re lation to the subject, and he should, therefore, very shortly recal the attention of the House to the real matter at issue. He thought that where there was a choice of difficul ties they should adopt a mild before they pro ceeded to an extreme course, and, therefore, he entreated his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose to give way to those whose opinions in that House were entitled to some weight, and not to place himself in a situation which he would afterwards regret—a situation which would effectually prevent him speak ing again in that House. Mr. HUME said that the Hon. Member who had just sat down had cautioned him against putting himself in a position which would prevent him opening his lips in that House, yet the Hon. Member had admitted that be (Mr. Hume) was right in bringing forward his motion, and yet, that Hon. Member had not the moral courage to support him. —(Cheers. ) The Learned Solicitor-General had shown them the evils, explained the difficulties of their position, and, after all, he had sat down without telling them what to do. Were they to allow themselves to go on in error, to get deeper and deeper into dif ficulties until they would eventually find themselves inevitably and irrecoverably committed. The House then divided. The numbers were— For the adjournment Against it Majority . ACADEMICAL INSTITUTIONS (IRELAND) BILL. On our re-admission to the gallery we found the House in discussion on the subject of proceeding with the Irish Acade mical Institutions Bill. Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied that he could say that the Government did not propose any material altera tion in the Bill in consequence of the memorial of the Roman Catholic Bishops, which, however, they thought worthy of a full consideration, but the Government were de termined not to depart from the principle of the Bill. Lord JOHN MANNERS begged leave to suggest that the discussion of so important a measure might be postponed, with out inconvenience, to next week. Sir R. INGLIS objected to proceeding with the discussion at that late hour. In answer to a question from Mr. S HEIL, Sir R. PEEL said that it would be left open to the Catholic cdmmunity to provide professors if they pleased, but there would be no interference on the part of the Government. Mr. OSBORNE said that as an Irish liberal Protestant he would support every measure which would promote the educa tion of his countrymen, but he greatly regretted to see in the memorial of the bishops a demand that the professors of materia medics should be Roman Catholics. He deeply re gretted that whilst he laboured himself to enlarge the liberties of his Catholic fellow-countrymen, he could see on their part a disposition to restrict the liberties of others. Sir W. JAMES would like to know if this Bill advocated what Mr. O'Connell called the voluntary principle.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and " Order.") Sir J. GRAHAM said he had had some experience in Par liamentary business, but he should say he had not heard any thing like the course pursued in reference to this Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He had every disposition to answer questions, and he had answered several, and all he could say now was, that this Bill had been framed with a view to establishing a national system.