The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-12 00:00:00

C - $ l/ , ler ti°ll } ~~.. _ - that slass who are the owners and occupiers of larisi.—(Hear.) I' -rater with us into a fair discussion. suggest those /Tree njes and comprornisis of burdens, ant those mutual concilia- Liens ishich Vie interests of all classes demand, and which, , n nless they are consonant with the interests of all classes, v ,e do.not wish to authorise. lam prepired to enter into tnat discussion now, if indeed I have not already too long cc- F u Pied the attention of the House. I ant prepared to enter Into it o n the clear understanding that in anything I say— May B , y that which I think most advantageous for the ,e("nion good—the only object of which will be, to secure as a : l nch Justice for all parties as is possible in an ancient so 'et:3's—(l.lear, hear.) lam prepared to.express, without .si th: i a e t v i :nis:ayspiritl of severe justice, the agricultural interest e s a right to prefer.—(Hear, hear.) I know that in a e ` ln 'Y like this, however we adjust taxation, however Snxious is we may b e t o consu l t t h e i nterests o f al l c l asses, i t fit to come to any arrangement by which the greater amount of burden will not fall upon the land. Several lag'aestions h ave b een made in this House for the relief of the s which I will briefly allude to. I will, in the first in • !ea u . Le, take the two remedies. somewhat vague their in na- A u l a re z : o 7 l) ,, i eb have been suggested by the Gentlemen of the le, 1. osier school. They have always laid it down as a m ore (l 'g principle that what was wanted for the land was i labour and more capital.—(Hear.) "Employ . more eaklatisr and more capital," said they, `fu and . you sill be N7...successfully to compete with the eign prod N uce_r." or `";`) let sue remind the House that during the last four 1,,, I 've years, when the owners and occupiers of land have Mer e thus advised to employ more labour and more capital, ,ere existed on the statute• book two cedes of law, the labour operation of which was to res.rict the employment of beert° ‘" ri(l to check the distribution of capital. - ( Hear, ti g,ts'J Employ more labour," you say; but before yon •' l i ne that advice, why did you not deal with the settle. • ' co ine r " "?—<llear, hear ) The Minister who repealed the • e..ia•laws felt the necessity of of meeting the question. We N" ' er "tend that there is a measure upon the subject now in atation, but if the measure were necessary it should lav e ' (Ih, uee k 11 introduced b e f ore th e corn -l aws were repea l e d. topical year') We h ave a l so b een t o ld t o emp l oy more : i ; out in the year 1844 vou passed a law to restrict • u ot fllPloyinent of capital by the channels which cos-, , h nleate with the cultivation of the soil. (Hear t o r ') t ' The Bill of 1844 effectually prevented the farmer n ne gett ing itecommodation from his banker in order that co ght extend his capital. In the year 1848 we called the I:aideration of the House to this law. We showed you 1 1 : 11 t th e ~,, principles upon which this law were founded were res n - Z, ° , 118 . We showed you that the opinions entertained we', — "ng " the issue," " redundancy," and " depreciation," , v4i utterly erroneous, and not consistent with a real con nethibje l'aPer currency,—( ' Hear, hear.) But we could do wfaisilti.,v,'“hgje•h Y ou went about the country giving advice to the evil el '' , and you told them that the great remedy for . the ei tutiont"e on e hre it was tril; r in oppressed them was the employment of capital, kery you passed a law which curtailed the d.is of capital in those very counties and distncts most wanted. —(Hear, hear.) In my opinion ought to have prepared for the great change, and the t].ls'quent reform, the repeal of the corn-laws, by placing 3,4 agricultural classes in a just relation with respect to aireh r i fia Sncild • banking, and industrial . laws It is very de- Yfr°ll4.i tre ere at you should bring capital to the land; but for that you have laws of partnership, which L 43 b : that obje - ct. The quetition of limited partnerships ths _ .en already under the consideration of the House, a b nd , Ler..isYstern as adopted in the colonies has been opposed a it ‘ A Overstone and approved of by Lord Ashburton.. It is I . i • e clear that if you put the cultivators of the soil upon garde ms of competition, a case of limited partnership as re title, 8 them would be beneficial.—(Hear, hear.) But did you aeli,,, ln P to do it ? (Hear, hear.) Year after year you are and o e : ll3 g.cpinions upon the prospects and fate of the . owners t o this eupiers 'Aland, but have you once given consideration tan s subject? I need not dwell but for a moment upon the rend,, h ,,ns Which were brought forward for the relief of the "in local burdens. You have had a project brought liint_ the House of Lords for a national rate.—( Hear, v ery ) ''' . There is no doubt that the subject is one of the ee:., gravest importance, and has had public approbation t ',Tiled to it; but have the Ministry ever considered it, lof ii.hiatd:iat the subject of a Cabinet . Council ?—( Hear, hoar ) l i r hot going to give an opinion specifically in favour . of it, matter of such importance, that I think it worthy jest' . a gravest consideration. There are no doubt great ob 4;tkus to a national rate, but there is no objection so great s the enormous injustice of the land paying more than its rec;por.tion of the poor-rate.—( Hear, hear.) Many of the s ol t t e t i lons to a national rate might be mot with effect, but . I oh; ?e Permitted to make one observation—that there is no eii' s e e n tlon to a national rate so great as making a limited the Pay fur the others. It is unnecessary for me to speak of I thi-aeosure which I brought before the House last year, for i t. 'nk the opinion of the House was decidedly is favour of hot lis ar.) It was not only recommended by sound policy, It wasit was not inconsistent with the most selfish legislation. Vi a 'Said upon that occasion, if the relief which I proposed of(granted—and that relief would have taken 2,000,0001. euhr.esi property, and 1,500.0001. off our distressed fellow fund in Ireland—by drawing on the consolidated ,elicim!very little relief would be given, because the con e b '‘e'l fund was contributed by those who were fhr e relieved. I was aware of this; b'ut it is the best course si o „ a I nelliber of the Opposition, when suggesting the remis b„:•of taxation, to be guided by general principles of jus -0• It is the best way for all classes to be included ; and 15`;_e_t) these who may be called upon to pay too much can re suyseot that the burden is too great for them to bear. Other ggesti migh t °us have also been made, by which a peculiar class . th e C freed from a peculiar burden without increasing the ourden of the community proposed to supply : and it was Ilis a d ", ie s ocy in the revenue by a fixed duty on corn.— ' rie s ,, - ." , I have no objection to a discussion upon the li s hi"o of a fixed duty on corn, because my views a are a k e _e to be misrepresented. I say, as far . a I Wept r epresenting an agricultural community, t . hat m we otellist nothing more than justice. 'We cannot admit for a te ro 'nt that a axed duty is in favour of the agricul rrieq i nterest. It is a financial and political arrange ritin' and we are bound as ministers and statesmen to ge.kler whether, as a whole, it will make the best bar the fo r the community. The Noble Lord at the head of fat ,„,,.'Vernment got up the other night, and with a sorrow thi;^Pression of countenance—as if he admitted that some. •' hi s - 2, °Light to be done for the land e d i nterest — s h rugged a s,;`',?nirters and said, " What can I do? I d on ' t k now t h at ' th,-,"kny would do any good for the farmer."—(Hear.) But (Ii '"rrners do not want a 55., or Bs., or 103. fixed duty.— ; ei so ' a r• ) You may ask them to join in any settlement or , - to Position, which, like all compositions, will only be paid s , th s co lv e e ti r s : - c - i u.:l t P U:a l ple who receive it, to the extent of one-half, and e s wlll discus the mater with you, but in the name of the interest I positively protest against its beir+g land "red a specific remedy for the owners and occupiers r s.. 1)r 0 ,7 sAn arrangement for a fixed duty has already been el get before the House by a Right Honourable Friend 14.; in tflneine• Upon that occasion lie stated that it was s; % on , . nature of things that the producer of foreign la: thi s „‘ t tee would endeavour to adjust his prices to those of tit ' take , o res in order that the British speculator might not , . „ II %tan 4 " the profit. Just at that particular period circum -1::. stip:ea occurred which served to illustrate the theory, for it 4 4 . f ' there $ that in the months of June and February, 1848, •Is. , the B „ s w as no duty on foreign corn, and that in March and \; quar,""sequent months there was a duty of 7s. or Bs. per e t,, ave r' but the imports and prices remained the same. lh I ,;` , sreiall'ge price in January and February was 50s. 2d., and tt - ,, 51 8 5 4 ,,areh to December, with the duty added, it was aii . : ' anti as j' hear.) When the duty was as high as 95., `4,' • Phei l - r„.„: ° 'w as ls., the price remained the c is at are \., ' to ex — ustut upon which any Hon. Gentleman is at liberty `'r 11, ,Press opinion ; and if I give mine, it is that .3 I -44,erate fixed duty does not raise the price. ere ford me times, "Whydo whether relief ? no other class of traders make similar t°l 8° ' aPplieations." But I would ask, in • reply, trfe red aniY otker description of property or industry is in .f It were l T„ ll , ; by the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) . • ' . -douse, tb, t , -- ;, s 4 msly to be proposed by any . statesman in this , - : , • •• 4 _ • il de l e sp 4 o : s eet b pt e ptl e h n e - d ip e p te a d so le system of legislation, which has for to agriculture, should henceforward be ~, Inat tufact - ures, words would be powerless to . 41° ' 4 1)ers e o - e -ge ' the frenzy, the indignation, by which th , , . otated._„(n.. the -Manchester school would forthwith be ant ' Nlffes,,,k`sear hear.) If it were to be proposed that, in , beellszae, Me' article , . i t ,,,, _oeitiv w ith i the first principles of justice and of fair deal vi ti le prioodrwsnard of general use in manufactures should be subjected to the same laws which regulated 'tkl' * al pets? tins and sale of tobacco and of malt, what shoals n t ,:, retuotl,ons Would flow into this House —with that eloquent c il L , i titecii s e ira ne _ . 3 would the country resound—what vehement Os, ' evertVree7, woUld be delivered—what motions would be lt s'' to "orWard at public meetings, and what leagues would sis, , • I 14,,.Ywhete established !—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) • o , 1 4 0,4 ofteo heard from those who are animated by no very (''.; / tN kark Yefeelitigs towards the agricultural interests the re th,:la it s i ef ,' Lilt it is singular that in a Rouse composed in so large 0/.,,; shoUl d r " . of landed proprietors, the current of legislation 4.' ,ver y ~l e so Much against land. The observation is, no doubt, 4 '):' 84 8 1101 1 , 1e '‘ )4 6, but it is likewise exceedingly . superficial. It l '''': ' l nere e it PPened that, owing to various circumstances, and '•.. '. AfopabcrtieUlarly to the territorial constitution of this as ' ""%_'Jten f,,,,-ge' long very considerable proportion of its Members has L ° th has "lug time owners or occupiers of land ; but owing ' t tOtili ' c PPY government by party, to which so much of the , ~,,S rittr !'Piri t t and of the public freedom of this country is to '''• 1 , - S YS used,s. those owners and occupiers of land have al '',sa. ', E lWev er — il divided into two hostile camps. There . was, ,4414.