The Sun. — London, England, 1845-02-15 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 14. The LORD CHANCZLLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. HEALTH OF TOWNS. Tho Marquis of NORMANBY said that he wished to present a petition, of which he had given notice, "greed to at a most respectable meeting in Exeter-hall, in the month of December tag- The subject of the health of towns was one of the most im portant that could be brought before their Lordships, and the association, from whom the petition emanated, would be most happy to co-operate with the Government in any effort to benefit the people 0' England in this perticular. He had looked over the report laid before that House by the Health of Towns earalaiiialoll, and had extracted a considerable degree of his isaformstion from the (documents thereto appended. The Noble Marquis referred to the demoralising effects prociaced among . the poorer classes by the system pur. sued of giving opium, in the shape of cordials, to children labouring under diseases induced by the noxious atmo sphere to which they were exposed in the crowded lanes of towns and in the neighbourhood of churchyards. He felt it his duty to present the petition, and he w ould take the opportunity of asking the Noble Lord, whether it was the intention of Government to bring in a measure to ameliorate the evils he had com plained of, and to do away with burial clubs, which, as at present managed, were another prolific source of evil? If they did not do so, he certainly should take an oppor tunity of introducing such a Bill himself. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said that the Govern ment had taken the question into consideration, and it was- probable that some measure for the purpose of attaining the advantages sought by the Noble Marquis would be brought forward. Lord CAMPBELL said that no persons should be allowed to insure in clubs such as those referred to by the Noble Marquis, excepting such as were directly in terested in the safety of the person so insured. The Marquis of NORNIANBY then gave notice that he should move, on a future day, for a return of the order appointing the Deputy-Inspector of Ireland, in the room of the late Mayor of Galway. The House then adjourned till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 14. The SPBAILEIL took his seat at the usual hour. A messenger presented himself at the Bar of the House, with a message from the Lords; and also a messenger from the Bank of England, with a communi cation from that establishment. Several petitions were then presented in reference to private Bills. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. Col. SIBTHORP presented a petition from several influential persons, and those engaged in trade in the town of Lincoln, praying for certain alterations in the Imprisonment for Debt Bill. LAWS AGAINST BLASPHEMY. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE presented a petition for the abolition of all the laws against blasphemy. MEDICAL REFORM BILL. An Hort. MEMBER presented a petition from Hull, approving of some of the clauses, and disapproving of others, of the proposed Medical Reform Bill. THE NAVAL FORCE. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from the Peace Society against any further increase of the naval force. BANGOR AND ST. ASAPII. An HoN. MEMBER, whose name we did not hear, pre sented a petition against the union of the sees of Bangor and St. A saph. TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. G. CRAIG presenteol a petition from Edinburgh, praying for a repeal of the timber duties. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Mr. DARB Y presented petitions numerously signed, praying for an inquiry into the causes of the present agricultural distress, with a view to its alleviation. JEWISH DISABILITIES. Mr. HUTT presented a petition praying- for a re loyal of all civil disabilities pressing upon the Jews. WINDOW-TAX. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Mid- I dlesex, praying for a repeal of the window-tax. INCOME AND PROPERTY -TAX. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition praying for a revision of the property and income-tax. POST-OFFICE ESPIONAGE. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Mr. Joseph Mazzini, complaining that his letters had been broken open, and stating that, although the House of Commons had appointed a Secret Committee to inquire into the practice of espionage in the Post office of Great Britain, the Members of that Com mittee had been misinformed and imposed upon; and he, on the part of himself and other foreigners, wished to know whether they were in future to place confidence in the honour of this country, or whether their correspondence was to be transmitted to foreign despots, by which they were in danger of imprison ment. Several petitions for private Bills were presented by Mr. Buck, Mr. Porter, Mr. Brotherton, and Mr. Ewan ; and petitions against the oppressive and uneqnal intlu ence of the income-tax, from surgeons, solicitors, and other professional persons residing in several places in the county of Lincoln ; a petition from the medical practitioners of Bishopwearmouth, approving of the Me dical Reform Bill brought in last session, but praying for some alterations therein ; and a petition from the London and Country Association of soap-makers, praying for a repeal of the duty on soap. WINDOW-TAX. Mr. ROEBUCK presented a petition from the car penters of the City of London, praying for a repeal of the window-tax. NOTICES OF MOTION.—POST-OFFICE. Mr. T. DUNCOMBB gave notice that, on Tuesday next, ho should submit a motion to the House on the subject of the Post-office. He should move for a Select Committee to inquire into the manner in which the business of the Post-office was conducted, and he should also move that the Report of the Secret Committee of last year be referred to that Committee. FIRE INSURANCES. Colonel. SIBTHORP gave notice that, after Easter, he should take the sense of the House on the subject of the propriety of reducing the duties payable on Fire In surances.—(Hear, hear.) COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH TURKEY. Dr. DOWRING, seeing the Right lion. Baronet in his place, would repeat the question which he had put to him on a former evening, in reference to the com mercial treaty with the Ottoman empire. When that commercial treaty was entered into with the Porte, an additional duty had been imposed on the import and ex port of goods, by Britannic Majesty's subjects, from the Ottoman empire, and the equivalent which was given them was the abolition of the monopolies of goods which left the interior of the Turkish empire. Under that treaty an additional per centage was imposed on the imports and the exports of goods. It appeared, however, that the monopoly had not been abolished, although that was a subject on which he would not dilate. They were at that moment able to admit goods into the British empire on the payment of three per cent. on im portation or on exportation, while British subjects, under the terms of the treaty, were compelled to pay 12 The cent. upon exports and five upon imports. The question which he wished to put to the Right Hon. Baronet was, whether any effective measures had been taken to place British subjects of her Majesty, trading to the Levant, on a level with other subjects taading to that part of the world? Sir R. PEEL said the Government were not satisfied with the manner in which the commercial treaty had been carried into execution. There were subjects of some countries which were entitled to privileges that British subjects did not possess, although there was an article in the treaty which pro vided that subjects of hor Majesty in the Turkish empire should be upon the footing of the most favoured nations. Of couase their appeal must be made to the Porte, and at the . present moment negotiations on the subject, between the Porte and Russia, were pending. ELECTION COMMITTEES. The following Hon. Members were sworn in to serve on Election Committees :—Lord Sandon, The O'Conor Don, Sir George Grey, Lord G. Somerset, Mr. Wilson Patten, and Mr. Locke. THE OREGON TERRITORY. Sir. R. PEEL moved the order of the day for a Com mittee of Ways and Means. On the question that the order of the day be read, Mr. ROEBUCK wished to give notice publicly, on purpose that it might be well known, that he should take the earliest opportunity of asking the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite when he should be enabled to lay on the table of the House the correspondence between the American Government and our representative there on the subject of the Oregon territory. THE BUDGET. The Order of the Day for going into Committee of Ways and Means was then read, and the Speaker left the Chair, which was taken by Mr. GREENE. Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose. He said—Mr. Greene, although, Sir, I have had considerable expe rience in the discharge of official duties, and although I have frequently , had occasion to address this House upon matters of great public concern, yet I cannot ap proach the :discussion of the subject which I am now called on to introduce without great anxiety, and without a deep consciousness of how imperfect and inadequate will be the explanation which I sh all be able to give with respect to it. But though I rise under some disadvantages from the period of the year at which the statement is made yet, after the announ cement of the speech of hor Majesty, that it was intendedutoropose a continuance of the income-tax for a further rtrlimited period, I felt that I hadalternativee whatever might h ave been the preced ent under ordinary stances--but to submit to the house and ci the country, the general views of her Majesty's Government w ith regard to our financial position ant our commercial po li c y. sir, it will be my duty to present t o the House a general view of the present financial position of the couu try—to make an estimate of the probable revenue, and to discuss this great question—whether it be consistont with the public interest that the present amount of expenditure should be maintained, or whether it be not right that there should be, in respect of some important branches of our public policy, an increase of both beyond preceding years? If the House entertain that proposition, fur the reasons which I shall adduce, it will then be incum bent or. me to propose for the consideration of Parliament whether It be fitting that that increased expenditure shall be met from the ordinary sources of revenue, or whether it be more advisable that that tax imposed in 1842, on property and income, shall be continued for a further period, for the double purpose of providing efficiently THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1845. for the exigencies of the public service, and for enabling Parliament to reduce and to relieve the people from those taxes bearing more immediately en the industry and commercial enterprise of the coun try.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Sir, I am convinced that this House will fully appreciate the magnitude of the task I have undertaken ; and that whatever be the difficultly) which may arise from my in adequacy to discharge that task, I ans sure those difficulties will not be aggravated by any want of indulgence or attention on the part of the House. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I shall attempt on this occasion to lay before the House, as fully and as comprehensively as I can, all those considerations which appear to me to form the elements of its future determination. I will not enter into any state ments or make any observations connected with past party considerations.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Nothing shall fall from me that can prevent any gen tleman from exercising a dispassionate judgment unin fluenced by mere consideration of party. I know that I must necessarily touch upon subjects which have been and will be made the subjects of fierce political contention, but I shall postpone these subjects until some future period, and I shall now attempt to lay before the House its present financial position, and explain the views of her Majesty's Govern ment in respect of the course of policy they intend to pursue. I will, in the first instance, begin by referring to that estimate of finance and expenditure of the country which was given by my Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he last brought the subject under the consideration of the House. My Right Hon. Friend, speaking at the latter end of April, 1844, calculated that the revenue for the current year—that is, the year ending the sth April, 1845—would amount to the sum of 51,790,0001. My Right Honourable Friend calculated the expenditure at 48,643,0001., leaving an estimated surplus of 3,147,0001. That calculation, however, was disturbed on the one hand by an estimated reduction of taxes to the amount of 400,000/. I allude to the wool duties, and to the duty on glass, which were removed at a subsequent period of the session, but on the other hand credit was taken, or a demand was made, for 400,0001. on account of the China expenditure, which vote it is not necessary to refer to, because that will not affect the calculation of my Right Hon. Friend, be cause there is a saving on the one hand balancing the reduction on the other. My Right llon. Friend stated at the same time, that in consequence of the postponement of the payment of 700,000/. the surplus would be reduced, and that the real surplus would be 2,373,0001. That estimated surplus was, in point of fact, in making the account of the sth of January last, very considerably ex ceeded. It will appear by reference to the document of the state of finance and expenditure of the sth of July last there was a surplus of 3,357,000/. In stead of 51,790,0001., the sum calculated upon by my Right llon. Friend, the amount of net receipts of revenue on the sth July last, was 54,003,0001. This increase of revenue arose chiefly from the in crease of receipts from the Customs. Instead of 21,500,0001. of Customs revenue, as estimated by my Right Honourable Friend, the actual receipt was, on the sth of January, 22,500,000/. The Excise, which was taken by my Right Hon. Friend, at 13,000,0001., produced on that day, 13,308,0001. There was some money received under the treaty with China, amount ing to 385,0001., for which my Right Hon. Friend had not taken credit, but the result was, on the sth January last, an income of 54,000,0001, instead of the esti mated income of 51,795,0001. The expenditure on the sth January, 1845, had been, on account of Debt and Consolidated Fund, 32,862,0001., and on account of the payment then made for the army and navy and other public services, 17,784,0001., making a total expenditure of 50,646,000/., and leaving a sur plus, as it appears on that account, amounting to 3,357,0001—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) At the same time, although that is the actual account, as ap pears on the sth January, et the House will be naturally anxious to have an estimate of the account as it will probably appear on the sth of April next. For the period of which I am speaking, I am of course bound in a matter of this kind to give an estimate rather than a positive statement, but certainly I have every reason to apprehend that the balance, comparing the actual re ceipts of revenue within the year on the sth of April next, with the expenditure, will amount to a sum of above 5,000,000/. for the year.—(Cheers.) The ac counts, to any one cursorily reading the papers which had been presented to the House, might appear rather confused, on account of the ar rangements which are necessary to be made in different quarters for the payment of the public creditor. At one period of the year, taking the year ending on a particular day of one quarter, the charge for the Debt will appear considerably more than the same charge for another year terminating on the same day of another quarter. I cannot trouble the House with the accounts in detail on that point, but I think—taking the estimates as they are ready to lay before the House —I think the House may calculate upon our being in possession, on the sth cf April next, of a surplus of revenue received during that year, as compared with the expenditure, of, at the very least,five millions.—(Cheers.) Now, I know my Right Hon. Friend states that that will not appear on the face of the accounts. For in stance, 2,000,000/. of money have been applied to the pay ment OfExchequer-bills, on account of the opium compen sation. Ido not wish, however, to deal to-night with the intricacies of accounts. I wish to state to the House what is our real practical position with respect to finance, severed from all questions of annual account ; and I think that I am justified in stating that such has been the improvement of the revenue, apart from the property-tax, that the surplus which I have stated, viz., a surplus of at least 5,000,0001, will be the surplus of revenue this year as compared with the last.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) A part of that receipt of revenue is made up from temporary and casual sources. I am now speaking of the actual re ceipt of revenue within that year. About 385,0001. will have been received on account of Chinese money ; there are other small sums from the South Sea Compteny ; and, taking them altogether, perhaps the whole amount received from casual sources will be 500,000/., which we cannot rely on permanently. Of course a portion, and a very considerable portion, of the revenue is derived from the income-tax, which has produced 5,190,000/. If it had not been for the receipt of the amounts from various casual sources, and for the receipt on account of the income-tax, the revenue, which in that case would be derived from ordinary permanent sources, would not quite equal the expenditure. I think the best course which I can now take is, to submit to the House the estimate which has been pre pared by my Right llonourable Friend and my self, of the probable receipt of revenue in the next year. I have no right to assume that this House will sanction the continuance of the income-tax; and I think, therefore, it will be better that I should, in the first place, estimate the revenue, supposing the House should determine not to continue the income-tax. We are disposed to estimate the receipt from the Customs in the year ending the sth of April, 1846.