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. B. HOPE—This had been called a system of acade mical education, but not religious. Now, he would wish to know if this was to be a system of academical education, or such a system as Ireland could afford.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and " Don't answer.") The question was then put that the Bill be read a second time. Lard JOHN MANNERS said he never in his life rose in that Howe with greater reluctance upon any question than he did in rising to propose the rejection of the Bill now before the Home, as proposed by her Majesty's Government; but the nature of the measure was such as obliged him, however pain ful to himself, or wearying to the House, to oppose it, 2nd state his reasons for doing so. He had heard this 'salted a measure for giving education in Ireland, Now, he should say he thought education a very different thing. He never could call this an educational measure so long as it contained such a clause as the one he now held in his hand, and which was to the effect that no religious test should be applied to any of the pupils, or any of the candidates for the privileges or offices of the colleges. He knew not what might be the feelings of Hon. Members on this or the opposite side of the House, on this part of tho 'subject ; but this he would say, that lie was as anxious as any Member of the House to see ample justice done to the people of Ireland; but he felt bound to say, after the de claration he had heard from the Right Hon. Baronet the Se cretary of State for the Home Department, of his determina tion to adhere to the principle of the Bill, he had no other course open to him but to move the rejection of the Bill. He knew he would be met by the assertion that the measure was founded upon the systems of education in force in foreign ceuntries ; but he would contend for it that nothing could be more mischievous than the systems that had of late obtained in France and in Prussia. In fact, the volcano on which France at present stood ought to warn this country in time not to imi tate the example of that country. He would ask was he not warranted in opposing this mca•ure when he saw the names of fifty of the bishops of the Anglican Church express their oppo sition to the measure, because they looked upon it as a system of education which threatened to rend the country to pieces. Whatever might be the effects of such a measure in this cram try, he would say, that it would produce results far worse, and more deplorable, in Ireland. Ile had heard of one ins,',,ance of a person being promoted to a high office for end^;,vosssing to alienate the Roman Catholic people from their religion in Ire land, and of another instance in Spain, where the Order of Isabella was conferred upon an indivihal for doing the same in the Basque Provinces. Now, he would be far from advocating such acts, but he had no doubt, that it this Bill would not have that effect in Ireland, it would prove to he worse than useless as an educational measure. He well knew in what the diffi culties of Ireland consisted, and he was aware how religious differences in that country had compelled many to take parts in them that they could have wished to avoid. He might be told., that before Honourable Members rose to oppose this measure, they might to be prepared with a better one. Now he had no objection to say lie was prepared with a ; but before he submitted it to the House he would say, that however it might fail in attaining the object in view, he could