The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, —.-------_____;_ Lh u ys it should be referred back to the g overnments, s hould aria© on t he q uestion of amount, then said M. de u dreprisals should not be resum ed, but if the differ aenceshould be upon principles, re prisals should neces sarily follow. Mr. Wyse, in ie vindication which he i thought it necessary to give of his own conduct, and which also would be found in the papers on the table, stated that he had no cognisance that any convention would be likely to be concluded in London. Nor was it likely that he could have had any such knowledge, and though the French Minister, General Lahitte, had thought it necessary to read a letter in the Assembly which had occasioned some dissatisfaction, that Minister himself now admitted that Mr. Wyse could have had no knowledge of any such convention, and fully acquitted him in the matter. But the Noble Lord had said, why not when the convention was concluded in London, at once have adopted it, instead and in spite of any treaty concluded by Mr, Wyse at Athens. He (Lord Lans downe) had no hesitation in saying that it would have been most desirable if that could have been done, but there was this difficulty. The convention which had been agreed to at Athens had been already partly exe cuted, and besides, it contained a particular clause with respect to certain new claims, which were not referred to in the treaty of London. And if that treaty without explanation or condition, or communication between the parties had been altogether abrogated, there would have been an a Imission in that abrogation of the expediency or justice of conceding most unfounded claims, which under no circumstances would it have been possible for this country to have admitted; but it was the desire of both sides to come back to the terms of the Convention of London, so far as they could be made the basis of a settlement with the Greek Government. It was out of these circumstances that the difference which had given rise to the communications which had taken place during the last fewweeks arose,and which had not yet been brought to a perfect conclusion, but which he had the satisfac tion of stating was so nearly brought to a satisfactory con clusion that many days, perhaps many hours, would not elapse before such a conclusion would be come to— (Hear, hear)—and the good understanding and confi dence between this country and France, whatever party might be in power, be perfectly restored. Whatever might be the character of the French Government, there was no character it could assume in which it would not be the interest of this country to maintain the most friendly relations with it.—(Loud cheers.) He knew of nothing—he foresaw nothing—he hoped even there was nothing in the discussion of that evening which could tend in the least to interpose an obstacle to the restore lion and perfect resumption of those relations of amity between the two countries which was so essential to the peace and happiness of the whole world.—(Cheers.) He trusted that the delay which had taken place in the final settlement of the question between Greece and this country had not been injurious to the best interests of the former. He could assure the Noble Lord that the statements of the extent of the pressure which had been placed upon Greek commerce had been more exaggerated than Pacifico's claims, and he would take the opportunity before he sat down of adding, that far from there being any intention to press hardly on the Greek people and the Greek Go vernment, it was for the express purpose of avoiding such pressure that, contrary to the usual custom pur -1 sued in such cases, and pursued iu the instances to which he had alluded, of employing force at once, a warning was given to the Greek Government before any hostile proceedings were adopted. And though an embargo was in the end laid upon Greek commerce, it was con fined to the enforcing of the indemnity demanded, and was to stop the moment that indemnity was obtained. He believed that no serious injury had resulted to Greek commerce from that embargo, and up to the last mo ment the most perfect harmony existed between Admiral Parker and the Greek people and Government, and be tween our force and the persons engaged in commerce in those seas, and but for the proceedings taken in the Greek Chamber, there would have been a more speedy settlement of the questions at issue. It should be remem bered that with regard to some of these claims there was no independent tribunal before which it could have been preferred ; and even at the present moment, to show that the tribunals of the country were not such as could give a foreigner the most perfect security, especially in a cause against the Government, it was only necessary to state that all the Judges might be at any moment dismissed. He considered this was one of those cases in which the Government of this country had been fully justified in having recourse to those proceedings (unfortunately ending in the employment of force) by which they had attempted to obtain justice for the wrongs of their subjects ; and in his con science he believed, that not one of those wrongs, dis puted in amount as they were, but undisputed in principle, would have been redressed, it the Government had not sent out Admiral Parker and his fleet to enforce such redress.—(Cheers.) Under these circumstances he appealed to the Noble Lord and their Lordships whether they would adopt a resolution which he again said was an innovation of the law of nations. If that resolution were adopted in the terms proposed it would go far to limit the commerce and the industry of this country in future times, and in so far as a resolution in the House of Lords, unaccompanied and unsupported by that of any other assembly in Great Britain, could change the law, it would restrain the power and cripple the resources and the energies of the people, and of indi viduals residing for the purposes of commerce, and for the interests of this country in foreign states, and fetter the future energies of the British Government in afford ing protection to its subjects. lie confidently called upon their Lordships to reject the resolution.—(Cheers.) The Earl of ABERDEEN said, it was all very well for Noble Lords to assume the tone of confidence, and f, r the partisans of her Majesty's Government to la bour in their defence ; but he (Lord Aberdeen) main tained, that when they were told that a British fleet of a magnitude, as described by his Noble Friend, equal to that of Nelson in the battle of the Nile, appeared in the waters of Greece, and, after receiving the civilities of ,he Sovereign, summoned the Greek Minister, presented to him the British Plenipotentiary, and the British Ad miral delivered to him a list of demands which were to be conceded in fJur-and-twenty hours, and when that unfortunate functionary observed that he had only been in office three weeks, and that he required to ex amine into the justice of those claims, he was told that the question was not whether the claims were just or unjust, but whether they were to be acknowledged in four-and-twenty hours, and that that was the question for his decision—with that statement it appeared to him (Lord Aberdeen) that the character of the transaction was sufficiently described, and he ventured to say that the proceedings of her Majesty's Government in the waters of Greece, had throughout the whole of Europe, from ono end of it to the other, called forth a cry of indignation, and that in this country they had been regarded by every impartial and reflecting man with regret and disapprobation.— (Cheers.) When these transactions occurred they ap peared to the world in general to be unintelligible. Nobody could believe that the reasons assigned for these proceedings were the true and genuine motives by which the Government was actuated, and he was not surpirsed that in every country in Europe there wore speculations with regard to some great design being concealed under this attack upon Greece. Unfortunately, the people in this country, who knew a little more of the reckless mode in which affairs of this sort were conducted, had less difficulty in believing the motives that were as signed—(hear, hear)—and saw in it no policy more profound than that of exercising a feeling of hostility and the display of an overwhelming force.—(Cheers.) l'hey might perceive the animating spirit that in a great measure prompted this mode of proceding in a paper to which he meant to direct their attention. Last autumn a revolt had taken place in the island of Cephalonia, and Sir Henry Ward, in a speech addressed to this Senate, had referred to the share which he said the Greek Government had in stirring up disturbances i s that island. It was upon the 9th of October that Sir EL Ward made that speech—that speech in which he declared " the Greek Government had been privy to the disturbances that had taken place in Cephalonia." No sooner had this been stated than the Greek Government lost no time in protesting against the truth of any such accusation; and then in the course of the next month, he expressed publicly his regret—he did this in a public address—that his speech should have been so misunder stood, for he declared that he never had intended to make any such accusation against the Greek Govern ment.—(" Hear," from the Marquis of Lansdowne.) The Noble Marquis, he perceived, cheered at that state ment. Lle was very glad to find the Noble Marquis so cheer it; but what said the Secretary of State to M. Drouyn do I'Huys, who gave an account of the conver sation with the Secretary of State? He mentioned the Secretary of State as replying to him that the English Government had other complaints against the Hellenic Government; for example, that in spite of the contrary assertions which policy had induced Sir Henry Ward to make, it was very certain that the hand of the Greek Government had been found in the agitation that had broken out amongst the people of the Cephalonian islands.—(llear.) His Noble Friend hail so frilly en tered into all the claims put forward, one after another, by her Majesty's Ministers—he had exposed so com pletely the doubtful character of some, and the exagge ratedt nature of oth ers , t h at i t was not necessary for h i m but. Noble n enlarge r r g o t h u la three s e t h e h e a o b d s a s r e m e r r a ° v observations c , tt. uponh H e e claimtwh o e u m l . d o f First,m have r . t o n m s a Finlaykh ee Aberdeen)und er an wasarbitrary ffi constitution was establi s h e d, an d a t th e time that G re government.noffice, iu r.Fin.. n.i him by d eman di ng the good offices ti Government.T jesty's Government; buptotnhethe claim upon her Majesty's then Mr. ajust claim for compens a ti on , and therefore a cl a i m u here could be no doubt but that Mr. Fi n l ay had good offices of h e r Ma :aenrndmhent for reprisals - against the Greek Governme nt Finlay never ma d e a The Greek Governm en t never denied that he had an equitable claime? compen sation. The only difference was as to th e a nae to un t t o oi a ' h b i i s claim. At last , the m atter h ad been referred tration. The fact o f that havin g been done was rno; communicated to that House, and they conse. quently had been led to believe that th e claim of Mr. Finlay was denied, and that there was no chance of its being adjusted at the time that Mr. Wyse made his de mand.