-1 will lay before you the best estimate I can form of the probable receipt up to the sth of April next year, and I am now going to address myself to the prospects of the coming year—that year which will terminate on the sth of April, 1846, as I before stated,—the receipt from the Customs in this year, on the sth of April, may be taken at 22,500,000/. There has been a very large receipt on account of the duty on the import of foreign corn ; but, independently of that, the revenue from the customs has been very large. The experience of past years would induce us not to calculate upon a succession of one productive year after another. Looking, therefore, to the probability that the corn duties of the next year would not be equal to what they were last year, and bearing in mind that last year was very pro ductive in the Customs' revenue, I am not inclined to take the estimate of the Customs' revenue fur the next year at more than 22,000,000/. ; and then the Excise revenue, which was estimated at 13,000,000/. for the past years, reached 13,300,000/. ; and, therefore, I feel myself warranted in estimating that branch of revenue for the next at thirteen millions and a half, because for some time there has been a progressive increase in the Excise revenue ; and we find, by experience, that the Excise revenue recovers more slowly from depression than any other branch. The Excise returns less rapidly than the Customs after a period of depression. But ex perience leads us to believe, that where improvement begins in the Excise, it goes on progressively ; and I therefore feel that I am warranted in estimating the Excise revenue for the year ending the sth of April, 1846, at 13,500,000/. The stamp-duties produced in the last year 7,100,0001. ; and the taxes — that is to say the land-tax and the assessed taxes — produced :4,200,000/. Then, with respect to the Post-office, I feel warranted, from the in crease in the revenue of that department since lastyear, drth and threeasfe of foreign acilitieswh orr ic e hheasondn have recently I feel been warranted in estimating the revenuo of the Post -office for the next year at 700,000/., for the actual produce of last year was 691,000/.—(Cheers f rom t h e O i°." pposit n ) The Crown lands produced 150,000 1 . ; and iwi ll t a k them at that estimate. As to the miscellaneous sources of revenue, I am inclined to take them at nearly the same anount which they actually produced dur- ing the past year that is 250,0001. Now, I have been here speaking of the ordinary permanent sources of revenue, and the net amount of my estimate on these is 47,900,000/. Besides, I cal culate that during the coming year we shall receive 600,0001. on account of China. So that, even if the House should refuse its sanction to the continu ance of the income-tax, I think that I should be entitled to take credit for the half-year's produce of that tax—viz., for 2,600,0001., which will come into the reeeipta of the year ending the Ith of April, 1846. Therefore, with this 2,600,0001., and 600,0001. on account of China, I am warranted upon calculating a clear revenue of 51,100,0001., even if the House should refuse to continue the income-tax. The charge for the debt could of course be calculated. On the sth of April, 1846, the charge for debt will be 28,450,0001., and then you will have the full advantage of that reduction which took place last year on the interest of the Three-and-a-Half per Cents. The charge for debt, funded and unfunded, 28,458,000/. ; the charge on the Consolidated Fund, 2,400,000/., making a total of 30,858,000/. on ac count of the debt. The estimated debt voted last year amounted to 17,700,0001. ; the total charge, therefore, assuming the present system to remain unaltered, would be 48,557,0004 Deduct that sum from the total revenue, that is 48,557,000/. from 51,100,0004, still the surplus on the sth of April, 1846, will be 2,543,000/. I really must, oven at the risk of fatiguing the House, detail these calculations. I hope the House will pardon me for so doing. If you were to deduct from the revenue of next year the receipt of the income-tax and the casual and temporary receipt from Chinese money, and assume that to be the amount of revenue on the follow ing year, ending the sth of April, 1847, and taking the expenditure to be the same, in that case there would be a small deficiency of revenue as compared with the preceding year. The question is, whether or not we are justified in a demand for an increased expenditure on account of the public expenditure, and I feel that it is but right to satisfy the House what our intentions are in making this demand. Ido not hesitate to admit that no financial prosperity—no surplus revenue—relieves the Government from the paramount obligation of con sidering whether it is consistent for the public interest that a saving can be made in the public expenditure. But I do not mean to say that there would be any more justification on the part of the Government for a large and profuse expenditure, when the revenue is in a flourishing state, than there would if it were failing.—(Hear, hear.) I feel that there is the same stringent obligation upon her Majesty's Government to avoid increased—un necessarily increased—expenditure, when there is a surplus of five millions in the Treasury, as when there i 3 no surplus at all.—(Hear, hear.) It is, I know, of the greatest importance that I, and those Hon. Gentlemen who act with me, should perform the duty that devolves upon us, in respect to the public taxation, to remove, within the least possible period that we can consistently do so, such increased taxation as we consider to press with additional force upon the public trade and public interest.—(Hear, hear.) But it is impossible to do this without exercising great care and caution, as to the department in which the public ex penditure is to be reduced.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time, permit me to say that I am greatly afraid that the public are under a very erroneous conception with re gard to what is really necessary for the public expen diture, what that public expenditure actually is, and the means by which it can be safely reduced. It is generally supposed that all portions of the public expen diture which does not consist of payments for the con tinuance of the several public department-, is unneces sary and useless, but such is not the case. If we take the amount of the revenue for the past year, which was 48,243,0001., it will be found to consist of the following chargcs:-28,450,000/. on account of payments to wards the public debt. The sum paid to the naval and military halt-pay amounted to 4,991,0001. The charges fixed on as necessary for the Consolidated Fund was 1,878,0001 In these charges I include the provision necessary for defraying the expenditure of the judicial establishment.—(Hear.) There are, be siles, included in the whole amount of the sum that I have stated as that which will be required for the public service this year, not only the whole sum levied as public taxation, but various other sums. The sum of 35,309,000/, required for the purposes I have already mentioned, if deducted from the 48,000,0001., the amount of the total sum required for the public expen diture, will leave a sttm of about 13,000,000/. for the public service, in respect of which, it is supposed, some reduction may be made.—(llear, hear.) After deducting the amount due to the public creditor, what then remains to be disposed of to meet the expendi ture of the executive Government ? The total amount of that would not exceed 12,933,0001. Among the other charges which have received the sanction of Parliament, is the charge for the Civil List. And hero I may be permitted to say, that any Executive Government that would have a due regard to the exercise of a wise and judicious economy, would not hesitate to follow the example which has been set them by the controul ex ercised over her own expenditure by the Sovereign. A settlement was made of the Civil List on her accession to the throne. On the occasion of her mar riage no addition was made to that civil list.—(Cheers.) It has pleased God to bless that marriage by the birth of four children, which has made a considerable additional demand upon the civil list. In the course of last year three sovereigns visited this country ; two of them were two of the most powerful sovereigns of Europe —the Emperor of Russia and the King of the French.