The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

„ t -#64l4.4ntteill SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. WEST INDIA AND MEXICAN MAILS. SOUTHAMPTON, TUESDAY .. " ,7 * ,014 , /4 / 7 ,10. —The Royal Mail steamer Severn, Captain lucent' a rrived this morning, athen o'clock, with the usual West India and Mexican mails, after a ru n of 13 days from Bermuda. She brings on fre ight 624 , 1271., of which 60,000 are on account of the 15/L ex ican dividen s; also 341 b. of platina, 1,080 bales o f tobacco, 213 serons of cochineal, and 150 packages sundries. Accounts from Jamaica are from the 23d ult. The mar kets were unc han g ed, and business dull. Exchange on London, Jamaica Bank 90 days par. The wet season has set in on the island, and the crops generally presented a n im p rovin g a pp earance. Our accounts from Havannah are from the 27th ult. The cholera was on the decrease. The prices of produce were not affected. The business in imports suffered a good deal, and also from theexcitement occasioned by the Lopez expedition. The tobacco crop large and of good quality; prices moderate. We have accounts from Havannah relative to the Am?rican Expedition and tho general state of Cuba: it does not seem likely that any simi lar attempt will be made. About 140 prisoners, taken into Havannah by the Spanish Admiral, were in close confinement. The Captain-General of Cuba refused to supply their names to the senior officer of the American squadron, or to permit him to have any interview with them. St. Jago do Cuba was being put into a thorough state of defence, in anticipa tion of an attack from another section of the Lopez expe dition. No apprehensions for the safety of that city were entertained. In the Havannah markets sugar was firmly supported. The weather had been in a great degree unfavourable for grinding, and the yield of the crop will fall consider ably short of the original estimate. The transactions in coffee were trifling. In freights vessels were abundant. Exchange on London, 11 premium; Paris, 2 discount. There is no news of importance from Mexico Her Majesty's schooner Bermuda had captured, after a 49 hours' chase, a remarkably fine Brazilian brigantine, with 280 slaves on board. THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) FOREIGN-OFFICE, JUNE 15, 1850. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Don Joke Joaqilia de Mora as Consul-General in London for her Majesty the Queen of Spain. BANKRUPTS. Charles O'Neil, picture-dealer, Golden-square, to sur render June 26, at half-past two, and July 24 , at one, 'at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stanfeld, official assignee; Haynes, St. James's-street. Owen Gray, builder, Great Tower-street, City, June 26, at two,.and July 24, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee, Coleman street, City; Ivimey, Chancery-lane. William James Buck, dealer and chapman, Shrub land Cpttages, Queon's•rogal, Dalston, Middlesex, June 27, at ,half-past twelve, and August 7, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee Guild hall-chambers, Basingball-street; Keighly, Basinghall titre et. • Henry Woolley, oil and grease manufacturer, West terrace, Bermondsey, June 27, at half-past one, and Aug. 6, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy ; Pennell, Official A••A;guee, Guildhall-chambers; Duplex, Walter Gee, straw hat manufacturer,•Hoxton, June 27 and Aug. 4, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Basinghall-street; Seaman, Queen street, Cheapside. Asher Prior and William Prior, ironmongers, Pon bridge-place, New-road, June 28, at twelve, and Aug. 6, at. one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards. official assignee, Sambrook-court, Basinghall- street; Chilton, Burton, and Johnson, Chancery-lane. John Callis, victualler, Noble-street, Wood-street, • City. June 28, at one, and August 6, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Sambrook -court, Basinglaahall• street; Teague, Crown court, Cheapside. • 'Nathaniel Hedge, silversmith, Bath, July 2 and 30, at twelve, at the Bristol District Court. Miller, official assignee, Bristol; Price, Tbrogmorton-street; Brittan and Sons, Bristol. James Dominy, currier, Sea, Somersetshire, June 27, •at on e 4 and July 24, at eleven:. at the Exeter District Court. Hirtzel, official assignee, Exeter; Salter and Clark, Chard; and Stogdon, Exeter. Benjamin Brown, coach builder, Newtown, Mont gomery, July 2 and 23, at the Liverpool District Court, at eleven. Morgan, official assignee, 12, Cook-street, Liverpool; Howell, Welshpool. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. - (From the London New Price Current, June 18.) Suoma—To-day refiners or grocers were not ranch dis posed to operate in West India Sugar, still holders were firm. In all 360 hhds tic. were sold; including at auction 150 hhds 17 trcs 4 brls Barbadoes, w hich realised full terms for better sorts, but inferior went rather cheaper; fine yellow sold at 40s to 41s, mid to good 37s Gd to 39s Gd, and low 35s Gd to 375, and 23 hhds 4 trcs Jamaica, low and good yellow 35s Gd to 3is Gd per cwt. REFINED.—To-day the Refilwd Sugar market was in a quiet position, and 48a 6d to •-t9s per cwt is the value of brown Lumps, whilst larger parcels are on oiler. Crushed Sugar met with little attention, but the rates asked fix British are 27s 6,1 to 29s per cwt. Maurartos —This atternoon home dealers were not much ' disposed to operate in Mauritius Sugar, still former terms • Were supported. Of 14,e00 bags offered at public sale about . , 10,009 bags sold, and csnsisted chiefly ot the better sorts; --- laid to fine yellow went at 3tis to 40s, low 34s Gd to 35s 6d, ' : ord to tine brown 29s to 34s 63, and grey 34s to 39s per cwt. EAST, INDIA.— This afternoon there was no variation in prices of Bengal Sugar, but the public sales of 3,000 bags _ . want off quietly; white Benares at 37s 6d to 41s 6d, fine ... yellow 3ris to 375, low 3ls to 31s Gcl, good and fine grainy 4ls to 465, and fine brown ditto 36s per cwt. - - FOREIGN.—To-day there were several buyers of Foreign Sugar, and it was difficult to buy at the terms of last week. There was no public sale, but privately a cargo of brown Maroini- was sold at 18s, and one of white Havannab, but '... the price has not transpired. : - s Morasses.—Null terms are asked for West India, and only ' 100 puns of fine New Antigua have been sold at 165 6(1 per s o cwt. , Bengal and -Mauritius met with little attention, and - . 12s to 13s is the value. . _, . COFFEE.—To .day the Coffee market presented a quiet ap _ pearance, there was no public sale, and by private treaty both • shippers and home dealers operated with caution. The value of good ord Native Ceylon is 42s to 43s per cwt. Cocoa.—For British Plantation holders are firm, and will not sell but at full rates. Noce has been ()tiered at auction. since our last report. The value of Trinidad is from 3as to ' Cs. and other sorts 36s to 43s per cwt. There has not been much business concluded in Foreign, but the rates asked are • 27s to 28s, and the supply is not upon a larger scale. TEA.—An active demand exists for common Congou, and - a further advance has taken place, sales having been made at 9.14 d to 10d, and the supply is less than for some time past. In better qualities operations are upon a more ex tendei scale at previous terms. Green Teas have been operated in wth caution. Scented and' Pekoe Teas can be bou g ht at rather lower prices, yet home dealers operate with caution, and supplies are betting upon a more extended Seale.. ' SPICES. This afternoon a public sale of eighty barrels Jamaica Ginger :vent a rather lower prices—low middling and middling 83s to 104 s, and three lots inferior at 75s to b7s per cwt. 1.219 bags Black Pepper likewise changed • • hands At 3d for Malabar, and 3d to 3?- ; (1 for Sumatra, being barely former quetstions. Six casks :Nutmeg's were all taken et 23 10,1 for lined. Rick.--:To-day East India Rice was, not much inquired • after by private contract, and there were sellers to be bound rather under the quoted prices. At auctiou tO2 bags Bengal Were taken in at lOs'ed per cwt for very good white • bat a law tots of d amage d sold at 9s to , Os 6d: 42 brls white; Ariowroot went at 5d to 6d, and damaged 4d to 4id. Saltscretax.—To-day there were buyers of Rough to a fair exte nt privately, but holdrs requiring an advance had the effect ot checking business; and-at auction f C ra a c le t u io t n ta . were 309 bags of taken in at 26s to 26s 6tl for CA. per cent re- Coomstaasis—There continues to be e a e r e o b d ee d n en f i e ln e ci n for home use and export, acme have parcels s peculation at bully fo rmer rates, and supplies are not ° E n o plentilul. Isrloo.— For public competition on the 9th of July the quantity of East India declared is already large, and amounts to 7,364 chests. Holders are (dneot disposed to ac ce d e to l ower rates, but the business co nclud ed been em a il tsr all put poses, Full terms are obtained for Spanish. - • Sriarrs.—For Jamaica Rum previous terms a sustained. The sales amount quality 350 pens. 3d 50 1n5.32 to 36 perre ity 3 a s 4d to 3s Bd, and small to 2a Bd, 3 4 to 36 - over good 2s 10d to 3 s 3d, lino parcels of high flavor 4s . to 4s 4d per gallon. Prices have ceased to decline for Demerara, and a more 2s t atactive sold at e demand exis'; 150 hhds fla_avLeeewbeaernd Island met with l is - to 2s 3d for 34 to 40 over pmts.. m a E t ee l t s 4d better sale, and about 25 0 puns have e b n een adsoelid a proof. ' Purchases to a fair extent hav e In dia at is 3d, and there are not free sellers.be Fur Brandy there is a.q ssiet market, and operations have been limited by ship pers and home dealers. The value of Cognac best brands of the vintage of 1849 is 45 4el to 4s Gd, 1848 ditto • 4s 6d to 4s Bd, 18-17 ditto 3s Id to 5 s 3 d. and inferior sorts 2s 8d to 4s 2d. For Geneva the demand is still limited at Is 7d to is Bd, and fine 2s to 3s. Prices for British ma_d . e . Spirit rule at 9s 4d, and Gin at 7s 10d to 81 4d for 11,.2.': to per cent under proof. reoasa ss , _ For Russian on the spot, operat ions have been • limited for all purposes, and fine P. Y. Candle is held tor 36s 6d to 3 7s 'per cwt. For delivery in the last three months of the year not many buyers are to be met with, and there is a disposition to sell at 385 to 88s 6d, Home melted is to be obtained at the moderate terms of 35s to 35s . 