—(Hear.) As to the case of M. Pacifico, he (Lord Aberdeen) did not deny that he had a claim to for reprisals, nor for this indemnity for losses be had sustained; but, then, this compensation for him. until had gave him no right to apply country so to obtain cornp endeavoured to obtain it by the ordina r y mode of pro to ask for repri sals,tionably just, still to enable the subject ceeding. Taking the case to be one that was unques tionably h h laws and the courts of the country in w lc e was he must, have exhausted all the means which the Vattel said with wronged might have afforded to him• referemce to foreigners:— causes of his subjects in foreign countries , a nd to g rant " The prince, therefore, ougbt not to i nterfere in the them his protection, excepting in cases where justice is refused, or p a lp a bl e an d ev ident injustice done, or rules and forms openly violated, or, finally, an odious distinc ti94 mettle to the prejaice of hie subjects QX ef for ho had admitted him to be a very respectable man, and he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) believed him to be entitled to honour and respect. The French Government admitted that there was more or less of right in his claim, and indeed the Noble Lord had made a similar admissioo... Mr. Finlay had purchased a piece of ground, end he ande-‘' Dected more for it than the amount of the had the Noble Lord never heard of cases in u an t d than they in which people claimed more for Pur ti b s u gu . ntry t h h e e a ir r, and laughter). had given for its purchase?—( ll m el r ;, In the town of Liverpool how e suburbs, for which, when men heel possessed themselves of property in. r t e h d for local or public purposes, it was subsequently reclutihe amount they had given for they asked seven t ie In such cases e s s tice was don© by giving the par tou which they were fairly entitled. — ties the neaseul.r amount Noble Lord said he had heard with an admission, on the part of Mr. (Hear, pride some sort ot - F i n lay, that he consented to arbitration, and that he would obtain justice by that means. But what would the Noble Lord think when he was informed, as be now was, that under the influence o f the G ove rnment the ar bitrators had never been allowed to meet.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord would no doubt see that a denial ot justice by delay was as bad as a denial of justice alto gether, because all the authorities on the subject were agreed upon that point. They said that if application were met with a refusal, intentional delay was worse than a denial, and that in such case interference was justifiable.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when insult had been offered to the officers of her Majesty, and a simple f apology was require d, that simple a p olo gy was a long time re fused. So in the case of the rubbers. , W hen some compensation was required, the Greek Govern ment never answered the letter of application. They refused to answer or to give any expla nation whatever.—(hear, hear.) With regard to the case of Pacifico, the Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government had adopted his outrageous claim, and that they bad arbitrarily and thoroughly required the Greek Government to pay it. But what would their Lordships say when he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) told them that from the beginning to the end of this transaction Paci fico's claim was no further adopted than as a claim for discussion; and if it were adopted for discussion how could it be adopted at the full amount he claimed? The Government could Rot take upon themselves to reduce it, but what they said to the Greek Government was— that it must be the subject of inquiry. In the first letter on the subject, Lord Palmerston, writing to the English ambassador, said : "If the amount of M. Pacifico's losses shall appear to be just and reasonable, you will then only present them to the Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs. See that he has taken care to make the demand for com pensation in general terms that will not prevent the Greek Government from interfering." Lord STANLEY—He says in that letter that the demand was to be " just and reasonable," and then that he was to present the claim in " general terms." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE asked whether any reasonable man, who heard both sides of the question, could doubt that the British Government, by this letter, confined itself to a simple prosecution of an inquiry after a demand was made that was just, fair, and rea sonable ? He found again and again in the course of the correspondence that the expressien used by Mr. Wyse was that there should be satisfaction made by the state of what was " fair and reasonable." lle would not trouble their Lordships by referring to the many passages where this expression was used; but on the 25th of March Lord Palmerston gave Mr. Wyse in structions, telling him that, with regard to Pacifico's claim on the Portuguese Government, "it should be equivalent to the amount if he had not lost his docu ments, because that was the measure of his loss." So that, if Pacifico could only show loss to the extent of a shilling, he was to recover no more than a shilling. Whatever the documents were worth, he was entitled to demand, and that was all the British Government had claimed for him. The Noble Lord said that Pacifico was a man not to be trusted, and, in proof of this, bad referred to a dishonest transaction alleged to have taken place at Lisbon a great many years ago, but subsequently to that Pacifico had been twice ap pointed Consul by the Portuguese Government; and he(the Noble Marquis) had too much respect for tho Portu guese Government to suppose that if a man were guilty of forgery or other dishonesty they would select him for Consul.—(Hear, hear.) He bad now endeavoured to show that the claims were not, as described in the resolution, of a doubtful or of an exaggerated nature as en forced, whereas nothing had been enforced, but a great reduction in every possible way had been made in the claim. Be would not follow the Noble Lord through the observations he had made with regard to the effect this transaction had had on other powers. Ile had the satis faction to think that with regard to those other powers —both Russia and France—there was no disposition to dispute the validity of our claim in principle, with the exception, perhaps, of a portion of Pacifico's claim. But Russia hat admitte f that these were claims which we had a right to make, and all she complained of was that they had been too suddenly enforced, and that they had been .. enforced without notice being previously given to the other powers that it was the intention of the British Government to enforce them. He had, however, shown that in all the cases of enforcing claims to which he had referred, no notice whatever had been given to other powers ; and he knew nothing in the character, the con dition, or in the reletive stresagth of England, as com pared with the other powers of the world, which should lead to the recognition of the principle—that whereas all other powers might proceed according to their own sense of the injustice done to require that justice should be done t thee- subjects, that England should, in a case where her subjects were concerned, after years of pro crastination and delay, treat those states which had refused to du justice, with a degree of indulgence which would be snovee to the m by no other power under si milar circumstances—(Hear, hear)—and which should induce the House to resolve that the Government was not justified in having recourse to the measures they had adopted of requiring that the demands ot this country, so far as they were consistent with justice, should be conceded.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had complained of the large naval force that had been employed in enforcing these demands ; and he admitted that though there were reasons which the Government considered sufficient for employing that force, nevertheless the circumstance of its being em ployed had attracted more attention, and given rise to more suspicion (however unjust such suspicion was) than the employment of a smaller force would have probably produced. But the temptation for having a large force in those seas was great, not in reference to carrying out the principal object in view, but in reference to the cha racier and the position of the Greek Government; be cause, if that Government were compelled to yield, it would be more honourable that she should be so compelled by Sir W. Parker in a three•decker than to a frigate or smaller force. The Noble Lord had said that the course which ba,l been pursued had disturbed the amicable re lations previously existing between this country and Russia; and, as he should be sorry to allow an expression • of the Noble Lord's to lead to any misapprehension in the public mind of the true state of the case, he must beg to say that, with the respect he entertained for the Russian Government, the unfeigned desire by which he was actuated that this country should continue to remain on all subjects on a good understanding and in relations of the most perfect amity with that great power, and deeply regretting the d trerence of opinion which had arisen on this one subject—and it had gone no further than difference of opiniun—(Hear, hear)—he must ut terly deny that the dissatisfaction with which Russia had regarded our proceedings in this case had disturbed - the amity or friendly relations that had heretofore ex isted.—(lleac. hear.) So far from it, he distinctly at firmed the contrary was the fact.—(Hear, hear.) He affirmed that on many important subjects in which both countries telt a common interest, the amity and friendly feeling of Russia and Great Britain had never been greater or more complete than at the present moment.- - (Hear, hear.) But with respect to some of the more irueortaet questions that now agitated the world and af • fecied the interests of Europe, there was the utmost unity of oeiniun, of sentiment, and of action between Russia and tnis country ; and the amity of the two countries s area es perfect us it had ever been at any period of our ..history. 