—(Cheers.) Those visits, of necessity, created a considerable increase of expenditure, but through that wise system of economy, which is the only source of true magnificence, her Majesty was enabled not only to receive those Sovereigns in a style of magnificence which excited universal admiration, but without adding one tittle to the burdens of the country.—(Loud cheers.) And lam not required, on the part of her Majesty, to press for the extra expenditure of one single shilling—(lmmense cheers)—on account of these unforeseen causes of increased expenditure.—(Renewed cheers.) I think that it is but due to state this, to the personal credit of her Majesty, who by the exercise of a judicious economy, has been enabled to entertain these Sovereigns with all the magnificence due to her station, and without incurring a single debt.—(Loud cheers.) I know it may' be said that I have not adverted to other sources of reduction in the public expenditure. It may be said that offices might be abolished, and that emolu- ments may bo reduced. I admit that no office ought to be retained which is not necessary for the public service. I admit that no emolument attached to any office ought to be retained which is not necessary to secure the faith ful and efficient performance of the duties necessary for the public service.—(Hear, hear.) On that point we are all agreed. I vindicate no sinecures —(Cheers) — and when an office becomes vacant we go through that process which has been so frequently recommended, of considering if the retention of it is necessary for the public service, and if the emoluments will admit of re duction consistently with a due regard for the public interests.—(Cheers.) Now with regard to the charges for the collection of the revenue, it should be borne in mind that the extent of the revenue establishment is not merely to secure an effi cient collection of the money due to the State, but that it is of the utmost importance that every facility should be given for the transaction of commercial business.— (Hear, hear.) It is our duty.to reduce those establish- molts, as far as it is consistent with public convenience. I do not vindicate the retention of one single useless officer ; but the public is interested in giving to the dis patch of public business every facility that you can give consistently with a due regard to the public safety. and, therefore, so far as the principle is concerned that the revenue ought to be collected at the least possible expense, and that you ought to make every reduction you can, upon that point I apprehend there c an be no difference of opinion. But still, after that admission, you will find that the subject has con stantly occupied the attention of every Government, and that great reductions from time to time have been made. But it would be a delusion and a fallacy to expect that you can generally reduce the public burdens by any diminution of the salaries of the officials employed. At the same time it may be said that those great public establishments fur which a vote is taken every year, and which constitute the main charge on the revenue, independent of the fixed charges—such as the army, the navy, and the ordnance of the country — may admit of some reductions. I, first of all, will state the estimate we propose for the expenditure on account of the army. Now it is impossible to determine whether that expense is justifiable or not, without adverting to the extent of the colonial empire of this country. Now, in point of fact, the main expense on account of the army is the extent of your colonial possession;. You have these colonial dependencies, and to make no provision for the relief of the troops serving in them, will be in consistent with humanity in the first place, and incon sistent with true economy in the other. To lay aside its want of economy, in point of humanity nothing can be more precious than the life and health of a soldier.—(Cheers.) The army thus that you possess is a very expensive and complicated machinery, and you may depend upon it you will not consult true economy if you permit it to be dislocated and deranged by reduc tions without calculation. Now in the year 1792, which has frequently been referred to as tLe criterion of what our military establishments ought to be—in the year 1792 you had 22 colonial dependencies. In the year 1820 you had 34 colonial dependencies, and in the present year, 1845, the colonies, which were 22 in 1792, have increased to 45 at the present time. It is the number of your colonies, and the dispersion of the forces employed in them, that leads to the necessity of frequent relief, and imposes on you, with reference to your army par ticularly, as distinguished from the armies of the Con tinental powers, in order to maintain the efficiency of that force, a considerable annual expenditure. It may be said it is not our advantage to defend our colonial empire, but I deal with the fact that you hare colonies—that you must provide a competent force for each, and that having a competent force, you must have some supply for the relief of them. Sir, I should be un willing—though I know our colonies are expensive— I should be unwilling to give up that policy which led to the foundation in different parts of the globe of dependencies animated by the spirit of Eng lishmen, speaking the English language, and laying the foundation, perhaps, in future times, of important commercial States.—(Hear, hear.) Looking to our own population—looking to its numbers—looking to its en terprise, I cannot say that I think it is unwise to pro vide an outlet for that population and that enterprise. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And though it may be attended at times with something of expense, you must remember, however that may be, the fact that you have at the present moment forty-five colonies, for the military defence of which you must provide. For the service of each of these forty-five colonies you have a force, consisting first, of three battalions of the army, 6,500 cavalry, rank and file, and you have one hundred and twelve battalions of infantry, con sisting, rank and file, of 92,500 men, and that is the amount of the British army with which you are to garrison all these forty-five colonies, with which we are to provide against occasionally internal commotion, and the chance of foreign attack, and to provide also for the internal service of the country. And this is to be effected, and is effected, by an infantry force of 112 battalions, amounting to 92,000 rank and file. Nov, what is the rule established with regard to relief ? The rule is this. That a regiment shall remain ten years abroad, and five at home ; and will any one say that that is an unreason able regulation—that it would be desirable, for the effi ciency of the army, that any regiment in the British service should remain more than ten years abroad, or that it should not have the advantage of remaining five years at home. After their return they generally arrived in such a state that it required some years to bring them to a proper degree of health.—(Hear, hear.) And if her ➢Majesty's Government thought it advisable—that it was consistent with true economy, with humanity and with the efficiency of the service to reduce the military force, it would be their bounden duty to do so. What is the fact with regard to the service of the regiments abroad ? Of 112 battalions in the British service—l am now speaking of infantry of the line—there are twenty-three in India, fifty in the colonies, and four battalions on their passage home, being seventy-seven battalions em ployed in the defence of our colonial empire. You have 35 battalions at home—not, as it is supposed, fur the purpose of restraining, but for the purpose of maintaining, the system of relief. Your rule is five years at home, but ten years abroad, but you have not been able to adhere to it. The military force that you have at home does not enable you to supply the demand for the necessary relief. Now, let me take:' a series of years, from the year 1824 to the year 1842, a period of eighteen years of profound peace—at least, there was during that period no general warfare. There was no interruption to tranquillity from 1824 to 1142, and the number of battalions during that time remained the same. Now, what was the service during that period ? Why, the average service of the whole of the battalions was ten years abroad and five at home. For the whsle of the battalions, therefore, there was fourteen years abroad and four at home.