not conceive any measure so bad or ineffec tual as the one now before the House. Ile would like to know what probability there was of this measure ever being M I E „ D RF T :c A T _ ----- TO O rADVERTISEUENY.I A • N TD _ iv ,-, 0 0f CONFER ON THEIR 11OLDERS•v 5 0. , moo MEDICAL )INSTILITY 141 11 11 TO THE EDITOR OF ril orobereliiit t( hl ia S kte nt hc , ta -- ode S t(T) o ra t s ll e ß oibi e t l a l h a i nandeydaaanddkinpTioa:mwieeald,lg,aient dowf_i.,,lll3otheiritil;ol.faivens.sidool i s it u . bile,or ! wasqer question willevu sel joint d si o h na sa Messrs. ale cannot a b sbns e orn e :o n . yt Morisonimpossible d e by virtue of their diplomas neither r!, , sl' a tru ly Orb, pi; o o r u t t o btuihntetehxapot public, saiing tar ! b'',,,r......,,,11,0ri0ge5mine1:01 „ s e , e : r i 1id.4 . b ,t:6 7 , 0 clans who cure, and therefore do not make li!' jog to lig, o o, nature and character of medical diploma's. A fil , s ea 1 Ike. . ...the,' °l l bel t ' Hygeists deny that poisons are raedicinos!..„4 shoe support the worst of monopolies. All oi' hibited. op.emaxerm...... 4....e.15, IT C.°. MARKET INTEL , I l fsiOr Prices per ton atCtnaelLoser, trl-4eot.:-.,lPi:lolkll\''6gestil 14s 6d; Carr's Hartley, 17s 6d ; Chester , 65; '1 5 f, (01 , VP t, Hartley, 17s 6d ; Ord's Redheugh,,,,,'D t", WY i - , g e lo on, Haswell,. l l ote tu tro onni ,: e 17s Tees, sfi s s s l967 9 dds d ; Hartley, 14s ; West Hartley 17s 3d ; "1 1436" 1659",/,, Wylam, 15s ; Wall's-end, No'rthuinberlsO..,t gettoo,oolll, 17s 3d ; Braddyll's Iletton, 18; 6d ; L ''' 1s 6dl t reogh al ; s H ho e t t t t o o n n , , 18s 6d 6 ; 1, IC , 131...1.4 17 ; Brown's Deanery - , 17s 6d • Eden ga r Tee& 1° °A) ' --- orrent, of '.ere 00_11 by ;6cHl;artSle)uyt,ll7sl).—'ll_____rSliharaip's 1t...._74VeC1:204.9y .-- ~ of (From the London New Price C there `‘``-' beck . ' 0 SUGAR. — For West India Muscovado° __wildly . nt i t y t o buyers for all purposes, but business wa s % A t. the 47 1 4 lel' the small and inferior assortment at os ie r; 7 fo r the . „ 4 „ 4 amounted to 200, making the total o. es is per "001: 1 4 ds; 411voarrritso,nt,:espo3d0:,.3.,:; 1.1 e,,, hhds and tierces, and the adsenee,airicsvere e° lll P e 0 4 0 REFINED.—To.day the home sra.s.e r ca t er for $ oa lumps ,; 7os for brown, and 7ls to 7O I pepurchssed• sr' p all offered has been e • have agel u ` a n the ' M A u arriu s. —The deliv disposed of nearly Crushed Sugar is held for a eries to 3sBgse;dYPer_enteeded title dice h rivals. Some merchants have they had. EAST INDIA.—A further gUaath ose of this of b bilt, g which rule 6d to is per cwt on . ve f 750 bets' a cargo o 0 0 POREIGN.—This afternoon a tioatin, for _40,0 .., 0 2s D er ewt. ry hare, P roit 200 brls Porto Rico were sold at s , 1, / Antigua, at! sold ls Ai :at L t A 1 . 9 8 s s l6 E t o s o . ; — 2 B O S s e , !e l Demerara 16 I p l f 6 e s r 6 6 e n o d e h t it a c o l i t a 7. ~k s e ' S e :: alfc: r t e , e s cie 1:11 8:b 5L 1 . ... COFFEE.—This afternoon Mochalwbase :100750,0ratefj:keed:fic," nes T s x w A a . s_ch ln ec ip k o e r d t . ers Wheasytelmndainaifesltdedatfithroe : 6 -1 : assireb ; I°l at i auction ia sold at steady prices. Indio are wanted, but owing to the adviteeem, 011'1'1 market is firm for Ceylon. s° 0 i th e 11 too b e :ii refrained from offering any at public sale, oms.,.ehas:riee!'