6(1 net cash, but not many buyers are to be met with, and supplies continue to get upon a larger scale. For other sorts of Tallow prices lend downward, as large parcels are ' on offer. At auction 832 pkgs of South American were principally disposed of at 34s to 365; 36 pkgs Grease 30s; 460 pkgs Sydney were sold at 33s to 3tis for common to .fine; 86 cks and 735 mats wrecked P. Y. Candle 34s to , 35:e 6d, and 8 casks East India at 395,5(1 to 39s Gd for fine. • Ouss.—A much better demand hag been experienced for Linseed Oil from shippers and home dealers. For delivery in the last three reontlis of the year operations are upon au ex tenced scale at 29s 6d. to :Ws. Rape Seed Oil is not much warded, pale is offered at 36s to 375, brown 35s to 359 6d and Foreign pule at :4's to 3-a per cwt. Cocoa Nu, Oil 21s to 32s for Ceylon and Cochin of fine and good quality ; whilst about 300 tons lave been sold. Palm is not much wanted; there are sellers of fine at 30s to 30s 61 Olive Oil is ;still purchased with caution, and sellers • are willing -to ateept ' 411 to 421 for Galipoli, and 391 to 4tl lUs per tun for other sorts. Southern Oil is held .-- : -- \ --:—.k r 3:q to 34t for common and fine, but few buyers are t o b e s_ a j with, and the market will be better supplied sh ort l y. .----ILS ,-- i eirm Oil is yet in good request, suppl i es are not larger, i ilk rates obtained f or fine Colonial are 841 to ' . t : le: Seal has been sold to a fair extent at about ' si io s terms, pale realizing 301 to 311, other sorts 28? l - 4,i' As;l)4 h seMaj arriyas fire illir at pand: e9d4: l --- t i .I t tia'iitiilifal and ilafi af6 MN diipiftl to eji re,t • 'l yV~ ~~ ~~~ - 1 -~i ~~ `_ THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 18, 34/ 103 to 351 per tun. Of Teel Seed Oil 70 casks at auction I were taken in at 34s 6d per cwt. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. Their Lordships met at Five o'clock. The Earl of WICKLOW presented a petition from cer tain Irish solicitors against the Process and Practice Ire land Bill. ENCUMBERED ESTATES ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The Marquisi of WESTMEATH moved the third reading of this Bill, and repeated his former complaints against the proc€edings of the Commissioners for the sale of Encumbered Estates in Ireland. He had in the streets of Dublin overtaken a group of drunken fellows who had declared that their wish was to uproot the Irish landlords; and ho believed such to be the wish of the Ministers, with the exception of the Noble Marquis opposite. He believed that they had indulged in the abominable and wicked wish of changing, the whole pro prietary of Ireland. They had indulged the wicked wish cf selling the estates of the Irish proprietors, in order to introduce capitalista who would advance money to the tenants, and it was upon speculations of this sort that this measure for the sale of encumbered estates had been propounded. The highest legal authority had said that there could not be a greAter calamity than the establishment of a court from which there should be no appeal, yet such a court was this court for the dis posal of encumbered estates in Ireland. He could not believe that the Commons of England would consent to let the present law remain unamended in the statute book. The Noble Marquis concluded by moving two additional clauses. The Earl of CARLISLE considered the whole Bill unnecessary, and he thought the clauses would still fur ther tend to militate against its progress in another place, and therefore he must oppose them. One of those clauses tended to circumscribe the powers of the Commis. sioners in dealing with leases. Now, in many instances neither tenants nor landlords could settle what were their respective rights without extensive litigation in the courts of equity. The Commissioners had now the power of dealing with those rights, which had prevented extensive litigation. If the clause were agreed to it would not only prevent any sales for the future but, as it was retrospec tive, would vitiate those already made, which perhaps was the object of the Noble Marquis. It would only produce more mischief. The Marquis of WESTMEATH had no objection to withdraw the words of the clause which made it retro spective. The Earl of GLENGALL supported the clause. The Marquis of WESTMEATH denied that the lessees and landlords of Ireland did not know their rights. The Earl of CARLISLE said that the clause pro posed would obstruct the working of the Act. The Marquis of WESTMEATH did not care one straw for the working of the Act. He wished to obstruct its working, and to prevent its working altogether. He wanted to put a drag-chain upon the working of the Act, and he did not care if the Act and its machinery was sent ho knew where. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to know, if the parties did not know their rights, how the Commissioners should know them? Lord BE AUM.ONT would have no objection to the clause if the grievances existed of which 13e complained, and if the clause would furnish a remedy, but he believed that both the Noble Marquis and himself had laboured under a mistake with regard to that matter. The effect of the rule made by the Commissioners was not, as he and the Noble Marquis had thought, to diminish the term of notice, but to extend it. The old law made six months' notice' requisite for the renewal of leases, but the regulations of the Commissioners gave the six months and something in addition. He would suggest that the clause be withdrawn. The Marquis of WESTMEATH still maintained his own opinion on the matt3r, but as the clause did not seem thoroughly understood he would withdraw it. . . The clause was then withdrawn. The NOBLE MARQUIS then proposed a clause forbid ding the sale of anp encumbered estate unless it should produce fifteen years' purchase. Persons had been driven mad i❑ Ireland by the operation of this law, and had committed murder while in that state. The Earl of CARLISLE was constrained to oppose the clause even at the risk of being taunted with pro moting madness and murder. It was contrary to the spirit of the Act which was to leave the deci sion in all such cases to the Commissioners, who were men of acuteness, honour, honesty, and learning, and to pass this clause would be to take a wrong estimation of the character of these gentlemen, and to withdraw from them the confidence of the House. The Commissioners, and he spoke by their authority, were anxious to give an explanation of every case which could be made matter of accusation against them. If their Lordships chose to make this House a court of appeal against their decisions, they would be anxious to afford their Lordships explanations on any individual case that ,could be brought forward against them. He would supply their reasons, and explain to Parliament the grounds on which they had decided. The Noble Marquis had not thought proper to wait for the production 01 the returns which had been moved for; —prohably it answered his purpose hest not to do an. but he had bien in communication with the Commis sioners. One of the cases brought against them was that they bad disposed of one estate for one and a half year's purchase. That estate had been sold with the full concurrence of the creditors and the owners, and it was doubtful whether the estate was worth the ht aq rent of two hundred pounds a, 3 ear, and all parties wore agreed that it had Ltched its full value. Ano:her estate had been sold at seven years purcha.e. it was sub ject to a head rent of 4091. It was let at 7321., and was sold for 2,2001. The holder cemented to the sale, the creditors consented to the sale, but the proprietor of the head rent opposed it. Dr. Laytield, one of the Commissioners, whose political opinions dif fered from those of the Government, and assimilated with those of the Noble Marquis, declared that the es ta:o had been sold far its full value, and owners of pro perty were now anxious to bring their estates under the jurisdiction of the Commissioners for Encumbered Es tates. (LETT SITTING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four u'elcek. PRIVATE BILLS. The Dilston Improvement, Market, Waterworks, and Cemetery Bill was read a third time and passed. PETITIONS . Mr. 117 M. BROWN presented a petition signed by 7,300 members of a Friendly Society at Liverpool (as v e under s t oo d) i n f avour o f t h e F r i en dl y Societies Bill Mr. H. BERKELEY presented a petition from the managing committee of a Friendly Society, at Bristol, against the Friendly Occietiea Bill. Mr. BRAMSTON presented a petition, from a place in Essex, against the admission of Jews to Parliament. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented petitions from the Presbyteries of Balleinana cad Coleraine, ju for a better system of tenant right in Ireland. g. Mr. LUSHINGTON presented a petition fern the Floral Unity Lodge of Odd Fellows against the Friendly Societies Bail. Sir C. BURRELL presmtcd a petition from a place in SusEeic against the admission of Jews to Parliament. Colonel THOMPSON presented a pztitior► from the South London District of Odd Fellows against thu Friendly Societies Bill. - Mr. PORTAL presented a petition from Hampshire against, the admission of Jews to Parliament. Mr. P. MILES protentQd a petition from the mar agers of the Savings' Bank at Bristol against the Savings Bank Bill. Mr. PETO presented a petition from certain Dissent ing congregations in London against the compensation CiMIEC , I in the Metropolitan Interments Bill. Mr. STUART presented a petition signed by 250 of the respectable inhabitants (A :Newark against the spread of beer shop. Sir W. MOLESWORTH presented nine petitions from lodges of Foresters and Odd Fellows in favour of the Bill relating to friendly societies. Mr. WALPOLE presented a petition from Midburst, as we understood, against the admission of Jews to Parliament. Mr. ADDERLEY presented similar petitions from places in Statlimlshire. _ _ Mr. B. OSBORNE presented a petition from Congle, in the county of Mayo, praying that the House would pass a Bill providing for the revenues of the Protestant Church in Ireland being applied to their original pur poses. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Newington in favour of the Marriage Bill. Mr. BANKES presented a petition from a place at Dorset prayirg that the Savings Bank Bill be i creme] to it Select Committee; also, petitions from the same place against and i n f avour o f the Ten Hours Bill. against the Savings: Bank Bill. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. THORNELY, in the aosence of Mr. Ewart, postponed the motio n on the abolition of capital punish ment until the 13th of July. ,_. Mr. O'CONNOR postponed his motion on th e People's Charter until further notice, Mr. BOUVER . IE postp oned his motion on the subject of divorce by private Acts of Parliament, until the 11th of July. WESTMINSTER SEW:Pavvacoeu,r the Noble he wished Lord DUNCAN rose and said, that seeing Lord, the Member for Plymouth in his place, to ask him several questions on an namely, when the sewage of Westminster is br Y oun iect , the new cesspool in Parliament-gardens, where the4Ciamt missioners intend to pump it to ; where the outlet theto °. new sewer now constructing is to be; and why the Co missioners of Sewers did not commence at the Z . nearwit the outlet : what the total estimate of the new line of sewer amounts to; and whether there is any oh. jection to lay the estimate on the table of the House of Commons : whether the new line of drainage is suffi ciently deep for the requirements of the Commissioners of the Westminster improvements, and to drain the entire of the Westminster district ? Lord EBIZINGTON said it was not sewage water that the steam engine had been erected to pump out, but water which is,ued from the adjoining land and col lected in a deep cut that had been made for the purpose of erecting a new sewer. As regarded the other ques qon, ho replied that the water was to be pumped into the sewer in Great George-street, wh ich was on a higher level, in order to enable the workmen to continue their operations. 1:11.. GREENE asked the Noble Lord whether it was intended to carry the proposed sewer from the point Thera Os ;team , eu iue Alig.gitlart _ was placed , at the corner of tilv Lffiti i il W oot h tetry li atT ili rt i eu to oh G VY n er ° : the intention of the Commissioners of Sewers, what was their object in carrying it to so great a distance, when a shorter outlet, and, it might be presumed, at least as good a fall, might be obtained near Westminster-bridge; and whether, if an outlet were at once male for the new sewer near Westminster-bridge, the carrying off the sewage, by means of pumping it up, might not be alto gether avoided. Lord EBRINGTON replied that the wall which was to be erected at the outlet of the sewer in Scotland yard was to be of a temporary nature, because the Com missioners of Sewers were desirous that the Thames should not be polluted by the sewage water of the metropolis any_ longer than was necessary. He was not competent to give an opinion as to the su periority of the plan which bad been adopted for the erection of these sewers, but it had been approved of by men who were capable ofjudgiug as to what was most advisable under the circumstances. Sir DE LACY EVANS wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Greene) whether he could give the House any information regarding the three great cesspools which it was said had been constructed under the new Houses of Parliament, and also whether he could lay on the table a copy of the controversy which he understood had taken place between Mr. Barry and the Commissioners of Sewers regarding the drainage of the new houses? Lord ASHLEY said there was only one cesspool, though there were many tributaries. In 1843 a corre spondence took place between the consulting engineer of the sewers acd the architect, but he could not say whether or no Government would consent to lay it on the table. Mr. BANKES wished to know if the steam-engine now constructing in Parliament-gardens would be built to consume its own smoke. Viscount EBRINGTON was understood to reply in ,he negative. GREECE. Mr. B. OSBORNE wished to put a question to the ion. Baronet the Member for Radnorshire relative to the affairs of Greece. The Hon. Baronet, from time to time, had moved for papers relating to the Greek busi mess, which had recently been laid on the table of the House. Now, he wished to ask the Hon. Baronet when he intended to draw the attention of the House to the subject?—(Cheers.) Sir J. WALSH really must correct a mistake the Hon. ' Member for Middlesex had fallen into. He had never moved for any papers whatever, but he had on one or two occasions put a question across the table on the subject. He did not, however, think that his having done so necessarily obliged him to undertake the serious task of bringing the matter formally before the House. GROWTH OF COTTON IN INDIA. Mr. BRIGHT then rose to move that an humble ad dress be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty to appoint a commission to proceed to India, to inquire into the obstacles which prevent an increased growth of cotton in that country, and to report upon any circumstances which may injuriously affect the economical and industrial condition of the native population, being cultivators of the soil within the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras. He felt certain that the House would not require him to offer any apology for bringing forward the subject to which his motion referred; fur at the first glance he felt persuaded that every Member of the House must acknowledge the importance of the subject which he was about to bring under their notice. Whatever might be the fate of the resolution which he was about to propose—whether he succeeded in obtain ing this commission or failed, at least there would be but one opinion in the House with regard to the importance to which it referred, namely, the ob taining of an adequate supply of the raw material of one of the greatest textile manufactures of this country, The trade employed directly or indirectly probably not much less than 2,000,000 of the population of the United Kingdom, and it employed an amount of capital far greater than was to be found engaged in any other of the manufacturing trades of the United Kingdom. Thai trade also produced a very much larger amount of the whole exports of the United Kingdom than did any other branch of our national industry, and that had, as a matter of course, a very great influence over the imports. The raw material on which that ca pital was engaged, in the working up of which 2,000,000 of our population obtained their livelihood, was a sub ject not of local, but of national importance. The whole import of cotton into this country in 1800 was not more than 56,000,0001b5. weight. It had increased very rapidly, and in 1849 it had reached the enormous amount of 754,000,0001b5. weight. Our sup plies of this material were drawn first of all from the United States of America ; secondly, in point of quantity, from the British possessions in India; thirdly, from Brazil; fourthly, from Egypt; and fifthly , the British West Indies. Taking the import of the last five yeare, the United States of America had furnished 78i per cent. of the cotton consumed here, the East Indies about 10i per cent., the empire of Brazil about 7 per cent., Egypt 3i- per cent., and the British West Indies about per coat. The increase had been enormous in the United States; it had been very little, if at all, from British India; it had been very large from Egypt; almost stationary from Brazil ; and in the East Indies the supply had fallen almost to nothing. We derived 78q per cent. from the United States, and although the increase there had been very large, yet the crop was so exceedingly fluctuating that periodically the cotton trade of this country suffered great difficulty and embarrassment, either from a real or from a menaced insufficiency of supply. In 1838 the crop was only 1,360,000 bales ; in 1848 it was 2,700,000 bales; in 1849 it was 2,000,000, vary• ing thus 700,000 or 800,000 in only two crops, or a ftliing off at least of 25 per cent. These facts were st,fficient to show the House that it was their bounden duty to tale some steps to relipve the manufacturing interests from the (fleets of these fluctua tions. There was another point, too, to which he must call their attention, and that was, that the whole of the cotton was the production of slave labour. Now, with. out going any further, he thought they were quite justified in saying that the institution of slaver) would not last much longer, and in whatever way it was disturbed, there was great fear that for some time aher a great interruption would take place in the pro duction of cotton, and a great blow be inflicted on the in dustry of this country. To what other country could they turn for this supply? Neither Australia nor th new colony of Natal could be expected fur some t .dmo to be able to furnish any facilities; the growth. of cotton in the West Indies had been v: e .etuaisy extinct for some years, and the British Possessions in India e ere the only places left to which they could t turn their attention. That this idea was by no means a. vain one was proved t)y the efforts of the East Indii, Company, for the la e t eixty years, to promote the growth of cotton in t 1: elr territories, at an expense of not less than 100,0001. a-year, and the Select Committee of that Rouse had reported that all the natural circumstances of that country were favourable to the experiment. lie did not mean to encourage the growth of cotton by depressing any other branch of industry, but he intender that they ihould do so by those lawful means of which a Government might properly avail itself for the purpose of stimulating the energies of the people. Now it was an extraordinary fact that . notwithstanding all the exertions , cf the Government cf India to encourage the growth of cotton, I no satisfactory results had been arrived at; and he n ishtel to know who it was that had been in error— whether that House, the East India Company, or the 1 . %lanehester Chamber of Commerce, had been in error. He knew not whether the Government would grant the Com ' mission of Inquiry which he proposed, but if they die not, he thought they were bound to hold out some hope to the country, that they would propose some measure which would be at least as effectual as that which he now 'proposed for the adoption of the House. Now it could al ways be ascertained from the condition of a people whether the Government of their country was favourable or unfavourable to their progress and prosperity. That was a fact which could not be too universally known; and ho should be able to show that the condition of the cul tivating population of India was by no means satisfac tor3--that they were in a condition of extreme, abject, and almost universal poverty. He had never yet met with any person acquaint^d with India who denied that the condition of the culti vating population was unsatisfactory. All testimony was concurrent on that point. A celebrated Baja, who visited this country twenty years ago, stated in a pam phlet which he published that, such was the melancholy condition of the agricultural labourers in India that he always alluded to ' it' with - great pain. Three years afterwards a distinguished gentle man connected with India, Mr. Shaw, who was a judge as well as the author of a standard work on India, said the British Government was not regarded in a favourable light by the native population, and among the rea sons which he mentioned as giving rise to this state of things, was the gradual impoverishment of the country by a system of taxation and extortion un paralleled in the annals of any country.