—(Hear, hear.) It might be said that I speak of rank and file, and that there is necessarily a number of officers included. Now, look at the effect of that. You have a number of reduced officers, and what was the effect ? Why, in reducing the officers you would reduce the regiment, and the consequence therefore was that officers must be increased. Now, what was the effect with respect to services in India? There were twenty-three battalions in India, twelve of them whose period of foreign service has been thirteen years. There were four battalions in India whose period of service has been upwards of twenty years; and there is one battalion which has been on foreign service for twenty-three years, which is now returning home, and if you allow it to remain five years at home, and send it out again for ten years, when it comes back it will have been thirty-three years abroad on foreign service and five at home. Now, if you adhere to your own rule of five ood veep y re e nn a md r s ee nn a tt t l y,4oh,ooftmi would dh e a t, end we h t e e ta n i vn egyoenealoryns thirty-fives iasbter consistently ldy with , battalionsyou would their require no less than forty-seven batt a li ons f or I n di a. In at home, and I ask the House whether her Majesty's duty, if after the fact which I have stated, they recom - mended a diminution of the British army? I know that some temporary popularity might be gained by advising that reduction, but when I look to the system of relief, however imperfect those principles upon which it is founded may be, and of the present course at home which is carried into effect, I am bound to say that I don't thi n k it wou ld b e p co o n s idering the great import ance o f our east colo nialsistent with sound policy, or with econo m y, to pro pose—considering empire—a reduction in the military establish ments (near, hear.) I hope the House willf th excuse ecountry.—(Hear, upon our expenditure , becau se , as I said before, I do not feel that any prosperity j us tifies any increase in the ex penditure which can be made. We propose no increase in our military establishments, but, at the same time, we do not think it would be desirable to recommend to the House to diminish the military force of this country. Consequently, we propose that the vote for the army estimates in the present year shall be a vote of 6,600,0002, the amount of last year's estimate. I now proceed to call the attention of the House to the state of the navy, and the, demand we shall feel: it our duty to submit to the House for an increase in the estimate for it. We shall propose, in the course of the present year, an in crease in the number of men serving in the navy, of about 2,500 more than those that are now actually employed, and of about 4,000 more men than those voted last year. I shall make that proposal on the following grounds :—On account of our extended colonial empire, and the new commercial interests con nected with it. There is a growin g necessity for pro tection of our commerce in almost every part of the world. Within the last few years three great naval stations have grown up. There is the coast of Africa, the Pacific, and the China seas. Now I will just compare the number of men employed in these several stations in 1841, with the number of men we felt it our duty to employ; for, really we had scarcely any option to exercise with respect to that employment, in the course of the autumn of last year. In 1841, on the coast of Africa, there were em ployed 690 men. Last year, for the purpose of making a more vigorous attempt for the suppression of the slave trade there were employed on the coast of Africa 2,590 men. In the Pacific, in the year 1841, there were employed 706 men ; in the last year there were, and there are at present, employed, 2,437 men. In the China seas, in 1841, there was only a small frigate. I believe that was previous to the commencement of hostilities ; but our ordinary communications in the China seas were con• ducted by the occasional presence of a small frigate. But after the treaty which we entered into with China, there were employed on the coast of China 2,805 men. We have attempted to make a reduction. Under the China treaty there was a stipulation that we should have one vessel for each of the five ports at which our commerce was to be carried on. We attempted to reduce the number ; we tried to adopt the plan of having steam-boats to pay occasional visits to those ports ; but we were immediately met by the strongest representations from the most eminent au thorities, from Sir Henry Pottinger and his suc cessor, Mr. Davis, earnestly entreating us, in consideration of our new relations, and of the importance of imposing a check upon those who formed those ports, and preventing any infraction of the Chinese laws, immediately to dispatch an additional force; and so convinced were we of the justness of the representations thus made to us, that we at once attended to the demand of Sir Henry Pottinger and Mr. Davis, and sent there an additional force. Comparing the number of men on these three stations in 1841 with the number employed at present, there is now an actual increase of about 6,000 men. The House will recollect what took place last year. I need not remind you of the complaints which wore made, that we had not a sufficient force at that time, but if I had the opportunity I certainly be lieve that I could convince every dispassionate mind that svo could not with safety or wisdom reduce the force that we now have either in China or the Pacific.— i ( s h I w o a a r, nt e li d e a fo r r , a a n n d y c p h u e er pose )rs. of Not,w a ror indeed, opp t r h e a an s s t o increase butnc r e o a u s r e commerce is greatly. extending on the west coast of South America, and it is impossible to deny that the presence of a British vessel has a great effect in maintaining relations of peace.—(Hear, hear.) lam sure that upon those three stations alone there has been an increase in the men employed at such a distance from this country of not less than 6,000 men. You are to observe, too, that the very dispersion of your naval force has an effect like that produced by the dis persion of the army. The necessity of having your naval force dispersed over the habitable globe does, in fact, diminish the efficiency of the naval complement at home.—(Hear, hear.) We propose, therefore, with per fect confidence in the justice of the requisition to increase the naval force of the present year to 4,000 men. The expense caused by that increase will be about 184,0001. I do not vindicate that increase merely on the ground of fiscal arrangements. I say, without hesitation, that I think it is of great importance that this country should have the means of perfecting discipline, of improving its officers, and of keeping at its command a certain num ber of ships of the line.—(Hear, and partial cheers.) I do not believe that it ought to give, or that it would give, any cause for jealousy, if this country should have the command of nine or ten sail of the line.—(Hear, hear.) It is of great importance that we should test the quality of vessels in sailing, and we have no means of doing so unless we send them to sea.—(Loud cheers from Sir Charles Napier, followed by shouts of laughter, in which Sir Robert Peel joined heartily.) Sir, I am afraid that the approbation of the Gallant Officer opposite, will not neutralise the opposition of Honourable Gentlemen around him, who will not be, I fear, so much convinced as he himself is, of the necessity for the in creased expenditure which I am about to propose.— (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Ido not propose this aug mentation of our force with any view to aggression, but because I think it politic that this country should have at its command a few line-of-battle ships.—(Hear, hear.) The increased number of men which I mean to propose is 4,000, and if you attend to the requisitions of our com merce in different parts of the globe, you will find that they will not enable us to have, under any circumstances, more than ten sail of the line at our command. It is impossible also, I think, for this House to overlook the progress made in the perfection of steam navigation.—(Hear, hear.) Last year this House sanctioned a vote for two basins for the construction and repair of steam-vessels--one at Portsmouth, and another at Deptford. I shall therefore propose this year to take a vote for proceeding with the formation of those basins which the House sanctioned last year. The vote I pro pose to ask for is 187,0001.. I shall also take a vote for the purpose of enabling us to maintain the steam navy in a respectable condition suited to a peace establishment. Now, on ac count of the naval service, and of the ordnance con nected with the navy, there will be an increase in the estimates of nearly one million.