The Sun. — London, England, 1851-01-25 00:00:00

they might be carried without difficulty, and carried with results most happy and prosperous for the country. —(Applause.) Now, this meeting to-night was con fined by the Chairman (without whom, in spite of all I have been saying, I am not sure whether we should do anything at all or not)—(Applause)—to the members for the county and borough, and so forth, who should meet together here; and I thought that you would lecture us; but it appears that we have been lecturing you all the evening. Now, daring the last session of Par liament, it will be in the recollection of many here that there were circumstances occurred which caused a little disappointment in some minds.—(Hear, hear.) Men thought that we did not quite sufficiently compre hend and appreciate the virtues of the Foreign Minister, or the absolute necessity of maintaining a Whig Ministry in office. Why, Mr. Dyer said there was 80 or 90 men in 1818 who were in favour of these reforms; quite as many as we have now. But if these 80 men had hap pened to bo on the other side of the Speaker's chair, they would have been much fewer than now; and if these men who now sit as a Government on the right of the Speaker's chair were by some accident sent over to the other side, you would find our 80 or 90 would become upwards of 200. It is not because some 80 or 90 only vote for some measures that therefore those 80 or 90 are all who are on the side of Reform? Those SO or 90 are behind a Government, which is said to be a Liberal Government, and which men who are willing to give men credit for all kinds of virtues eall a Liberal Government. Why, the Whigs in are totally different eat cre atures to the Whigs out.—(Applause.) is quite notorious that the timid, the rather far-seeing of the re spectable classes, have been willing to keep the Whigs in, because they know if they were out there is no kind .of desperate measure which they would not recom mend. And I venture to say, and I would stake any thing upon it, that if the members of the present Cabinet were on the other side of that table which you see when you go into the gallery, there would hardly be a single pro position which Mr. Cobden has proposed, and which any one has seconded or supported, that they . would not have supported with an ardour and a political partisanship which we have never exhibited. — (Applause.) We go there without any expectation of getting titles and places—(Hear, hear)—and thousands a year. Very likely, if we had those expectations our feelings would be stimulated sometimes, and we might be excited to bitter and irritated expressions against our opponents. But there is nothing of that kind in our case. We have no hope of anything of the sort. We sit among some of those who vote with us so con stantly, telling us we do harm, that it is a great deal better not to go into that lobby—that, in point of fact, above all things, if Mr. Disraeli or any of his party should show a spirit of hesitation whether they will go that way or this way, should they propose to go for what is right for once, even though it is our conviction, we must go the other way with the Government, and forget our principles.—( Applause.) I must confess, after all—and there are many of my constituents here, and I hope they will bear it in mind—that my principles are not in the slightest degree affected by my geogra phical position. What I tell you in Manchester, when I have occasion—perhaps sometimes too often—l tell them in the House of Commons, and the principles which I have expounded and advocated on the platform of the Freeetrade Hall, I intend to maintain in the House of Commons.—(Loud applause.) And if I should happen occasionally to run athwart the opinions, convic tion-, or prejudices of any of my fziends , I hope that they will give me credit for being sorry that I am obliged to differ with them; but that I am endeavouring, I be lieve, to serve their true interests by maintaining the consistency of my character and by upholding those principles which were not concealed from them when I was elected. and which I cannot play any tricks with and conceal to please any party w hatsoever.—( Loud applause.) I believe there is nothing more essential for the progress of freedom in this country than that you should have an independent party in the House of Commons. Oh, there are lamentable things seen in that House ! (" Hear," and laughter.) Everything is to be forgotten for the sake of keeping a Government in or a party out, and the most visionary dangers are conjured up—dangers really hardly surpassed by the Prince de Joinville's invasion or the Papal aggression—but these things are raised up before the eyes of affrighted Mem bers of Parliament, and they are really not able to see their course clearly how they should vote and how they should act. Now, even though we should sometimes go wrong, even though we should occasionally vote against the Government, when you may think that with out abdicating our position or principles we might have voted with them, bear this in mind—that whatever slight error we may at any time commit (and I confess our liability to error), that error is abundantly compen sated for by the existence of some 50 or 100 men in the House of Commons who have a regard to the opinions of their constituents, or (what is even a far better guide) to the principles which they have learnt, which they have taught, and which they value. It is far better for the country that there should be such a party, than that any Ministry that ever existed in this country should be kept in office.—(Loud cheers.) I believe there is no good and honest measure, even though not going so far as we would go, but going in the direction of the prin ciples we hold, which we have not constantly supported and wherein we have not constantly defended the Go vernment. We shall take all the pains in our power, when they bring in an Irish Franchise Bill, that it shall not be made a worse Bill, and that it shall pass, if it be in our power to make it pass. It would be far more saisfactory to be on the most intimate terms with Noble Lords and Right Honcurable Gentlemen who sit down below where we sit and speak; but that is not pre cisely what we were sent there for.—(Loud cheers.) If there had been no men in Parliament but those who trembled for the fate of a Ministry, where would have been the liberties that you have already achieved; and where would have been your freedom to import corn at this very hour?—(Prolonged cheering.) Now, all I ask is, that you should trust us.—(Renewed cheering.) You have had some experience of us—an intimate experience of ten years past. I trust you so far as to dare to vote in the teeth of any uproar that may be made down here, in accordance with my own convictions, knowing that the men in this district, if I know aught of them, will at least, when they have calmly considered the circum stances, be able to give me credit for having taken an honest and independent and conscientious course; and having taken that, I am sure they will not condemn me when Income before them again.—(Repeated plaudits.) During this session that is now about to open, there may be points—anxious and difficult and unpleasant points— that will rise up. Well, all I ask is, that you should give us credit for doing the best we can under the circum stances in which we are placed. Ido not think we have lost the respect of the Government, or their regard, in any particular whatever, by any course that we have taken. There is not one of that Government who would charge us with any kind of factious or improper proceedings with regard to them. We give them credit whenever we can; our tendency is to do so; our sympathy for their past career—for the past career of many of them, leads us to do it. We have no interest whatever in doing other wise; and, as they give us credit for an honest course, I trust that you, and all those throughout the country who may consider us at all representative of their views, will give us credit for an honest course in what we do, and that, at least, will be some compensation for the toils and the anxieties which are inseparable from public life.— (Mr. Bright sat down amid enthusiastic applause, the meeting rising to do him special honour as they cheered the conclusion of his speech.) Mr. RICHARD COBDEN, M.P., who was received with great applause, spoke as follows .—When I entered this room I was not quite aware of the character of the pre sent meeting; but when I locked around upon the countenances of the gentlemen assembled, I perfectly understood its eharacter. It comprises, I can vouch for it from personal knowledge, the pith and marrow of the Reform and Free-trade party in South Lanca shire. It comprises men who worthily represent those who cannot be present in this room—men without whose co-operation no election can be carried in South Lancashire, Manchester, or Salford, and against whose opposition it is equally important to know that no victory can be won. lam glad to have had the op portunity of beholding the cordial, kind, _and flattering reception with which you h ave ,ament. greeted those who repre- They are the men who stand se nt you in Paru the brunt of abundance of abuse ; they have to meet de traction coming professing from your own c i ty , and to express your own sen timents. T he shafts of calum ny, the base insinuations o f base moti ves , are continually flung at them—those unfair weapons of political warfare which are never resorted to except when men, are either conscious of a bad cause or actuated solely by personal pique and spite.