‘,,ti1way-...8 tnithi.erable ',' '! — kaouse - ,,,,,,0, distinct commercial party at all times in this '* ' °' a en' - ' ic h was recruited and invigorated by the accession proportion of lauded proprietors, who ts,,,t , aarn el . ,estified their anxiety to support the intere . sts . of 11 ‘ 4-4 ,f En;i r f,_ The merchants, manufacturers, and capitalists t. 7 1, tat f riends looked up to that class of politicians as their 7,e1p 0 - j e s a ' - 's- They always believed that such men as Sir R. ' e nni — and kir Pitt had a decided bias in favour of trade, ~ s ~ lu eree • ~''• /a s PrO s , l l „Sald navigation, and that the fact was really 80 'l , good o -'. by the number of enactments—not always very 41 ',..flhik,tenes---on these subjects, which have been placed upon •, 14 )4, t "' ' 1 46 t 4i ,t,u L te-book by the Ministers in. question. I forewarn :S i s Apro,,;„7,ters, and I forewarn this House, that the time is 7.14 ue l , l . • - "Lug when the agricultural interest will no longer :41,,," .aidiL! to endure the strain which is put upon its energy tr , ' t is capital by your present system of legislation. And \ i•',,, Ivhe „2. l °t that it is the owners and occupiers of land alone •5,,, Th e ,,7 111 . suffer if you continue in y fatuated policy. ~ -• to eiiti,!lo.doubt Will be sacrificed, and they' will be the first • their 4 f ) but other interests also, be assured of it, will share • • . ye o at .-- (Hear, hear.) Consider the question, I entreat You, V o te tile spirit of equity. I do not ask you to record j' rtty , in favour of any specific measure. It is not my kei t a s an independent private Member, to propose any 1' , • ki,,lneastire.—( Hear, hear, and ironical cheers from the h tc,, 040'48,erial benches.) The interruptions of the Hon. Members as, -. g 44 '7 1 remind toe of a remarkable sentiment in the writings a l: in actin astrioua author, who has said that " Grace is beauty sl :1 1 `• Tra.i i n ." --- (Hear.) Sir, justice is truth in action.—(Hear.) a s . k's tr uth , alaould ever animate an opposition and to reduee a s , Bk,; % 4 action is the office of a Minister ; that office I 1);'` • •S.l.orii"rOut the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Go t)t; cirtesti ant • — (Cheers.) , I have always maintained that this :„ ki nis °, 4 ought to be adjusted by the Noble Lord, by the ' Pecon,_`'t el the day, who is also a Minister who, from his '1 erseZ,P,wition, can never be supposed to look with ad , t sa s 'P' s 'ogs on the land of England.—(Hear, hear.) Again wi tt l I _l- go not think it was incumbent on me, or on those apNlVlccl I have the honour to act, to bring forward any 11 4 /folaleasure on this subject, but I have a right to ask l ion. a s ,'s to come to a specific cinclusion on the ques t tisielalear, hear.) I have a right to ask you to de 'sr tO e 011 4 3: YOUr vote that it is the duty of the Government i 1 eas e 'der the measures I have thus briefly sketched s de x i s s od to adopt them if they find it in to . ceshlothers less liable to objection. Ido not ask you to •s s . a ,- eas a e e s , st 4,tyt ie ,... "Y Vote about distinctive duties or countervailing , ' • lio n __ about relative burdens of taxation— about alters ..no _, In the laws of settlement, or of partnership. These, „, -..- doubt ar 11 ' F.atit i , a questions of the highest importance. What I , ~ • , o !'-:lsiasilesaer Ttri poafasairtbffiltecit „fit en " , for is, that he eoi l it s f e a e ra v the country are already subjects , them; and h slate iT l' . d o e n lib a e i r l at t e he s s p e i - • desiPossible I call uthis • sis to .. .4f the _. are that the Mini upon House to-night to o, I .Tro '4 in, lit upon ~:, , 1_12118,__,/im Bear.) ster shall act with respect to these ques vr,an Year after year, the Chief Minister ap -r ` e d la tone, a manseseaking upon these subjects, has Peas ar and te „„„,s_'' to me to .,* .a temper, which always as e buLsed the injustice I map y that in' his inward heart he 4 44 iti .L, t to which the owners and occupiers this nutty are Stibjected. I ask the House now SUN, TIIE to make such a manifestation of opinion as will compel him to act upon that which I believe to be his own conviction.— (Hear, hear.) I ask the House to declare, in the face of the country, that it is not to be tolerated that, in a condi tion of general prosperty, there should be one suffering class whose grievances create no sympathy, and to whose earnest entreaties for redress no friendly atteetion is to be pent I ask this House, in the name of common justice, and of common humanity, to place on solemn record the expres sion of their opinion, that it is the duty of the administra tion to terminate at once a state of things so anomalous and so deplorable. 1 could wish the Noble Lord at the head of the Government to undertake the management of this great question himself. - I am actuated by no factious motives. - ( Hear, hear.) I do not bring to the consideration of this question any thing of that fervid passion which distinguishes the proceedings of less deliberate societies or of m e etings,. where my own nameis sometimes mentioned as that of one who is not sufficiently ardent in his efforts to obtain redress for the suffering classes. I do not think that for this reproach there is any warrant in truth, but I can make much allowance for the feelings of worthy men, who without any fault of their own find thernselvee in a position of the greatest perplexity and the deepest suffering. Whether my policy liar been right or wrong, of this lam irr my heart convinced, that under circumstances ref difficulty and of danger, I have taken that course with respect to the agricultural interests which is the result of lorrg thetiglit, observation, and pain, and I ask you to adopt in their regard a policy which justice does not disapprove, and which policy mot emphatically reconunerels. If I make no further appeal to the Noble Lord at the heal of the Government, I entreat you and him to believe that it is from no hostile feeling, but because I have twice alreeciy appealed to him in vain. But I now appeal to the House of Commons. True, it has been called a Free. trade House of Commons;" but I appeal to it with confidence, neverthe less, because I have the utmost confidence in the cause I ad vocate, and the most unbounded reliance on the spirit of in tegrity which, notwithstanding that I differ from marry of its Members, I believe to animate the bosoms of all.—(Loud cheers.) This House has now at its disposal an opportunity not lightly to be discarded—a golden occasion for which we will not easily find a parallel in the records of any Par liament in this country. It may perform a great of fice, and fulfil an august duty. It may step in at this auspicious moment, and do that which the Minister shrinks from doing—terminate the bitter controversy of years, and bring back what the great Lord Clarendon calls " the good old temper of the people of England." ( Hear, hear.) It may terminate that unhappy controversy between town and country which has been the fruitful source of jealousies and animosities, and which good men of all parties cannot but deplore; it may build up again upon their ancient basis the defences of the land of England—that hr. terest to which we owe so much of our power and freedom —that interest which has fulfilled the union of those two qualities, for combining which a Roman Emperor was deified, iniperium et libertas, and all this it may do, not by favour, not by privilege, not by sectarian arrangements, not by class legislation—(Hear, hear)—but by asserting the principles of political justice and obeying the dictates of social equity.— (Enthusiastic cheering.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Hon. Member who had just resumed his seat had offered at least one piece of advice of which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would most cheerfully avail himself. The Honourable Gentleman had advised that the important question of agricultural distress should be approached in a calm, rational, and temperate spirit, and there was so much of propriety and of good sense in the advice that he for one would not hesitate to accept it. In justice to himself, however, he would take leave to say that he did not think that there had ever been anything in his conduct, se far at all events as it referred to this question, which renderel it necessary that such an admonition should be given. He could say, in all sincerity, that he bad on all occasions endeavoured to consider this question with becoming composure, and with an unaffected anxiety to take that course with reference to it which he believed to be re commended by considerations of justice and of honour.— (Hear, hear.) He would endeavour to act in the same spirit now, for he had not the least doubt that that calm, temperate, and impartial discussion for which the Hon. Gentleman appeared to be so solicitous. would inevitably lead to the rejection of his proposal.—(Cheers, and laughter.) Indeed, he was at a loss to imagine on what plea of com mon sense or of common justice that proposal could be sup ported. On former occasions the Hon. Member had so far obliged the House as to submit to their consideration pro positions which, whatever might be their faults in other re spects, were, at all events, clear, definite, and intelligible; but he had sedulously avoided pursuing any such course on the present occasion. His speech was a jumble of all imaginable topics, but he did not call upon the House to adopt any particular measure with respect to any one of them, or even to express an opinion on any one of them. There was scarcely a question which had been the subject of political discussion during the lest five years, whether national taxation, local taxation, acts of settlement, or acts of currency, that he had not huddled together into the hodge-podge of his speech, and he did not con descend to describe the course of policy which he would wish the Legislature to adopt with reference to any one of them. He could not tell with what sentiments the Hon. Member's speech had been received by those who sat in Ida immediate vicinity; but to him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) it appeared to be vague and inconclusive. It embodied no distinct proposition that he could comprehend, and it led to no practical conclusion. Having already inti• mated to the House his intention of making, on Friday night, the official statement of the financial measures of tire session, it was not to be expected that he should, in replying to the arguments of the Hon. Gentleman, anticipate the discussion which was to take place on that evening.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, he wished it to be understood that in the remarks he was about to make, he did not mean to deal with the question otherwise than upon general grounds, nor did he in tend to speak of any of the measures which he would feel it his duty to propose to the House on Friday evening—(Hear, hear.) He had to complain that the Hon. Member had mis conceived certain observations which had fallen from him on a former occasion on the subject of national finance. The first occasion on which he had had to meet the lion. Mem ber ou this subject was in 1849, and what was the proposition which the Hon. Gentleman then brought before the House? It was no other than this, that not only the agricultural in terest, but the whole community, was in a state of' the deepest distress, and, indeed of absolute ruin. He said that, whether he went into the marts of commerce or the fields of agriculture, the same overwhelming cry of distress greeted his ear from all sides. His (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) answer was, that so far as commerce and manufactures were concerned, the Hon. Gentleman was decidedly labouring under a singu lar infatuation, and that the facts were not as he (no doubt with the best intention) had represented th,m ; and that, with regard to agricultural distress, it was, in some respects, exaggerated, and, iii another respect, premature. What he had stated on the subject was this, that in 1847 the average price of corn was 695. 9d. a quarter—that, during the year 1848, it bad fallen down only to 50s. 6d., which was the average price during 1846, 1845, and 1844,—and that these facts and figures proved that it was impossible that the de clination in the price could have been occasioned by recent legislation on the subject of the corn-lawe. For this reason, he said that the statement of ruin to the agricultural interest was, to say the least of it, premature, because no circum stances connected with the repeal of the corn-laws had yet taken place which could possibly have produced a state of things such as the Member had described. Moreover, by a reference to a volume which he now held in his hand, he had proved to the Hon. Member that the price of meat was actu a lly hi g h er i n 1 8 4 8 th an it had been in 1844, and th a t th e agr i cu l tur i sts must h ave b een in a better position in consequence. These explanations he had made for the satisfaction of the Hon. Member, and in order to show that his alarm was in some respect exagge rated, and in some respect premature, but he had never de nied the existence of a certain amount of agricultural dis tress. He had never concealed from the House his convic tion that it was impossible for such a change to be intro duced, as that involved in the repeal of the corn-laws, without occasioning a certain amoun t o f di stress an d suffer ing to the agricultural classes.