'The most intimate, constant, and confi dential communications had been all alonggoing 'betwe en th ose great powers withregard to the impor tant affairs o f the north of Europe. And now, parti cularly at this moment the Government of this country -availed themselves of the suggestions of Russia, in re gard to many important questions, Russia reciprocating • th at confidence, andadvreiirlseing on our a d v i ce, following our suggestions, and powers to f o ll ow an d adopt them.—(Hearne,F otherin )Tlerefore he was justified saying that there had been no interrupti on o f t h e good understanding and amicable relations between the two countrtes. So far with regard to bee he must do Russia; r and now as to our relations with France. And accidental inder that irc the Noble Lord t he j u s tice to say, that he had said no thing that c ould in the least degreeoana moment, h and e for circum stance, a - from pass i ng away, which urely h fr a o d m f r moment only, and p stance, been overshado win g the relations betwee n the two countries. When the offer was made by 'prance to mediate in the Greek question, it was accepted in the conviction that it was fairly and frankly tteendered, for the purpose of obtaining justice for us in difference with the Greek Government, without our b having re course to force. M. Gros went to Greece on that found that it was un derstanding, but after numerous delays _ te result followed, or was likely to follow , his media tion. Under these circumstances M. de Lhuys was the authorised by his Government to negotiate wit h British Government a convention, the conclusion oft which was it sufficient proof of the sincerity and the spirit ia.whioh the matter was undertaken by the British Go vernment, and of their desire to arrive at a satisfactory settlement. It was :nett unfortunate, as he considered it, that that convention had not reached Athens before the progress of the negotiations there had arrived at that position which induced M. Gros to withdraw him self altogether from his character of mediator, and until Mr. Wyse after waiting for a considerable period in the hope that that event the expectation of which was held out to him by M. Gros, namely, that he should have something else to propose, but which he never did pro pose, should occur, and Mr. Wyse found himself com pelled in followioss out his instructions to resume that state not of hostility, but of pressure against the Greek Government which he hart commenced but sus pended. lie said he found it necessary to resume, for nothing could be more clear to those who had read the papers, than that the understanding not only of Athens, but the understanding b, tween M. de Limy' Lord Palnserst on , wet General Lahitt e, was, that if the differences between M. Gros a n d Mr. W - ao should turn upon anything o f pr i nc i ple, reprisals should 3 re-commence. Arid the Noble Lord had unquestionable evidence on this subject, for M. de Lhuys wrote letters to the French Mini ster of Fore i gn Affairs, more than one, in one of whi c h, which he then h e ld in his hand, it was distinctly stated that the understanding on which the neTeiations proceeded was, that if there should be toy datovrice of principle between N. Gros and Mr. Wyse, reprisal* slaguld tocugarawace. If any diffezeuce LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 18, 1850. gotiation for three weeks, making that the most difficult which at the first moment would have been the easiest mode of settling the question at once. The Noble Marquis declared, in strong terms, that our relations with Russia are as friendly as ever they were ; and if that be so, it was perhaps the freedom of friendship that was indulged in by the terms of that dispatch which has been already quoted tonight; other wise it might be interred that the person who dictated that dispatch was actuated by any feeling than that of a friendly character. (The Noble Lord lowered his voice at this part of his speech and was very indi-tinctly heard.) We understood him to express his hope that all this would pass harmlessly away; but it was clear that these trans actions could not have occurred without more or less injuring that good understanding that had hitherto pre vailed. He expressed his dissatisfaction at the state of foreign relations generally, and said it was impossible to regard our position with France and Russia without uneasiness. But four short years ago this country was honoured, loved, and respected in every state in Europe; maintaining an intimate and cordial understanding with France, and without the slightest interruptions of intimacy and friendship with all other powers; but he could not regard with any satisfaction the new species of friendship in which the Noble Marquis had discovered we existed with our allies. The Noble Lnrd then referred to our relations with Austria, whose feelings, he said, had been deeply injured by that abominable transaction, to which he had more than once referred, in which we had exhibited to Europe, most falsely, the policy of Austria with re spect to Italy, endeavouring to spread the belief that Austria entertained views of conquest in that country. We had been a cause, and a great cause, of a portion of the misfortunes and difficulties into which Austria had fallen. We might have stopped the Piedaiontese war, not by the advice that had been given to the King of Sardinia, that he had better not go to war with Austria, because if he did he w ou ld h ave a goo d c h ance o f b e i ng beaten, but if we had told him that he would have broken a solemn engagement he had entered into with Great Britain, and that if he persevered we would pro test against his course in the face of all Europe, and re call our Minister from his Court, there would have been no insurrection, and no Russians in Hungary. He re garded the entrance of the Russians into Hungary as a gHreeathmadisfortune, observednoth the e ly to Austria, but to Europe. symptoms of hate to wards England, and notwithstanding all that had been said, he could not persuade himself that the state of our? oreign relations could long continue as they were. He had only cited a few instances of this unsatisfactory condition. It vra‘, however, satisfactory to reflect that the people of foreign countries would do justice to England by separating, in their estimate, the conduct of our Government and the conduct of our people. He would support the motion of his Noble Friend, who had presented every part of the subject to their Lordships; and he doubted if my reflecting man, either in or out of that House, could lay his hand upon his heart and say that every word of that statement of his Noble Friend was not literally true and just.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARDIGAN, who was very imperfectly hoard, was understood to say that, although it was not the ordinary practice to discuss matters of foreign policy in Parliament, he thought that the present state of our foreign relations fully justified their Lordships in expressing their feelings and opinions on the subject. It appeared that we had unfortunately succeeded in raising against us, if not open hostility, at least a hostile feeling in two of the most powerful nations of the world ; and those, too, directly opposed to each other in the form of their national institutions the one being founded on democratic principles, and the other upon the principle of arbitrary or despotic power.—(Hear.) He thought that the general foreign policy of the Go vernment, when viewed in connexion with their own measures, presented the most extraordinary anomaly ever hoard of. There was a Manchester school of re formers, by whose advice the Government acted, and who wanted to cut down our military and naval estab lishments to so low a point as to render it almost impos sible for the country even to defend her own shores; and yet while all this was going on the Government were un ceasingly quarrelling with foreign countries.—(Hear, hear.) Was it necessary for the national honour and the permanent interests of the country that by our inter ference we should have acted in Sicily against our old and faithful ally, Naples? or that we should have given direct encouragement to Sardinia when in an act of di rec t ag gression against the Austrian empire? Or was it requisite to the national honour and the interests of the country that we should send a British fleet in hostile array to the very confines of the Russian empire? He had not taken notice of all these differences, but when he added the recent case of Spain—(Hear, hear)--he had gone over nearly all Europe in endeavouring to reca ll to their Lordships' minds the follies, abu-es, and falla cies into which the Government in its foreign policy had fallen. And he now confidently asked their Lord ships whether it would not, in this case, have been wiser and more prudent on the part of our Govern ment to enaeavour to obtain a settlement of these claims, and redress for these injuries, in conjunction with the Ministers of France and Russia, than to have made these reorisals?—(Hear, hear.) He assured the House, that in giving this opinion, he spoke without any personal or hostile feeling whatever to the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Foreign-office; but that, on the contrary, he felt the highest respect for his high courage and character; but he was in a dangerous position, and the foreign policy of this country ought to be conducted upon principles that were permanently conciliatory.—(dear.) that the Greek Government would act according to Greek law in the matter, and would ultimately see jus tice done. He (Lord Beaumont) did not mean to defend the amount of the claim; but the letter of Glarakis, al though most ingenuously written, was a perfect denial of all justice, of any claim whatever. Besides, the Greek Government refused altogether even to investigate the matt , r —so that, in fact, in both cases—in that of N. Pacifico as well as in that of Mr. Finlay—the law of the land was violated and denied; and therefore, as he contended, the English Government had acquired a right to interfere. With respect to the next case—that of the seizure of the boat of the Fantome—he thought that the Noble Lord had treated far too lightly the insult offered to the officer and the crew of that boat, and the still greater in. suit offered to Lieutenant Macdonald of the Spitfire. In the first instance, the officer and crew were seized before the English consul's door, and the local authorities ab solutely refused to give any reparation for the outrage. If such doings were permitted to go unpu nished, our officers, in a country like Greece, would be insulted in every direction. What he com plained of in reference to the matter was, that the de feand for reparation had been too long delayed. He would fain have seen a question of this kind righted on the moment; and he might add, that all the French naval officers upon the station were most anxious, for the sake of the precedent, that full reparation should be made for the insult. But after all the primary outrage was not the worst. An inquiry had been instituted into the conduct of the English officer, and in an investigation of this kind the word of honour of Bri tish officers ought to have been enough, and the Greek Government ought to have admitted that under such circumstances the probability was that their agents had been mistaken, and that the Numeral of Pa tras was in the wrong. Such a matter ought to have been cut short at once. Then came the case of the plun dering of the lonian boats at the Custom-house of the Saltine. He was given to understand that in this instance the brigands were actually in alliance with the Custom house officers.