—(Hear.) I The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to quote similar nuthoritics for his opinion of India, and then went on to state that he did not read these extracts for the purpo..e of throwing obloquy upon the Government of India, nor did he wish in the slightest degree to exaggerate in colour the evidence he should adduce in support of his motion. He brought that•evidence forward because ha intended to found his chief argi l . meats upon it. He did not say, nor could it be said, that this miserable state of things was the fault of the people of India themselves, nor did he wish entirely to attribute it to the faults of their Government—their fiscal system, or the administration of their laws. There was nothing in the character of the people of India, which should induce this country to believe that they were not capable of producing large and increasing supplies of cotton, the result of their own industry. He came next then to the question of government, and he might state in the beginning he had no hostility to the India Company, no portion of feeling against them mixed with the motives which had induced him to bring forward this question. He believed he should have from them and the House, an acknowledgement that he had kept hi mse lf from bringing charges against them. ' He had contented himself, and should continue to do so, with bringing the simple facts before the notice of the House. Now there were two main points upon which all the evidence concurred. With regard to the present condition and future prospects of the people of India there was no dispute whatever, but with regard to the internal improvement of the country there was consider able difference of opinion. The Hon. Member read several letters from gentlemen in the civil and military service of the East India Company, from a soldier in a regiment of Fusileers in India, from Colonel Grant and Major Coffin, describing - the wretched means of road communication in the districts of Ghoozeran and Ghoozerat, the great cotton growing districts of the East. He would recommend to the attention of the Indian Government the account given by Mr. Dalrymple, in 1798, of the ancient Gentoo Government, and the ineani adopted - by ' them to ensure a continuity of favourable crop.. He would also mention a report presented to the Governor-General, Lord Dalhonsie, by the merchants of India, which, he thought, Mowed the great inattention which had been shown to the re quirements of British India, which contrasted strongly with the great and liberal public works of the ancient princes. There was only another document to which he would refer, and that was to the evidence of Mr. Mangles before the Select Committee, who admitted that while the gross revenue derived from India was at least 280,000,0001. Something under 4,000,0001. had been spent on internal improvements. He tuought ho had made out a ewe against the East India Government for inattention to the internal improvement of those provinces. He would call the attention of the House to the manner in which the revenue was raised by assessment on the land. (LEFT SPEAKIN G.) COMMON PLEAS.-(THIS DAY.) :Sittings at Nisi Prius b fore the Lord Chia Justice and a Special Jury.) NEWNHAM V. STEVENSON AND ANOTHER. This case, which occupied the Court the whole of yesterday, was resumed this morning, and again occu pied the Court during the whole of the sitting. There was no point of interest, but the evidence was tedious and at great length. The jury returned a verdict, at a late hour, fur the defend t. COURSE OF EXCII) B.(nster,.. ......•••• 12 21,4, Dltto, Circe months .. 12 3;; 1 ' Itotterdain .. •••• • • • • 12 3% 25 75 Brussels •••..•.• • • • - • 25 75 fiw.nOurgh M.D. 13 12% Paris, 3 days'sight • 25 55 Ditto, 3 months 25 7734 Aarseilles •••••• • • •• • • 25 80 Bourdeaux . • ..... • Frankfort on 251a1n0...,, 121% Berlin • • .......... • • • • Vienna, effec. tlo •••• •• 12 15 Trieste, ditto.. •••••• •• 12 18 P‘atersburgh, Sll. Rble.. 37 % Hadrid ••..•••• • • • • • • 49% Cadiz •• 49% Barcelona • •..•• • • • • 5evi11a.................- •.% I .NGE,-(THIS DAY.) Gibraltar.. .... • • Leghorn .... • . 30 70 tleaoa ........ .... 26 20 Milan Venice...." • • • • • • • • • • Naples .. ............ 4051 ?Merino, peroz ........ 12154 Jlcssina .. 122 Lisbon—. • • 53 % 0p0rt0.................33/ 8 Etio Janeiro • • • • • • Buenos Ayres — New York, 60 days'sight Philadelphia .... • • .... PRICES OF MILLION, PER OZ. Foreign Gold in bars.. £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Spanish Doubloons .. 0 0 0 New Dollars • . . • 0 4 10 Silver in bars • . 0 0 0 - - GRIBISBY, JuNE 1 7.—The Karen Andres, Newcastle to Arundel, was assisted in last evening with damage, and very leaky. PVESIOIITII, JUNE S.—Sld. 16, Liysantler, and not the Princess Helena, Adelaide, South Australia, as reported yesterday, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 17. LORD LIEUTENANCY ABOLITION (IRELAND)` BILL — ADJOURNED DEBATE. (Continued from our Third Edition of last night.) Sir R. PEEL—Sir, considering that this Bill is brought forward by her Majesty's Government, and that the undoubted object of it is to promote the good government of Ireland, it is entitled on these accounts to at least the most respectful consideration of this House. I consider the main question to be, will the arrangement proposed by the Bill conduce to the good and satisfactory government of Ireland ? All other con- siderations are, I apprehend, subordinate to that. The withdrawal of the Lord-Lieutenant from Ireland may or ma y not affect acme local and partial interests, but still, if the result of the measure shall be to promote the end of good government in Ireland, all other considera tions of partial and local injury are, in my opinion, to be regarded as subordinate.—(Hear.) I wish I could see with the same confidence with which some gentle men :ee the unequivocal advantages of this Bill ; but I own that, while upon the whole I am perfectly willing to consent that the experiment should be made, I am bound, in giving that consent, to say that I do so with much hesitation and doubt as to the advantages which, in the estimation of many gentlemen, are likely to re• cult from ir.—(Bear.) Of this I am confident, that if you are to have local authorities who, without the responsibility of the Lord-Lieutenant, will assume the executive functions of government, Ireland will derive no advantage whatever from the measure.—(hear, hear.) I am quite aware of the difficulties which men, even of high character and great acquirements, have in admi nistering the government of Ireland; but these difficul- ties are not, I apprehend, so much felt on account either of their personal qualities or on account of the constitu tion of the office of Lord-Lieutenant itself, as on account of difficulties inherent in the state of society in Ireland —(Hear, hear)—which difficulties will, to a very consi derable extent, continue to operate, even if this office is removed.—(Hear.) I fear that there are some difficul ties inherent in the constitution as regards this matter. When there was a local Parliament in Ireland the rela tion of the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant was natural and constitutional relation. The Chief Secre tary was then in immediate connexion with the Lord- Lieutenant. He stood in a subordinate capacity, all he did emanated from the authority of the Lord-Lieute nant, and his relation to him corresponded in all mate rial respects to the relation in which a Minister of State ordinarily stands with reference to the Crown.—(liear.) When you abolished the local Legislature, and trans 'erred the Secretary's Parliamentary functions to this side of the water, you altered materially the relations , :etween the two parties. You put the office of Secretary aside from that of the Lord-Lieutenant; you made him a Minister responsible for the administration of justice in Ireland,—a Minister necessarily possessing great power, and exercising that power sometimes without communication with his chief', however desirous he might be of doing so.—(He ae, hear.) You thus placed him in position in which it was very difficult for any man with the very best intentions to carry on the public eusiness without the ride of oecaeional embarrassment. —(Hear, hear.) I speak from experieece as to the diffi culties that have resulted from the position in which the Chief Secretary stands with re, tenant. At the same tire --6 removingand to the Lord-Lieu tenant. "n 't% may be the effect of the authority of a nobleman of such .arements as th e n o bl eman now adminis :ering t functiens of Lord-Li eu t enant i n I re l an d, an d eih .. • ' .‘c encouragement it may give to the revival of loc a l high l a .r e o o m r• " 1"1 agitation and to the struggles of party, I cannot pretend to predict; but I certainly do not view without appre hension the risk that if you are to have a local Com mander-in-Chief, a local Lord Chancellor, a separate bar, and altogether a separate administrasion of justice, the removal of an authority like that of the Lord-Lieutenant —acting independently, animated by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of the people, free from all local prejudices, and from all personal partialities—may to attended with an injurious effect.--(Hear, hear.) You have attempted to counteract and remedy the difficulty that arises from this peculiar relation to the Lord-Lieu- tenant, by giving to the Secretary for Ireland necessary additional powers. You have occasionally found it neces sary, or considered it necessary, to give to the Chief Se cretary the authority of a Cabinet Minister.—(Hear.) That I c onceive to be a most clumsy device for remedy ing a difficulty inherent in the constitution.