—(Considerable sensation, much murmuring, and whispers in all parts of the House.) The works connected with the ordnance department have not been recently pursued with sufficient vigour, and we must, at all events, keep those fortifications and works which exist in an ordinary state of repair. The estimate I now present of the total expendi ture of the present year is as follows :—The charge for the Debt, 28,395,0001., the charge for the Consolidated Fund, 2,400,000/, making a total of 30,795,000/. The vote of supply for the army, 6,678,0001., for the navy, 6,936,000/., for the ordnance, 2,142,000/, for the miscellaneous estimates, 3,200,0001., being together, 18,895,000/, and added to the charge for the debt of the Consolidated Fund, 49,695,000/., for tha revenue of next year I will take 51,100,000/. The charges for the present year, 49,690,000/. And, even with this increased expenditure, there would be a surplus on the sth of April, 1846, of between one and [ two millions. An HON. MEMBER on the Opposition benches—The half-year's income-tax ? Sir ROBERT PEEL—Of course the half-year's in come-tax. lam not now estimating the permanent ex penditure of the country. I am stating what would be the state of the finance of the country on the sth of April, 1846.—(1.1ear, hear.) It is quite clear, that if the income-tax were not to be renewed, unless there should be some considerable in crease in the public revenue from other sources, there would probably be a deficiency. I have thus at tempted to lay before the House the present financial condition of the country, and estimated the revenue to the sth of April next, and for the year ending the sth of April, 1846 ; and I have also laid before the House what amount of expenditure her Majesty's Government, with a provident care for the public interests, will feel it their duty to recommend to the House. The next question that arises is—arid it is a most important one—in what manner this increase of expenditure is to be provided for ? Will you run the risk of' curtail ing the revenue for future years, by making no provision for the future, and because that in 1846 the revenue will admit of increased expenditure, we should postpone the consideration of future wants until they come upon us. Her Majesty's Government did not consider they would be doing their duty by acting with such disregard to the future condition of the country. I know it does not conduce to popularity to propose a continuance of taxation, but it is the duty of a Govern ment to consider the prospects of the future, as well as the present exigencies of the country, and if they arc satisfied that the public interest demands a continuance of taxation, even though it may be unpopular, it be comes their duty respectfully to submit to consideration a proposal on that important subject. We are now in duced to propose a continuance of the property-tax for a further period, and before I am led to ask the assent of this House, or any Gentleman in this House, to that pro posal, I feel it is absolutely necessary that I should explain, as I shall now proceed to do, what are the views of her Majesty's Government with respect to the appro • priation of the surplus revenue, which will be placed at their disposal, after fully providing for every exigency of the public service. I know well, as the Noble Lord opposite stated the other night, that it is impossible to give an opinion upon the question, abstractedly, can the property-tax be continued or not, with out knowing what are the measures in respect of relief from taxation, which would follow as a conse quence of its continued imposition. Let me assume, for the present—and I merely assume it for the pur pose of argument, and to make my state ment ; more clear—let xne assume, I repeat, for the present that the House has granted the continuance of the property-tax. I will then give a short estimate of the revenue arising from it, together with other sources. Suppose the property-tax to be continued, the estimate of the revenue for the next year on the sth of April, 1846, aided by the 5,200,000/. of the property-tax, will be 53,700,0001. and as long as the other sources of the revenue remain equally pro. ductive, and as long as the property-tax is continued, 53,700,0001., subject to a reduction of 600,000 L, will be the amount of the revenue. This 600,0001. is the amount received as Chinese money ; it will be received for one year more, but for the purpose of calculating the revenue, I had better strike it out altogether. The re venue for, the year, then, on the sth of April, 1846, will be 53,100,0001. The charge for the debt, and on account of the different branches of the public service, will be 49,690,000/. ; so that there would be left, as long as the income tax should be continued, and deducting the Chinese money, a nett revenue of 3,409,0001. That is the surplus that will remain if the House should acquiesce in the proposal which I shall make to increase the expenditure in the navy, and if they shall also de termine that the income-tax shall be continued. Now it misodaemtloiast i t surplus, u rp o l r u t s 7 e t i. matter any p a f r o t r f c h n s a i t d e s r u a r t p i i s n wha t employed for the relief of taxation. What are the in ducements in the way of the increased efficiency of the public service, and of the diminution of taxation, which I hold out to the House of Commons as a motive to induce them to consent to the continuance of the income tax? I should not propose to the House the continuance of the income-tax unless I had the strongest presumption, partly founded on the experience of past years, that it will be competent to the House of Commons, by continuing the income-tax, to make such arrangements with respect to general taxation, as shall be the founda tion of great future commercial prosperity, and shall materially add to the comforts even of those who shall be called on to contribute to the income-tax.—(Hear.) When the question is, having a considerable sur plus, to determine how that surplus can bo most efficiently employed, the question becomes one worthy of the most important and serious consideration. In the first place, we must consider the claims which may be urged in favour of a reduction of taxation on account of the heaviness with which certain imposts press on ar ticles of consumption.—(Loud cheers.) We have also to consider what taxes press on the raw materials which constitute the staple of the manufactures of the country. We are also bound to consider what taxes cause a great ' increase in the establishments necessary for their col lection, and what are those taxes, the remission of which will enable us to diminish our establishments, so as to enable us to reduce our expenditure. We aro bound also to consider what are those taxes the removal of which will give more scope to commercial enter prise, and occasion an increased demand for labour. —(Cheers.) I will not say which of these considerations .. ought to be the most predomi nant—all ought to occupy our serious attention — all are of the very greatest importance. If we receive the sanction of the House for the con tinuance of the income-tax, we shall feel it to be our duty to make a great experiment with respect to taxation, and we shall hope that the general prosperity which will result therefrom will con tribute to fill up the void caused by the cessation of taxation. We do not propose to maintain any material surplus of revenue over expenditure, confident that, whatever may happen, this House is determined to maintain the publics credit. —(Loud cheers.) We have determined to recom mend extensive reductions in those taxes which, in our opinion, press more onerously on the community than the income-tax. I first propose to take those taxes which are imposed by the Customs duties, and I shall submit to the consideration of the House, on that point, what are the views of her Majesty's Government in re spect to a reduction upon the duty of sugar.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.) The House will recollect that upon this subject last year an arrangement of a temporary cha racter was made, by which sugar, the pro duce of settlers who used free labour, was admitted into competition with sugar the produce of foreign free labour. There was no reduction proposed to be made upon British free labour sugar ; but a proposition was made for the admission of sugar the produce of foreign free labour, which has induced her Majesty's Govern ment to call attention to the subject of the sugar duties generally, with the view to proposing a reduction in them.(Hear, hear.) The amount of a discriminating duty proposed, by which to admit foreign sugar, the produce of free labour, was 10s. 6d. ; and her Ma p jesty's Government now propose to admit to general competition sugar upon the terms to which allusion was made last session. —(Hear, hear.) We also propose the admission to competition of sugar, the produce of free labour in our colonies, upon the same terms as sugar, the produce of free labour, in those foreign countries with which we now have what are called those " reciprocity treaties " that have hereto fore been made.