—(oh, oh.) This was the statement made in several Greek newspapers, at all events. Let that how ever be as it might, this at least was evident, that we had triel every means to settle those claims. They were known to Russia, Austria, and France. We had used, he repeated, every possible means to obtain a settle ment. Sometimes we received no answer to our repre sentations—sometimes we received such unsatisfactory replies, that we could not adopt them. At last it be came evident that something decided must be done. A final claim was put in, and this also not having been attend, d to, there was nothing left for it but force. Under these circumstances, he thought that her Ma jesty's Government were justified in what they had done, and that the Noble Lord opposite bad made out no case against them, afel he had tailed in showing that they had acted precipitately, harshly, or in oppo sition to the law of nations, or to that of Greece itself, in at last employing violent means to enforce their claims. He believed that there was no deceit on either aide in respect of the transactions which had taken place between the representatives of France and England on the subject of Greece. In his opinion the conduct of France, as represented by that honourable and distin guished man, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, was candid and straightforward, and that of Lord Palmerston equally so. Lord Palmerston laid it down as a principle, from which he would not recede, that the amount of the claims might be disputed, but not the existence of the claims. He believed it was understood that Baron Gros went to Athens not to dispute the existence of these claims, but to get them settled as soon as possible. Lord Palmerston also laid it down distinctly that the action of the squadron was to be suspended while the negotiation was going on, and that it should rest with the French negotiator to declare when he would retire from the negotiation. The question, therefore, resolved itself into one of fact, whether Baron Gros withdrew or not, and it appeared to him to be indisputable that he had done so.—(Hear.) He could not understand, however, why a great nation should make a quarrel about the failure of a convention, which it' carried into effect would have borne more hardly upon Greece than what had actuully taken place. It was absolutely necessary for us to use force under the circumstances, or else to establish a precedent by which people might be tortured, robbed, and have their houses burned; and that, too, in the Levant, where it was more then ordinarily necessary to resent any injury done to British subjects, whether it came from a great or a small power. If, therefore, instead of adopting a straightforward course in our negotiations, and instead of taking our stand on the law of nations, we adopted the new law laid down by the Noble Lord opposite, there would be no use in future in having either an am bassador or a consul abroad, and we should sink at once to the rank of a second-rate nation. If the threats of Austria and Russia were to be carried out, an English man travelling iu those countries would lose the pro tection which was thrown around him by the law of nations. He would say, therefore, that if the resolution of the Noble Lord were carried, it would operate most injuriously. It was an un-English and hostile motion, originating with foreign influence, and such a motion as that he tru.ted the House would never sanction. Lord WARD, who spoke with his back turned di rectly to the reporters' gallery, and was in consequence scarcely heard at all, we understood to defend the policy the Government had pursued upon the question now before the House. The papers to enable their Lordships to form a proper judgment upon that question had only been a few days before the House; and when the Noble Lord brought forward his resolution with all the weight of his determined character, he (Lord Ward) felt that there was no one in the House in a position to answer, point by point, all the statements in the speech of that Noble Lord. The proceedings in this matter had not been sudden, for several successive Governments had pressed these claims upon the Greek Government with out receiving any satisfactioe, and he appealed to their Lordships whether it was probable that the Government would have resorted to the ultimatum of twenty-four hours without sufficient previous negotiation. The Government had felt that the time had come when we must make our selves heard, and bring the matter to an issue. Although Greece had a constitutional form of Government, he believed that King Otho was as much a despot as the Emperor of Russia. The mission of Baron Gros to Greece was not, as had been asserted to-niglat, to act the part of sheriff's officer to England. But, after a time, Baron Gros ceased to hold the scales fairly between the two parties, and the hostilities had commenced because he refused to put one of those six original claims which had been preferred by the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign-office. The negotiator had done wrong at that moment to retire from his post, and he (Lord Ward) thought the British Government had acted properly in using the force at their disposal. For these reasons he could not support the motion of the Noble Lord. Lord BEA - UNION T, in Opposing the resolutions of the Noble Lord, was also anxious to enter his protest against some of the doctrines he had put tor ward. - While that Noble Lord was speaking, he (Lord Beau mont) confessed he had some difficulty in keeping in mind the fact that the Noble Lord was a member of their Lordships' House, discussing a question of policy. Ho could hardly refrain from thinking the Noble Lord was some advocate engaged by a foreign enemy, anxiously trying to cripple the operations of the British Government, place impediments on the action of the nation, and reduce it to the level of a second-rate power. If the doctrine of the Noble Lord with respect to international law were correct, it was high time to recall our ambassadors in foreign countries; for there would be no further reason to employ our fleets for the protection of our trade, and our merchants abroad must go unprotected. The Noble Lord went the length of saying that whenever a wrong was done to a British subject abroad he must rely on the tribunals which ad ministered the law in the country in Which he resided, and m Ist abandon all right to protection from his own country. Another doctrine of the Noble Lord was, that we were bound to consult the other great powers of Europe in case of such disagreement:. That pro position he (Lord Beaumont) denied to be good or correct in any respect whatever. From the moment we guaranteed the independence of Greece, she was placed on the footing of every independent country. But the fact was, te Greek Government knew the Noble Lord the Minister for Foreign Affairs was in office, and that they could not trifle with him. Coletti, however, had assumed a power which that Noble Lord's predecessor could not shake off,—(A laugh.) lie (Lord Beaumont) remembered questioning the Noble Earl (the Earl of Aberdeen) when in office, with regard to some of these claims, and when the Noble Earl asked him whether he would have him employ force in exacting the demands he had made, he had replied he should be sorry to employ force against the Government of Greece. The Earl o f ABERDEEN explained, that with the Was he co rrect i n hi s sta t e ment? exception of the interest on the Week loan, he had left no claims unsettled when ho left office. Mr. Finlay's claim had only just commenced, and he (the Earl of Aberdeen) had been requested to use his good offices, which certainly, if they meant anything, did not mean force.—(Hear, hear.) Many individual claims had been brought before him. the whole of which had been satis fied by the G ree k Government. — (Hear, hear.) Lord BEAUMONT continued , addres sing himself to the case of Mr. Finlay. That gentleman's laud had been taken fr om him without any notice, and without compen sa ti on; and in a dispatc h the No ble Earl himself spoke of it as an act o f injustice. Mr. Finlay might have put in an exorbitant claim, but he had not done so. From what was stated in the dispatches before them, the House would perceive that in Mr. Finlay's case, as in others, the spirit of the Greek constitution was vio lated, in as mach as the seizure of the lands had taken place before the fixing of the indemnity, and that the legal arbitration to which the claimant had offered to submit, had been refused by the Government. The ap plication in respect to arbitration was the last which had been made, and it had been declined. It was then, not until the law hed been actually violated—it was not un tilof own Govii;rateiitimecu)t._—ht(yliineg case ar, hear.) Then came t h e Mr. Fit had found himself at the mercy of one of the Gre e k Mi n i sters, t h a t he had applied fo a r nd pro m te a c gni protection to his - tude of claim altogether aside, how did the matter stand ? A fanatical mob, encouraged by certain members of the Government , destroyed M. Pacifico's h ouse, an d i n d o i n g so committed an o u t rage upon the l aw. H ow h a d that individual proce e d e d ? He had fi rs t gone to the Procureur du lies, but that functionary, after sa ti s fying himself as to the auth ors o f the outrage, refused to take any steps against them, or to take any measure towards the obtaining of an indem nity for the mischief done. On this M. Pacifico applied to Sir Edmund Lyons, who urged him again to appeal to the Procureur du Roi, and in the meantime, in writing home relative to the matter, kept hoping for siz months Viscount CANNING admitted that the conduct of the Greek Government had been most reprehensible; but, unfortunately, it did not follow from the fact that the Greek Government had done wrong that the English Government had done right; and he confessed he saw in these transactions many matters which called loudly for the reprehenaion of Parliament and the country. — (Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing in the course of this discussion which shook his confidence in the maxim quoted from Lord Mansfield by the Noble Earl near him (the Earl of Aberdeen), the terms of which applied strictly, accurately, and with curious