—(Hear, hear.) Experience had convinced him that it would be most unreasonable to expect that any branch of industry which had been accus tomed to lean on the crutches of protection, could have those crutches knocked from under it without experiencing some difficulty and distress; but at th e same t i me he b elieved that before long it would revive and stand in a stronger po sition than before. To these opi n i ons h e still adhered. Ile might be mistaken in his views, but he had never attempted to conceal from the House his hone s t conv i ct i ons. —(Cheers.) No man could foresee with accuracy at what time or to what extent the temporary difficulty and distress consequent on the repeal of the corn-laws would fall upon the agricul tural classes, for they all knew that it must very much depend upon the seasons an d t h e pro ductiveness or unproductiveness of the harvest. It must depend also to some extent on the demand for agri cultural produce by the manufactunng classes. Th e d emand from the great seats of'industry had always a sensible effect on the agricultural market; and he was happy to think that that demand had been during the last few years, unprece dently great. He still was of opinion that the Hon. Mem ber had suffered himself to be alarmed to an extent greater than the facts of the case warranted. There was nothing in the importation returns to create dismay ; for, on re referring to them, he found that the importation of wheat and flour during the six months ending the sth of April last, was less by one half than the importation of the same arti cles during the six months ending the sth of April, 1849. (Hear, hear.) Tnis was a most significant fact. I tcertainly indicated a great falli ng o ff in the supply of foreign corn. And while on this subject, he would take occasion to ob serve, that the e ven t b a d prove d t h at th ose who bad antici pated vast supplies of foreign corn from certain countries were wholly mistaken as to the precise quarters from which those supplies were to come. It was expected that there would be an immense influx from the United States, and that the American corn would be sold here for 35s- or 365. a quar ter, but no such result had been realised, nor anything like it. The supply had, in fact, tonne from countries trans which no supply whatever had b een ant i c i pated. There h a d b e en considerable importation s f rom F rance, but the presen t s t a te of agricultural affairs in th a t country was anoma l ous , and strictly exceptional. The price of corn in France in the month of March last was lower than it had been for the pre ceding thirty years. The importations ,from that country into England in the year 1849 was 740,000 quarters; iu 1850 it was 1,100,000 quarters; but the misery which prevailed amongst the agricultural interests in Fra nce a t th e present moment proved how inefficient were p ro t ec ti ve l aws a nd a large foreign importation to sepure prosperity to a people. The French newspapers teemed with the most deplorable statements of distress amongst the a gr i cu l tura l classesin France. He held in his hand an influential French journal in which it was stated that the depreciation in the price of corn still continued, and that there was every prospect of the agricultural classes being more severel y d epressed than ever. So much for prohibitory . laws and large exp ortat i ons T he solution of the difficulty in which the English agriculturists were involved appeared to be that there was a l arge pro d uce of corn in 1849, and that the depreciation in price was occa sioned by the badness of the quality—n o t more than one half of what came to the flail being fit for the market. This was certainly so in many counties. As far as he wa s him . self concerned, he bad never expressed a wiell that the price of food should be high in this country. He had alway s sa id that he believed it to be for the interest of the great body of the people, and especially for that of all classes who were engaged in industry, that the price of food and meat should be as low as the world could afford. The recent change in the price of meat was not to be attributed to the small in crease in th e i mportat i on of f ore i gn ca ttle, an increase which in the year 1850 only amounted to 6,000 oxen and 11,000 sheep. It w as rather to be attr i bute d to increased home production—(Hear, hear)—and it should be remembered that there w as more than a corresponding falling . off in the quantity o f i mported provis i ons. The fact was, that the dimi n i s h ed price of meat was owing to the in creased production of the article in this country.—(llear,) The returns during the last few years of the number of cattle brought to the Newcastle and Glasgow markets established this fact beyond controversy.—( Hear, hear.) He believed no foreign beef whatever bad been brought into Newcastle or Glasgow. The quantity of beasts slaughtered in Glasgow in 1848 was 19,78 e ' • in 1849, 22,882; in 1850, 26,200. The number of sheep slaughtered iu those years was—in 1848, 69,/90 ;in 1849, 82,480 ; and in 1850, 96,104. That showed a very increased demand, which must have proved highly beneficial to the agriculturist. He (the Chan- LONDON, cellor of the Exchequer) was happy to state that that de mand was apparently increasing in all the manufacturing towns. He old not see how it was possible, with the hn pro vernents that had taken place in agriculture, and the rearing of cattle, that a fall in prices could be avoided. The Hou. Gentleman did not, in referring to the agriculturists, seem inclined to dwell much on that topic, as it was noticed in the Speech from the Throne. The Hon. Gentleman said Ire would deal only with the owners and occupiers of land, and ignored altogether the fact of the improved state of the agricultural labourere, as shown by the diminish e d burden thrown on the ratepayers for the relief of the poor. Though the Honourable Gentleman was disposed to pass that by, as a circumstance too insignificant to notice, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought it of such im portance that he refreshed his memory on the subject by the perusal of a speech made by the Noble Lord (March) one of the Members for West Sussex, who stated that the whole question of protection turned on the condition of the agricultural labourer, and disclaimed it altogether as one in which the landlord was inteested. lion. Gentlemen opposite might now be willing enough to omit that view of the subject altogether.—(" Hear, hear," from the Free-traders, and loud cries of " No" from the Opposition.) It was now admitted on all hands that throughout the length and breadth of the land, with the exception, perhaps, of some small district , i, the agricultural labourers were in a prosperous state, and that even where the reduction of wages had taken place, that reduction had not been commensurate with the advantages derived from the reduction in the price of food, comfort, and luxuries. He had seen a few days ago, an admission madebv a gentleman once a Member of that house, now chairman of the Protection Society, and who was in the habit of delivering Protectionist speeches in different parts of the country—Mr. G. Frederick Young. At a great aericultural meeting, trekd in the autumn of last year, that gentlern in said he was ready to admit the truth of the remark, that the etas of the peo ple were now enjoying au extraordinarY degree of material prosperity. He also observed, that since the repeal of the corn-laws wages had been reduced, but not to an amount equivalent to the reduction that had taken place in the price of articles of food. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) set great store by that admission, for he had always con tended that that would be the result of free trade. Now, this chairman and champion of the Protectionist Society ad mitted it to be the fact. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) would now show, from the poor-law returns, the reduction that had been made in the expenditure incurred for the relief of the poor. This he considered an important point, for those expenses were charged as one of the extra ordinary burdens pressing upon agriculture.— (Hear.) It was no slight matter for consideration that, by recent legislation, not only was the amount paid for the relief of the poor diminished, but also the number of the persons in the workhouses. In the year ending Lady-day last, as com pared with Lady-day, 1849, there had been a diminution in the expenditure incurred for the relief the poor of no less a sum than 397,000/. in the year ending Michaelmas last, which embraced a portion of the same time, there was a re duction in the expenditure, as compared with Michaelmas, 1849, of no less than 405,0001. Again, the number relieved on the Ist of January last year, was 6 per cent. lower than that of the preceding year. The Ist of January, 1850, as compared with the Ist of January, 1849, showed a diminu tion of 15 per cent. On the Ist of July, 1850, as compared with the Ist of July, 1849, there was a diminution of more than 15% per cent.; and comparing the number receiving relief on the Ist January, 1851, with that of the Ist of Ja nuary, 1850, there was a further diminution of 14} per cent. For the last two years there had been a reduction of at least 15 per sent. of the number of able-bodied persons re ceiving relief throughout England, If Honourable Gentle men would refer to the return from which he quoted they would find that there were only two counties in England, neither of them exclusively agricultural, in which there had not been a reduction in the number of able-bodied poor. It was impossible, then, not to admit that a great boon had been conferred on agricultural labourers by a reduction in the price of food, while the reduction in the charges on the poors'-rate must have proved a direct benefit to the owners and occupiers of land.—(Hear, hear.) He was bound to say that a similar reduction bad taken place in Ireland; and, considering the extremity of suffering to which that country had been reduced some time ago, the improvement was the more remarkable. In the year ending September, 1848, the number of persons receiving out-door relief was 1,419,000; in the year ending September, 1849, only 1,210,000, and last year only a little more than one-fourth of that num ber, namely, 370,000.—(Hear, hear.) A more gratifying proof of the improvement of the condition of the people could not be conceived than that.—(Hear.) But the Hon. Gentle man said, that even with the benefit which the labourers de rived from cheap food, still they were not so well off as for merly He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would soon show how much the Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and to what extent the labourer was benefited. Taking the wares of an ordinary labourer during the war at 155., and the pre sent wages at 10s., and supposing that a labourer with a wife and three children would require about ten loaves for their weekly sustenance, the result would be, taking into ac count the difference of price since the ,war, that at the end of the week the man with 15s. a week would have a surplus of 2s. 6d., while the matt with 10s. a week would have a surplus of ss. 10d Again, taking the average price of a quarter of corn, during the war, at 80s.—the price which the corn-law of 1815 pre fessed to secure—and taking the average price of last year at 405., then it is obvious that the labourer obtaining 15s. a-week, under the system of high prices, would be in a - much less favourable position than the person now receiving only 10s. a-week. In fact, there could be no doubt but the fall in the price of provisions was far inure than enough to compensate the labourer, even though his wages were reduced so low as ss. a-week. He hoped the House would permit him to state the fall that had taken place in the price of some other articles of general consumption among the poor. In doing so, he would not go back to such a remote time as that of the war, but only so .far back as the year 1840. In that year the price of best flour was 35., now it was selling at Is. 10d. • second flour was then 25., now only is. Bd.; best sugar ,9id. per lb. in 1840, now only .sd. ; treacle sd. in 1810, aid. tat present ; coffee 2s. 4d., now Is. Bd. ; candles 6id., now 44d. ; tea from ss. to Os., now from 35. to ss. There was hardly an item which the poor man used that had not been reduced one-third or one-half in price. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not believe that the-distress of the agricultural interest was so great or so universal as the Honourable Gentleman had depicted it. In many parts of the country there were no such complaints as those which the Honourable Gentleman had noticed. In Scotland there was great competition for farms, and where corn rents were given rents were rising rather than falling. In Northumberland there was con siderable difficulty in letting farms, but in Cumberland there was great competition for them. In fact, there was no ground whatever for the allegation so frequently made, that tenants could not pay rents at present prices, and that nothing bit ruin awaited 'the farmer under the existing system. He (the Chancellor of 'the Exchequer) thought the language generally held forth at agricultural meetings was much to be dep reca t e d ; i t was ca l cu l ate d t o do material injury to th e f armers, b ut more espec i a ll y to t h e land lords; and if any bad feelings were excited by such language against the Le g i s l a t ure , it would recoil upon the agriculturists themselves, and the landlords would be the first to suffer. He had waited to hear the proposal which the Honourable Gentleman had to make, but he carefully abstained from making any intelligible pro position. The Hon. Gentleman referred to the tithe, but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that, since the 'Tithe Commutation Act, it was clearly understood that the tithe formed simply a part of the rent, and he was somewhat astonished at the pains the Hon. Gentleman took to mystify a subject so clearly understood by everybody. With respect to the cultivation of tobacco, it was true, as the Hon. Gentle man stated, that it was cultivated here twenty years ago, but only to a small extent, and not with great success, though raised under cover of high protection for it had to pay no duty at all, w hil e f ore i gn to b acco paid 4s. It was calculated en a most hazardous and gambling system, and with loss to all the parties engaged in the occupation. The Hon. Gentleman said the subject had never been inquired into. A Committee sat upon the subject in 1828, and their opinion was that it was perfectly impossible that it could be cultivated with advantage in this country, unless the growers received an enormous protection. If that protec tion were given, it would afford an unlimited opportunity of fraud. Mr. Huskisson, who drew up the report, was of opinion that the most advantageous course would be to prohibit the growth of tobacco in Ireland as well as in England, in order to protect a revenue amounting to about 4,500,000/. The whole of the tobacco consumed would only cost about half a million, and it would be very unwise, for the sake of that small benefit, to sacrifice a revenue of 4,500,0001., which in some way or an other must be exacted from the community at large, and probably in no small proportion from the agriculturists themselves. The Hon. Gentleman also referred to the sub ject of making sugar from beet root. The farmers were at liberty to make sugarfrom beetroot if they pleased, by paying a certainduty—they might manufacture on conditions similar to those imposed on France. The Honourable Gentleman next referred to the excise duties, namely, the hop duty, the malt duty, and the duty on spirits, and remarked that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was inconsistent as a free-trader in not removing all the excise duties laid on the agricu tural produce of this country, more particularly the malt duty. His notions of free trade, however, were not such as to lead him to believe it possible to go on with out taxes. His idea, however, was, that the taxes should lie raised in as easy a manner as possible—that duties should be levied for revenue purposes only, and that they should be of such a character as to press with as little seve rity as possible on those who had to pay them. But the Hon. Gentleman seemed to forget the most important prin ciple of taxation, in stating that those excise duties fell upon the agricultural interest. It was the man who drank tea and beer who paid the duties on them; and, as the consumers were not confined to the agricultural interest, it would not be either wise or prudent to sacrifice a revenue of 5,500,0001, tor the sake of the small advantage that would accrue to that interest by the remission of the tax. But the argument applicable to the malt was also applicable to spirits, and it the duty should be remitted on the one, there could: be no reason for retaining it upon the other. The Honourable Gentleman was desirous to have duties amounting to 15,000,0001. or 16,000,0001. removed, but he left that material topic without suggesting any mode in which the same amount of revenue could be more conveniently raised. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had listened with some anxiety to the Hon. Gen tleman when he promised to tell the House what he was going to propose, but the Hon. Gentleman had left the House in complete ignorance on the subject. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the local rates, and stated that 7,000,00/. out of 12,000,0001. were paid by the landed pro prietors. The Honourable Gentleman's fallacy on this point arose front his confounding all the owners of real property with those who were merely owners of laud. The parties entitled to relief (if any relief was due) were the producers of agricultural produce; but when they talked of taking off a large portion of the burdens on the owners of land, they meant in effect to relieve those who had no pre tence to relief. The Hon. Gentleman had said that agricul -1 tural land paid 7-12ths of the whole amount charged upon real property. The Hon. Gentleman was entirely mistaken. The n t t r iall l y iad ceased changing. to be agricul. Agreat amount in a iad e trhen isccooutniy become land conn ec t e d w i t h h ouses. (Hear, hear.) Th ere was a t i me, no doubt, when by tar the grea test am ount of real property in p this country was land. It was n o t s o now. The proportion railroads, tural r o land, opfri canals, atal7 t s w & c . of burthens which land bears to the property of the country is diminishing year by year, and therefore the relict' year after year extended to real property goes less and less to land. In the year 1815 (which was the last assessment of the real property-tax), the whole value of real property in England amounted to 53,000,0301. The land was assessed at 31,000,000/. In the year 1849 the whole amount of pro perty assessed to the property-tax was 94,000,0001., the land being assessed at only 42,000,0001. That was to say, in 1815 land was 64 per cent. of the whole of the real property of the country, whilst in 1849 it was only 44 per cent. Therefore, of 1001. devoted to the relief of real property, 561. went to the relief of real property, not consisting of agricul tural land, and 44/. to agricultural land. The facts of the case proved that the owners of land were only a part and parcel of the general community of this country, whose lot was cast with the community at large. But that portion of the community could not be benefited by any special legis lation of the nature suggested by the Hon. Gentleman. They must consider how they could best benefit the cem- WEDNESDAY EVENING, munity at large, for in such be ne fit th e occup i ers an d culti vators of landwould receive a full and complete share. The lion. Gentleman said it had been recommended that the farmer should employ more labour upon his land, but that impediments to the employment of such additional labour were created by the law of settlement. Well, he (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) was very glad to hear the Hon. Gentleman say so, because it would appear that the Lion. Gentleman was of opinion that the law of settlement ought to be amended. But was it not well known that the Hun. Gentlemen sitting near the Hon. Member for Buckingham shire were the parties who had opposed an a'teration of that. law? Ile hoped than that when his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer'a) Right Hon. Friend (the President of the Poor-law Boerd) brought in a Bill for the amendment of the law of settlement, he should have the support of " the country gentlemen." As to the difficulties which were formerly alleged to exist in the way of obtaining capita', for the improvement of agricultural land, no such excuse certainly could be alleged in these days, when capital was so plentiful as almost to tempt people to 'embark iii dangerous speculations. Ile would not follow the Hon. Gentleinan's argument about partnership. Ile (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think :hat joint-stock companies were the beat means of duly cultivating the land. Many joint stock compaoiee no doubt, coadnued gi eat intellect ; bat he confessed that he should he eat sorry to let a l'ionn of his to the nninagentent of a j int-stuck ceinpany, and he believed that the lion. Gentlemen who sat near the lion. Member fer B ircki ugh ainslii re entertained similar view The lion. Gentleman then talked of a national rate ler the support of the. poor. Tne lien. Member fur Sannerscishir e had some practical knowledge of the subject, and he re membered him saying that it would be the greatest possib'e lid-fortune and evil to have this c inntry con verted into a great iintional hoTital.--(Hear, hear.) But all these were very unimportant parts of the propoan ion of the Honourable Gentleman, because. if he neat anything at all by his motion, lie (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) supposed that the lion. Gentleman meant that re lief was to be obtained from what he called the unjust burthens upon agriculture, the customs' duties upon tobacco, and the excise upon malt and spirits. Now, did the Hon. Gentleman propose to abolish the largest portion of those duties? He wished to be informed .upon that point, because the leader of the party opposite in the other House had said distinctly that he thought the malt-tax was a bad tax to have repealed, and that he was not prepared to support a repeal of it. How did the Hon. Gentleman propose to sup ply the deficiency of the revenue 'which would be occasioned by the repeal of that Itax? He remembered the time when the Hon. Gentleman was not so chary of his suggestions. He remembered that the Hon. Gentleman, at a public meeting in Buckinghamshire, before the year 1849, stated that the mode of relief which he should propose was the raising of an additional sum of 5,000,0001. upon the land-tax. The Hon. Gentleman, it appeared, had aban doned that proposition now. In 1849, the Hon. Gentle man came forward with a distinct proposition for the remedy of the evils under which he repre sented the agriculturist interest to be suffering. The Hon. Gentleman proposed an increase of 7,000,000/. upon the in come-tax, for the purpose of supplying the deficiency in the revenue. That proposition, if carried out, would have con siderably increased the charges upon the owners and occu piers of land. No wonder, then, that he had abandoned that proposal. Well, then, how did he now prepare to meet the difficulty? The Hon. Gentleman must propose to re impose all, or some of those duties which had been recently repealed. How else could he supply the deficiency in the revenue? But the Hon. Gentleman was entirely silent upon that subject. And would the House permit such a retograde step to tee taken, when the benefits already reaped from the repeal of the duties on corn, &c., were greater than could have .been anticipated by some who supported their repeal? It was all very well for the Hon. Gentleman to speak of taking off the burthens upon agriculture, but before he did so, it was his duty to point out some equivalent substitute. An increased income-tax he could not propose. There was not, he (the Chancellor of the Exche quer) contended, any alternative left to the Hon. Gentleman but the re-imposition of all or some of the duties which had been recently repealed. Before such a retrograde step was taken, he (tile Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought the House would pause. The Hon. Gentleman had seleCted 1849 as the test to which he would refer. The Hon. Gen tleman had to make them a present of the general prosperity of the country, because it would have been utterly imposSible for him to deny it. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would in the first place state very shortly the result of the legislation of the last few years in a financial point of view. The revenue iu 1841 was 48,084,000/., in 1850 it was 52,810,000/. ; and now as to the amount of relief frorritaxation. lion. Gentlemen would no doubt admit, that year by year a considerable reduction had been made in the amount of taxes levied upon the country. In 1843, taxes to the amount of 411,000/. were taken off ; in 1844, 458,000/. • in 1845, 4,535,000/. ; in 1846, 1,551,0001. ;in 1847, 344,000/. in 1848, 535,000/. ; in 1849,388,000/. ; and in 1850, 1,289,000/. ; the total amount of taxes repealed or reduced since the year 1841 was 10,763,000/. The taxes imposed during the same period amounted to 5,656,0001., leaving a balance in faVour of the public of 5,107,000/.. and, in the face of that remis sion of taxes, there had been an increase in the revenue of 4,726,000/. That, he thought, proved the beneficial ten dency of the recent legislation. In the years which he had referred to we had passed through a famine, wars, and Con tinental di.turbances, which had disturbed our trade regu lations. We had also, during the same period, alarms of disturbance from the sister country. A similar period had scarcely elapsed in the history of this country. It would be rfect state w a sot; the time of this country. With the exception of the evil which had general ape manufacturing in bi arisen from high prices of cotton and some temporary de pression in the iron trade, he believed that the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country never were in a state of more steady and sound prosperity.—(Hear, hear.) -He would not appeal to the increased importation of con• sumable articles to prove the existence of general abundance. lie would take shortly the test to which the Hon. Gentleman himself referred—viz., exports. In 1849, the declared va l ue _ _ of exports was 48,91 , ,060/.; in 1849, 58,848,000/. ; and in 1850, 65,756,000/ But lie did not think it was right, to start at 1848 in making the comparison. As he had previ ously stated, the exports of that year were in his opinion diminished by the disturbances on the continent. His lion. Friend the Member for Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate) 'had dissented from that view, and said that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was altogether wrong, that the continental disturbances had interrupted continental manufactures, and an increased demand would therefore come to our 'market , . But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would not take advantage of that position. It was his duty to state that which he believed to be the truth. lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed that the exports of 1848 were dimi nished by the disturbed state of the continent. He would, therefore, go farther back, and take a year to which the Hon. Gentleman-referred in his comparisons, namely, le4l The declared value of exports in the year 1841 was 51,217,0001. The di-dared value of exports in 1846 was 51,786,000/. In the year 1848 the exports fell to 52,000,000/. In the year 1849 they had risen to 63,596,0001.; and the total exports in the present year would be upwards of 70,000 0001.- (Cheers.) Well, then, compare such results with the exports of several years ago. He did not think that any man could deny the truth of his position, namely, that after three years of an almost unparalleled crisis, capi tal was so abundant that capitalists were tempted to enter upon hazardous speculations with the view of turning their money to account. And if it were also true that the work ing classes in the manufacturing and agricultural districts were well employed, well fed, and attended to, surely it re quired some boldness to assert that our past legislation had been ruinous and mischievous.—(Hear, hear.) Was it pos sible for the country generally to be in a state of prosperity without the agricultural interest participating in that pros perity? Must not that interest be benefited by the increased demand which manufacturing and commercial prosperity would create for agricultural produce? There had been an increased demand for that produce in Glasgow, Liverpool and other towns. Nobody, indeed, could deny that there was at the present moment a great demand for all the produce of agricultural districts. All the agricultural produce that had been imported into the country had been consumed ; but he never could believe that with that great demand which now existed for the agricultural produce of our own country,and the great increase of our manufacturing ty, the agricultur a l interest co u l d nut and helpcommercial profiting b r prosperity, p t e h ri e general happiness and abundance of the country at large. He believed it was true that no protected interest ever lost its protection without suffering for a time, however certain waa the ultimate improvement to be derived by that interest from the abandonment of portedbb e u etni Gloves,t na usni protecting its monopoly. He would take the case of silk,:as it was familiar to every one. It was said that some silk manufac turers were reduced to ruin in consequence of the change brought on that interest by legislation some years ago, when protection was taken front them. If it was true, as the Honourable Gentleman alleged, that the present legislation of this country was based upon protection to agri culture, it was based upon protection to manufactures Just ; though as much. - (Hear, hear.) Protection had been taken away from manufactures, and they had prospered in spite of the in common with other branches of in- Why, then, should not agriculture deprived of that protection after the loss of their protection ? al(wioluahssositcorhyf ultimately i t wt h oh a l ce p iel ro he Itapiejdrcootyai. prosperedeopdne The agricultural interest was the last sufferer, because it was the last that enjoyed protection. Protection had been taken away from silk only a few years ago, and already our own silk manufacturers not only supplied our home markets but entered successfully into competition with other parties, of whom they were much afraid when they. enjoyed protection. On looking at the silk returns for the last three years, he found that the declared value exported of the ar ticle called " stuffs " Was in 1 848, 238,0001b5. ; in 1849, 396,000105.; and in 1850, 487 ,0001b5. Of other silk ar• utterls,ooO f l a b l s la . c ; y and in 1850, 31,000Ihs• tides, in 184 R, 96,00pOrlobtsec;tiionn,18.thi0e,relOw6,e0ir:Olbiso.:ofitun.iixexed. articles, in 1848, 156,00 01 bs• ; in 184 ), t113,0001bs.; and in 1850, 328,0001b5, As regarded the glove trade, which had deprivedB a qt p B e r s ; oo t oi io n f f nably, were but an unimportant article ; forol of the :e trade to prosperof of w thehie de privedhpohsiatdionheethnati was impossible agricultural produce. 11e took an active part aloi the duty on the importation of wool in ainn tahreti removal f emoot v the year 1842. Ha was not successful at that time, but in a year or two afterwards that duty was removed. No little apprehension was expressed by the producers of wool in this country of the mischievous effect upon our wool trade. But rlB4 wool o1 11,200,0001b s.; and i n the what had been the result o f the removal of prote c ti on ? Ih e demand for British wool had increased at hom e an d a b roa d. was, in the y ear 1848, year 1850, 12,000,000105. ; that was to say th e exportat i on was trebled in three years. Were these thi ngs proo f s o f t h e 3 1 ,9 h O e 0,000 exportationl bs . ; i n the of y distressed state of agriculture , or that the B r iti s h agricul turist could not compete with the foreigner o n B r i t i s h so il? Were they not rather proofs that the agricult ura l i nteres t o f this country must eventually be benefited by the ab o lition of British ea protection ? and that eventual triumph for the agricultural interest must be attained, as he believed, by a glorious ap plication of , capital and industry, and skill in the cultivation of the land; and he was happy and proud to say that such application was manifest throughout the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was by so doing that the manufacturers of this country met arid beat the world after the peace of 1815. Ile believed that by a similar course the agriculturist might do so now. The most befitting language iu which he could ad dress the agriculturists of this country, both with reference to their own situation and that of the country at large, would be that of a Noble Lord of acknowledged talent, looked up to by gentlemen on the other side of the House, than which nothing could be better expressed, more forcible, or of more universal application. lie alluded to the speech which had been accused of inconsistency, but in which he himself saw none—a speech addressed by Lord Stanley to the Agricultural Association of Bury, in which he gave sound advice to the agriculturists of that district, and which might he very well applied to the country at large. On that occasion, he said that he believed that we were far from being arrived at that extent of capital which, being permanently sunk in the soil, has l e d to an artificial fertility. Nor are we in a condition when we can say we have arrived at its natural felicity. With regard to the cul tivated state of the land, the Noble Lord then said, " I have seen landin such a state of absolute neglect, that .1 have stared with - astonialithent when I have asked and been told what was the amount of rent the landlord was nominally paying. I have seen lands paying—l don't say the head FEBRUARY 12, 1851. landlord-30s. and 2'. per acre, when I firmly believe, that if it would feed a snipe, that is the only two-?noted or four footed animal it would feed. I have seen lands which, si x years ago, were in an apparently as hopeless a state, and which at this moment exhibit an aspect of fertility contrasting in a manner as retnarkable as it was gratifying whit their former condition ; and though I will not say this increased fertility , has been obtained without a considerable expenditure--al though I will not say that fin the first two or three years the outlay of the tenants, men undoubtedly of science, unit ability, and capital, has been repaid—yet sure I am that out lay is in course of permanent, and certain, and not very gra dual or slow return." • What he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would say to the agriculturists would be the language of the Noble Lord, simply altering it so as to apply to the whole body of the agriculturists of England, that which he had add , essed to the farmers of that district. " With those prospects before us, this spirit which I see among you, with the spirit which I see among the leading proprietors, and among those who are using their high situa tion for the purpose of showing the way to improvement, 1 caenct despair, but, on the contrary, I look with confidence on the successful issue of this system, and I pray you not to re lax in your elite ts—let them continue, let landlords pull to g,ea her is one j , .int endeavour ter our cornmen welfare, and we snail never despair of the permanent prosperity of the agri cult ore of England." Such, lie beli,ved, was not the langii.ig, of des air, bat of enconragemeht to those witout he then aliln.t.isod, and which it was proper to addre,,s to the whole agricultural body of 1: As all other bodies from whom protection hail been remove,f h a l suf fered, so were that body suffering ; but t hey would revive, and their future prosi,erity would be more suite ant! permanent than any which they hail before experieiceit. With regard to the House at large and the motion now be fore it, Its ceultl but repeat what he had sail before, that lie could but view the motion in one view, and that wee, that there was but one mode of carrying out the prepo.