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I beg it may here be understood that I do not now wish to pro voke discussion upon this subject—that would be much better reserved for a distinct discussion upon this subject—(Hear, hear)—but it is important that I should make a general allusion to it in my present statement. The discriminating duty proposed to be established last session was, on free-labour British plantation sugar, 245., and 5 per cent, and that upon free-labour foreign sugar, 345. and 5 per cent.; which would produce, upon the former, a total amount of duty of 255. 3d., and on the latter of 355. 9d. But, in the reductions pro posed last year, it was prcposed to establish a higher discriminating rate of duty on free-labour foreign sugar than we conceived bore a fair proportion to colo nial free labour sugar. Therefore her Majesty's Go vernment came to the conclusion that the circumstances under which the foreign countries producing sugar by free labour, and those of the colonies, were not such as would render such alteration expedient. We stated at the same time that a classification, if it were possible, which would apply to our own sugar as well as foreign sugar, might be well worthy of consideration. Several gentlemen who spoke on the other side of the House contended for pressing the establishment of it, if possible, between the grosser and finer kinds of sugar. He had communications with official persons conversant with matters of this kind, and they certified that it was pos sible, with regard to our own and foreign sugars, to es tablish such a discrimination. We propose, therefore, with regard to all sugars except the produce of our own colonies, to make this reduction. In respect of brown Mus covado sugar, which is now subject to a duty of 255. 3d.,we propose to make a reduction of lls. 3d, and to reduce the duty to 14s.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) With regard to Muscavado sugar, that reduced duty will apply to all British plantation sugar—to sugar the produce of the Mauritius—to sugar the produce of our Wcst Indian Colonies ; and with regard to the produce of those districts in British India, with regard to which a different rule now applies, we propose, in the case of those districts, to retain the same relative pro portionate duty, and that duty shall be 18s. Bd. This is applicable to those countries of India which are permitted to import sugar. We propose that the amount of protective duty shall not exceed 9s. 4d., and the duty on free labour sugar will, therefore, be 235. 4d. Of course, in countries with whom existing treaties are in force, we cannot deprive them of that which is their right. With regard to white, or clayed sugar, or sugar which by some process is made equal to clayed sugar, we propose that the duty on Bri tish Plantation East India Sugar shall be re duced from 255. 3d. to 16s. 4d., and that the duty on sugar imported from India, or those parts of India from which sugar may be imported, shall be 21s. 9d., and that the duty on free labour foreign sugar—that is clayed—shall be 285., thus retaining the whole amount of discriminating duty which last year was 10s. 6d., but applying it in a different manner, giving 9s. 4d. protection on Muscovado sugar, and increasing the protection to lls. 4d. on white sugar. The amount of discriminating duty would remain the same as it was last year. The duty on molasses we propose to preserve in the same proportion. It is necessary that I should make the intentions of the Go vernment well understood. Without going into minute details, reserving them for consideration when the sugar duties come under the attention of the House, we propose to make a further reduction on refined sugar. We propose on refined sugar that it should be imported at a duty of 145., instead of 18s. Bd., and that double refined sugar should be imported under a duty of 215., the 14s. including the 5 per cent. Now, it is important that in the present statement I should state the probable amount of sugar to be derived from the possessions of this country abroad. For the purpose of obtaining information on that subject, we have applied to four independent sources for the purpose of obtaining an estimate of the probable supply of sugar for the next year, and I will now read to the House, with its permission, the estimate that have been formed. The stock of sugar on hand on the Ist of January last was 45,000 tons, and the estimate made by the Customs of the probable production of the British India plantations is as follows :—From the West Indies and the West India colonies, 135,000 tons; from the Mauritius, 40,000 tons ; and from British India, 70,000 tons, being the supply of sugar in the present year, independent of the stock on hand of 245,000 tons. I trust that there may be reliance placed on this statement, as it has been procured from the best sources of information. The first of the other authorities which we have consulted, calcu lated the produce of British plantations at 140,000 tons ; the Mauritius at 40,000, and Britishlndia at 70,000, making a total of 250,000 tons. The second party consulted has not given so flattering an account. They have estimated the produce of British Plantation sugar at only 12,000 tons, the Mauritius at 40,000 tons, and British India at 70,000 tons, making an estimate of 230,000 tons. The fourth esti mate formed independently, as I said before of any communication, is that with regard to British plantation sugar. The estimate for British plantation sugar is 130,000 tons, Mauritius 40,000 tons, British India 65,000 tons—making a total of 235,000 tons. The lowest of those estimates is 230,000 tons, and the highest is 250,000 tons. If you add the highest to the stock in hand, that gives a supply of 295,000 tons ; and if you take the lowest, it will give a supply of 275,000 tons. We consider that the effect of the reduction upon sugar will be, on the whole, a reduction of duty, so far as duty is connected with price, amounting to lid. per lb., or not quite so much as lid. But if you add other charges that accompany a high rate of duty, we think the full effect of the reduction of the duty will not be much short of lid. per lb.— (Cheers.) Because as the duty increases there are charges incidental to that increase. Now I will give, as is my duty, the best estimate we can form as to the pro bable loss to the revenue which will arise from that pro posed reduction. As I said before, we calculate, indepen dent of any supply of free-labour sugar—we calculate on a supply for improving the stock in hand of at least 275,0001 for the present year. The greatest amount of consumption, I believe, has not been more than 207,000 tons in any one year. We think it is probable that the effect of the reduction of the duty may lead to an increased consumption of perhaps 43,000 tons, making a total probable increase—of course these estimates must be general ; but we think the probable increase of the consumption of sugar, in consequence of the reduced duty, will make a total not much short of 250,000 tons. The consumption of British Muscovado sugar to the extent of 160,000 tons, at 145., would give 2,240,000/. The consumption of clayed sugar to the extent of 70,000 tons, would give a revenue of 1,140,000/. ; foreign free Muscovado sugar, 5,000 tons, at 235. 4d., will give a revenue of 116,700/. ; of clayed, or equal to clayed, 15,000 tons, at 285., would give a revenue of 450,0001. As I said before, these estimates are very general, but supposing them to approximate to the truth, the consequence would be that we shall receive from the duty on sugar, in consequence of the reduction, the sum of 3,946,000/. The revenue derived from sugar in the last year was 5,216,0001. There will therefore probably be a loss in the next year of very nearly 1,300,000/.—(Hear, hear.) Now, postponing any discussion on the subject of the sugar duties until the period when it will come imme diately under consideration, I proceed to enumerate the other duties of which we shall propose, as a consequence of the continuance of the income-tax, the reduction or the extinction. It will be recollected that, when the tariff passed, in the year 1842, there were some small duties still retained upon exports from this country-- exports either of raw materials, or manufactured articles so nearly approaching raw materials that they could scarcely be distinguished from them. At the same time it will be remembered that we abolished generally the duties on exports. They were all abolished, with the exception of a few articles, such, for instance, as china-stone, and some others of the same description. We propose to adopt,:as a general rule, the abolition of export duties on all articles of this nature, and from the application of that rule we do not propose to except coal for consumption.—(Hear, hear, and cheers from the Opposition.) I shall, throughout this reduction, be entirely indifferent to any temporary triumph.—(Hear; hear, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) I and my Right Hon. Friend will do that which we believe to be our duty, without caring for such considerations. But, applying this general principle to exports Of .every description, we do not think it would be wise to exempt coal from its operation.