minuteness to the present case. " The law of nations, founded on justice and equity, convenience, and the reason of the thing, and confirmed by long usage, does not allow repri sals, :except in cases of violent injuries supported or directed by the State, and all justice absolut•ly denied in re minims dubia by all the tribu nals, and afterwards by the Prince." He would take in the first place Mr. Finlay's claim. H. did not say th it that gentleman had no claim at all; but he did maintain that it was not put forward i❑ the only proper and seemly mode in which it could have been advanced. What would their Lordship say if the subjects of any foreign state were to come before the Government of this country with a peremptory order from the Minister of his country, asking for indemnity because law was ex pensive, and because the judges were removable on political and party grounds? He was sure their Lord ships would scout such a claim, and justly; and as justly did the Greek Government scout the demand which was made oa the part of Mr. Finlay. But if the course which Mr. Finlay had pursued was open to objection, much more so was that of M. Pacifico. He did not mean to deny that there was a foun dation in justice for his claims, as well as in the case of Mr. Finlay. But there was this difference between them, that in Mr. Finlay's case there was at least a corpus delicte—his property was real and tangible; while in the case of M. Pacifico there was nothing certain ex cept the fact that his house had been assaulted. The estimate of his ' , isles stood only on his own assertion, and the Greek Government had good reason for dis trusting his claim. How then did the Greek Govern ment act? They justly and properly required that such alleged losses, before they could be compensated out of the Greek treasury, should be verified before a court jot justice. The Noble Marquis professed to show that Pacifico's claim in its integrity formed no part of the demand of the British Government on Greece at the moment Baron Gros was sent out, and ho quoted a dispatch, previous to that period, to show that it was the intention of the Noble Lord that NI. Pacifico's claims, if they were deserving of exa mination at all, should receive consideration. But, iu the first place, Sir Edmund Lyons did not act upon that dispatch. In the next place, the question was not what were the demands made in previous years, but what were the demands made by the Greek Government at the moment Sir W. Parker's guns were pointed at the Piraeus. There were several other points, but he would pass on to the question of compensation for the lonian boats. This was a different claim from the others—it was a question of principle—the others were questions of facts. It appeared that a band of robbers had over powered the Custom-house at Achelous, and had also plundered some lonian boats moored in the river. But these robbers were oppressors of the Greeks as well as of the lonians. They had plundered two Greek vessels, as well as the six lonian boats. They had carried off several Greek subjects into captivity. To be sure, that was no compensation to the lonians; but it served to show that the Greek Government were net responsible. Lord Palmerston, in his dispatch on the subject, stated that as the Greek Government were either unable or unwilling to repress these depredators, that therefore they ought to be held responsible for the depredations. He would ask their Lordships whether there was either justice or common sense in this? All cases of depredation took place either from the inability or unwillingness of the Government to repress them; but if a claim were made for compensation on that ground to the British Government, he was sure it would be rejected with ridicule and scorn. If his (Viscount Canning's) Noble Friend the Under Secretary of State was able to give a satisfactory answer as to the way in which this question had boen put before the law advisers of the Crown he should still be a little sceptical, and still feel rather disposed to abide by the opinion of Lord Mans field, who laid down the maxim that a foreigner should receive the same treatment as a native of the state in which he resided, and no better. It was notorious that certain claims had been preferred on the part of the British Government against the Governments of Naples and Tuscany for what certain British subjects had sui fered in the course of the lamentable events which took place there in the course of last year. He knew not how these claims had been received, but he believed they had been regarded not un'avourably by our Govern ment. He believed the Governments of Naples and Tuscany had refused compensation to their own subjects, and that would ho a bar to their giving compensation to our subjects. Their Lordships might remember seeing in the police reports that an unfortunate British sub ject, a negro sailor, had been brought up for some claim as to wages.—(Hear, hear.) The vessel in which this negro was a seaman arrived at Charleston, and immediately on her arrival a police officer took that negro sailor into custody, and he was kept in prison until the vessel sailed from Charleston. Now that was a case which he (Viscount Canning) would venture to say was one of intolerable hardship.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord was prepared to substantiate and enforce his maxim that justice was to be done to every British subject in whatever country he might live, irrespective of the laws of that country, he could not have a better or a more honourable case than this for his interference. —(Hear, hear.) He (Viscount Canning) contended that in the result of the negotiations in the cases of .11. Paci fieo and Mr. Finlay, a recognis, d principle of national law had been overridden and set aside. lle should be doing injustice to the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign-office if he said he was alone responsible for this correspondence; never was ho more ably seconded than by Sir Edmund Lions, for he had become most foreigners in general. The British Court established this maxim with great strength of evidence on occasion of the Prussian vessels seized and declared lawful prizes during the late war." The British Government had established this principle during the last war. But here justice had not been re fused—the means of redress in the courts had not been sought for, and no odious distinction was made between the subjects of England and the subjects of Greece. The paper to which Vattel referred in this extract was the celebrated case of the Silesian. That was the pre cedent which had settled the law on this subject to the satisfaction of all Europe. It had become the standard authority upon all such subjects from that day to this. That was drawn up by Lord Mansfield specially, though he had united with him Sir F. Ryder, the Judge of the Prerogative Court, and the King's Advocate of that day. The Lord Chief Justice (Lord Campbell), then sitting on the Woolsack, had recorded his opinion of that procedure:— _ _ _ " Having often been employed in drawing up papers of a similar nature, I have never perused this but with mingled sensations of admiration and of despair ; as it may be looked upon as combining wisdom and truth itself." Let the House, then, hear what it was that was so de scribed:— " The law of nations, founded upon justice, equity, convenience, and the reason of the thing, and confirmed by long usage, does not allow of reprisals, except in case of violent injuries directed or support-d by the stiste, and justice absolutely denied in re minima dubia by all the tribunals, and afterwards by the Prince. Where the judges are left free, and give sentence according to their conscience, though it should be erroneous, that would be no ground for reprisals. Upon doubtful pies tions different men think and judge differently; and ull a friend can desire is, that justice should be impartially administered to him, as it is to the subjects of that Prince in whose courts the matter is tried." Did not, he would ask, this judgment appear to have been written for the case of M Pacifico? The Noble Mar quis had dwelt a great deal upon one point—that of show ing that all sovereign states had power to redress their own injuries without seeking the consent of any other state. There could be no doubt that such was the fact; and under ordinary circumstances they never would ask the per mission or consent of Russia or France to redress any injury done to a subject. But the Noble Marquis ought to recollect that Greece was particularly situated. Three powers had united to found this very state. They had guaranteed the integrity of its territory and its independ ence as a state; and a blow struck in this manner, by one of those powers, was a blow struck at the existence of the State in the maintenance of which all were inte rested. He could hardly account for no communications being made until he found the reason stated in the pa pers of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, who, when the first letter arrived announcing these events, was not in England. When the news arrived in France it caused there a great sensation, and M. Drouyn de l'Huys was sent to England to obtai❑ an explanation. He, accordingly, the very first day he arrived, which was the sth of Fe bruary, said— "l laid before Lord Palmeraston a very animated picture of the bad impression which the news from Athens had produed upon the President, the Council, the diplomaticbody, the whole assembly, and upon pub lic opinion. I dwelt upon all that was ( ffensive for us in these sudden and violent resolutions, taken without our knowledge and against an allied nation, all that was ex treme in the means of execution, all that was strange and contradictory in the new situation which these events were about to create in the East. . • • • . _ Lord Palmerston, diminishing the importance of what had passed at Athens, replied that this affair appeared to him so simple, and of so little consequence, that be had not thought it necessary to speak to the French Go vernment about it."—(Hear.) That was treating the matter in a light which he (Lord Aberdeen) could hardly have believed to be pos sible, knowing the position in which France and Russia stood with respect to Greece.—(Hear, hear). But this was an answer that did not apply when the claims in cluded a portion of the territory of Greece—France and Russia being with Engiand guarantees fur the territory of Greece. No doubt there should in common courtesy have been a communication made to the co guarantees before executing such a project. In an early stage of these transactions the Noble Marquis had with offensive triumph stated that the demand for the islands formed no part of the demand of Mr. Wyse; but the Noble Marquis had not with his usual candour admitted that the islands might have been occupied, and therefore there was good reason for saying that these islands did not form a part of the claims sent in by Mr. Wyse. — (Hear.) Now he (Lord Aberdeen) considered it a very important part of the question—(Hear)--because they were thus obliged to abandon the grounds on which they had insisted, and they had n .w to settle with other powers after having asserted their determination to take the whole settlement into their own hands.