-al which it contained, namely, by re imposing some of those taxes which had recently boea removed. If! called upon the House to negative that motion. He had mimed lust session the speech of Mr. Huskisson upon which that policy had been founded, which had been followed front that time, and which had received a fuller development as a consequence of the measure passed by Sir Robert Peel. That policy he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had sup ported when out of office, and her Majesty's present Govern ment had endeavoured to carry it out ever since their acces sion to power. Gratefully had they to acknowledge the support which that great statesman had always afforded to them in the carrying out of that policy. It was upon such an occasion as the present that they felt more deeply the loss of the support which the Right Hon. Gentleman had always given to those views. It was with unequal powers and with less right that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) now urged the House to reject a motion like the present. He called upon those who had concurred with the Right Hon. Gentleman in proposing those measures, and he called upon the majority of the House, whether on one side or the other, who had always supported their measures, to stand by them now, for he firmly believed that after trial and experience they would be found to be as beneficial to the agricultural interest as they had been to every other class of the commu nity, from one end of the land to the other.—(Cheers.) Mr. HODGSON hoped that as Cumberland, in which he resided, had been referred to, the House would allow him to make one or two remarks, and extend to him the kindness it usually afforded to a Member who had grievances or dis tresses of his constituents to state.—(Hear, hear.) In the city which he represented (Carlisle) the cotton manufacture had been carried on to a considerable extent, partly for ex portation and partly for home consumption ; but the de mand had wholly ceased, and the operatives were out of employ.—(Hear, hear.) There were hundreds who wanted the bare means of subsistence, and hundreds more who earned a very scanty maintenance by occasional work.—(Hear, hear.) So great was the distress, that the mayor called a meeting of the inhabitants last week to see what could be done, and a public subscription had been entered,..into to support those operatives by charity.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hodgson) was afraid he could not give a much better account of the state of the agricultural interest. He knew of many farms in Cumberland being relet this Candlemas; but every one had been let at a very considerable reduction of rent. A friend of his, who had a farm let at 6001. a year, was glad to get a tenant at 3401.—(Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated the rate of wages of agricultural labourers in Cumber land as averaging about 12s. Now, though there might be some isolated spots where as much as that might be paid, the average rate he knew was not more more than Bs. or 9s. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under stood to intimate that he spoke of the northern districts of the country generally. Mr. HODGSON—WeII, things did not appear much more prosperous in the neighbouring county. He had with him a recent number of the Newcastle Courant, in which he found forty-one advertisements of farms to be let.—(hear, hear.) If that was the case in a county quoted by the Right lion. Gentleman as as au instance of agricultural prosperity, it was difficult to g i ve hi m credit for his statements in respect to other parts of the country.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Birmingh am attr ib uted the existing distress to . the currency laws; others, ascribed it to the excited state of the continent, and said that when the people there be came tranquil prices would rise here. He (Mr. Hodgson) believed that the great remedy for our distress was a reduc tion of taxation.—( Hear, hear.) But he could not see much, chance of that, if the Noble Lord at the head of the Go vernment would maintain such extravagant fancies as the African slave squadron—(Hear, hear)—and fill up places which Committees recommended to be abolished.—( Hear, hear.) Let him take in hand to reduce the pennon list.— (Hear, hear.) A list of persons receiving pensions from the State had just been issued; and although he (Mr. Hodgson) was considered to hold rather Conservative opinions, it al most tempted him to become a Radical.—(Hear, hear.) lie felt that it was monstrous to think there should be persons eating the bread of idleness, while there was starvation among his constituents.—(Hear, hear.) He should feel hills ,tuty to vote for every reduction of taxation that might be proposed, provided it did not appear to be injurious to the public service, or to endanger the public honour.—(Hear.) Mr. G. BERKELEY thought it was rather bold to charge the Hon. Member (Mr. Disraeli) with not asking anything by his motion. Even at the time of the famine in Ireland, Ministers called Parliament together without having a pro position to make to them ; and in other instances they had come down to ask the opinion of the llouse, without having one of their own to suggest.—(Hear.) The Government re luctantly admitted agricultural distress, anti required that interest to look for its amelioration to the better situation of the manufacturing classes; but why were the agriculturists to be told to wait upon the prosperity of the manufacturing classes? Would the Government have proposed the con verse to the Member fur the %Vest Riding, or for Manchester? (Hear, hear.) True, provisions were cheap, but they were not purchased from the home producer, and the reliance of the two interests on each other had been destroyed. The Honourable Member for Birmingham (Mr. Muntz ) truly stated that the manufacturers were eating up the farmers, and the same idea applied to the agricultural labourers; they were purchasing cheap provisions, but at the sacrifice of their masters.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Berkeley) did not believe the account of the flourishing state of the glove trade.—(Hear, hear.) Why was no answer given to the inquiry about the riot in Suffolk? Since the question had been put, he had had information that the riot din take place, and that the fact was well known in London. Fifty police-• men were unable to quell the disturbance; the military were called out ; the house was gutted. The union inmates rose upon the officers and drove them away; the union-house was too full for any restraint to be put upon them. It was with the greatest difficulty the riot was quelled. Would any one say the Government were ignorant of that? Might it not be fairly inferred that it was kept back that the debate might go off smoothly? In other places, in England and in Ire land, there were union-houses so full, that riots were threatened in a hundred different parts. It was said that pauperism had decreased, and the testimony of the Hon. Member for Dorset had been given as to the labourers there ; but in that county it had been thought necessary to propose to increase the salary of the gaoler. In Gloucestershire the num ber of paupers and of commitments had decreased, but that was because free trade and the reduction of wages had driven the able-bodied men to emigrate. The dietaries of the prisons were better than those of the workhouses, and tempted paupers to commit workhouse offences. In Gloucestershire there had been no general benefit arising from cheaper food.—(Hear.) How much longer were the agriculturists to suffer under the " experiment" that had already been tried for five years? The Royal Speech disposed of, the charge that the out cry was for the sake' of rents. Ile held that the greatest boon that could be conferred on the country would be a dis solution of Parliament. He was quite convinced that if that were to occur there were not many of its present Members who would be again returned. Look at the country in which point of view they would, they found nothing but a feeling of distrust and dissatisfaction prevailing. If the present state of things was to continue, how would the agri cultural labourers be able to earn those wages wherewith to purchase those cheap provisions of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was so ready to boast? Unless the present motion was supported, or unless Ministers were forced into some • great measure of redress, the country would be speedily plunged into a state of disunion, discontent, and confusion. Mr. G. SANDERS (who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery) said he believed that if the policy of free trade was to be reversed it should.be reversed by the feeling out of doors, and it was idle to expect its reversal through any vote of that House. Her Majesty had admitted in her gracious Speech from the Throne that the agricultural interests in this country were in a state of distress ; and that admission had saved much needless discussion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer might under these circumstances have avoided the statistical details into which he had entered with a view to show that a state of comparative prosperity prevailed in some parts of the country. The existence of general distress among the agricultural body was a fact universally admitted. Then there arose the question what had been the cause of that distress. In the year 1848 they had been told _that the agri cultural distress at that period had been owing to a deficient harvest; in the year 1850 they had been told that the agri cultural distress had been owing to the abundant harvest of the year 1849 ; while in the present year the distress continued after the deficient harvest of 1850. It was pretty clear, therefore, that the evil was not to be traced solely to the character of the preceding harvest. They had last year been told by her Majesty's Ministers that the imports of corn from foreign countries could not continue under the low prices for agricultural produce which had then prevailed. But the result had falsified that prediction, and the importa tions had since continued, while the prices had not been raised. We had receives large importations of corn from France in the course of the last year; and, although the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche quer had said at that time that those importations could not be continued, be was himself at present compelled to admit that they had been still greater during the present year. During the last twelve months we had received large impor tations of corn from all the great corn-producing countries of the world. He had on a former occasion expressed his belief that, under a system of free trade the price of wheat in this country would rule from about 355. to about 40s. a quarter; while the Right Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had stated that, in his opinion, it would rule at between 40s. and 50s. a quarter; but he (Mr. Sanders) believed that all recent experience bad confirmed the accu racy of his estimate. He still thought that from 355. to 40s. a quarter would be the ruling price under the free-trade system. But he believed that the agricultural interest in this country could not c-ntinue to produce wheat at that price. It would be impossible for the British producer of corn to compete with the foreigner, unless there were a re duction in his rent, or in his taxes, or in the price of labour. The class among the agricultural body which had most suffered, or which alone had suffered, was the class of tenant farmers ; and he would t e ll Hon. Gentlemen around him, that under the free-trade system they might depend upon it that rents must come down. The price o f labour had not hitherto been much reduced; but he believed that atmany of the agriculturists had been employing labour w was to them unprofitable, and that they had g iven work to labourers rather than have to support those labourers in the work house. He should remind the House that foreign count r i es did not reciprocate our free - trad e policy ; and the value of our imports from France, America, and other countries, had become greater than. the value of the exports which we sent to them, The American President had strongly adv ocated in his Message the policy of encouraging native agriculture. He ked bow it was possible to have agricultural produce at present prices? lie referred to the average prices between 1835 and 1850. The average price in 1835 was 391, and last year -10 i.; but all the other articles of produce were higher in 1835 than they were at prevent; but the low price in 1835 was the consequence of good harvests, and last year the low price w:.4 the result of the large imports of forc•igrt produce. The Hon. Member was next understood to say that the exchange at the present time was against them; and having referred to the admission of agricultural distress, he said that it was the duty of her Majesty's Ministers, with a large surplus, to apply relief to those classes where it was de clared to be most needed. Mr. BROWNE explained a former statement made by him, and to which reference had been made by the Hon. Member for Buckingham. What he had alluded to was not the freight alone of corn from the United States ; he refer red to other expenses of transmitting corn its loss Of weight, the interest on capital, insurance, stowage, metage, cartage, and he was sure that his statement was correct— that he had underrated the cost. Ile hoped when the Hun. Gentleman again quoted him, he would do so correctly. He congratulated Hon. Gentleuien opposite on the success of that pokey which had killed Chartism—that it enabled country gentlemen to enjny their comforts with peace and dignity, and to %leip easy on their beds Ile congratulated theme m the state in which they were,.