—(Eleur.) It is a device not only diseurbing the relations of a chief to his subordinate, but one positively inverting those re lations.—(ficar.) When you give to the Chief Secretary all the authority of a Cabinet Minister, and leave the Lord-Lieutenant without that authority, you encourage the Chief Secretary still more to assume for himself the xercise Of independent powers.— ( Hee.r, hear.) On that ground alone, then, from the difficulties that are expe rienced in maintaining the relations between these two authorities—there being at the same time grave oVjeu lions to the remedy occasionally employed, that of con ferring the dignity of a Cabinet Minister on the Secre tary—it is, in short, from a reference to the difficulties inherent in the constitution, and the employment of that occasioral remedy, that lam inclined favourably to re ceive the proposal for an alteration in these arrange ments.—(Hear, hear.) I am bound, also, to admit that the increased facilities of communication between the two countries gives increased means of conducting the government of Ireland without the intervention of a Lord-Lieutenant; and probably nc period could be bet ter selected than the present for making that experiment. But, then, I must say that that which will best reconcile me to the working of the experiment will be that you have unity of system in the form of government which you aro to substitute.—(llear, hear.) I did express strong doubts—not in 1846, as the lion. Member for Portarlingtou (Colonel Dunne) stated the other night—. but in 1814—I then stated the apprehensions which I felt as to the result of the anpointincnt of a fourth Secre tary of State for the administration of Irish affairs; and lam bound to say that those apprehensions have continued till now.—(Hear.) The advantages compen sating for other risks and inconveniences are, in my opi. nion, a system of unity—a system of unity of legislation, so far as legislation can be uniform respecting two coun tries like England and Ireland, and unity in the way of appointing one man to administer the whole affairs of the Secretary of state,_(Heee,) If you htvo two Se cretaries of St a t e f or exerc ising the same or nearly the same duties, the question must a rise, whether y ou are not forfeiting a grea t pert of the advantage you hope to obtain from the extinction of the high. office of Lord- Lieutenant.—(Elear, hear.) You are, in fact, by this proposal, receding from the principle on which you dv sting e acted in 1816. In that year you fou nd the advantage of consolidating the two Exchequers , and you resolved that the finan c i a l a rr angements of the two countries the would the ew of fob whole er sf better ao Chancellor fo i carried thedo of the on othf fie b e by abolishing the E entirely Exchequer, a English glish Chan cellor of the Exchequer. Every a r g ument that could apply to th a t case will be equally applicable to the ad ministration of justice and the exercise of the executive functions.—(Hear, hear.) If you are to have two Se cretaries of S tate I earnestly entreat you to consider the natu re o f such an arrange ment as this—to put Wales and Scotl an d un d er one o f them, and England and Ire land und er t h e other. - —(A laugh.) You laugh at the idea of such an arrang eieent, b u t there is no reason why you should l aug h at a proree al of that kind any more than at a Propo s al for g iving one Secretary to Ireland and another Seeretar , r for the rest of the kingdom._ (Hear.) There mig"at be rood reason for separating Scotland from Englf a nd in this respect, for there a sepa rate system of law r e nd administration exists; but I re& ly do think it would I .ie a better arrangement to have Wales and Scotland under one secretary , and En g la nd and Ire land under anot h er, t h an t o make the distinction you propose by this 13 7 ,11.—(Hear, hea r.) If y ou are to have an officer residi-de in England , an d occasionall y p er haps in Ireland, w i t h all the authority o f the Lord-Lieut enant , then I must sae/ I f oresee more chances of difference of opinion with r egard to the administration of affairs in Ireland then at present exist.--(Hear, hear.) If the times br, tranuuil, and no danger of popular commotiore arise, Chen the Irish Secretary of State may very el :sib/ administer the affairs of the Govern ment, so, fee- as the employment of the soldiery in cor:lex:ion with the civil power is concerned; but, sup pose t:tiere ~n ay be serious troubles in Scotland, and dis ; turbeittocte 1414,) in England and Wales, and at the same , irne popular outbreaks in Ireland, will it not be of the high c,t rgivattage to see one civil officer who hiss to communicate will the Commander cf the Forces hi ord€r of to suppress the outrages that have arisen—to have one man ready to deal with the exi gencies of every part of the empire, than to have two men bosh responsible. for the maintenance of the public peace, and holding, it may be, different and conflicting views on a matter of such importnacci as the restoration of the public peace through the npplication of military torte?—(Hear, hear.) We see the Secretary of State for the Home Department already overburdened with business, and my whole experience tends to show that the conflict of co-equal authority will_ only add to his difficulties. Now with respect to unity of legislation. We all know that it is of the utmost advantage that our Irish legislation should, as nearly as possible, con form in principle and in details with our legislation for England. It is easy to say that; but, when we come to the practical application of the prin ciple, how many difficulties do we not find in the way? —(hear, hear.) Must the one Secretary, before he proceeds to legislate, hold frequent communications with his brother Secretary on those points that are to form the groundwork of proceeding for that part of the king dom under his jurisdiction'? If, on the other hand, there is to be no such communication—if one is to legis late for Ireland and the other for the rest of the empire, without communication, then you undergo the risk of causing such material differences as must disturb the harmony of the whole. I assume there will be co m- tuunicalion between the Secretaries; and I only say, that however pressing the amount of business might be, I would rather be responsible for the whole of the legislation of the country than for all the unsatisfactory details which would be inevitable under such a system. —(Hear, hear.) With respect to the administration of criminal justice in Ireland, if there he a separate Secretary of State for that country what will be the consequence? There will be communications carried on by the judges and by the Attorney- General and Solicitor-General with the .Secretary of State, and thus you will be keeping up a distinction in the Irish ainainistration of justice w hi c h it isyour ob- ject to avoid. Whereas, if Chore were but one Secretary of State for the united empire, who should be respon sible for the advice given to the Crown in respect to the exercise of the prerogative of mercy for all parts of the United Jiingdom, my opinion is, that the burden it would cast on the shoulders of that one Secretary would not be more onerous than it is at present, while the satisfac tion it would give would be much greater, from the con viction which the people of Ireland would feel that the same principle in the administration of the law and in the exercise of the prerogative of mercy was applied to all parts of the kingdom. I do not wish to deny the fact as to the extent of the business which presses upm the Ministers; and there is no effort I would not make to relieve the Secretary of State for the Homo Department from many of the functions which he now performs, in order to make him respon sible for the administration of the criminal law both in England and in Ireland. For instance, if it be true that the superintending the adminstration of the criminal Jaw be too heavy a duty for the Secretary of State to perform, why not, if you are going to alter the consti tution of the office of Lord Chancellor, by appointing two judges to discharge the duties which the Lord Chancellor now performs—why not transfer the ad ministration of the details of criminal justice to those new officers, in order that the Secretary of State might be able to apply his undivided attention to legislation for the united empire, and to the duties of the executive government? Depend upon it, if you make the change proposed by this Bill, what you will want in Ireland will he the moral influence of a man of the highest au- thority. I consider that authority will be much higher if it be exercised by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, possessed of all the authority which the Crown can confer upon him for the administration of the whole connected affairs of the united empire. That au thority will be much greater than if you constitute a dis tinct Secretary of State for administering those separate functions in one pars only of the United Kingdom. But Ido not at present understand how it is proposed that the Secretary of State is to discharge his duties. Is he to ba resident in Ireland during that period of the year when his Parliamentary duties may not require his pre sence in England? and, if he be resident in Ireland, will he have full power, which a Secretary of State ought to have in times of emergency, of acting, not only with formal authority, but with a known, patent, and unques tioned authority, which free access to the Sovereign ne cessarily confers? Will he be enabled to suggest the Queen's commands as the ground for those acts of au thority he may at any time exercise? But, if he be re sident in Ireland, I don't see why the objection which has been made to the applications that are frequently forwarded by the magistrates of Ireland to the Lord- Lieutenant for advice in the execution of their magiste rial duties, should not be equally applicable to the case of the Secretary of State, to whom, no doubt, the magis trate would be as ready to apply for advice as to the Lord-Lieutenant. If, however, the new Secretary of State is to reside in this country, then I do not see why you should not make the experiment you are now about to make by calling upon the present Secretary of State for the Home Department to perform these united functions. I recollect, during the late war, that all the functions, and the whole of the administration of Colo nial and foreign affairs, were performed by one Secretary of State. If the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir G. Grey) would only say " I will undertake to perform the Irish as well as the English affairs, only give me a proper number of subordinates," my opinion is he would find it perfectly practicable to accomplish the object desired. If he would take upon himself the sole control over the administration of criminal justice, and over the legisla tion on that branch of the government, he may depend upon it he would not have a greater demand upon his duce than he would have if he were united with an Irish colleague who would be constantly telling him, what all Irish Members were ever telling us, that Englishmen knew nothing about Ireland—(Much laughter)—that no Englishman is at all fit to govern that country. It is true, when Irishmen came over here they heard Englishmen talk of certain principles of justice and of equity, and so forth; but still no Englishman could understand the mystery of Irish society.