--(Hear.) The whole of the question as to those islands, not of one or two, but of 20 more, turned upon this consideration, that they formed part of the Venetian territory before the French revolution. Now, it was not easy to aster. tain to whom uninhabited islands belonged, and these, for the most part, perfectly waste rocks. He thought that the reason given by the Greek Government was not a bad one, that there was no proof to the contrary— where there was no proof of ownership, those nearest to the mainland might be taken to belong to Greece, and those nearest to the islands to belong to the lonian Island.—(Hear.) But the whole grounds on which the Secretary of State rested assumed that these islands indisputably belonged to the lonian Republic in the month of January, 1804. Now, he (Lord Aberdeen) happened to be in Curile in January, 1804, and at that very time was present at the discussion in the Legisla tive Assembly, although ho did not profess to recollect with certainty ono word of that discussion. This, how. ever, he did recollect, that there was no Turkish autho rity present, and the assembly might have allotted what islands they pleased, and Turkey then was the owner of Greece. He utterly denied that the treaty between Russia and the Porte of 1600 had anything to do with this question, and still less did the treaty of 1815 recognise in the slightest degree the posses sion of those islands. It only referred to islands belong ing to Venice, and that was the whole question.— (Hear, hear.) He admitted that it was a doubtful question—a question very properly to be discussed—but discussed with those powers that had guaranteed the in te4rity of Greece.—(Hear.) It was not only in Greece they had to lament the employment of the British fleet— they had to lament it ever since the departure of that fleet from the shores of England. The fleet made its first appearance in the Tagus. It was seen at Lisbon, and what did it do there? It excited the suspicions of the Government, at the same time that the opposite party remonstrated against the use made of it.—(Hear.) Again, it appeared at Naples to threaten, to control, and to thwart the operations of the King, and where they had encouraged, deserted, abandoned, and betrayed the engagements they made with both parties.—(Cheers.) They then made their appearance at the lonian Islands —he believed after the suppression of the revolt—and therefore they could take no part in the events that oc curred. The British fleet only appeared to furnish Sir Henry Ward with implements of punishment. But then he might be told that this fleet had appeared in the Dardanelles, and that it did wonders there; that it had brought the Emperor of Russia to his sen ses; that it had effected miracles for the Polish refugees. --(Hear, hear.) Ile believed that the fleet had entered the Dardanelles on the sth November, and in the middle of October the Emperor of Austria had made a demand for the delivery of the refugees. Well, what had they done? Tbey had apologised for entering the Darda nelles—they had disavowed the admiral, and they had promised to do so no more.—(Cheers.) Nay, they had even brought themselves to declare that they had been driven into the Dardanelles by stress of weather.— (Hear.) Now, he said that was a deception—it was " the thing that is not."—(Laughter, and " Hear.") They had appalled the Emperor—they had entered the Dardanelles, and they had promised to do so no more. He had now very little to say on the latter part of this subject, on which his Noble Friend had addressed the House. He really did not know in what state were the transactions with France at this moment with re • spect to this astonishing negotiation. They were going on for three weeks on the same subject. He could only say that the proposal of the French Government was ex ceedingly simple, and ought to have been acceded to at once. At all events, seeing the undoubted good faith of France, and that their desire was only to be of use to the English Government, he did not understand why any objection was made to the proposal of France, for the instructions of General de Lahitte were quite a model in their way they told M. Gros—" be as unjust as you decently can, but there is a limit beyond which you must nut go;" and it was quite clear that M. Gros was acting on those instructions, for he did his best to fulfil the desires of his Government.—(Hear, hear.) It would appear that M. Drouyn de l'Huys was almost the only French agent with whom you were not dissatis fied. He (Lord Aberdeen) thought that the raison deatanding originated in this the French offered themselves as mediators, we, of course, in the odious position in which we stood in the face of the world, found it impossible to refuse the office. We, therefore, employed M. Gros to execute our demands. We said, in the diplomatic language genereally used on such occasions, "It will give us satisfaction to receive justice by means of the French intervention rather than by force." The Secretary of State, in say ing that, said that they would do something like what then ha d. was the case in the mediation bet ween Na p l es and us in respect to the sulphur affair, and in the mediation that Fren ch such a t t o o o o k k place to be m tw ea e n en a y been in the two cases already stated. And it was un • doubtedly the fact that in both of thos e cases the me diation became finally arbitration—(Hear, hear)—as all mediations must become if the parties have any common sense, because it was intended thereby to prevent the continuation of a quarrel between the two parties. Now that was the case with us; and ho (Lord Aberdeen) himself, had taken an active part as mediator in the case of France and Mexico, and to conclude that dispute which had not been finally settled when he came into office in 1841. The French Minister naturally thought that he was authorised to exercise similar powers in the way of mediation as had been exercised in both of those cases to which he had referred. But it appeared that that was not the intention of the British Government in this matter, and hence the misunderstanding.—(llear.) They thought, in fact, that they were to exercise some discretion in suggesting, but we, it appears. bound them to that which might be called the useful. [So we under stood the Noble Lord, who became frequently inaudible in the latter part of his address.] The Noble Loid continued—But I think we ought to have instantly said , "We accept y our mediation. Take the case, and m Ake out of it whatever you please ; and whatever you think fair and just we shall be satisfied with." That would have been the spirit in which we should have dealt with the French ; but instead of that, eve make a breach of engagement with them ; and, although proceedings are going on likely to be followed by the worst conse quences, still we go oil haggling with a miserable ne. thoroughly imbued with the spirit in which the dispatches were couched. He had been accus tomed to regard the doings of the Noble Lord as characterised by dexterity and skill, but the Noble Lord showed no signs of those qualities in this corre spondence; and the only way in which he (Viscount Canning) could account for their absence was, that the Noble Lord was conscious of the rottenness of those claims. Those were the considerations which induced him to give his most cordial support in favour of the re solution of his Noble Friend, which was not only most justly, but most temperately express, d; and he feu, him self justified in earnestly entreating their Lordships to consider it well, and above ull to weigh well the value of the decision which they were called on to make. He hoped at least they would have the satisfaction of knowing that they had done what they could to vindicate their honour. Let them at least have the satisfaction of knowing that if that fatal page in our history bore re cord that it was begun in injustiet?, and carried on in ar rogance, it was at least closed with dignity, and that the same page should bear witness that that policy re ceived at the earliest opportunity which circumstances would admit, the direct, deliberate, and unqualified con demnation and censure of the House of Lords. Lord EDDISBURY said every one must be aware that in a commercial country like this—with interests spread over every part of the globe, with our fellow subjects in every port and our ships on every sea—it was of the utmost importance that nowhere should injustice be permitted towards those who rightly claimed the pro tection of the British Government.—(Hear, hear.) It was almost superfluous to enter into a detail of the claims which had been urged upon the Greek Govern ment; but there were one or two points to which he would venture to call their attention. When parties re ceived injury in a foreign country, it was no doubt in cumbent on them to apply for redress—first, to the Go vernment of the country in which they had suffered wrong, before they sought justice from their own coun try. This course was undoubtedly followed by Mr. Fin lay, whose claims he would, first of all, advert to; in that case the Greek Government went against the first princi ple of their own code by taking away land from Mr. Finlay and refusing to allow him remuneration. What in such circumstances was the claimant to do but to apply to his own Government for that redress which he was refused by the Government of Greece.—(Hear.) The case of Pacifico had been ridiculed as one too con temptible to be treated seriously, and yet nobody could deny that his was a case of hardship and oppression.— (Hear.) When a man's house was assailed at mid-day, and plundered by those who were known to be in the service of the Greek Government, and when due com pensation was refused, it was monstrous to contend that we were not bound to demand redress, provided the individual had claims on the protection of the British Government. The Greek Government did make a show of prosecution against the parties engaged in this outrage, and their statement was that there was not sufficient evidence; but it was to be remarked that the sons of the Minister at War, who were present at the plunder, were never examined. After quoting one or two passages from Vattel, illustrative of the law of na tions on the subject of compensation, the Noble Lord said it had been asked what would have been done in this country if a case like those under conside ration had occurred here to foreigners ? Now, he had no hesitation in saying that if a man's house was plundered, or his boat seized unwarrantably by Custom house officers, and all belonging to him taken away, full justice would have been done him, to whatever country he might belong.