—(Hear.) It is right, therefore, when they have to bear the brunt of such attacks that they should, when they meet you, receive the reward which you bestow upon them. But I, for nay part, come here not to answer to you for my conduct in Parliament, nor to share in the tribute of respect and gratitude .. which , you have b es t owe d upon them; it is as a listener and spectator that I rise her e, at past ten o'clock, to say a few words. This has been called a meeting to over a ll sorts of subjects. Now going I am not to deal i n va gue generalities, nor range the wide topi cs of political controversy. I will say, cer tain task in public life. g enerally , suc ceeded in the free...trade that after we , thought t e I set myself a cer of free tra de that the natural and I rst to collateral consequence endea vour to give the people, along with ph w ys a i n a ct e l comfort and prosperity, improved intellectual vantages. I thought that the country a t. which mo h ral ad ad. bar gained for itself to enter the lists of com pe tition with the o g ut only for a wide world, seeking no favour, but fair field and free competition, would set abort econo mise its resources and attempt in every way to mi tigate to !cono a load of taxation which must impede the career of nat i on which is unduly taxed in its competition with ion with more favoured countries. I thought that when he ha d s a id, o We offer to trade with the whole wor ld , and w e invite the whole world to trade with us," that by that very declaration we told the wide world we sought peace and amity with them.—(Hear.) I set myself the task of endeavouring by every effort I could bring to bear t o stand prominently forward as the advocate of education, peace, and retrenchment. Whilst upon all these subjects we have met with keen opposition, and upon two with obloquy and derision, I see progress making and made which will encourage me to persevere to the advocacy of these principles with renewed and re doubled eflorts.—(Cheers.) I find education assuming a prominence and importance, even by the Omission of those who, until lately, have been opposed to it in every form, that cannot leav e a d oubt upon my mind that public opinion will be brought to bear on that topic w ith such irresistible force that ere long we shall f i n d a ' 7 ibitApn for this, which is one o f . --hlease of our social existence' the most di ffi cult pro ' - orpeitsa, even in the eyes of thoselwfihnodleave that u the question ,-so' ridicule its advocates, has becomeou i n the Free Trade r leadinger attempts p of s • , t garg I find that what I told y re joist three years ago, that we might live to see the • . _ Buie eatien the expenditure which sufficed for 1835 would . Fame again, is in process of being realiz e d. We have -~.~ IrT7 er ,~.;, already made such progress that some four or five mil lions of reduotion in our expenditure has taken place. — (Cheers.) I have no doubt that further retrenchments are going on at this present moment. As fiscal ques tions will engage a good deal of attention in the ensuing Parliament, I would have you rigorously to draw a distinction between two questions which are very often jumbled together, causing great confusion in the public mind—l mean the difference between a surplus caused by an increased revenue, and a surplus caused by reduced expenditure. The Government comes forward with a suplus of 2,000,0001. arising from an increase in the re ceipts of the various existing taxes; and the Govern ment is then too apt to take credit to itself for the great merit of having created a superabundant revenue. They do not tell you—and you are too apt to forget it—that this surplus is merely the effect of your having given out of your pockets 2,000,0001. more into the hands of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in one year than you did in the last year; and then the Chan cellor of the Exchequer tells you, " I have two millions more than I estimated, I will return it to you." But I wish that when the Chancellor of the Exchequer brings forward his budget you would examine critically the amount of the redaction of his estimates for the next year's expenditure as compared with the estimates of last year.—(Hear, hear.) The surplus that is now being estimated is upon the present year's estimates; I want to see the next year's estimates and the budget, that we may judge of the Government by their esti mates, and not by any revenue they may have reached. —(Cheers.) I have not since the close of Parliament addressed any audience upon general political topics. I have addressed peace meetings, I have addressed meet ings of freehold-land societies, I have addressed educa tion meetings, but I have not addressed a meeting where so wide a range of discussion and observation has been permitted as is now open to us in this assembly. I very much regret it, because I should like to have said a few words upon a controversy which has been raging in this country for two or three months, and which I should be guilty of cowardice, seeing it is always my practice to deal with the prominent topics of the day, not to refer to. I speak to you only as a politician. For the last two or three months there has not been a calm in this country. We have heard of a great political calm, but there has been no calm. On the contrary, there has been an agitation. It has, I admit, been mainly sectional; but it has been wide-spread, and it has occupied almost exclusively the attention of the leading public prints. I need not tell you that the question is that which is called " The Papal aggression." The remark I wish to make is, that the discussion cf this topic has overlaid, arrested, and smothered for a time every political topic. In this coun try the public mind entertains but one subject at a time; therefore the discussion of this topic as a political topic has prevented the public mind from occupying itself upon k fiscal questions and questions affecting reform in the representation, and other questions which politicians have had for many years at heart, so that we approach the meeting of Parliament without the opportunity being afforded or taken by the country of signalling to the Government the views they take, upon these questions. I wish you to bear in mind that when we meet in Parliament our time will then, I fear, be very much occupied with the discussion of this same question; for if we may believe the Rev. Hugh Stowell in what he told us at a very large assembly, every political, social, fiscal, or reformatory question must be suspended until this one great question be settled by the House of Commons.—(Applause.) What I want to ask is—" Is this a question that can be settled by politicians?"—(Loud cheers.) I may settle it in my own mind as a Protestant, and as a Protestant I may have my opinions. But I want to ask, if there is any reason why religious questions should net be removed out of the domain of politics, the same as in the United States of America? Lord Carlisle, when he honoured himself by caning out of the Cabinet to deliver an ad dress to the Mechanics' Institution of Leeds, made a remark which, coming at the time it did, I think expressed more than words would entirely do, when he said, "I confess I do envy the complete toleration which exists in the United States. —(Loud cheers.) In the United States the Pope may appoint bishops wherever he pleases; he may parcel out that vast continent into as many dioceses as he pleases; ho may send as many cardinals as he pleases; and no ' matter by what pompous phraseology all that be done, the United States' politician, or the United States' Legislature at Washington, would be perfectly indif ferent to it all, Why cannot we, in this country, as politicians, leave with the same security to private and individual judgment the settlement of this question, as it is in the United States? Is it that we are so ignorant, or that we are so liable to be misled? Then I say lot us look sharp and follow the advice given by Mr. Law • rence, the American Minister, and educate ourselves. — (Loud cheers.) But lam told that the reason is that we have a State Church in England. Well, but does a State Church render the people of this country less able to protect themselves, by their own unaided judgment, knowledge, and sound sense, from aggression? Are the people less able to protect themselves against error be cause they have a State Church? Will that be the con fession? No. But the State Church has been made the obstacle, or attempted to be made the obstacle, in every parish, to the promotion of the same liberality that exists in America, and against every proposal with regard to liberty, whether civil, religious, or commercial.—(Loud applause.) We are and • have ' been continually tempted to be obstructed by the cry of "The Church in danger;" yet in every case the parti sans of the Church have found their predictions singu larly falsified. After the repeal of the Teel and Corpo ration Act—after the accomplishment of Emancipation— after the Reform Bill was severed—there was the same cry; but I believe it will be admitted, by both Church men and Dissenters, the Church never was so active and prosperous, never were so many churches built, and never had the Establishment greater authority than after the last of those great reforms down to the present day. Where, then, are the grounds for fear en the part of Churchmen for the security of the Church? Ido not stand here as the advocate or the partisan of the Roman Catholic body. As a politician I do not presume to afar my opinions on the faith of any man. But I may be allowed to say that I am no friend to the organiza tion of the Roman Catholic body. It is too subduing to the intellect, and too centralizing for me. But at the same time let the Roman Catholics living in England judge for themselves, not only of their own faith and motives, but of the mode in which they have looked up to the organization that will follow religious teaching.—(Loud cheers.) Why should you dictate to Roman Catholic bishops whether they govern by a cardinal, an archbishop, or diocese? Thoy do not come to me as a politician to ask me to give force and validity to their titles, or to give them stipends out of the public purse. What right have I, then, as a politi cian, to come before a public meeting, or to get up in the House of Commons, to say a word upon the subject of their faith, or on the polity of the Roman Catholic Church?