—.(Laughter. ) he Marqull on GRAN BY moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. DISRAELI appreled to lion. Gentlemen who had motions on the paper for Thursday to p:istpone them for it e purpose of pmluitting this debate to be proceeded with. It. wouiti be very convenient it this were done, as there was a probability of bringing the deflate to a termination on that eight.—(ilea .) Ire appealed to the Hon. Member for Essex whose motion stood first on the fist.—(Hear.) Sir E. BUXTON said h t was very unwilling to give way unless some other day could be fixed fur bringing tOrward his motion. lie trusted that the Noble Lord would, in order to have this debate continued, tix a day when his motion might be brought forward, and in that case be would postpone his mot ioni Lord J. RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Gentleman op posite had made a reasonable request that the House should be enabled to go on with this debate on Thursday, as it would be very inconvenient to have it interposed by another very important question. He could not think, however, it was very reasonable to ask him to make a day for the Hon. Baro net, as the Government was required to bring forward the estimates on Mondays and Fridays. He thought it would be better for the Hon. Baronet to bring forward the question to which he referred on a motion day. Colonel SIBTHORP thought the Government was shrink ing, but the time was coming when the Noble Lord and the Free-traders would be ejected.—( Hear, and laughter.) The motion that the debate be adjourned to Thursday next was theu agreed to. SUNDAY TRADING. Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent unnecessary trading on Sunday within the metro politan police district and the city of London and the liber ties thereof. Mr. B. WALL opposed the motion. He objected to such a Bill being brought in at so late an hour in the evening. Lord D. STUART supported the motion. Mr. W. WILLIAMS replied. The question having been put, a division was called for. The numbers were— Ayes Majority in favour of the motion for leave to bring in the Bill ... —5l The Bill was accordingly brought in and read a first time. Mr. WILLIAMS moved that it be read a second time this day fortnight. Mr. ANSTEY asked, on behalf of those who were most interested in the measure, to have it postponed for a longer period. It was finally settled that the second reading should be taken on Wednesday, the 4th March. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. .. 70 PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Yates and Proceedings of the House of Commons ) TUESDAY, FEB. 11. SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION. Motion made, and Question put, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prevent unnecessary Trading on Sunday, within the Metropolitan Police District and City of London and Liberties thereof." The House divided: MAJORITY—AYES, 70. Adderley, C. B. Grenfell, Charles W. Pigott, Francis Babies, M. T. Grey, Sir G. Finney, W. lieresford, William Hall, Sir B. Plumptre, J. P. I3landford, Marquis Hatchell, John Scott, F. Brotherton, J. Hawes, B. Seymer, H. K. Bruce, C. L. C. Heald, James Sibthorp, Colonel Banbury, E. H. Ilildyard, It. C. Sidney, Alderman Buxton, Sir E. Ilindley.Charles Somerville, Sir W. Clive, H. B. Hodgson, W. N. Spooner, R. Cobbold, J. C. Holland, Robert Stanton, W. S. Cockburn, Sir A. Howard, E. G. Stuart, Lord Dudley Cowper, W. P. Lennox, Lora A. Thompson, Colonel Craig, Sir W. G. Lewis, G. C. Tollemache, John Cubitt, William Matheson, Colonel Watley, T. Deedes, W. Maule, Fox Walpole, S. 11. Dod, J. W. Miles, William Westhead, J. B. Duncan, George Mulgrave, Earl of Williams, John Duticuft, John Mailings, J. It. Wilson, James Dundas, Sir David Naas, Lord Wilson, Matthew Dunne, Colonel Napier, Joseph Wyl4, James Elliot, J. E. Noel; Gerald J. Farrer, James Paget, Lord C Floyer, John Patten, J. W. Freestun, Colonel Pelham, A. D. Frewen, C. 11. Peto, Samuel TELLERS. Williams,W. Kershaw; James MINORITY—NOES, 19. Bass, M. T. Mackenzie, W. F. Taylor, Thomas E. Illackall, S. W. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Thornely, Tholutut Brooke, Sir Arthur Mostyn, E. M. L. `dawn, J. T. Fagan, .1 ames O'Connell, M. J. Forster, Matthew Itomilly, Colonel Greene, John Russal.F. C. 11. Ilamilton, J. 11. Scholetlelil, W. Uayter, W. G. Sullivan, Michael TELLEIIB. Wall, C. B. Austey, T. C. PARLIAMEN TARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons. ) NOTICES GIVEN AT TIIE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The undernamed Bills are appointed to be read a second time on Monday, Feb. 17 : Chorley Waterworks. Manchester Parish Highways. Warrington and Altrincham Junction Railway. Commercial Docks Improvem en t. Great North of Scotland Railway. TO TUE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD ItEFOR DJ ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday the debate was resumed on Eccle siastical Titles. With the exception of the speech of Lord Ashley, it went to prove that the House of Com mons, like language, is for the concealment of ideas. If the people of England feel any interest in the subject, they must take it up out of doors, or submit to wade through a dull farce by drilled actors, ending in disap pointment. The debate was finally adjourned till Wednesday. The first motion for adjournment led to a division of 364 to 59 against adjourning; which may in some degree be taken as a measure of the final strength. So that the Government have no want of strength in the House; arid the only explanation of the meagre and frivolous Bill by which they reply to the summons of the French Ge neral in Rome, is, that there is Puseyism in their camp. No man seems to doubt that the Prime Minister would do more if he could; and his looks confirm it. After this division, the moment was chosen for moving for leave to bring in a Bill for removing restrictions upon Roman Catholics; which it was whispered in the House was for the encouragement of monastic orders ar.d a nasty celibacy, tor that is the appropriate term for celibacy enforced upon masses of men. A respected Catholic Member rose and declared that the English Catholics did not want the Bill. The consequence of all which was, that leave was given for this day six months, by a majority of 175 to 35. On Tuesday the Member for Buckinghamshire made his motion on the still-beginning, never-ending subject of the Distress of the Owners and Occupiers of Land. They were distressed when they lived on the commer cial classes, and they are distressed when they have ceased to live on them; and the only chance left to try, apparently, is the effect which might be produced on them by a good round indemnity given at their expense to those who suffered by them before. But there were points about the present motion de manding the attention of the commercial classes and the public. It was introduced by the declaration, that all idea of the restoration of what is called Protection was given up for one or two years, till the dissolution of Par liament; and then, it would appear, it is to be taken up with renewed hope and vigour. The declaration at the same time did not preclude hits by the way, at Free Trade being the restriction of British industry, and the enormity of one class desiring to live upon the injury of another. The danger from all this, is that the friends of commercial freedom will be lulled into security, while the other side will virtually carry on their operations without relaxation. Nothing is clearer, than that in this position of affairs, the League ought to " keep their powder dry." The debate was finally adjourned. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, AN OLD REFORMER. London, Feb. 12, 1851. SCOTTISH S OCIETY . — A meeting of the members of this society was held yesterday afternoon at the Freemasons' Tavern, Great Queen-street, Lord Drurnlanrig in the chair, for the purpose of taking into consideration the affairs of the society, and of determining upon the propriety of continuing the annual Scottish fife at Holland-park. Mr. Fox Mauls regretted deeply that the affairs of th e soc i e ty were in so SO much ruinous a condition, and that there had been was division. of opinion among the members. thereThrt in 1849 mismanagement, an , any loss attending the gatherings of the society and 1850 he attributed entirely to ought for a being the case, he did not think that they . these • tl 3 of continuing moment to debate upon the p!opne d this a t, in order that the most attractive Scottish gatherings.. reform the managing com mittee, arrangements might be satisfactorily con sidered that it was necessary t. 04 0 carried out, he t all the members of mittee, and he eloquently APP. d friends, to forget all their sup the society, as Scotsmen and earnestly and enthusiastically % el ms, the objects of the society. i p n os f e o d rw g ar ri d ev in a g n , ces y and v to y tnb-pleehdegigrehhimself to his utmost to enable the patronage which it enjoyed, and in s l o i c e ie w t3 as , to res i t; Great Exhibition, he hoped they would of the this, the year what Scotsmen could do. The Right Hon. show the world h moved " That the society should continue Gentleman Len it the to hold their annual file at Holland Park. Cluny 111.Ther son, c hief of the clan Chattan, seconded th e mot i on, and ex pressed his hearty concurrence with all that had been said by h i s Bight Hon. Friend, Mr. Fox Mauls. The motion was then carried unanimously. A committee of management was then formed. Mr. C. R. M'Kenzie was appointed hono rary secretary of the society. A committee was nominated to draw up a series of new rules for the society, and a tityince committee was appointed. A vote of thanks to the Noble Chairman concluded the proceedings. The number of pensions charged upon the civil list between June 20,1849, and June 20, 1850, is twelve, and amounting to a total of 1,200!. (ADVERTISEMENT.]—THE EARL OF ALDBOROUGn AND HoLtoway's PILLS.—Aii astouhding cure by this miraculous medicine, alter every other means had failed. See extract from bit Lordship's letter, dated " Villa Diessina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1845. Professor Holloway—Sir :I beg t o acquaint you that your pills have ef fected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all the most eminent of the faculty, at home and all over the Continent, bad not been able to effect; nay, not even the waters of Carlsbad or Ma rienbad. (Signed) " Aumioaouon." These wonderful pills will cure any disease of the li ver or stomach.—Sol d ( a l s o H011OWA) , r, Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand an d by all medicine vendors throughout the civilised world. THE LONDON GAZETTE, Feb 11. FOREIGN-OFFICE, I'm 11, 1851. NOTIFICATION. It is hereby notified that :V , jesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affai ,' bias • ...,..