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This Irish Secretary would no doubt be followed by many of his Irish friends in this House, and the Right Honour able Gentleman would soon find the Irish Secretary, co-ordinate and co-equal with himself, a very disagree able colleague, and one not likely to relieve him trom the burden of any portion of that business the discharge of which was the cause of great anxiety and uneasiness of mind to him on whom the responsibility of that de partment of the Executive Government devolved. I therefore most honestly and earnestly advise the Right Honourable Gentleman to take the administration of those functions upon himself, even though he should have another 10th of April to contend with. For it is of importance that the same mind which has to guard against any dangers that may threaten this metropolis should be equally called upon to take into consideration whether similar arrangements would be necessary in the event of the city of Dub lin or any other part of the United Kingdom being in danger of having its peace disturbed. A command of time, and less of change, a unity of system, and a pros peCt of inspiring confidence, besides the facilities for con ducting a joint administration of affairs, are in my opi nion advantages infinitely more likely to be enjoyed if the functions of this department are exercised by one Secretary of State than if the duties should be performed by two. I wish to destroy the impression which ap pears always to rest in the minds of Irish gentlemen, that it is necessary for them constantly to refer to Go vernment for advice. I wish them also to see that the proposal for transferring a portion of the authority now held by the Lord-Lieutenant to the municipal corpora tions would not at all solve the difficulty. It may be quite right. for •aught I know, to transfer some of those goiters to the corporations, and considering that the successful result of the exercise of the municipal autho rity in the city of Dublin has been so great—( Much laughter)—it may be the opinion of Honourable Gen tlemen that by increasing their powers we should be increasing the benefits arising from their exer cise. Still I do not apprehend that any increased powers given to the municipalities of Ireland would solve the difficulty created by taking away the govern ment of the Lord-Lieutenant. Let the corporations have additional powers, if it be necessary, but that is a separate question altogether; and let it therefore stand upon its own independent merits. Giving increased authority to the municipalities will not assist either one Secretary or two Secretaries in determining the princi ples of legislation, or aid them in conducting the ordi nary affairs of government. Ido not, however, view with complete freedom from uneasiness and anxiety the change you are contemplating. I will not stop to con sider some questions which have been suggested in the course of the debate, but this I will say, ,that if you think the city of Dublin is likely to be injuriously af fected by the loss of the Lord-Lieutenant, I am of opinion that we shall be bound to consider, equitably and liberally, the claim which Dublin may have for compensation. I do not mean a claim in the shape of a grant, bat a general claim, without pretending pre cisely to say whet pecuniary compensation it should be. I do net entirely agree with the Noble Lord in the opi nion that all the sums which have hitherto been spent in Dublin would henceforth return to the different localities and be 'expended there. lam rather afraid that a single Court with increased , splendour—for the splendour of the British Court, eplendid as it now is, would undoubtedly be incensed, and would be adorned by Irish gentlemen and Irish ladies—would have a tendency to increase ab senteeism—(Hear, hear)—and that it would not be to the counties of Ireland that the benefit would accrue, but rather to England, by a concentration of society in this country. However, I am prepared to incur that risk, but that which I shall ask as a compensation for the risk I am willing to incur is, that we shall so make our arrangements for the legislation and government of Ireland as shall insure as much uniformity and as much unity as it is possible for legislation to effect.—(Hear.) Mr. ROCHE was greatly surprised and much pained at the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was a speech that would revive feelings for a repeal of the union in breasts where those feelings were 'gradually dying away. The Right Hon. Gentleman was of opinion that the Bill did not go far enough, because it still maintained in Ireland a separate bar and a separate Lord Chancellor. He, however, derived one consolation from the Right Hon. Baronet's speech. Though, if its principle were carried out, it would be injurious to Ire land, still it was a speech altogether against this Bill. He warned the Government against making a change for the worse, and making that change at a wrong time. They told them they were not self-dependent enough, and then they brought in this Bill to make them depend still more upon them. As far as he was concerned, they might take away the Lord-Lieutenant altogether, but do not take with him every valuable and useful in stitution they still had left in Ireland. But he did not think the Government would succeed in carrying the measure. The Idea of March were come, but they were not passed. The Irish Members were few and weak in that House, but they possessed the confidence of Ireland, 1850. and were strong out of doors. The Bill would be fore doomed. The cry of national redemption would go forth to-night; for the people of Ireland would see that this was not a mere attempt to remove the Lord-Lieu tenant, but it was a eombined attempt to crush all na tional feeling and independent spirit in that country : Sir R. PEEL explained that he had no desire to in terfere with the Irish bar, the Attorney or Solicitor- General, or the members of the Irish judicial bench, and any observations on that topic lest the question quite untouched. Mr. NAPIER said ho had to oppose the second read ,ng of this Bill, and that it was not without much and anxious consideration that he had arrived at the conclu sion that it was his duty to do so. Having farmed the opinion that this Bill ought not to pass, he felt bound to state to the House the reasons which had influenced him to come to that conclusion, The Noble Lerd said there ought to be one administration for the two kingdoms. He concurred in that sentiment, and if this Bill effected :hat object he would not oppose it, but it did no such .hing. Instead of establishing a single administration 'or the two countries, on theContraryjit preserved a se- parato administration, If they could not get rid of the abuses that grew up under the present system without dispensing with the Lord-Lieutenant, he would at once Meld tbaoffipe. The Noble Lord said he would not inter- 'ere with the judicial authorities, and he had no suspicion hat he would do so. Then they left the judges, the corn- mender of the forces, and a roial reideneo — , so that they left many separate institutions, notwithstanding that the object of this Bill was professed to effect a single tichniniitration for both countries. The advantages stated to be derived from this Bill were of two classes. First, the facility of communication with the British Cabinet, which was to be effected by the appointment of . . a Secretary for Ireland. The grosa difficulty with re gard to Irish affairs was, to ascertain the real state of the fact in any c mtrovertcd case. Now, was this likely to bo effected by an officer residing in London? , The could never have such means of arriving at the truth by an officer in this country as by one upon the spot. Ano ther disadvantage which would arise from this Bill would be, the conferences between the Executive and the law officers of the Crown in Ireland, which alone would give the necessary advice and information to guide them. Before they adopted this Bill they ought to be assured that Ireland was in possession of the local means of eata- blishing a firm executive power in that country. Much had been said of the party spirit that prevailed in Ire land, as if there was none in this country. For his parr, he should b 3 sorry to see party spirit destroyed. It ,was the price they had to pay for free institu tions. What they should correct was the abuse of it. It was said that by this Bill the executive secretary would be brought more under Parliamentary control. That object might be attained, but it was not quite so clear that Parliament always understood the affairs of Ireland, that they . could implicitly re►y upon its legis lation without the information they could obtain from parties in Ireland competent to afford it. What they mainly required for Ireland was security for life and pro perty, which could only be effected by a firm and ♦igor ous executive. He would ask, was this a time to try an experiment which would hold out speculative advan tages, and entail certain evils. What was their physical condition? Look at the depressed state of Dublin. The metropolis was in a state of poverty gene rally. Look through the country generally. Were nut the gentry crushed? Had the people generally the means of existence? Was this a time to try those ex periments?