—(Hear.) We shall be told, pretty often no doubt, that unless Government interferes the privileges and prerogatives of the Queen of England will be in vaded by the Pope—not by Cardinal Wiseman. Cardinal Wiseman is a British subject; he cannot invade the pre rogative of the Crown without being guilty of high trea son; and if he is so guilty, let him be tried by law. But what prerogative has been invaded by the conduct of the Pope? Not the temporal prerogative. Why, the Pope has at this moment in his army a few thousand French and Austrian troops; and I have it on the best authority that if these troops were removed dire would be the dismay and speedy the flight of the whole body—Pope and Cardinals.—(Cheers and laughter.) It is not, then, the army of the Pope that is to threaten the temporalities of the Crown. Aro the temporal pre rogatives threatened by sea? You may have a list of the entire naval force of the Pope—it amounts I to two gun brigs and a schooner.—(Laughter.) Put one quarter of an effective service on the coast of Essex, it would be quite suffi c i en t to guar d t h e whole island, against it. We are told, however, that the spiritual do minion of the Queen is to b e p er illed. Now, are we as politicians, who are called upon to vote money for ordnance and for shot and shell, to meet and repel the aggressive enemy that meets us with similar weapons— are we to forge the spiritual artillery with which we are to meet this aggression ?—(Cheers.) If we are, I beg you to consider how capitally we are suited in the House Of Commons for that purpose.—(Loud cheers and laugh ter.) Admitting, if you please, that we are the great majority of us eminent for our piety, how are we con stituted?—(Laughter.) Are we all Churchmen, owning to the spiritual authority of the Queen? Why, about 40 or 50 of us are Roman Chatholic; and, mark me, you will have a great many more Roman Catholics returned from Irelavd at the next election.—(Hear, hear.) We have an Independent or two, we have three or four Unitarians, and we have a Quaker I am happy to say, and I wish we had a good many more—(Great applause) —and we have a prospect of h av i ng a JeTe•—(Hear, hear, body and d menlau laughter.) t e u r p . )b uphold the Queen's Now, is not that a very nice , supremacy as head of England's Church ? If you wanted to give us a task in the House which should • last till Doomsday, then give us the task of settling the question of Papal aggre ssion .—( Cheers. ) I say, giv e it to the politicians settletii- if you want it never to be settled at all. As ha s been w ell expressed here by Mr . Bright, politicians have be en at the work already for 40 6 or 500 years. They have tried every available means; they have tried fire and faggot, and then came the penal l aw s which went every length short of extermination. What has been the tendency of the last century? Con stant relaxation, a tendency more and more to religious toleration. What has peen the course taken by the leading statesmen of this country? W hy, to their honour be it said, the greatest and most illustrious states men of the last sixty years were so far in advance of the latent bigotry existing in the country, that they were ready to sacrifice their fame, they were willing to forego place, patronage, everything which statesmen and poli ticians hold most dear, rather than lend themselves to the continuance of a system which I very much fear there are men now in the Cabinet who owe all their dis tinction in public life to having been identified with the principles of toleration to which we are constantly more and more progressing, w h o are now r eady to sully their fair fame, and belie, I had almost said, the whole of their p as t politicalthe political on entering into political season of 1851 . — (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I en treat you to remove this question of religious opinions —remove it out of the domain o f not only t o ma k e politics if you wish, progress in those questions which we cannot delay, but if you wish to prevent policy. It will not end i n a merereturn a retrograde of religious monopoly, but will b e certainto the parties you into a retrograd e trac k i n questions affecting conduct temporal interests, and f or w hi ch many of those our fancy themselves sincer e are now lending their " who " I when they raise this cry f or re li g i ous intolerance l agree with Mr. Gibson completely, that if this country suffers one step backwards in the career ofreligious to leration, you are endangering yourselves in questions on questions on which you feel most nearly interested.—(Hear, hear.) I never felt the slightest doubt in the world come across my mind on the subject of retaining every thing we hive gained in the way of social improvement THE SUN, until I saw the account of a county meeting in Essex, which has had its counterpart nearly in every part of England, and at which Sir John Tyrell was one of the most prominent actors, when he called for three cheers for Lord John Russell.—(Cheers.) Look at the actors throughout the country in this present movement against what is called the Papal aggression. Who are they ? Have you seen those men advocating the repeal of the corn-laws?—(Hear, hear.) Have you not seen, in every case, that the most prominent actors in these county meetings are the men who resisted the establishment of that principle of commercial reform?—(Hear, hear.) When I ask you if by any accident—such accidents as may happen in our constitution—we are precipitated at any moment—when I ask those who agree with me upon the subject of commercial freedom, and generally upon questions of liberal policy in secular affairs—when I ask them to answer me this guostien,—Suppose a general election were to take place, and those who are prominent in opposing religious toleration succeeded—and I am not sure that they would not succeed—in returning to Par liament a majority for re-enacting the disabilities and restrictions upon Roman Catholics—would not that be a majority that would either tamper with the corn-laws or take care to indemnify themselves for what has been taken from them?—(Cheers.) It is so; and those who are acting have not been so discreet in this case as to conceal their belief in the possibility of retrieving their monopoly. I say to those who have generally been favourable to commercial freedom—who have been, in fact, friendly to civil and commercial freedom, and who join in this cry, and lend themselves to the support of this party who are in favour of religious restrictions—l say they would, in my opinion bring back on themselves commercial monopolies and political monopolies; and I say to them as inconsistent men—for I don't address myself to those who oppose freedom in every shape, but those who are eenerally with us in advocating civil and commercial freedom—l say if they gain the triumph of religious in tolerance, and if they gain along with it a monopoly in food, as well as political institutions, they richly merit their fate.—(Loud cheers.) But there is ono thing that has been said by those who preceded me—they have alluded to the bigotry, and fanaticism, and ignorance, which prevailed fifty years ago among the mass of the people of this country. Now there is one symptom, and almost the only symptom, which has consoled me in this agitation for religious disabilities, and it is this—the calm, passive, and, in many respects, contemptuous silence and indifference with which it has been regarded by the great mass of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) If the same tumults had occurred fifty or sixty years ago, owing to the then ignorance and bigotry of the mass of the people of this country, half the Roman Catholic chapels would have been in flames, and half their oc cupants lives in danger.—(Hear, hear.) And I thank the demonstration only for this—that it has given me, more than anything • else, a conviction of the great progress that has been made in real intelligence by the great mass of the people, especially in the north of England. I will not say so much of the south. And I cannot say much of the corporation of London. — (Cheers and laughter.) Why, only think of that cor poration professing to represent the city. Only think of it! Last year setting itself up and agitating in a fer ment of enlightened intelligence and patriotism in favour of religious liberty to the Jews. When has there been such a spectacle, even so absurd a spectacle, exhibited as that which was shown, when the London corporation took that great gingerbread coach, the pattern of 200 years ago, and clothed themselves in that Bartholomew Fair dress of theirs, and took a man with a fur cap, whose pattern dates back, I believe, five centuries, with a long sword in his band, and all the other sot of the paraphernalia of the corporation of London, and went down by the railroad to Windsor in order to present an address to the Queen in order to put down — Popish mummeries!—(lmmenso cheering and laughter.) If you want to see mummeries, go and see the Lord Mayor's procession. I have seen the grand ceremonies in the Vatican at Easter; I have seen the most gorgeous re ligious processions the Church of Rome can boast of; but I never saw anything half so absurd or half so offensive to intelligence or common sense as the mummeries in which the c srporation of London indulge in every year. —(Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, lam glad to say of the north of England that the mass of the people here have not joined in this intolerant outcry.