—(Hear, hear.) Than, there was the case of the Stela° Sumachi, who was seized and treated with great cruelty and indignity; and also that of the Fantorae. Now, he denied that the arbitrary seizure of a man's land, the plundering of a house. the unwarrant able seizure of boats and their contents, and the illegal carrying away and torturing an individual, as in the case of Sumachi, were matters that should be treated with contempt.—(Hear, hear.) The Government was bound to urge its claims on behalf of the sufferers, but he was compelled to say that the way in which those claims were met by Greece was just of a piece with the spirit in which Greece had treated all the demands of England.—(Hear, hear.) A good deal had been said of the manner in which the present Foreign Se cretary had addressed the Greek Government ; but he begged to say that the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) had not himself always spoken very respectfully to the Government of Greece. He then proceeded to read extracts from a dispatch of the Earl of Aberdeen, dated December 2, 1844, respecting the dismissal of General Church, and also extracts from his 'Lordship's dispatches relating to the payment of the Greek loan, and the necessity of economy with a view to that payment, dwelling upon the passages which contained strong language addressed to the Greek Government. The, grounds of complaint being accumulated, what were we to do at last?—(Hear ) 'lle Noble Earl (the Earl o Aberdeen) talked of a Mi nister with whom we were never safe from war; why, during the last 30 years peace between England and France was never in such danger as under the Noble Earl's pacific administration.—(Cheers from the Minis terial benches.) He stated that Sir H. Ward had ac cused the King of Greece of assisting the insurgents. Sir H. Ward did not; what he said was, that there were parties in Cephalonia who assumed it.—(Hear.) As to what the Noble Earl said of the British navy, there was no reason to be ashamed of its conduct. Its going to the Dardanelles was an act approved by the people of this country. As for the charge that the English Admiral bad " said the thing that was not," he (L rd Eddisbury) would not believe it. When the Noble Earl expressed his regret that his (Lord Eddisbury's) Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs did not at once accept the offer of the good offices of the French Government, and leave it entirely to them to settle the question, he (Lord Eddis bury) denied that that would have been the proper course, and that if that mode had been adopted, it might have appeared that the British Government had made demands on the Greek Government which they did not believe to be just. He contended that those demands were just demands under national law ; and it was the duty of the Minister who was intrusted with the seals of the Foreign-office of this great mercantile country to see that injustice was not done to the meanest of its citizens—(Laud cheers)—he cared not under what cir cumstances they were injured—by another country in variably refusing to do justice to us. But this the Greek nation had done ; it was, therefore, the im perative duty of his Noble Friend at the head of Foreign Affairs to insist that redress be given to parties so injured. The Earl of HARDWICKE explained that the fleet under the command of Admiral Parker entered the Dardanelles through stress of weather, and from no other cause. Lord BROUGHAM had listened most attentively to the whole ot this very interesting, and in his opinion very important discussion, and he had made up his mind upon the able statement which had been made on both sides ot the House. It was commonly observed that he would be a person fitter for Bethlehem Hospital than any other part of the world, who should go into the Court of Chancery for a sum so little as 1001.; but how much fitter for that retreat were they who rushed into the Court of Chancery for a thing not worth one farthing? This was the most insignificant cause of quarrel that he had ever heard of, and yet it was such a quarrel that was to embroil Russia, France, and, indeed, half Europe. He thought we should yet do well and wisely, and do justice to our own character as a nation, if that - House by vote rescued itself from being supposed to be parties to the negotiations, and to the proceedings which had taken place. He utterly dissented f:om the doctrine in point of law—he utterly denied that any nation had the right to go to war with another power merely to enforce the claims of its sub j. cts. He utterly denied that if at the riot at Naples any French subjects had been injured, that would give a title whatever to the French Government to demand satisfaction of the Government of Naples. He denied that a mere injury done to property, aye or to persons residing in a foreign country and voluntarily residing there, gave any right to the nations to which those individuals be longed to call for redress, unless it should actually appear that the law had been violated by the Government of the country in which these individuals resided, or if the Go vernment had wilfully connived at the wrong. There might be a very good right of remonstrance, but a na tion could not proceed to reprisals, which stood on a very different footing, until the right was not only clear, but such as to fix the Government against whom they pro ceeded with being compromised in the wrong. He knew that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston, as we understood) had been assailed elsewhere, and more es pecially abroad, in a manner that was wholly unjusti fiable. To his (Lord Brougham's) knowledge, his Noble Friend had the strongest desire for the preserva tion of peace. He had with indignation heard it stated in France that his Noble Friend was an enemy to peace betwean the two countries, but he knew that no man in England was more desirous of maintaining peace. Ho could give a positive contradiction to every word of the reports that had been spread respecting the feelings of his Noble Friend towards France; and, in saying this, he was only feebly repeating what he had stated in France. It was not simply to qualify the vote he was about to give that he made this statement, but as an act of justice towards his Noble Friend, whose ability in debate and its the conduct of business was well known. He begged pardon of their Lordships fur detaining them so long at that late hour; and uader the circumstances he must re luctantly give his vote, conscientiously and deliberately, iu favour of the resolution. After a fow words in support of the resolution from the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, The lions , . divided, when there appeared— For the resolution—Contents, present ... 113 11 9. Proxies ... 56-169 Against the resolution—Non -contents, present 77 ~ ), Proxies ... 55-132 Majority against the Government ... ... 37 The Hume adjourned at a Quarter past Three o'clock. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—An Extraordinary Case of an Abscess in the Arm cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills. —Airs. Howden, th e w if e o f a carpenter, res idi ng at Ki ne t on , noticed about two years a swelling in the upper part of her arm, which, though not painful at first, ultimately caused her intense suffering. Whilst under medical treatment a wound appeared, which it was found impossible to heal, and she was advised to go to the infirmary, without any other hope of cure than by amputation; declining to consent, she determined on giving Holloway's Ointment and Pills a trial, and these had the happy effect of soundly curing her in a month. - Sold by all Druggists and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. COUNTY COURT EXTENSION.--The amended Bill to extend the jurisdiction of the County Courts was yester day printed. When originally brought f orwar d it contained 14 sections. It was then " amended" in Committee,and re duced to seven sections. Again it wa s amended, and it now contains 18 sections. It is to be further considered this evening (Tuesday), and it is anticipated that in the Lords the question of appeal will be brought forward. THE TEA TRADE, JUNE 17.—The deliveries in Loudon increased a littlo last week, being ai4,242(b8, PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Coll uisa " .) MONDAY, JUNB 17. LORD LIEUTENANCY ABOLITION (IRELAND) . Order read for resuming adjourned BILL Debate on D d ment proposed to Question (10th Jnne), " That tue be now read a second time," r n d which AmenclunT_ was to leave out the word " now," and at the en d of tf Question to add the words " upon this day six Question again proposed, " Th a t the word now stand4ll t . he of the Question :"—Debate resumed; Question P u— House divided:— mouths:" MAJORITY—AYES, 295. Acland, Sir T. D. Forster, Mathew Naas, Lord Adair, Hugh E. Fortescue, J. W. Adair, R. A. Fox, W. J. Anson, Colonel Freestun, Colonel N lll4 o ee e ww l Lord Archdall, Captain Gibson, T. M. Norreys, Sir D. Armstrong, Sir A. Gladstone, W. E. Norreys, if. •,. Bagshaw, John Glyn, George Carr O'Connell, d_... , p ryG or ,. t vj , . i ir sco iSe ug l• t Bailey, Joseph Goddard, A. L. O'Connor, Fear, Baines, M. T. Gooch, E. S. O'FlahertY, Ar"""-• Baldock, E. H. Goulburn, Henry Ogle, S. C• Baring, H. B. Greenall, Gilbert Ord, William _ lt Baring, Sir F. Greene, John Osborne, Ph Barnard, Edward G. Greene, Thomas Owen, Sir J. Bellew, R. M. Grenfell,Grenfel C i ch . a P r a l s e c s o t e v. Paget, rajineE L , Lord Bass, Thomas A. Berkeley, Admiral Grey, Sir G. parker, Jo.l in „, Berkeley, C. L. G. Grey, R. W. Patten, JChi. il • l e" Bernal, Ralph Gwyn, Howel Pearson, _ . Birch, Sir T. Hale, Robert B. Pechell, Sir O. , Blackstone, W. S. Hall, Sir B. Peel, Sir Reber. riel , Blair, Stephen llallyburton,Lord J. Peel, Free ~ A . Blewitt, Reginald Balsey, T. P. Pelham , LW* P o i Booth, Sir R. G. Hanmer, Sir J. Bouverie, E. P. . Hardcastle, J. A. P r e e rf m e i c an t, t i lC • ° .. 