•;, •._._...:. -;.: Viscount Palmerston; y MK- received from Sir Stratford Canning, her Majesty's Aatr....l 1'':;'"),,) . , , ..; k 0 ; :, %. bassador at Constantinople, a dispatch,. enclosing an (ale* ~ t -, ..,,..: . : ...i..;f:;\ notification - from the Ottoman Minister for Foreign .4Olir . :71 : ;-:., • , •,.i., , :4 dated the 18th of January last, of the blOckade of all tilek' - "zi:w , ..'',. / tr7 I ports of Samos, by the naval forces of his Imperial mu * ~,,,--„,.,.4 I the Sultan. Such blockade to commence twenty days Me )--•.)--,---;11'-''''";:k the said 18th of January. -.EIN , - 14 , 4 • BUCKINGHAM PALACE, Firs 3. The Queen was this day pleased to con f er the honour of Knighthood. upon James Meek, gsq., late Comptroller of the Victualling and Transport Services in the Admiralty. ADMIRALTY, F. 8. - Erratum in Gazette of 26th January, 1849, page 247.—F0r boats of Victory under Lieutenant Purcell, read under Lieu tenant St. Clair and Mr. Purcell. CROWN OFFICE, FEB. 11. REToRNEI) TO SERVE IN THIS.PRESENT•PA R LIA3IEN T. Borotigli of N e w Windsor—The Right Honourable John tiatchttl, of Merrion-square, in the city o f Dublin, Attorney fOr Ireland. \VIUTEHALL, EF.B. 1. 'Fire Lord Chancellor has appointed John Wstking Jones, ilrrvinuris, in the e..runry of Angleiea, Gent., to be a Master Extraw:alinary in ill: 11.n , hr Corm of Chancery. - WHITEHALL, FEB. I: Llrd Chancellor has aprutinted John Trigonwell King, of Blandford, in the c,unty it Dorset, Gent.,. to be a, Alds'er Extraordinary in the 11;..4,1 Court if Chancery. WHITEHALL Fe:u. G. The Lord Chancellor .has appointed Francis Parker, of the city of Cltest , r, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary . 1u the High Court, nf Csancery. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. George Johnston , _ , , publican, Newbury, Berkshire. . Edward Hodges, surgeon. Stainford, Leicestershire. BANK lIITPTS. John Barugh, oilman, High Holborn, to surrender Feb. 21 and March 24, at twelve, at • the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee; Trate= and White, Buck lersbury. William Leighton Wood, pianoforte maker, Charles-street, Drury-lane, Feb. 21, at half-past eleven, and March 28, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official as signee, Birchin-lane ; Wright and Bonner, London-street, Fenchurch-street. Edwin Bliss, brushmaker, Barbican, Feb. 21 and March 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Ball, official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings; Baylis and Drew, Red cross-street, Cripplegate. Richard Brickwood Coltman, Court milliner, Regent street, Feb. 21, at one, and April 5, at eleven, it the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Norcutt, Queen-square, Bloomsbury. John Murrells, barge owner, Colchester Feb. 21, at two, and March 25, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane, Lombard -street ; _Wire and Child, St. Swithin's-lane ; Barnes, Colchester. Henry Durham Stevenson, merchant, Bishopwearmouth, Durham, Feb. 20, at eleven, and March 20, at one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District' Court. Wakley, • official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Wright, Sunderland; Dlaples and Pearse, Old Jewry. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. Thomas Scotcher, pianoforte manufacturer, Drummond street, Euston-square. Edward Kenealy, barrister-at-law, South-square, Gray's Inn. Edward Torbock Gedge, milliner and florist, Upper touncan. place, City-road. Samuel Perkins, baker, Wellington-street, Newington. Thomas Penn, solicitor's clerk, Caroline-place, Chelsea. John Warne, cheesemonger, Little Earl-street, Compton street, Seven-dials, Thomas William Tottingham Prescott, Belgrave-street South, Pimlico. George Richard Glenie, jun., bar-man, Bell and Mackerel public-house, Mile-end-road. Watson Leman, paper stainer, Pleasant-place, — Hen and Chicken-lane, Lock's-fields, Kent-road. Elisha Bennett, butcher, Culmstock-place, Bridge-road, Bat tersea. Adam Young, Tenison-street, York-road, Lambeth. Henry John Louis Augarde, stockbroker, Addlestone, near Chertsey. Rowland Wilder, butcher. Edgeware-road. Edward Davie., lime burner, Trefonnen, Oswestry. George Hurst, jun., music master, Ramsgate. Sarah Lacy, tobacconist, Marlborough-street, Greenwich. William Ogden, beer-seller, Hulme, Manche s t er . Rees Thomas, farmer, Penbank,Mothvey, Carmarthenshire. Thomas Dalton, joiner, Broughton-road, Salford. Day hi Calder, inspector of railway work s , N ewar k- upon- T rent. Abraham Allen, builder, Chester. John Bennett, book keeper, Toxteth-park, Liverpool. Samuel Davies, innkeeper, Merthyr, Glamorganshire. Joseph William Jackson, farmer, Scampton, near Lincoln. Warre Squire Bradley, Lieu tenant, R.N. , Weston-super-Mare. William Pattinson, mercer, Chester. William Garner, traveller, Liverpool. Thomas Garner, joiner, Liverpool. William Coiling Hobson, agent, Manchester. Richard Lambert, mercer, Chesterfield, Derbyshire. henry Owen, civil engineer, Liverpool. James Padley, sawyer, Manchester. George Trout, dealer in boots and shoes, Bath. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Mr. Petley, Master-Commander of the Lightning steam tender, has been appointed tosucceed Mr. Cook in command of the Admiralty yacht, Black Eagle, as we anticipated on Saturday last; and Mr. H. W. Allen, Master of 1842, and additional of the Black Eagle, has been appointed Master, Commander of the Lightning steam-tender, vice Petley. Mr. Frederick W. Paul, Master of 1841, has been appointed to the Monarch, 84, at Sheerness, instead of to the command of the Lightning. Arrogant, 46, screw-frigate, Captain Robinson, arrived in Plvincuth Sound on Monday, bound for Lisbon. bloodhound steam-tender to the Sampson, was taken out of dock, at Devonport, on Monday morning. Calliope, 26, Captain Sir J. E. Home , Bart., was mustered and inspected on Mond a y by the Commander-in-Chief, Admiral sir William Gage, G.C.11. On the Admiral leaving, she manned yards and saluted—an unusual circumstance at Devonport. The last intelligence from the hospital is that the patient s from the Calliope are progressing favourably. Herald surveying -vessel, Captain Kellett, C. 8., left Hono lulu, Oct. 27, for Hiang-Kong, on her way to England to be paid off. She has been in commission in the Pacific since Feb;uary, 1845. Sprightly steam-tender, Master-Commander Allen, arrived at Portsmouth yesterday morning from Chatham. She is ordered to Plymouth with some spare boiler-tubes for the Encounter. Vixen steam-sloop, has been docked at Pt rtsmoutb, to be repaired. Woodlark surveying -vessel, has put in at Bridlington, bound to the Orkneys. PORTSMOUTH, TUESDAY.—A court-martial, comprising Rear-Admiral H. Prescott, C.B. President; Captain H. D. Chads, C. 8., of the Exc e ll en t ; Captain W. H. Henderson, C. 8., of the Blenheim; Captain F. P. Blackwood, C. 8., of the Victory; and Commander Matthias, of the Britannia, assembled on board the Victory flag-ship in this harbour, this morning, to try George Faulkner, a boatswain of her Majesty's ship Britannia, 120, doing duty on board the re ceiving hulk Topaze, for a breach of discipline in having absented himself from his ship without leave on the let inst. The Court having heard the ' evidence in support of the charge, and what the prisoner had to allege in defence, were of opinion the charge had been fully 'Toyed, and sentenced the prisoner to be dismissed from her Majesty's service. The Birkenhead iron steam-frigate was commissioned to day by Mr. Robert Salmond, Master commanding. She is to have a complement of 151. WOOLWICH, FEB. 11.—FoRr of the enginee rs on c h ec k have been at work on board the Cyclops steam-vessel for several days, and as her engines are generally in good condition, the repairs of the minor articles will soon be ac complished, and this fine frigate re-commissioned for active service. Captain Peter M'Qnhae (1835) visited Woolwich dockyard to-day. The Cornwall, hired convict-ship, went down the river on Saturday afternoon, having 220 male convicts on board. She will take in 80 additional convicts at Ports mouth and Portland, to make up her number to 300. These convicts will all be taken to and landed at Gibral tar, to be employed upon the works at that fortress, and 300 convicts who have been at work there for a considerable period will be conveyed in the Cornwall to Van Diemen's Land, where they will receive tickets of leave on the usual conditions. PEMIROKX DOCKYARD, FEE. 10.—Captain Biddulph has been appointed to succeed Captain Forteacue in the command of the detachment of the Royal Artillery sta tioned at the fortified barracks on the heights at Pembroke Dock. No fewer than 70 boys are now under examination As to their acquirements, prior to the selection for admission as ap prentices to the dockyard. Out of this large number only four will be admitted this year. ' The Coast-guard station, it is rumoured, will be removed to Angle from Pembroke, the latter place beingalready suffi cieTuntleynegupaterdined .denhpyettihnetePnedmenbt f therookedockdoestatikyaro% Sir Pasley, has been s p en di ng a few days w ith the T E h ar mual l of Cawdor, at the seat of that nobleman, StickP°l2-court. The mechanics of the dockyard are coropetang for the pre mium offered by the Duk e o f N orthumberland of 100 g u inea. for the best model of a lifeboat. several models have been th ith eo p s , ta ar ck e E u roe ock, eedi th n o g u constructed. construction c c o t n io t n ra o c f to t rs, he o / n ac Zh ith th t e h ir e retar d e d by the late severe weather , operations h ave been distance the entire entrance of the haven. The rock is situatedatasho_rt within and commands. iliforeisrseert REPEESEN OF SOUTI! NOTTINGHAAISHIRI. • —NewAux, TUESDAY.—The nom inat i on of candidates to su TATION , he Y— . vacancy in the repr esentation of the southern diem' • on of Notts took place in thi s town to-day, in the prese nce of a concourse of a t l east 5,000 persona. Two can didates presented th emse l ves as successors to the late Mr. B rom ley—Lo r d N ewark, eldest son of Earl Manvers ; and Mr. Barrow, who is supposed to represent the tenant in terest. Lord Newark was nominated by Mr. Rolleston, who formerly represented the division, and the nomination was seconded by Mr. Pegg Burnell. Both gentlemen spoke in the highest terms of the capacity of the Noble Lord. and regretted that any differences should have arisen between landlord and tenant upon such a question 8.1 the election of a representative. Mr. Barrow was put in no• mination by Mr. R. Millward,.and seconded by Mr. George Storer, principally on the ground that the Honourable Cart.- didate had fou g h t manfully to protect the interests of British producers. Lord Newark then made a profession of lase political principles, and he was followed by Mr. Bartow. Both avowed a strong adherence to a system of protection, Z i ff ; of intimati ng th at t h ey would support a reduction b duty, and en d eavour to reduce the nat i ona l ex p enditure to of the the lowest limits, cons i s t en tly w ith the requ ir ements State. The sho w o f ha n d s was c onsider a bly Barrow, whereupon a poll was deman de d on in favour of Mr. the part of L or d Newark. The polling was appointed b y riff to take place on Friday nea t. the Hi h-Sh g e t. The proceedings were quiet and good humoured throughout. THE PAPAL A GGue s s ioN.—Yesterday, th ree Rom mana Catholic noblemen had an audience of the Queen 0 t Windsor Castle, to present to her Majesty a document, signed by .. 4, 0 000 Roman Catholics of Engl an d, assuring her ..) Majesty, that the new contemplated arrangements of tOt Roman Pontiff, in this country, w ere purely of a spiritual character. an d that their allegiance t o t h e person and throne of their So vereign had undergone no diminution. It was a curious circumstance, that immediately after the document in question had been presented to the Q ueen, a deputation from the three Dissenting denominations, also had, an audience of her Majesty, preparatory to laying , an addreds before her, representing the Papal aggression as an encroachment on the rights of the Crown, and calling on her Majesty to vindicate her royal prerogative b y crushing at once the assumption of the Pope. After being thus engaged in work so directly'op posite, two of the Roman Catholic. noblemen, and thadaPu" tation frOni the three Dissenting denominations, met in the greatest concord, in an adjoining apartment, previous to par taking of a dejeuster provided for the occasion.•—eitirerti4er.