—(Hear, hear.) I only regret that circumstances have prevented this meet ing from being held in the Free-trade Hall, that I might have heard the cheer which I should have had from 5,000 auditors in expressing the sentiments I have just enunciated. Now, gentlemen, only one word more— as a politician again, but not as a party politician, if you please. Something has been said about conduct or misconduct during the last session. I don't come here to answer to you, because I have not the honour of representing most of you. But this I will say, I am exceedingly tolerant of every Member of the House of Commons who strains a point to vote with the Govern• ment, because he has been some 15 or 20 years lon ger in the political arena than I have been. I believe my friend Mr. Brotherton, for instance—(Cheers) —aims as much at benefiting the mass of the people in this country, in every form which he can do it, as I do— (Cheers)—but I believe Mr. Brotherton has a stronger sentiment of reliance on and sympathy towards the pre sent Government than I have; and it is easily accounted for. Mr. Brotherton entered Parliament after the pass ing of the Reform Bill and shared their struggles in ob taining that Bill, which I still regard—notwithstanding what lir. Dyer said—a great progress in political reform. He shared all their struggles in carrying that Bill, and it is natural that he should have those sympathies. But I will say this in vindication of myself, that I entered somewhat at an advanced time of life for a man who has taken up the discussion of a public question, and I d;d it resolved to devote my labours to the solution of that question, without reference to the temporal interests or conveniences of any existing political party. And the result of that agitation in the cans of the corn-laws has convinced me that if anything is to be done in this country for the great mass of the people, if you are to succeed in establishing any reform of mag nitude, it can only be done by the people out of doors, and in the House resolving to do that one thing, and totally disregarding the existing political parties in that House. I desire to see some thing accomplished. I have set myself the task of ac complishing certain things, and among them the one most dear to my heart is the advocacy of a more peace ful and conciliatory policy in the intercourse of nations, I would especially say, the intercourse between this country and weaker nations. If you want to wound my 1 principles most acutely, it will be to show me England violating the principle of conciliatory and humane po licy when it has to deal with a weak power, which is like a child in its grasp. I look upon inhumanity, rude ness_or violence on the part of England towards a power less state like Greece with additional resentment, just as I should regard that man as a coward as well as a despot who molested and ill-used a child. Feeling, then, that my principles were violated in the case of Lord Palmerston, in the Greek affair, I voted against him on that occasion, and I should do so again, if 10,000 seats in Parliament depended on the issuing of my vote.- -(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, let me give one word of advice to those who are in Manchester or else where, and take up a hasty conclusion against some of our Members, with whom you generally agree, and in whosejudgment and sagacity you have some confidence, to beware how you take side against them merely because you see in certain public prints a certain line of policy argued. Give them credit for being wary—they have a better opportunity of sifting public men than you have.—(Hear, hear.) A man must be a fool if he does not know better after being in Parliament seven or eight years, and sitting in committee with nearly all the Members, and hearing their motives when they arc dis closed, not ou the public arena, but when they are chatted over by their own friends in private.—(Hear, hear.) Depend upon it your Members will have rather better opportunities than yQu will have of judging of the conduct of public men. And if you happen to think that Lord Palmerston, although he did try to maintain a fixed duty long after Lord Aberdeen had be come the advocate of total repeal and untaxed bread— if, notwithstanding certain other symptoms, I could mention that Lord Palmerston is not the champion of liberty that you suppose—if, I say, notwithstanding you have an impression in favour of Lord Palmerston, and if your Members come to a different conclusion, why, give them credit for the same honesty of purpose and intelligence with yourselves; and bear in mind that they have the better opportunity of forming an opinion than yourselves. I have no desire to stand out singu. larly in my vote. As was well expressed by Mr. Bright, it is a very unpleasant thing to do so ; and it would be far more agreeable to make companionship with those men on the Treasury benches, instead of treading on their toes, and poking them in the ribs, and making them uncomfortable. Is it any satisfaction to me, do you think, that Lord Palmerston's organ, the Globe, has denounced me, over and over again, as a dis appointed demagogue, and burled language at me which no other journal—the Times for instance—has ever le velled at me? I know perfectly well that on the Man chester Exchange, and the Leeds Exchange, and the Liverpool Exchange, where the Globe paper is taken, and that being a Whig paper, when persons see it speak is such terms of the Member for the West Riding, they are apt to think there must be a great deal in it, and that the Member must be making himself especially ridiculous in the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) lam not a disappointed demagogue; if ever there was anybody who ought to be satisfied with his public career, it is I.— (Enthusiastic cheering.) I thank you for giving me the only response which could relieve me from the imputation of great egotism in saying so.—(Renewed cheering.) Well, as I said before, my position is not the same as that of Mr. Broth er t on . I h ave li ve d so l ong that I whichTo y. th l e c T an c n r o ie t s find fro a m d v o L c o a r t d e cannot see the line o f d emarcat i on b etween Whig and s d e o e w oo h t at od p v r o in o c a i t p o l . e t i he John Russell, in th e H ouse o f Commons, not simply greatimpatience, b u t petu l ance, an d I had almost said great insolence, in his dealings, particulary in the re- marks he has made to our friend Mr. Bright—who I am sure is very indifferent to the remarks themselves —but they are sufficiently i mportant i n indicating the tone y. ear the man supposed t o b e t h e leader of our part —(II of .) I must confess, that in regar d to fiscal matters, lam bound to say I believe the O ppos i t i on party would do quite as much in the way of retrenchment as the Whigs. lam not sure that they would not d o more . I believe Sir James Graham, for instance, would show less sub serviency to the Duke of Wellington in military ar rangements, than Lord J. Russell or Lord P a l merston. I believe in colonial policy; while Sir R. Peel resolutely re fused to add another acre to our tropical possessio ns , th e present Government are taking possession in Asi a , as well as Africa, of tracts of tropical territory whi c h, I believe, notwithstanding anything that may be said t o the contrary by the Manchester Association, ' are only calculated to entail additional expense upon us, instead of benefiting us, ss a free-trading community. And I fear that next session we shall be placed in a still wors e dilemma. If we are to believe the reports that Lord John Russell, instead of being the champion of religious liberty, is going to embark in a crusade against religious freedom, I shall then find myself still further alienated LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 25, 1851. from the present party. But this I say—if I cannot say that I have at least the liberty of voting in the House of Commons for something different to that which now ex ists—if I cannot hope to Bee some change and some reform—at least if I am not allowed the free advocacy of my own opinions for some distinct principle different from that which is now the rule of conduct with Whig and Tory—why am I to be sitting up till twelve o'clock every night in the House of Commons? This " disap pointed demagogue" wants no public employment; if I did I might have had it before now.—(Cheers.) I want no favour, and as my friend Bright says, no title. I want nothing that any Government or any party can give me; and if I am in the House of Commons at all, it is to give my feeble aid to the advancement of certain questions on which I have strong convictions. Deprive me of that power; tell me I am not to do this because it is likely to destroy a Government with which at the pre sent moment I can have no sympathy, I say, then, the sooner I return to printing calicoes, or something more profitable than sitting up in the House of Commons night after night in that way, the better both for me and my friends.—(Hear, hear.) I have come here, then, merely to renew personal acquaintances, or rather, anxious by a short sojourn in this neighbourhood and in Yorkshire not to lose old acquaintances which I highly prize and value. I come, moreover, in order to have an opportu nity of testing the current of public opinion a little and sounding its depths, to sea whether it be an unusual tide or a steady, permanent stream. I think this meeting has demonstrated to me that, whatever has existed in other parts of the country, here at least there is no re action.—(Loud cheers.) And if we are found true and faithful to our recorded opinions, you in Lancashire, and I hope my friends in Yorkshire, will always be found true to their principles. (Mr. Cobden sat down amid loud and long-continued cheering.) NOTICE.—THE SECOND VOLUME of PEPYS ' DIARY, cllEar RE-ISSUE, price 6s. - _ Will be READY with the Magazines, January 31. This complete Edition of Pepys' celebrated " Diary and Corres pondence," containing al! the passages restored 'from the original manuscript, and all the additional notes, will be published in Five Monthly Volumes, post Bvo., with Portraits, &c., price only 6s. each, bound. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. James Anderson. THIS EVENING, Will be presented by her Majesty's Servant 7th time, a new Comedy, called, THE OLD LOVE ANI) THE NEW. Sir Algernon Courtoun, Mr. Cooper; Major Stock, Mr. Emery; Captain Sidney Courtoun, Mr. J. Anderson ; Mr. Ilaythorn, Mr. Barrett ; Miss Trimmer, Mrs. Ternan ; Camilla Ilaythorn, Mrs. Nisbett ; Cherry Bounce, Mrs. Walter Lacy. After which an entirely New Grand, Historical, Emblematical, Acrostatical, Gastronomical, Metaphorical, Musical, Poetical, Vocal, Municipal, Juvenile, Pantomical Pantomime, by E. Fitzball, the po polar author of " Za-ze-zi-zo-zu," entitled HARLEQUIN and HUMPTY DUMPTY; or, Robbin de Bobbin and the First Lord Mayor of Lun'un. Private Boxes, V. 35., 2/. 12s. 6d., 2/. 25., I/. I ls. 6d., and I/. Is. To be obtained on application at the Box-office ; Mr. Sam's Libarary, St. James's-street ; Messrs. Mitchell Ebers and Co.; Andrews and Alcroft, Bend-street; at Jullien's Music Warehouse, Regent street; Chappels, New Bond-street; Leader and Cocks, 63, New Bond -street; Ilansford and Co., New Bond-street; and Bailey and Moon, Carlton Library. 12, Regent-street. Stalls, ss. each. First Price—Dress Circle, ss. Od. ; Boxes, 4s. ; Pit. 2s. 6d. ; Lower Gallery, is. ; Upper Gallery, 6d.. Second Price at Nine o'Clock—Dress Circle, 2s. 6d. ; Boxes, 25.; Pit, Is. 6d. No Half-price to Upper or Lower Galleries. The Box-office open from I I till 4. It is respectfully intimated that seats in the Boxes cannot be reserved after the First Act of the Play. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. Mr. B. Webster, Sole Lessee and Manager, Old Brompton. THIS EVENING, Will be performed EVERY ONE HAS HIS FAULT. Lord Norland, Mr. Rogers; Sir Robert Ramble, Mr. Davenport ; Solus, Mr. Buckstone; Placid, Mr. Howe; Irwin, Mr. Stuart; Lady Elinor, Mrs. Warner; Mrs. Placid, Mi,s P. Horton; Miss Wooburn, Miss Re) nolds. After which a new translation of THE SECOND CALENDAR and the QUEEN of BEAUTY who bad the Fight with the Genie. Principal characters by Messrs. J. Bland, Selby, Lebarr, Buckstone, Mrs. L. S. Buckingham, Mrs. Fitzwilliam, Miss P. Horton, and Miss A. Romer. To conclude with ➢IRS. WHITE. Peter White, Mr. H. Bedford THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI. Under the direction of Madame Celeste. THIS EVENING, Will be performed an entirely new grand Drama, n 3 acts, entitled nELPIIEGOR THE MOUNTEBANK; or, The Pride of Birth. Duke de Montbazon, Mr. Hughes ; Count de St. Cyr, Mr. Boyce ; The Chevalier de Bolac, Mr. 0. Smith ; Guillaume, surnamed Bel phegor, Mr. B. Webster; Ajax, alias Mr. Merryman, Mr. Wright ; Captain Puiferes, Mr. Worrell ; Madellenc, Madame Celeste ; NBA Flora Aphrodite Stilz, Miss Woolgar. To be followed by a now Extravaganza called LA TARANTULA ; or, the Spider King. Characters by Messrs. Wright, P. Bedford, 0. Smith, Miss Woolgar, Miss E. Chaplin, Miss K. iitZWillialla, Madame Celeste, &c. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. OXFORD-STREET. Under the Management of Mr. C. Keam and Mr. Keeley. THIS EVENING, Will be performed the Comedy of TLIE PRISONER OF WAR. Characters by Mr. C. Kean, Mr. Keeley, Mrs. C. Kean, and Mrs. Keeley. To be followed by THE LOAN OF A LOVER, in which Messrs. J. Vining, Addison, Keeley, and Mrs. Keeley will appear. After which a new Comic Christmas Pantomime, called ALONZO THE BRAVE AND THE FAIR IMOGENE ; or, Harlequin and the Baron all covered with Jewels and Gold. Clown, Mr. Flexmore ; Harlequin, Mr. Cormaek ; Pantaloon, Mr. Paulo ; and Columbine, Miss Carlotta Le Clercq. The Pt.blic is respectfully informed that Mr. BARTLEY will per form only Six Nights more, and that consequently the final repre sentations of Shakespeare's Play of HE NRY IV. will take place on Monday, Jan. 27, Monday. Feb. 3, Friday, Fob. 7, Monday, Feb. 10, Friday, Feb. 11, and (for the last time) on Monday, Feb. 17. Private Boxes, 8r..e., to be had of all the Booksellers, and of Mr. liassingham ; of whom also places may be taken at the Box-office, Oxford-street, from Eleven till Four o'clock. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. 'Under the Management of Madame Vestris. sole Lessee, Mr. Charles Mathews. THIS EVENING. Will be performed THE HANDSOME HUSBAND. After which an entirely new and original Fairy Extravaganza, to be called KING CHARMING ; or, the Blue Bird of Paradise. Characters by Messrs. C. Mathews, F. Matthews, Horncastle, Suter, Bellingham, and Horner; Madame Vestris, Mrs. Frank Matthews, Miss Ellis, Mrs. C. Horn, Miss St. George, and Miss Martindale. To conclude with THE RINGDOVES, in which Messrs. C. Mathews, F. Matthews, Basil Baker, Mrs. F. Matthews, and Miss M. Oliver will appear. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Farren. Great hit of the Romance of the Nose. THIS EVENING, Will be perfor med ALL THAT GLIT fERS IS NOT GOLD. To be followed by PRINCE DORUS ; or, The Romance of the Nose, in which Messrs. 11. Farren, Compton, Shalders, W. Farren, Jun., Cooke; Mesdames Louisa Howard, Ellea Turner, and Madlle. Adele will appear. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Under the Patronage of her Majesty and his Royal Highness Majesty and Proprietor and Manager, Mr. W. Batty. Extraordinary series of attractive novelties. THIS EVENING The Grand new Spectacle of KENNILIS WITH; or the Golden Days of the Virgin Queen, with new and costly costumes, Together with Batty's Splendid Scenes of the Circle. To conclude with an entirely new and original grand historical Equestrian Christmas Pantomime, written expressly for this Theatre, by the author of " Bluff King Hal," to .be entitled HARLEQUIN AND O'DONOGIHIE ; or, The White Horse of Killarney Box-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager, Mr. T. Thompson. HIGH WATER Al LONDON BRIDGE TIIIS DAY —llicraing 42 min. after 7 I Evening II min. after 8 To-Moaaow—Morning 47 min. after R I Evening 23 min. alter 9 TIIE WEATHER.— SUN OFFICE, JANUMtY 25. THERMOMETER, LN THE SHADE. 35—highest since noon yesterday. iB—lowest this morning and during the night. 3S—this day, at noon. BAROMETEM, 30.02. WIND S. S. E.—Morning, fine; Afternoon, cloudy. DAILY WEATHER TABLE. State of the Wind and Weather at each of the following places at Nine o'clock yesterday morning.—The stations are arranged in order of latitude. KINGSTOWN ( D B LIN ) —Wind S.W., gentle breeze—overcast. PLYMOUTH—Wind S., gentle breeae—partially cloudy. PORTS3IOUTII—W ind N.E., gentle breeze—overcast. BRIGHTON—Wind YE., calm—cloudless. HAsTlNGs—Wind N.E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. FOLKESTONE —Wind S.E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. TUNBRIDGE—Wind E, calm—foggy. GREENWlCH—Calm—foggy. SWINDON—Wind S.W., light airs—partially cloudy. OXFORD—Wind S.E. calm—foggy. COLCHESTER—Wind gentle breeze—partially cloudy. CAMBRIDGE—Wind S.E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. YARMOUTH —Wind S.W., calm—cloudless. CONWAY—Wind S., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. HOLYHEAD—Wind S., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. MANCHESTER—Wind S.E., gentle breeze—principally clear. LANCASTER—Wind S., gentle breeze—principally clear. Siikr—Wind S.E , calm—overcast. Bumocx—Wind S.E., gentle breeze cloudy. The returns from the following places indicate the state of :he wind and weather on Thursday morning, at nine o'clock : CORK—Wind 5.., light brze—ClOUd CA R Low —Wind W S.E , gentleee breeze—pa tially cloudy. KINGSTOWN (DUBLIN)—Wind S., gentles ree ez— cloudless. ti SlueraoAß—Wind S., gentle breeze—prtially cloudy. DuNDABK—Wind N.W., gentle breeze —frosty. Poomc—Wind W., gentle breeze--partially cloudy. RUGBY—Wind S.W. gentle breeze—overc ast. BIRMINGHAM —W ind S.V. gen tl e breeze—over cast. PETERBOROUGH—Wind S.W., calm—parti all y cloudy. Livimroor—Wind S E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. LEEDS — Wind W., calm—partially cloudy. YORE—Wind W., gentle breeze—overca st. SHAB—Wind S.W., -calm— partially c loudy. WHITEHATEN Wind S.E., gent l e breeze—partially cloudy. bilta atilt ctiv LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 25, 1851. Alacrity, it is true, has scarcely anywhere been evinced among our leading Reformers in anticipation of the re-assembling of the Imperial Legislature. Nevertheless, if tardy in their agitation, they are at length evincing an earnestness that promises well for the prospects of wholesome innovation. Recently we have taken occasion to refer directly to the meet ings convened of late in reference to such movements as those in favour of abolishing the window-tax, and those in behalf of certain changes in the patent laws. This evening will be found reported at some length, in another part of our journal, the speeches delivered last night by two or three of the most distinguished Mem bers of the House of Commons in the great room at the Albion Hotel at Manchester. There they will find themselves again in imagination listenin g t o th e well-remembered voices of Alunii CrosoN, of joLui BRIGHT, and of RICHARD COBDEN. The language employed by those popular representatives will call to mind the palmy days of the Anti-Corn•law discus sion ; a circumstance in no way matter of surprise, seeing that according to the phrases of the Hon. Gentleman the: Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, there were assembled together yes terday, in the apartment already mentioned, " th e pith and marrow of the Reform and Free-trade party in South Lancashire." Among an audience so pe culiarly congenial, no wonder that the advocates of constitutional reform gave utterance once more to the sentimen is with which the people of these islands have been long getting more and more familiarized. The precise meaning and . purpose of the " Parlia mentary soiree" to which we are now directing public attention, may berecognized:at