—(Hear, hear.) He had a heart for the feel ings of others, and many of them might have feelings of irritation and insult at being dealt with in this way. He implored them not to break up the executive system. They should begin a new policy, and bring the people up out of their low condition. Then they might carry out what they called the purity of their views. With regard to the present Lord-Lieutenant, although he could not concur in the whole of his policy, he had found him kind, courteous, and conciliatory; and he had never made a suggestion which was not attended to. He believed that Noble Lord capable, if supplied ith right policy and controlled by the instructions of a right and capable Cabinet, of governing effectually and well any country in the world.—(Loud cheers.) - Mr. SADLEIR said they had heard three long speeches that evening; but most of the objections urged against the measure were objections of detail, rather than against its principle. He was happy to say that the opponents of the Bill in that House were few.—(No, no.) He maintained that they were but few compared with the gross number of the Irish Members. He con tended that there were very powerful and convincing arguments that might be urged in favour of the measure proposed by the Noble Lord. For the last half a cen tury only two Irishmen had filled the office of Irish Viceroy. A system was in progress by which the an cient nobility of Ireland was becoming gradually extinct. No Member of the Commons was qualified to fill that office, which had been described as one of such im portance. He did not think the trade, and commerce, and commercial prospects of a great metropolis like the city of Dublin depended upon the continuance of such a system as the Irish Viceregal Court. But, looking upon the question in a Parliamentary point of view, he would ask the representatives of Ireland whether or not they were satisfied with the system upon which the Cabinets of this country were constructed? Did they think local wants and feelings were represented in that system? Then, again, since the union of the two countries, no Viceroy in Ireland had the power to do mischief ' - and now he had as little power to do good. He had always opposed the Repeal agitation, but he would never rest satisfied until he saw the business of the United Kingdom conducted in such a manner as to confer upon every portion of the empire equal and impartial justice. If the Ministry of the day wanted a political agent in Ireland they might have one at a less expense than that furnished by the viceregal system of that country. Ever since the time of Spenser it had been admitted us a great evil in: the Government of Ireland that the Viceroys should be so often changed. They had seen magistrates advocating a repeal of the union deprived of' the commission of the peace by one Lord-Lieutenant and re-instated by another.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded by announcing his intention of supporting the second reading of the present Bill as the first step towards a large and comprehensive system of legislation for Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. MOORE confessed he had never heard a more inconsequent speech than that of the Hon. Member who spoke last. He had complained that Irishmen were not appointed to the office of Lord-Lieutenant, yet the remedy he had promised was to make the office English altogether. •He confessed he bad great difficulty in coming to any conclusion upon the present important question, but while he agreed with tile Hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckingham, that the time was inop portune for the introduction of such a measure, he had heard no sufficient reason stated by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in favour of the proposed measure. He thought he might show tram the histories of former Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland strong arguments in favour of the continuance of that office, instead of its abolition. The only argument they had heard in favour of the Bill was that put by the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Sheffield; namely, the advantages which would be derived from having an additional responsible Minis ter in that House to answer and give them information upon all Irish affairs. But the present Irish Govern ment 'representatives, ho conceived, afforded every ne cessary satisfaction on the subject to Parliament. He would ask them to consider how far the administration of justice might be cheaper supposing there were scenes of insubordination or insurrection. Were they to place the Executise Government of the country under the control of a Lord-Lieutenant to be immediately sent over there, or in the hands of a military dictator, who would receive his instructions from this country, and whose mode of communication with the English Go vernment was liable to interruption. That was a portion of the question which it behoved them to consider with much seriousness, and it was one which, to his mind, contained a vast responsibility.—(Hear.) Lord NAAS said, looking back at the history of Ire land, believing that the Government of that country had been eminently unsuccessful, and believing that the office of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had been a chief fea ture in that bad system, he could not refuse to vote for a Bill which proposed its abolition. He conceived the system possessed all the evils of a colonial Government, without its advantages.' But although he would vote for the abolition of the office, he would hold himself at per fect liberty to vote as be pleased on the mode by Which the Government proposed to institute another system in stead of that which existed. He regretted, however, that the Minister, in introducing that measure bad indi cated no intention of showing that a new policy would be adopted towards Ireland. He should give his vote for the Bill, simply because he regarded it as a means of abolishing a bad mode of government in Ireland. Sir G. GREY said that there were two questions then under their consideration. The first was whether the office of Lord-Lieutenant ought to be continued, or whether the time had arrived when it might be abolished with advantage to Ireland and to the empire at large. The other question was, by whom and in what manner should the duties at present performed by:the Lord- Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary for Ireland be dis charged in case Parliament should consent to the aboli tion of the present system of governing that country. Now, with respect to the first question, he entirely agreed with the Noble Lord who had just addressed the House, that the tendency of the existing system was to treat Ireland as a province, and tbat the effect of the measure then before them would be to secure to the in terests of Ireland a greater share of the consideration of the united Government and of the united Parliainent of this country. The lion. and Learned Member for the University of Dublin had spoken of the measure as one which would deprive Ireland of a valuable boon; and . the Honourable and Learned Member had added, that such a change ought not to be made in what he described to be the present most unfortunate and depressed condition of every interest in that country. But it should not be forgotten that it was under the present system of governing Ire land that she had been reduced to that unhappy posi sition. The HOD. and Learned Gentleman seemaed to ,think that the Lord-Lieutenant possessed a great ad vantage in being able to communicate directly with all those who were charged with the administration of affairs in Ireland, or who felt interested in her welfare. But he (Sir G. Grey) should remind the House and the lion. and Learned Gentleman, that the Lord-Lieute nant must necessarily be indebted for the great mass of his information to the reports which he received from parties with whom he could not come personally into connection. Tho question they hadthe s n ho t u o ld co i n n s d id uc e e r was this—was there any reason ashich them to continue a system which was necessarily expen sive, and which he believed was also inefficient and tun necessary under that existing system of communication. between wit hin a s t e h a e sy tw re o ac c h ou o n f tr L ie o s n donwh which h s Y h other parts of this country? The presence of an Irish Se cretary of State would, in his opinion, be attended with considerable advantage. That Secretary of State would be enabled to consult with his colleagues upon all mea sures affecting Ireland, and he would afterwards have the opportunity of defending, in his place in Parliament, any measure which he might think calculated to promote her welfare. He could confer with the other members of the Administration day by day, and he could avail himself f the suggestions which he might receive from members of the Legislature. In his opinion Ireland was greatly prejudiced by the absence from the Cabinet of ' tiny member immediately responsible fur the government of that country. It was said that the responsibility at resent devolved on the Secretary of State for the H ome epartment. No doubt it did; but it would surely be more satisfactory that the public functionary charged with the administration of Irish affairs should be en abled to defend, or to explain in person to the House and to his colleagues, the measures which he mig think best calculated to promote the welfare of Ireland. Under the proposed arrangement there would be ample oppor tunities for the new Secretary of State of listening to the suggestions of Irish gentlemen waiting on b in/ either individually or in deputations; and under the ex isting system such communications frequently tooll place between gentlemen connected with Ire land and members of the Government. But if the office of Lord-Lieutenant were abolished, the question next arose to whose hands should the duties at present per formed by the Lord-Lieutenant be confided. Now in readily admitted that it was desirable that there s hould b© as much unity cf action as possible in administering the business of any department of the Government. flat ho felt at the same time that the questions with re g ard to Ireland which constantly arose at the present day were so numerous and important that they could 110: possibly be dealt with satisfactorily by any of the gr E l officers of state who at present held places in the &char. nistration. He certainly felt convinced that such a n A° dition could not be made to the duties of the Secretary of State for the Home Department without overwhelM; log that functionary with a mass of business would be impossible for him properly to perform. -Lho time might come when it would be possible to u nite s duties of the Secretary for the Home Department in tei'd country with the duties of a Secretary for Ireland, a n , - he earnestly hoped that that time might not be diesel, That was precisely what had occurred in the case a: Scotland. For some time alter the union with Scotian° there had been a Secretary of State for that co untrY and it had afterwards been found unnecessary to contio!,l the existence of such a functionary. But he bsii°/?be ! that in the present state of Irish business it Would impossible for the Secretary for the Home Denart ine t b a e to manage satisfactorily that business in addition t.,.