—(Hear.) We do think that it will be an important principle to establish that , with respect to all exports there shall be no duty levi able—(Cheers)—and in establishing that principle, we think that coal ought not to be the single exception. I am bound to say, also, that the revenue derived from coal has not equalled our exPeca: tions. We calculated upon an amount of revenue, site' the reduction, of about 160,0001., whereas the net revenue received in the last year has not exceeded 1200' The export of coal has been impeded in consequence of the combination between the coal proprietors, and the has been the main cause why the duty on the exP°rt . has not been equal to our expectations. But I do o°' rest my unwillingness to make coal an exception upon the gronnd of its unproductiveness, but upon the principle which I have stated, that there should be °et duty on exports.—(Hear, hear.) And I must say thai after having removed the burden to which 0: in its export to foreign countries is now subject, the ° trust that the proprietors of coal mines will give to people of this country the full advantage of that red°. tion—(Hear, hear)—for there is an impression-4 do not know whether it is well-founded or not—but there is a very general impression that the price of cosh; set to the metropolis and other parts of this country higher than the price of coals sent to foreign countrlei If that be so, there could be no greater or more peWerle justification for the imposition and continuance Of tieie export duty on coal than the combination of the eoj proprietors to obtain a greater price from the eahje°,,f of her Majesty than is demanded from the subjects "t foreign powers.—(Hear, hear.) I do not think this there could be a greater argument against 100 n; poly than this combination amongst the proprietea. of coal mines.—(Hear, hear.) I trust, tberef°f that this voluntary abandonment by the Government ° the tax which has been so much complained °y h these proprietors will be met by them in a correspondieg spirit.—(Hear, hear.) I hope we shall not hear e erilt ibexfor of two prices—one for the foreigner, and a othitt for the Englishman.—(Hear, hear.) I trust we shallher no more of combinations to restrict the supply of s° °e' cessary an article, and to raise the price. dal Mr. HUME, and other Hon. Members—What - amount ? but Sir R. PEEL—I have said that it is 120,0001 e believe I should say, more correctly, 118,0001 '-ibe Sir, is the loss which we shall have in giving tip; el* export duty on coals. I come now to the duties lev'lls.o on articles of raw material used in manufactureo• oat amount on these is very small. I dare say Pio Gentlemen have referred to the paper whiehdor laid upon the table preparatory to the intr-oe tion of the tariff. The list of articles there opt merated as subject to export duties include Sluca 813 items, and the whole amount of duty le la upon them is about 405,0001. or 410,0001 ow considering the policy of altering fixed duties 16,d be terial question will arise—namely, whether it WO,: r expedient to abolish the duties altogether, or wbet:aeor would be desirable to retain some nominal amount' of of the purpose of protecting and ensuring the acquiswiliet a small revenue ? We have given the et"o.l a great deal of consideration. It is a diffictutorp an important one. It would be absolutely nece,„ " in any event, to retain a portion if we intended the quire into the import of foreign articles ; first, f°l, b• purpose of obtaining statistical information, it would,,o very important to ascertain the weight and the cl" 011 ties of the articles imported, and next, to guard ,fines the possibility of fraud by the articles on of duty is levied coming in as articles free it duty. But, upon the whole Sir, we have artiv"tee • the opinion that it would be desirable—retaining oer power of examination—retaining the power of vo.og taining the quantity and weight—we think, in °too a great reform of this kind in the rest of the C°%-teet6 duties, it would be better to abolish duties altegh-mos° than to maintain them.—(Loud cries of 44 ffear,,j-por from the Opposition benches.) Retaining a OD" O. tion for the purpose of ensuring vigilance nlitair part of the Custom-house officers in aster rob ing the weight and quantity, seems dell it —(Hear, hear.) But if that duty really is "to. to ought to be, merely a nominal duty, it does not °old us that the collection of a merely nominal duty viegi. give that incentive to the vigilance of Custom-11°115w% bi cers, as if the duty were of considerable amount ; ofil abolishing the duties altogether, we should get t be great number of troublesome accounts, which ,n 3 k 11054011 kept if any duty be continued. If fraud be Prae,flo.- eOf appeal must be made to the House, for the P°';-:t oe establishing new precautions ; but I am willing Pieties experiment should be made of abolishing the or of altogether— (Hear, hear) retaining the Pet`tstir examining into weights and quantities, so that tical information should be had, and taking due Pc, if tions against the importation of dutiable article at they were duty free. Observe, it will be a gre, ore' commodation to dispense with the custom e` Pell housing which prevails in London, as goeils as in other towns and cities—warehousing 00011. where the amount of duty is very nor' Upon the whole, not being very confident of ~"" 01- , Dade vise of our calculations, we do feel it our tin, y oecle vise the House to try the experiment which wed to last year with respect to foreign wool, °sepal admit those articles to which I shall Pre found refer without any duty. I am assured, if it ietsblills necessary, that the House will not refuse to re es, DO some of these duties.—(Cries of " Hear, bettr.%, Will articles on which we propose to abolish the de" toete be those generally which are the Wye 4)1 these rials of our manufactures. The list 004 list articles contains 430 specific items, and, 11- to nod will be printed, Ido not think it necessary oettief such a trespass on the patience of °beep, 7 as to read over the whole of too . I think it therefore better to postpone oodierf flute consideration of these articles ti"poet ° opportunity ; but I may state that the total frow the articles that will be absolutely swept oval de th"- tariff will be no less than 430. These will ine'uchwookf fibrous materials, such as silk, hemp, and flal, wh wed, . be admitted at a nominal duty ; yarns tn duty r different kinds. I propose also to abolish tu` jo tilt furniture woods. A great demand is growing tierPhich country for our cabinet-making—(Laughter)a looter./ was highly advisable to encourage.—(Renewed tell s'r The amount of duty at present levied e°,,,e seelea tide is very low, and we think 1,13'01 rule may be applied to it. On 111 entire); vegetable manures the duty will beon ores apt abolished. We propose to remove the duty ,th resPecA minerals, with the exception of copper ore, Which bey: to which an arrangement was made in 1542,17 .14 %ie.: irbo sb'elioehe worked exceedingly well. The duties on in the first stages of manufacture would with t and on all dye-stuffs and on drugs universallf:There sr! exception of some that were very obnoxious. other o°°sl some other articles with respect to which, ent oho pill derations, this total removal of duty will n° fre wl inter e lied I do not propose materially to have op he the general principles which we a to t to the timber duties. With regar has be great article of foreign timber, tlr.„l.°_,tio timbera,, recently a large increase in the import .t -7., hope, t 21, that import is increasing, and, I coefidTl'2. he not lit eventually, the increase will be found Iliuhe swan; short of what I had estimated it el' rse of the 169, received for timber duties during the ?°_vtle is one Paso year is not far short of 950,000/. There out of the ° n tue on special grounds, and which takes it titular article, in relation to the timberlduties, whitnrere category of the timber duties—l Ines te c°ll-(1 • le arias tee eh ben 1, a ease of Pee., staves.lion to this W We uhbajveec tg;i v ewne which have been presented to us on thhaevemo::addeyl.ibae, behalf sof the cmoooperiair and we do think that they have made out tion „ from au! erect liar hardship, entitling them to an ex einPd be cons id An 130 on an article, -which, in point offset, show ering trades,„ as an article of raw material. The eeieer our ownSto been gradually failing of late. Eye!): ore exens_to, sessions, in the export of staves tne.7...,....;ted a formidable competition from the jur''' own VI; The United States now supPlY article. the India colonies with this importante uetice of r'ea. trade of the cooper, too, in c"s q •aily , be onsi; tee' failure in our fisheries, has been The duty levied upon staves, which may facture, h 0 thtber an article of raw material used in mane wbe first pow per cent. He considered, in the mitten .deree P•lt p