once from the opening speech of the evening, the speech delivered by the senior Member for Manchester. From the remarks uttered by that lion. Gentleman, it will be perceived that the intention with which he and his brother legisla tors had met each other in the midst of the scenes of their former successes was simply that of explaining, in some degree at least, the policy they have resolved to carry► out if possible during the ensuing session of the Legislature. To this end a variety of the most mis cellaneous topics passed under the scrutiny of the orators, upon all of which they were sufficiently plain spoken for the most fastidious and inquisitive. For example, Mr. MILNER GIBSON, not contented with avowing at once that " he would have Ministers upon some well-considered scheme of financial policy repeal those taxes which were most oppressive to the industry_of the country, and which in the greatest degree contracted the enjoyments of the people," insisted that the abolition of the tea-duty would prove actually beneficial and remunerative to the revenue. Jumping, shortly afterwards, with some abruptness to a scornful reprobation of the taxes on knowledge, the Honourable Gentleman boldly turned to a consideration of the arch-difficulty of the time, thrusting plump upon his hearers the inquiry, " What shall be done with the Roman Catholic hierarchy ?" The purport of his response to this interrogation is nothing less than—toleration. One question he an swers with another. " Don't you think," he says, it might be wise for people to mind their own affairs, and look after their own bishops?' Mr. BRIGHT, as usual, was ingenious enough to invest the driest of political topics with the interest of the ridiculous. His humorous allusions told well with an audience ever ready to respond to his facetious oratory with mingled applause and laughter. But, coming as he did after experienced and successful orators like Mr. BRIGHT and Mr. Ginsoet, there could be no doubt that the speech of the evening was, for various reasons, that which fell front the lips of Mr. COBDEN. Seldom has the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire been more happy in his "hits" on matters " political," " economic," or " ecclesias tical," than he was when yesterday addressing once more his old familiar friends of Manchester. Never did his tongue declare more clearly that his is in truth essentially the Genius of Common Sense. About the Catholic hierarchy he was, if possible, yet more explicit than Mr. MILNER GIBSON himself. What, for instance, could be more suggestive or more significant than these sentences in which he summed up the Ministerial difficulty in regard to this most conspicuous object for legislative enactments :—" Are we (in the House of Commons)," said he, "all Churchmen, owning the spiritual authority of the QUEEN ? Why, we are about forty or fifty of us Roman Catholics ; and, mark me, you will have a great many more Roman Catholics returned from Ireland at the next election. We have an Independent or two, we have three or four Unitarians, and we have a Quaker, lam happy to say, and I wish we had a good many more. And we have a prospect of having a Jew. Now is not that a very nice body of men to uphold the QUEEN'S supremacy as head of England's Church ?" Everything considered, the observations made upon this remarkable subject by the Representative of the West Riding are deserving of more marked consideration on all accounts than almost anything that has hi therto been uttered upon the same fruitful theme of discussion. Nor were the comments made by the same speaker upon other matters less entitled to examination. As, for instance, where he remarked upon the surplus of two millions of money sterling, which the Whig Chancellor of the Exchequer made such a subject of glorification, which he pretended to return to the nation,by bis brick-dust adroitness, with a consummate air of magnanimity. " Thank you for nothing," says Mr. COBDEN, should be the only reasonable acknowledgment. Such were among the pithy sentences enunciated by the chief among the leaders of the League, when yesterday, calling to mind his old oratorical triumphs, he spoke in the old style, to his old friends, in the old scene of his political and commercial labours—Manchester. The entire report, we doubt not, will be read by the majority of the intelligent public, and read, too, with the care and attention to which it is eminently entitled. " Trial by jury" has long been regarded as one of the most valued and highly-prized institutions of this favoured land. It is, indeed, justly considered the " Palladium" of British liberty, which can never be destroyed, so long as no man can be punished, either in purse or person, save on the unanimous verdict of twelve of his peers—honest, independent, and intel ligent men. There is no higher duty than that which a person summoned to the jury -box, to hear and decide upon the several matters and things which may be brought under his considera tion, owes to society. He is bound to receive the legal evidence that may be brought before him in every case, to weigh it calmly and dispas sionately, exercising a nice discrimination in setting aside irrelevant matters, testing the accuracy of the different witnesses, and attaching due importance to each portion of their respective statements. He owes a double responsibility, vie., to society in general and to the prisoner at the bar. If the charge be clearly established—if no reasonable doubt can exist that the offence has been committed by the person on his trial, there must be a verdict of " guilty." No consideration of the inevitable consequences of such a decision, no compassion for, or sympathy with, the person whose future wel fare is involved in the issue can be allowed to inter fere with the stern requirements of justice. The heart of the juror must be steeled against all such feelings, and his sole object must be in accordance with the solemn obligation he has taken, " a true ver dict to give according to the evidence " But the second portion of his responsibility—his duty to his fellow-man—is even of more vital import ance, inasmuch as the consequences of an im proper conviction are infinitely more formidable to the individual, than those of an injudicious ac quittal are to the community in general. Guilty men may escape with impunity without any very serious mischief to society being the result, but it is totally different if an innocent man should be sub jected to unmerited punishment. Such a case—and, unfortunately, the instances are not so rare as we could desire—is justly regarded as a public evil of no ordinary magnitude. The confidence in the law it self is shaken, and each person feels that he himself may be the next victim to the prejudices or mistakes of a jury. Hence every possible precaution is adopted to prevent —we will not say the possibility, fur every merely human institution is subject to error, and ab solute infallibility cannot be hoped for—but the pro bability of such a calamity. " It is better that one hundred guilty persons should escape than that one innocent person should suffer," is a maxim which from time immemorial has been recognized and acted on by the criminal tribunals of the country, which will be repeated by the judge in every case where such a caution may be considered necessary. This humane principle materially relieves the juries in such inquiries. In a civil case they are required to balance the evidence on either side, and to pro nounce in favour of the party to whom the balance may incline ; but in criminal matters the truth of the accusation must be distinctly and unequivocally e s . tablished, and guilt brought home to the defendant. One of the greatest and most amiable men of the present century has placed this matter in so clear a point of view that we cannot refrain from quoting from the observations of Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY on the Criminal Law of England the following re- markable passage : .6 It should be recollected, too, that the object of penal laws is the protection and security of the innocent; that the punishment is resorted to only as the means of attaining that object; when, therefore, the guilty escape the law has merely failed of its intended effect— it has done no good indeed, but it has done no harm. But when the innocent become the victims of the kw rt.. law is not merely inefficient—it dos not merely fail of accomplishing its intended object—it injures the very persons it was meant to protect ; it creates the very evil it was to cure, and destroys the very security it was made to preserve." These admirable suggestions should sink deeply into the minds of every person about to assume the onerous functions of a juror in criminal matters, who should also recollect that his decision is irremediable : that; there is no appellate tribunal by which the ver dict may be revised, so far as the facts of the case are concerned ; errors of law may be rectified, but errors of fact never can. In this respect a verdict can never be reversed, or even varied in any respect. It must for ever remain on record against the con victed party, however clear and indisputable may be the proof of his innocence. A case was tried before Mr. Sergeant ADAMS and a bench 'of magistrates, at the Middlesex Sessions, on Thursday, which has created an extraordinary sensation in the public mind, more especially in the City, where the, probity, veracity, and high character of a gentleman, whose testimony was directly impugned by the Learned Sergeant and by the ver dict of the jury, are fully known and duly estimated. We unhesitatingly assert that that verdict has not given satisfaction, that it was totally opposed to the weight of evidence, and we call on the Secretary of State for the Home Department to institute a searching inquiry into all its circumstances. It affords the most powerful illustration of the