_,;et shovt n on the part of the trade generally to P o l o irt .10;00 BUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS,-- green, but we have still no improvement t 0 olden 1, the full ratellyl o te or manifest firmness, and will not sell but at is 0 'r io t id to are held with firmness, and for proof 1 9 ' 0 WIPP" of rates insisted upon, but only a limited busioe_d, ore ct sol o ,4l acted. Demerara has met with a fair dero vi i he relaittee„oo 2s 6d to 2s 10d. Calcutta is wanted, bo.t e'ss. An et so holders to sell at former rates checks bus's' assedy,4 as!, to desire has been manifested to purchasefd o f. ' t Is .1 to former terms large parcels have been disPs:tation, ' Q . s o b, several parcels have been taken for Or_ / 4 0 10 ,90 0 c oal Is 9d, and fine fit for home consumpind t er g 0 i t 0 0 2s 9d per gallon. English Corn Spirits lueicet'oe titter SPICES. — This afternoon Pimento at eserolost, to, rates, at a decline of I. per lb. China li r t hey I° o o all taken in at Is per lb. Cinnamon wa9 rttoninet rs te ' g *l CocoA.—This afternoon British Planta,. 4 60 . d o , c tion, and 342 bags at public sale were all snlalopeoi 500;4 Fite rr.—ln Currants there hasjbeen mor e _ndipg, ils 0 6 ,11 last week's quotations, but importers d c a is foOS I o ff O._ re , has checked further operations. Of Galen. baskets gs beePoiss have been considerable at 40s ; DeDiEg 1 , 0 in hr ts 0 , IP at 30s ; for Chesine Raisins 393 pens en re d S al s fte l i fused. For the common deseript e m,..,,i n g. „ to e y r there are buyers at 38s, and very littl 07; lo ci' :10iiet 00 IR ic E.—This afternoon Bengal Bigetr eh at ,„., ._, but further advanced rates being aske d :,. Ol3 - 4 e, 3,410 bags at public sale were all taken I. .11 0 '..0 former rates of 6d to is per cwt. . 11 a gill sea . 1 r r de: SALTPETRE.—The market has still l ot P. betL ~,e Rough, and prices are drooping. has . 5 0 a n e g a ;ion 61 ; Its fe ' J reduced rates having been taken hos fera l Farc e 0 00; mane, and at 27s 6d to 28s per COt s e D ist ia ,s: disposed of. Ce I ° ll Ce°Al'Eltes' Ili; OlLS. — This afternoon 100 blids / souther° # •fer r - per; ,01 at 28s 3d to 28s Gd per cwt for auction; so ld at 0 5 e lleS. o ll, P cellent request, and 100 tuns at ~, speroVor 00' ..t h at 26/ to 301 lOs for low to fine 4 41 t° 15s ' o fsSso tuns at public sale selling at 84 1 . 5 pkif i r s t o to 851 15s for Ileadmatter. sale 4o refl . „, o blic and io .09, 6ai TALLOW.—This afternoon a. s vs 3 4, po O r s yj American Tallow went at 37s 64 to 9 uins ° f , 36 , t ! l f 5j t 0 36s ; 13 casks of African, 405; d. se i‘ielteTiorel le 40s 6d ; 50 casks of North Anler' e n 40s' ' la ' 3'7.9 casks of New South Wales 375 t 0 ff s : to 36s 6d per cwt. ---- sZi lg o iOD`J, • _.--- ----- 31A 6 , gLI 0 5e and y gill er ( I,i, COLEURN'S NEW MONTI intere.,Ageo gi, JUNE is one of the most varied ei , e tel l y) ‘ ' : - rc br l e t t of this favourite periodical that,%, ~Ivinitniel; 01,Po'ipt'of It opens with one of Ingolds4f j3rotbslisS rit sle ° 0 f full of wit and whim, called ;I-, '_,, et , c i CO, flltl,, e r ton," a lay of St. Thomas A lier.,,e 0 1) rot itio, i 0 . 1 . 