1 ,. °11 Bowles, Admiral Harris, Richard Basile, Pigott, Fr:So,. a Boyd, John Boyle, Colone. Hastle, Archibald Plowden, '' iii . Bramston, T. W. Hatchell, John Alexander Pilkington:,. •0. Portal, gel d yr. Bright, John Hawes, Benj. Powlett, Lor Briscu, M. Hayter, W. G. Pugh. David Broadley, Henry Philip Headlam, Thomas PuseY, 1 Brocklehurst, J. lleald, James Reid, Col one sn Brockman, E. D. Heneage, G. H. W. Ricardo, osm. Brotherton, J. Ileneage, E. Rice, E. 1L Brown, H. Herbert, H. A. Rich , Henri ~. Brown, W. Herbert, Sydney RobarteS, T 461 Browne, R. D. Hervey, Lord A. Roo oy, Coim lin Bruce, Lord E. Hepworth, Lawrence Romillh Sir , ' min ' Bunbury, Edward Hildyard, T. B. Rushout, C '_ & .. P iolni Burke, Sir T. J. Hobhouse, Sir John Russell, L° l-u n rd 15 , Buxton, Sir E. Hobhouse, T. B. Russell, C Busse., c. Campbell, W. F. Hodges, T. L. Russell , F ' Carter, J. B. Hollond, Robert S a dleir, M c O olon.' Caulfeild, J.M. Hope, A. galweY , „,, r go Cavendish, W. G Howard, Lord K. Sandals. ur.r. Cayley, E. S. Howard, C. W. Seymer , L Lord "• Chaplin, W. J. Howard, E. G. Seymonr, Cholmeloy, Sir M. Hughes, W. B. Shell, IL L' gir j of ~, Clay, James Humphery, Aid. Shelburne,,.r, , Clay, Sir W. Hutchins, E. J. SlaneY, it• n • . o Clements, Charles llutt, William Smith, IlT ern Clifford, Henry M. Jermyn, Earl Smith, J. n jani o Cockburn, Alex. Jervis, Sir John Smith, J. '' r- G• Colebrooke, Sir T. Jocelyn, Viscount smith, . • Colvile, C. R. A• Johnstone, Sir J. Smollett , , d ,.. if. Conolly, Thomas Keating, Robert Somerville, ,r./. Corry, H. L. Keogh, William Speartrla n, ' ll ii. Cowper, W. F. Ker, Richard StanleY , t. g. Craig, Sir W. G. Kershaw, James Stanton, ‘, • A. ir . Crowder, R. B. Kildare, Marquis Staunton, s .„. O. Cubitt, William King, P. J. Strickland, D'' Currie, Raikes Labouehere, Henry Stuart, 1-1 .: ix Da'rymple, Captain Langston, J. H. Sutton, ti.;... Davie, Sir H, Lascelles, W. S. Tancred , r . . y Davies, D. A. S. Legh, G. C. en Dawson, T. V. Lemon, Sir Charles T T hic n kn en e t' sSats l Deedes, W. Lennard, T. B. ThompSod , ,ranas Denison, Edmund Leslie, C. P. ThorselY , m i.,f. Denison, J. E. Lewis, G. C. Tollemaell e, ,,,,, D'Eyncourt, C. T. Loch,:james Townelel, duj: Douglas, Sir.C. Locke, Joseph 'l' ownleY , i t ' c otall t Drummond, Home Lockhart, W. ' Duff, George Lowther, Colonel Duke, Sir James Lushington, Charles TT T out u wns rn ne e li r i,e r .e-'"::T ' Duncan, Lord Lygon,General Duncan, George Mackie, John Duncuft, John Mackinnon, W. A. VW W ilaki al li m eer L lC,ll.Su ice r f Dundas, Admiral Macnaghten, Sir E. Walpole, sPelonel Dundas, Sir David M'Gregor,:John Watkins, C° I rT• Du Pre, C. G. Meagher, Thomas Wawn , - • ~,, Y. East, Sir J. B. Mangles, R. D. Wegii - Pr ° , s 'c, Ebrington, Viscount Marshall, J. G. WelbY, "J• ---.,' 0. Egerton, W. T. Ellice, Edward Marshall, William Westhead, 0_,,,,' Martin, J. Willcox, ilr7o- Ellis, John Martin, C. W. Williams , ' ro w IEL Elliot, John E. Martin, Samuel Williamso n , sir 11. Enfield, Lord Masterman, John Willongllbl'a Estcourt, J. B. B. Matheson, James Wilson, ii th ell Euston, Earl Matheson, Colonel Wilson, Ma t -AO Evans, J. Motile, Fox Evans, William Meux, Sir H. Evelyn, William J. Milner, W. M. Ewart, William Milton,"Viscount Fagan, William Mitchell, T. A. Wyvill, g• ~. Farnham, E. B.rowlWynn. Wood, J. St r r m. e i . Mouse% William young, Sirjow- Fergus, John Moody, C. A. Ferguson, Colonel Morison, Sh*:W. ' l l ir oll° Ferguson, Sir R. Morris, David Mil, Lord_ jii. Fitawilliam, G. W. Mostyn, E. M. Bollevf, g• Fordyce, A.D.. Mulgrave, Earl MINORITY—NOES, N ugent, De fer Alexander, N. Edwards, Henry Anstey, Th omas Fagan, James Arkwright, George Farrer, James ° o: 7 l3 ri rl e e n n sSir S litrij .:s l Bankes, George Floyer, John O'Connell, 3,•_,,,, Berkeley, Henry F. Forbes, W. Reynolds, ./('"- .-, B. Best, John Forester, G. C. Roche, ..- .1.4 Blackall, S. W. Frewen, C. H. Scully, Frt n o ionti ri s Boldero, H. George Gore, W. 0.; - SibthorP , ._.. oso Bremridge, Richard Grace, 0. D. Smyth , . 1 1 ( 2, D 4 A rd Buller, Sir J. Y. Granby, Marquis of Stanley , .r.'" Burghley, Lord Grogan, E. Stuart, J c hati Burrell, Sir C. Hamilton, J. H. Sullivan. ~..,. Butler, P. S. Hildyard, R. C. Talbot, 0 ' E. Cabbell, B. B. Hood, Sir A. Taylor, ..... ~r, Chatterton,;Colone Hornby. John Tenison, 1 , •„7 - Chichester, Lord J. Inglis, Sir R. H. Thornhill, tfi,r. Christy, Samuel Maekenzie, W.; F. Villiers, F• 11...°' Crawford, W. S. M'Cullagh; WIT. Wadding t .2 ll j. 13 , „ Devereux, John T. Mahon, O ' Gorman Walsh, Su i . n rdu' Dickson, Samuel Manners, Lord C. Well e sley, '— Disraeli, B. Manners, Lord J. 111. Dod, J. W. Moore, George H. 0 10 .,,i Dodd, G. Mullings, J. R. Duncombe, 0. Napier, Joseph li G a ra ra ttir oo ,— , ;a. 41 ''' Dunne, Colonel Neeld, John SPORTING INTELLIGENCE' TA FTERSALL'S.—YESTERDIT. THE SURREY AND MIDDLESEX STAXO 3 to 1 agat Docility—taken THE NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE. 5 to 1 agst Mr. Lister's Knight of Gwynn gr° 6 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Elthiron 8 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Raby 0 1) Raby was backed at one time at 5 and 6 to 1, the close of the betting was friendless. 1 0° ' GOODWOOD CUP. A 100 I° 1,200 to 200, 700 to 100, and afterwarus laid agat Mr. H. Hill's Pitsford. ST. LEGER. 5 to 2 agst Lord Zetland's Voltigeur sto 1 agst Lord Airlis's Clincher --taken e i 17 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Knight of Ave n 20 to 1 agst Mr. Metklam's The Italian 11 06 25 to 1 agst Mr. Irwin's King of Oude The only betting to any extent was about $ 0 J° who was backed for 4001. or 500 L; he is abou t John Scott's lot. DERRY. „kett 23 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Hippolytts---akeo 30 to 1 agst Mr. A. Nichols's NOWMillSter•--4..- 30 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Bonnie Dund ee 40 to 1 agst Lord Howth's Trunnion 40 to 1 agst Mr. Worthington's Goliab ‘,„ 50 to 1 agst Mr. St. George's Brother to °c re —taken a in Hippolytus was backed at 25 to 1, and sca,"„ 0b"pl request ; similar odds would have been to Grecian. HAMPTON RACES. a sclalc o f These races come off to-morrow and T hor ie b co tr if an opinion may be formed from the er1,,00) which we subjoin an outline, will afford an t'"- of sport. 13 f 4 WEDNESDAY. ea ch' :lei* The Surrey and Middlesex Stakes of 20 so'ro. a „,o tO' and sft only if declared, with 50 added. J .- t 1 1b (32 Subs., 21 of whom .declared.) rs' 8s• ;lb Eagle's Plume, 5 yrs, Bst 71b—Rodney, 4 Y: Pt ,i), —Docility, 4 yrs, 7st 81b—Bacchanalian, 5 Yr'' lienl'e —Tarn Wadlin, 4 yrs, ist 71b—Old Englis h ° Le a sc i l o c l V• 4 yrs, 7st 61b—Queensberry, 4 ". yrs, ist 611)- -- ',,je . 1 3 yrs, 7st 51b—Mignon, 3 yrs, 7st 51b -- 14 t o 3 yrs, 7st—lrish Jict, 4 yrs, 6st 91b. for The Claremont Stakes of 10 soya. each, Sce" 'lOl years old. Half a mile. Webb Vi,,g l ,, 0 Lord Strathmore's Faux-pas—Mr. We i h7 l ; c 's ‘ l , , , li e' —Mr. E. R, Clark's Glenhawk—Mr. C. •" -w ;iies In. Swivel Mr. Gully's Soloman Mr. Gre/ 10r -c o tof kal e stance—Mr. W. York's bf by the Cure 0 11 Gent The Corinthian Stakes of l 0 soya. each, &e• 10 6 riders. Once round and a dis. __pets:lol' Eagle's Plume, 5 yrs—Watchdog, 6 Yr:•-•Pt,odi 5 yrs—Rodney, 4 yrs—Titbit, aged -_.-Eye, ' h yrs vre,. static, 5 yrs—Scratch, 4 yrs—Scarborough,", 5 y-' n t 5 Tryphena, 4 yrs—Miss West, a ed—Ant el . ° „ct ' sk e ! 5 0 15 The Stand Plate of 30/., added g to a Sw e 11°' sovs. each, for 3 yrs and upwards that De fer • Da b &c. Once round and a dis. ..--T he Queensberry, 4 yrs—Malmesbury, 5 i fs 0 • Buck, 4 yrs—Bastinado, 3 yrs. , ,clcle f or The Licensed Victuallers' Plate of 3 01 ,1 hr e cl ti , Sweepstakes of 3 sovs. each. Heats. A --(3 L itt of a mile. 5 i fl- li' V Christiana, 5 yrs—Hind of the For est, °e' 5 -„ r to Fanny, aged—Nell Cook, aged—ClairvoYs d n eti go t ' Gish), 3 yrs—Master Murray, aged--•r en Passion, 3 yrs—Equiria, 3) rs. tel l l'ie ° , , , , e THURSDAY. c 0 t...; 1 x The Railway Plate of 50/., given by tile ' 4 ol • Railway Company ; for two and three f r " , u ipef furlongs. ou t of PP; yr. Mouse, by Mus, 3 yrs—f by the Cur ei rs ---G b A l f' 3 1 1.° , 3 yrs—f by Astracan, out of Sarah, 3 Y.& ort safw" , f 01 Sample, 3 yrs—Rose Pompon, 3 yrs' e, yrs--,„1000, —Amontillado, 3 yrs—Pomme de Terr, e 'by rac k. „ Kremlin, out of Evening Star, 3 yrs-- -1, It i" c ob. out of Sherbet, 2 yrs—Vigilant, 2 yrs. oil The Richmond Stakes (Handicap) ando s oil with 50/ added. Once round a " Old P 'fra r° Bacchanalian, 5 yrs—Mouse, 3 Yrs" - : 3 yrs - ",,, C ' Gentleman, 4 rs—Set nor of Holderneso,oo, 4 yr. Wadlin, 4 yrs—Christiana, 5 yrs----Du rafi 3 11* a d i Dennis, 4 yrs—Rodney, 4 yrs—Aristocrat_ oid 0 syt o Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas for 3 yr* 0 , 0 10 , yr' wards; winner to be sold for 5001, 8 4 C• 59 - • miles. hal e, ider Qaeensbury, 4 yrs—Durdans, 4 yrsof °.;re" Little Jack, 3 yrs—Kathleen, 3 yrs—Seign , eO , 3 l oo r f CO' ...,). jo• ness, 3 yrs—t by Lanercost, out 0 ,5 yrS At Rodney, 4 yrs—Bastinado, 3 yrs—EseaPe , v rti-' pid, aged—Nell Cook, mted—Atholstang, b it, efIC II (Ve I ' tocrat, 3 )rs—Estafette, 3 rs. The Scurry Stakes (handicap) of 10 s e T 7 o s s . e ° l3 . j, Gentlemen riders, &c. One mile. (TO - jag neaday.) d 0 ° O le' Handicap Sweepstakes of 3 soya, each , n h . t , of 0 qua rter te r. for 3 yrs old and upwards. Three -030 Sir° (To close on Wednesday.) Special trains will be started as usual from 100-bridge station. P t ' DIED. 1 134 e On the 1 Ith inst., at Victoria -park, AYrt 1 . $ 0 ' ta r Wilson, Esq , a ye . On the 11th inst., Richard Cooke, Esq.. °L —r° solfr Upper Kentish -town, aged 77. a rk , 1. gyde - P " _, e Borrower, are, d 4 _ On the 13th inst., at Oxford square, orrowes, Esq., of Gill-town, county of Kild ,ov• Lmdon: Printed and Published by PAURD•;° No. 112, Strand, Printer, at T he Sus V;i ie covw Strand, in the Precinct of the 80.voy, Ir l Bilddloug, Tuesday, Juno 18, 1850. o! th notic will Cnnt with for tl mon be su of th tions No nor a authc v.v( ratty, Tea," by a bound perfot the c,)t hold in,tan the ex of Mat Thn follow' Covcn Army, of dean 'oyed for the That fol!owi " Th tors, in vermin Mar, fore th( recorde the que Territo: 1 ~ That Will he 1 19th Ju •To, In a ca tion of Court, Cerial situate late the WIDNES City of I GROVE Old Bros Printe of Riche lane, Lo solicitor, tors, Bo day-stre( the place JA tional Ba capital of the half Warrants delivery tween ti Office, 13 Clete in 11 tca-cross, Clonmel, Galway, lanigtorcl, St bereen, Westnort, And in the Coinl instant, u Warrants. 13, Old I I A A ItEutcA: County Pr become Cr here of the of the Ar , 50 Years hoard, 1r Asylum. addressed Lunatic A: ,to me, et Committee t heY must Alace. on The Elecii, 30th of Jul required to June 11, ...._____ no, The F,Xf Adm. TIC ~'IOSSFi II P astimes, v IT'LL, (it The Jo•ot Royal Ili; 3CIETY, ~% PresitlclV Plltthig th Foot ltaciii the Ray - one on the c4 , e; TICKET. '" O 3 - al Box Gr and, Stu! F ield, FIN Mrnission c adanit two ( Vouchers la st of whotr may I Hanover V, for Fore The Pack e Ti me l 1.7 7' Plrect vuontriitmse,± r - qr:artc it ClAr it It U fo , t. fleet 11 I,h, 10 1 A §`!i t •! 1 4 7i• 4 kitt 1.4,!,,ft to m t o T R 11l ' 4 ' Month or EV AN 'L6Tox birec k ly'sf)lnvon -I,t,› 1 !•,, 11 'har e 0 4 4, 1 D e r,°r li r jet a t,,_" an,' tp, B41(1 Call Dropri( jtanchestc Nle 0 ° , . • Itl BSt 4rt, as , C: h 44qQ, 4111 `,,v, Ive, 44(c alts4r a l i n c , i Co 'n „ 1 o\ r ! • a ex. tin t nc rvJ til ... -Post 1, t f:1 4 ,-; (1 (bo t tht t l be tit wt 1, Are s LT] 4t,ht businc en ce kl; 3 :ti n j , 4 l 1' 4 ; 1 a.ria • f t ' Pers t l ttr tt Z th e t , ry of 1;, i 1 1 ,7 ,3 th e tj kl e :ti e A `" o ti