mis takes that may occur even under the most judicious system, and of the absolute necessity for the esta blishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal. GOD forbid that we should be supposed to impute wilful error or corrupt motives to either Judge or jury, but we cannot help thinking that a most serious mis take has been committed—a mistake fraught with the most pernicious results to an innocent gentleman, who has been improperly sentenced to three months' imprisonment in the House of Correction; while wil ful, deliberate, and corrupt perjury has been imputed to six persons, three of them gentlemen occupying respectable stations in society. The case to which we desire to direct the public attention is that of Mr. JOHN GOLD.iMID, a member of the Stock Exchange, who was on Thursday tried for an assault committed on an officer attached to the department of Inland Revenue. From the evidence of the prosecutor it appeared that he was subjected to some very rough treatment by some person whom he believed to be the defendant, on the evening of Saturday, the sth of October, at the Blue Posts, in the Hay market. Unfortunately he was induced not to give the culprit into custody at the moment, in conse quence of being informed that the offender was " JOHN GOLDSMID, of the City, who would, on the Monday, make any compensation for the injury he might have done to his clothes." This compensation, however, did not arrive; and three weeks afterwards the prosecutor having discovered, as he supposed, the residence of the defendant, summoned him to the police-office. The defendant did not appear on the first summons ; a second was accordingly taken out, and the defendant then refused to adopt a sug gestion of the magistrate to arrange the matter, alleging that he could prove that he was at Brighton at the time the alleged assault took place. The matter was then very properly remitted to the ses sions for a jury to decide on the conflicting tes timony. From the evidence of the prosecutor, it was mani fest that it might be a case of mistaken identity, in which the prosecutor might have erred as to the per son of one whom he had never seen but on that even ing. For the defendant, his father and brother (both highly respectable stockbrokers), positively swore that the defendant had on the day ise question gone down with them to Brighton, from whence he did not return until the following Monday. This was confirmed by Mr. GOLDSMID'S footman, and by a gentleman named STEVENS, a respectable auctioneer in the City. A clearer alibi was never established, and it was impos sible to convict the defendant without supposing that these four persons bad been guilty of wilful and corrupt perjury. But this was not all; three other witnesses to the transaction not only swore that it was not the defendant who committed the assault, but declared the name of the real offender, who it was said " much resembled the defendant." On this evidence the jury found the defendant guilty, and the Judge, in passing a very severe sentence, distinctly charged the several witnesses with deliberate perjury. The matter cannot rest here; it must be stringently investigated in every particular, and must lead to an alteration of the law, and a full power of appeal in such cases. The consequences may otherwise be of a very disastrous character, such as we should not willingly be called on to encounter. This is the age of newspapers. A recent calculation made in Vienna gives no less than 1,282 journals and papers as actually known in Europe, not including therein Austria! There are, of course, many provincial papers not included in this list, but the following comparison is curious. In Paris 160 papers of various kinds are published ; in London, 97 ; in Berlin, 79; in Leipsic, 68; in St. Petersburgh, 36. The number of journals published in Germany, exclusive of Aus tria, in the German language, is 645, nearly three times as many as Paris and London put together.— The Leader. COMPENSATION TO THE OFFICERS OF THE DEFUNCT PALACE COURT.—The officers of the defunct Palace Court have just received intimation that the Lords of the Treasury have granted them annuities fur life. It will be recollected that the court was abolished on the 31st of December, 1849. The claims of the officers were made within the period limited by the Act of Parliament, and no decision was come to until within the last few days, when it was ascertained that the summoning officer had received his annuity for a year, amounting to nearly 501. The other officers in a short time received the gratifying intelligence that their claims had been considered, and were made acquainted with the amounts awarded. There were about fourteen applicants for compensation, but all, it is understood, were not successful. The Treasury paid the parties who were granted compensa tion a year's annuity to each, ending on the 31st of Decem ber last. The compensation to the several officers vary from 401. to 601. a year. THE CHARGE OF MANSLAUGHTER AT BRISTOL. — At the resumed inquest, on Thursday, the captain of the Adolphe, Frederick D uga i s , was examined. He did not witness the assault on deck, but heard the deceased complain afterwards that Mr. Alexander had ,truck him. Auguste Dugais, a son of the captain, was also called as a witness; his evidence went to show that he did not see the cause which led to M. Bippert's fall from the quarter to the main deck, but he afterwards saw the deceased, who appeared to be trembling and shaking from the effects of the falL The in quiry was then adjourned till the following day (Friday). Mr. Long, the surgeon who attended the deceased, was re called and examined as to the probable effects of strangu lated hernia. The coroner, having read over and commented on the evidence, commencing with the deposition of the de ceased, taken in articulo ? writs, and carefully going through the examinations of all the other witnesses, the jury, after a consultation of about an hour, returned a verdict of man slaughter against Mr. Philip Alexander, who was thereupon committed for trial at the ensuing Gloucestershire assizes. The remains of the unfortunate deceased, M. Bippert, have just been conveyed for interment in the cemetery at Arno's Vale. LONDON ENVELOPED IN A DENSE FOG..—NUMEROUS ACCIDENTS. —Yesterday afternoon and evening the metropo lis and suburban districts were visited with one of the densest fogs that has been witnessed for some winters past. All tra velling by the usuall steam conveyances was completely out of the question. At four o'clock in the afternoon it became so dark that it was extremely difficult to see more than a foot in advance; the consequence was, that several accidents happened both on the river and along the public roads. Near Westminster steam-boat pier, a boat containing three men and a female, who were making for College-stairs, ran their vesse l against the stairs and all four were thrown overboard, and narrowly escaped drowning. At the foot of the various bridges, and along the streets, several vehicles came into violent collision. CUSTOMS WATERGUARD.--..MY. D. S. Harding, senior inspector of the river, has, we understand, been ap pointed to the situation of inspector-general of the water guard department of the Customs, vice Mr. Ansell, deceased. THE ALLEGED MURDER OF A HUSBAND BY HIS WlFE.—Yesterday a long inquiry was concluded before Mr. W. Carter, at the King's Head Inn, Blackfriars-road, as to the death of John Brown, aged twenty-three, who was alleged to have been murdered by his wife, Jane Brown, who is now in custody. The jury returned a verdict of " Man slaughter against Jane Brown." APOTHECARIES'-HALL.—The following gentlemen passed their examination in the science and practice of medi cine, and received certificates to practise, on Thursday : Edwin Henry Bolton, London; George Elm; William Chap. man, Sedbergh. ROYAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS.—The following gentlemen, having undergone the necessary examinations, were admitted members of the College on Thursday : Messrs. Thomas Coke Higgs, St. George's, Bermuda, and Edward Higgon Evans, Tretlgarne-hall, Haverfordwest. THE MURDER IN CHESHlRE.—Yesterday her Ma jesty's Government offered a reward of 150/. for the disco very of the person or persons who so brutally murdered Mrs. Mary Kinder, on the evening of the 16th inst., at Roads Fold, Chester. It was announced also that any accomplice, not being the actual murderer, who will give such information as shall lead to the apprehension and conviction of his or her confederates, will receive her Majesty's free pardon. THE INDIAN COLLECTION.—The Lords of the Treasury have granted Mr. Catlin, the owner of the North American Indian collection, the privilege of retaining his collection in this country, without being subjected to the duties due on the several articles, for a lurti•er reriod of time, in order to give him an opportunity of exhibiting it in the metropolis during the ensuing summer, at the expiration of which the collection will be talten foal this country. THE FRENCH REPUBLI THE NEW MINISTRY. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT TO THE ASSEMBLY. We have received the Paris journals of yesterday. The Ministerial crisis is over ; the PRESIDENT has appointed a new Ministry, not one of the members of which is a representative of the people, and all of whom are comparatively speaking unknown. The Assembly met yesterday as usual, and at half after three CJlonel VAUDRY, the aide-de-camp of the PRESIDENT of the Republic, entered and handed a paper to M. DurlN, the President of the Assembly, who, after the disposal of the routine business, an nounced to the Assembly that he had received a Message from the PRESIDENT of the Republic, which he proceeded to read as follows : " Public opinion, confiding in the w i s dom of the Assembly and the Govt.rnment, has not been alarmed by the late incidents; nevertheless, France begins to suffer by divisions which she deplores. My duty is to do what iu MP lies to prevent the ill results of them The union of the two powers is indispensable to the re pose of the country, but as the Constitution has rendered them independent of each other, the only condition of this union is reciprocal confidence. Penetrated with this sentiment, I shall always respect the rights of the Assembly while maintaining intact the prerogatives or that power which I hold from the people. In order not to prolong a painful dissension, I have accepted, a fter the recent vote of the Assembly, the r es i gna tion of a gi nistry which had given to the co un t r y an d to the cause of order signal pledges of its devotion. Wishing, however, to reconstruct a Cabinet with chances of duration, I could not choos e it s e l e ments in a majority produced by exceptional circumstances, an d have found myself with regret unable to f ra me a combi nation from among the members of the minority, n et ' . withstanding its impert.ince. "In this conjecture, after vain attempts, I have re solved on forming a Ministry of transition—of special men, belonging to no fraction of the Assembly, and de termined to devote themselves to affairs, without regard, to party feeling; and the hono ura bl e men w ho accePt this patriotic tak will have titles to the gratitude of t he country. The Administration will, therefore, continue as before; pr:judiecs will be dissipated befora a reineel brance of the solemn declaration of the message of November 12. The real majority will be reconstituted. Harmony will be re-established without the two powers having sacrificed aught of the dignity which constitutes their strength. France, before all things, desires reposer and expects from those whom she has invested with h er confidence conciliation without ,veakness—calm and un altered firmness in the right. Accept, M. le Presidents the assurance of a high esteem. " " LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. The Message was listened to throughout without interruption, the attitude of the Assembly being cool and calm. The new Ministy is as f ltows General Randon, War; Weiss, Interior; GermieYr Finance ; Magne, Public Works ; Brennier, Foreign Affairs ; Royer, Justice ; Vaillant, Marine ; Girauds Public Instruction ; Schneider, Agriculture and Com merce. M. Waiss, the uew Minister of the Interior, is the Prefect of the Department of the North ; DR GERMINY, the Finance Minister, is the Receiver- General at Rouen ; M. MAGNE, the Minister of Publi c Works, was Under- Secretary to M. FOULD, the late Finance Minister; M. DE ROY ER , the Minister of Justice, is the Attorney-General of the Court of Ar peal of Paris; M. GIRAUD, the Minister of Public Instruction, is the Inspector-General of the Univer siry ; M.'SCLINEIDER, the Minister of Commerce, it;' the proprietor of large iron works at Creuzot. T l3 l War Ministry is entrusted to General BANDON, a nd that of the Marine to Admiral VAILLANT. When the appointment of the new Ministry, a nci. the contents of the Message, became known on the I Bourse, the funds at first wavered, but closed with I rise on the prices of the preceding day. The Assembly continued calm, and broke up with out the slightest sign of agitation. On Thursday Mb' DE MONTALEMBERT had a long conference with t 1 PRESIDENT. The Patric thus relates the failure of the afoul )4 of M. LEON FAUCHER to forma Ministry :-- M Le , 0 1, " A report was current at the Assembly that as. - 0 Faucher had succeeded in f o r m i n g a Cabinet. names mentioned as those who w e re to enter the 22 L . ; nistry with him were—Gen e r a l d'Arbouville, for I War Department; M. Lebeuf, Finances; M. de Flavigt Foreign Affairs; M. Buffet, Commerce; Ml' M a g i le t ; Public Works; and M. Lacross, Marine. Our Fire information enables us to say that this list only exlfit u t in idea. We can even say that, at the present time , t" arrangement of a Cabinet with M. Leon Faucher, takelr from the minority of the 286, may be considered l having failed, end as having been completely abandoned" Other negotiations have been opened.' The following are the chief items of the Bank ac_ count : Francs. Specie in Paris ••• ••• •.• 350,836,3 63 Ditto in branches ... ••• ••• 129,553,4 78 Bills in Paris portfolio ••• ••• 61,462,7 18 Bills in branches ... • ••• • • 88.423,785 Bank notes in circulation ••• 420 : 272, 900 Ditto in departments ... ... 90,246,125 credit to Treasury 89,052, 491 Private credit accounts ... 77,125,881 Ditto in branches ... 21,343,575 The items of this account show an increase uodo nearly every head ; there is a slight increase of -L in Paris, but 4,000,000 more i n th e pr ov inces. 7,1 portfolio is improved. Th e no t e c i rcu lation is °y e ' that of last week. The credit to the T r easury 164 3,000,000 mote. Wh a t i s cur i ous an d most grad?'" ing, is, the absence of the usual debit for bills VW .: unpaid, and this, for the first time, since the revol" - tion in February. The compo s iti o n o f th e new Mi n i s t ry was well rec eive , 4 at the Bourse, and a r i se t oo k place in the price o f Puu— lie securities. The Five per Cents. o pened at 9 4 f. 900. r, and rose to 95f. 35c. ; th e y closed at 95f. 30c. The Three' peiCents. closed at 57f. 10c.; the New Loan at 95r. Orleani Railroad Shares, 848 f. 75c.; Rouen, 677 1 . 50°4 `• Havre, 2701.; Great Northern, 4701.; Avignon, 186 f. 251 ;;; Vierzon, 392 f. 50e.; Basle, 141 f. 25c. • Bordeaux , 39 . 5 „, Paris and Strasburg, 355 f .; T c urs a nd Nantes, 2 48 t .• ; BUSINESS DUNE 114 FOREIGN RAIL AYb A l TB LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, JAIL 24. Boulogne and Amiens, 9V s —Central of France (Orle 7 and Vierzon), 15% ex int.—Luxembourg, 21,., of France, 1431 ex , int.—Orleans and Bordeaux, 4--F ar and Strasbourg, 9%—Rouen and Havre, 11. —Nortbe V *lt 4 e72__„V 1 Wi g--2 11.m'A . 1_ tf' ___.4iiii) ',z: i4;l -1 11.-, - ::: 1 "-:, , , , v , _ ~,, , • '''.•%, , 7,- fe-'7,1, 1 7 2 .A: IA f Cu... CA •. 7 7 ~. 12/ E 1?, 7 , .. '4 r • mo 7, , 4 iL2t 1.1.4„ L _,--.- fi _ . SPAIN. Madrid journals of the 18th have arrived. In the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies SO °. Busy° MinimDo, the new Minister, declined to eli te ' in answer to a question from- Senor FERNAND° C°ll - whether or not it was his intention to brio!. any charges against the late Ad m i n i s t ra tion. n I considered that the new Ministry will have teiengrcaoplab: ter a vigorous opposition. „„i te Generals PAVIA and SERRANO will be apr- n to important commands. The Heraldo publishes a pretended t communication from Paris, announcing - that 5 0 111 ; surrection had broken out, that General CAvAo u g he • had been shot, and th a t th e P RESIDENT h a d fl e d. J..,,, wish of his patr ons was pro b ably the f at h e r to V' thought of the Orleanist scribe. rpotti• MADRID Bons 4, J AN . 18.—Th e Th re e per ‘--- 33 5-16; Fiv e per C ents., 1 3. E xc h ange on 14°11' don, 50 65. GERMANY. Accounts from Dresden of the 22d state that Atl fi t , tria and Prussia have agreed to the installation 01 provisional dualistic central power to protect many in the event of any outbreak occurring in Fra n " In the Prussian Senate, on the 22d, the follovvinte amendment on the order of the day was Move d hr M. ARNIM off "That the Chamber resolve that the entran ce Austrian troops into Schleswig-Holstein is in open ° l g .." ' tradiotion to the promises made by both the COl O3 - j, sioners to the Stadtholderate, according to the protean I of the 7th and 11th of Jan. of the presen t year, en' s that, nevertheless, there is cert a i n information tlr Austrian and Prussian troops are to occupy further, that the public have been credibly assured tbil Prussian and Austrian troops a r e t o garrison Ren aud burg; but that several other strong pl ace s of hol stei n w hich undoubtedly come within the eircuniscriP i . ° of the German Confederation are to be left to tbe n a cupation of Danish troops; and that, finally, by t, be to . measures, even if merely provisional, the 10 ,.," ° ,:f i r nance of the integrity of the territory of the td °- ,. e deration will be exposed to real danger; that, theret°•r; the convention entered into by the t Coreinissi°ol3„n -with the Stadtholderate in the name of the German federation should be held as sacred and inviolsblyl.. Prussia and Austria as it iris been held by the Stad i t,t o dente; that in case the Commissioners should have g,c beyond their instruction s , th eir acts so f ar should b e ti c r e i avowed, and the conventi on w hi c h h as been eon° lll ,adt should not be ratified ; and that in all events care su°."-bo be taken that Holstein, which belongs evidently t ° territory of the Confederation, should not be ev en P r o. visionally occupied by any other than German tr °° /1 ) „. The motives for this motion are as follow: -Ist ' o f spect for concluded conventions and for sacr ednes s o f promises; and, 2d, the danger to which the integritY the territory of the Confederation is exposed Accounts from Vienna of the 20th confirm the red port of SCHMERLING'S resignation. The ihnoveridn Ministers have announced t! the KING has given his sltnction to the establishrn ell! ; of a railway between Gottingen and t he idess i frontier. S. DENMARK AND THE DUC—, I General LEzEDITsCH has announced to the Sen a te nte r „— of Hamburgh his intention of sending an Alls d garrisou to that city. The Senate hasp rotestenced vain against this Austrian invasion. It IS ann°° occupation by letters from Vienna that the Austrian o ccti P of Holstein and Lauenburg will not be a temporfulfi measure. In this case the King of PausEtx raq rg !list he his bean s‘ , mewhmr, t9O hasty di 131 " :1 his Landwher. The King of DENMARK, as Duke of LAUEN BIIit° has issued u proclamation to the inhabitants o f into th e IL ) Al t ha% en I te Y eal, T fr" h 104 3/ e - t r ' ~h ` JIT, c 6 tIP p 1 lu g bel tti Vo Co tet 161