4 contribute 3 an article on the c05,1;.71. be ' rs te4,4 . llo , the Court of George II , which( _l r .l o . ` i n te ; 0 1 ;,,fi o y f The be l l ', o eol t r i 'f ig tbr:,'"l„ l'e t o 'f desirable in for all w it o ),.. ite ritri r ise afortl,,,, 'Majesty's Bal Costume. Reminiscences of Thomas CoroP ropec,.d. ..,otie,,,, of the most interesting particuloorfloto fil o ' oticiroa, ;it Hope, from the pen of an i t' orld : 0 P r poa , • cleve i'° tall Oa° into the Royal .AcademY i s a ier's h orlt i OS hf the present exhibition. ttCheriviit c o f I.,o,_ction 0 the Hon. G. Sydney SlBYthe, ` DiVest ,atisl9'..ter, 054, rsarlers ; and the " Sketch of tn,,_ ar ea lie lat, fit 0)12, 4 and Stovvell" will be perused tv . , ,y;.,fof '_, to tP,., ret'., all who ha'e read Mr. Twisss 1 lw,oitio",,etell 1,,400!, • , a nd st . a a lt 1 0 coPwthcl, contains many correction- ~;rite ~ tee 3 ~ 1 1 ~, Besides these paioors we have Vb,al,crts uoia,d,c,jv Priggins," callud " The `Steep 0 . 0 131-,_Dt9 a n o f Gun of Mrs. Trolloids anic!;"-' ~ Dig',D Brody° of Travels," and Mr. Maxwenb inters ° °O lt 0 , with the completion of the i ,, # ac e ,rs l' bee tin 0 Ilt - 0 Cu" Excursion up the Oronooko. __The _.,,, ~ _a 0, 0 , BELL'S LIFE ix J . .. the four days' sports at Erool n ‘ v , l . „ w ay 11,°ile_ sisll3iis• accompanied with a portrait ra of Fed's 0;0011, 7- - graving of the Surrey Cop. r ri raturds9 efte__----- oND°llgi be e'en 3507013.1 -..j;e• 19' , It' liehed in time to send by all the . larpment of Bell's Life is in pragr&_" - ---- iv VAlliet+ r Of ' pa On the 28th of MaV, at Clifton, ore'vedf ° toe , Ac 13181.11Silie "'ifs twill 04' Clutterbuck, vicar of 'Xeinpitt.orL7,,. _ ea r _. 40 1)9 the one still-born, the other li:vs'avi. villa , " of s ot a l, o f J Oa th® 28th of /tlaY, at •Abcry, EST' 00 lad, if , of T Ar• ( -) le° • hburYt diesel, the lady of • , ~,,,, tile 11 f golt fJOP 08th ° Forster, Vsri , of a dau gil l e c r e . o n the _ of the b At Hampton Court I . .'a a 0 ;. n &night% ,3dy i 11,1 Alfred Montgomery, I'sqqt ilrighloll, tn ' _. j......c; ./ On the 28th of MoY,t et " . On tile 28th or l‘lay , , Si l* Aare , Alfred Spalding, Ai ll ai' -, s leo tta ' 1 6°.' r °f a s°''..-----1‘ ,1) •„ eb.c 3 peoP ' lto' 1 at the oiat3,lciotri ofvtiitoue late oi On the 28th of On the 314 of Mareis,l; sistant- Surtliter lnto' Hobert Noye s. M.D., r0t11,4 ilaNrtllerY'o,ute, h rs ' to Catherine Alotiat, y . 5t,17,,,,e0 jzo. e. , 0 late A liencral .. . 131g4V. et :. e i•in"ci::,e)l,ter o of i t ' ll f On the .27th of May , , :." - e6t dolt" F . ,:ot er• e a Frances, vottliF,.;.,,,ii _ ~a r . ht Liverpool, to , ..c o . toa s 111 , _ . f..l'--- -- "' joilh ~, °ll.l:l,7tni Illoornsbtill ,- ~... too r • of AlPhn ,-, ___________; AO , K ae. , otu Toz er ' '2:1!---------- of P- , n ott , ° l ' 'Po' 1 ;00 fay' , El'z'' bri,ig° iOP 1, of (-11"' boo' ' 'AV' Mr. NV. C. Tidy, Sur.4l-:°' ~t , c a noo late j t 1 00 Ou the 25th of ay, , tof se c , re lic 1 , Rhea Foisiek. , ri betu , _ ie b ,rsoce ._,r oa the 25th of Nay ' t Green" o vo, .1' oleo' On the 25th of 1% f Lonclon-stree ~.. _iticti-t .„,5... .. Richardson, o .... a __ at can , . 04 , 1. (Igo A On the `26th of ei;i();:lar , ,„ ~_„,i,,, ileri9c.ter, _5(l. daughter of the lat 1 . ‘4l,i-roli,f`..:ei,iiall rii tr, Oa the 27th of M:l7l,,etin'te jerem youngest daughter 1 the , . ' heti' 31,') I _boo, , is . , fOtiet'l gi-JgDO $O , - 0 I,w-rion: Printed and Published bi ,_, ofiCePpooti N. 112. Strand. Printer, at q'fte '!..7 ; a 00 I° ytren, in the "4'rocinct of tk/ ;'a fop 1 1114400, Saturdsp bloy frlt 1445. •,,t , _- " H :7: : : Fr4:> e"el S %on (lir, ,end u -,0,4 4 es the'o At y 1 1 14'1 04 s A " 1.10 , , • , t I k; r, - 41 4ikt 41 I t, •l ! / , , kt im K. 4, 1 11 11144410: . 1 ., Eiv 'l't ! 4 41 i *q!..* tt e - AIL . ' I , ' ; . ~~, • 'fit {, I, ' # ►.