° performance of his own multifarious duties. 14 - peered to him that the Right Hon. Baronet the Me al 7 l7e , f s for Tamworth had overrated some of the diffiefur or inconveniences which would arise from the, 0 1 3 5 - o .bt meet of an additional Secretary of State. The ,1„ 0 Hon. Baronet had stated that a difference O,S I PP":„y might arise between that functionary atitlnbe Secretary for the Home Department in this country as to the P l " — b , to which a regiment should be sent in case of distur.r awes in different parts of the kingdom. But, in his co(ld G. Grey's) belief, no such difference of . opinion n k over arise in a united cabinet; for the members of stl e ' ,„ e; a cabinet would necessarily be .ready at any tine() " adopt whatever arrangements they might on cons e , tion think to be on th, whole most conducive to the gt neral welfare of. the United Kingdom. An (Min i° f seemed to prevail in some quarters that the abolition ° the Lord-Lieutenancy in Ireland might be followed b h > the removal of the law courts from Dublin. Now f or (Sir G. Grey) could sconceive no grounds whatever I° , any such opinion: s Her Majesty's Government 1044; tainly never 'entertained any idea of the kind. -‘,„, courts of law had ben ..retained in Scotland, notwitu standing the union between ,Scotland and this count r i f t ; and he could not see why the same course should 1 10t . ie pursued in Ireland.. He should observe that the re c t a " mode in which the duties at present devolving on t", Lord-Lieutenant should hereafter be performed wa i n , matter for the consideration of the House in Comtn i t t ta He trusted that they would then consent to the seeof reading of the Bill—that they would agree to the pried ciple of an immediate transfer of the business of 'r efs " of to this country, and. by that means enable the heon ee the Irish Administration to conduct the duties of office as a member of the Executive Government. e t Mr. M'CULLAGH said that the question then issue was, how was the future government of Ireland, itt be carried on? That measure would involve, in Pe e d English, the transfer of the Government of Ire'"„ - s e from Ireland to England. He would entreat the 1 1 °"„1, to consider whether the present moment was an all e r cious one for that great, and, as he believed, most P e i r be lous experiment. He confessed he looked with ,rye deepest anxiety to the future condition of Ireland. " s be old quarrel still raged there—the quarrel between ; ;10 great mass of the population and au aristocracy bne to them, but masters of the soil. He believed ti o 'sbe care which could be bestowed ought to be spared i° ; 0 government of a country so critically situated. l, t „ . ;0- all very well to talk about an identity of laws and `"„ 0 - se tutions in the two countries. But it was idle to allPr; po the possibility of such au identity in countrf"„ o d dissimilarly circumstanced. And, accordingly, be it e d that the system of education was different in Egg in and in Ireland ; he found the police flY s " - ia and the system of public works different b . the two countries. Let them look at the Church f5,,t11,0 lishments in England and Ireland, and in what wine different circumstances they were placed. In fact ' of every thing that formed the political and social s tet `be a country, the most striking difference prevailed ° do e two kingdoms. He had certainly thought at 01 1 °,,,'", 0 1 that was to have been a final measure for the setue",.,„, - e t of thet question ; but the Right Honourable Da r ' se - iti the Secretary for the Home Department had just them that that was perhaps but the commencement of system of centralisation, and that the office of Secret,a r) t he State fir Ireland might hereafter be abolished Ti le d same way in which a similar office bad been estabbsdieg in the case of Scotland. He could not help appreb p eri 4ses that under the now system the representatives 1 0 ', ; be land would vainly attempt to influence the policy' °' t oy proposed Minister for Ireland, for they would noel pot be greatly outnumbered in the Legislature. / 3 ° ° l r ish care what name they might give to the bead of teal d es administration; he merely wished to have the bust t in of that department well done, and he believe d t ll ,l the Ireland only could it be well done. He believe" did people of Ireland were entitled to equal laws, but it oo d not follow that they desired to have the .same 1 0 : 5 ' oe r it was sufficient to refer to- their legislation to u° which vinced that such had never been the principle upon `csuect the Imperial Legislature had acted. He might b e n fi- ae r what plan he would propose to substitute. Ri s ° led' was, that he would propose a plan by which W a , et' ministration should be combined with Pullen:l oor,, is tendance and Parliamentary responsibility r r e il lddi e fallible effect of' this Bill would be to detach th e " fl oe classes in Ireland from the Government, and to Pr;bitill an absentee gentry and au oppressed psasantl , ,1 would help them not in the day of trouble, if it 6 00 14 come—as come it might—and their only resource be in the barracks of the troops.—(Rear, bear.) fer vid' Mr. SHEIL could not help thinking that tbe ko ba o , impassioned nationality of his Hou. Friend "1"00 0 just sat down had iu this instance overcome his ° o f the admirable sense. Ile had adverted to the deteiis, or , Bill, but had left its principle untouched. In bi t g t er 11 „ 1 lihiel's) opinion, the Secretary of State, no It te ug,," what name he was called, ought to have a t' - o sag knowledge of Ireland. He did not think it ne° le dge' that he should be borti there to have that lat ° „ vv o lice but he should be acquainted with the habits, tbe c t ti e< the prejudices, the passions, the weaknesses , a° There ties, good and bad, and with that he ought ce vet° occasionally, not constantly, to visit the cowed'''. n a oo f was a time when the Lord•Licutenant of I reit4 o ,oo; e subservient to the policy by which the gov ern f ern' the country was carried on, when Ireland was P re fr e e through the Irish gentry, upon principles not 111° o f tb i , testant than aristocratic, and the patronsg e ho o th e y Crown circulated in that restricted channel; w oe eve ry virtually combatted the representation . °' our county and the nomination to every 1 3 cotr and when the Castle was the point 0 cte 14 0 ,, 11 ; tical and social centralisation, the Lor,u et tenant then drew about him 9 a .3 %pli' v- i powerful class composed of the most s° ° " oe ding a , l i s men. But the foundation on which that elt c , so ipati..,," artificial system rested gave way; Catholic elua"reforl was carried, and was followed by ParliamentarY d °aura ale and power was transferred from the fav p eg* 6 manageable few to the multifarious and unto ° ; oaa., unto A rd i many.—(Hear, hear.) The Lord-Lieute na was stripped of his power and became virtua s l V egg o f nate to the Secretary of State, and from a A OP° n o was changed into a mere scenic apparatus Oro Wi e ns representation of Royalty. The spectators P ho eer o e weary of the exhibition, and it was time t R lted h ere clO 3l be should drop.—(Hear, hear.) It must be a no i s h what was called the Irish Court was in realitioelre,.. than a colonial dependency.—(Hear, hear-) ine 0 0 '0, Government should not be married to the 11° no d ° ight its duties were too onerous already. It via!ltle the flight extremely presumptuous for him to differ /o p t hat Hon. Baronet opposite, but he looked 11 P ° i d be then' Hon. Baronet as the worst witness that 0 1 0 of ° for he would be apt to measure the canfl at ed o bio gs by his own Anlxen powers. He bad '.tote of thins (6fr 10th of April.—(Hear. hear.) If that r o pie* 0 ) should recur under which his Right 1 : 1° ZERO, e el) G. Grey) evinced so much promptitude"; s he tt Mot —so much firmness—(Hear, hear —an d inki ng gig° ration—(Cheers)—he could not but b i e w ow. o r the preservation of peace in •Ent ai c j i s pan t ° on! Lim enough to do, without being o am e the na o lfla press insurrection in Ireland. L et h that d' B ire" their eyes. Ireland was passing tbr °l / 39 epnli ed. r rib le ordeal to which the name of transit w elf to th at te of ; be land bad not as yet accommodated b li s he Pr°PertYbe is but needful novelty—the poor-law. 1 b which L tit tb s country was going through a tribune by a non , b o dre d was divested of its proverbial procro , so d bu effect of which would be to cast hundred the seolol.,tes ( o a f well-bore-aebdiluictiaetsedofmlae defined Ti d s t ° 11: I;me eti ng .ts s nh r a e C t e e o e e : wereroga,tifvoeusnodf Presbyterians tenants ) we re b min go tier Hear , hear.) He could say elan d t ' " had said enough to remind them that r so y th , 3 10 to undivided attention, though he would net _ ro uts ° t he time might not come when it might Is t , 00 . 9 0 , govern her by an undivided Administra ioubfloged_;ol, moral aspect of Ireland should be wholly c vloo o 0 1 : 45 or process of social and political amelioration, the r ig e li cte d• daring disaffection should be cold, wile n . rose te , 7 property and the rights of poverty shouts! roper ''fee for poverty had its rights as well 0 ,5 1 ' 0 .0 , 11 _6re (Hear, hear.) When the Irish gentleinn? in the poor-house not a memorial °L i; per t l e ct l , exaction, but a monument of na tiom . .. a to o tbe e (Loud cheering)—when they had le:.trni;_od. to their institutions in Ireland, instead of - 11 :_e` ;atu eve. institutions—then, but not till,then—at fr_s`,iooomeet; perhaps, in reference to brief individual th short in comparison with a nation's gre w , bat f to; ossi ete, o e haps, an amalgamation might be p • ri ne gt ainntdersvoallicilteutdethineemideanvtosild toadthdeintsgdrtnoirViisetr:ljiocrof ttotjeititi office, whioli already (tem-aecied mci r9 - t e bu ludEi l comblnation of ititelleeneu,l,o4wge 811 u r ranee.--(Loud choera.)