The Sun. — London, England, 1845-08-06 00:00:00

eeeser-seem-e---- pen Lord,hi ps to t h e a:nun:jewels which ha d b e; ea sent u p from Cerarrons oa tide Bill. They were of a twofold character. Cne class relatrd to the Bill as it stood before it went down to the Commons. These 1;e approved of with one l'aception, and some verb il alteratirms. The other cies', re to to the additional clauses. It would be recollected that e 811 1, as it orig adinally siiioti, only contained eight causes, b ut there were twenty ditional ele,:ti s eddied to the amend !tents. With respect to the fir-t division. of tire amendm , tits, t n p,..o e_ t t iiel e . ed . to them with the excep. ion he had already referred effect of which would be to fetter the powers of the ,711 issioners of Bankruptcy, for un'ess the action was Zught before a superior court, and a judgment pronounced, th e 7"ould have no power. He would therefore call upon t i l air Lordships to disagrce to the clause. The Noble Lord Chair Proceeded to explati the manner in which the * was introduced in the Bill, from whieh it appeared that i,; a il,tage w as t a k en o f the a b sence of t h e Att orne y-General, eh t loorn the Bill was entruste d i n t h e L ower H ouse , and this Clio was thus surreptitiously, as it were, inserted. With re- Clta the other class of amendments (continued the Noble ke r e u), they would be found under the 9th section. The other ah.,naments were merely consequent on that.. This gave her v i ty the power of extending the jurisdiction of small courts . th e 10eality, and also to the amount of the debt on which , th e• Yeo l u use adjudicat e It increased it to 20/. 'I he reason of that very few of the ti ibunals at present had ;et to decide on actions of so large an amount, and the coo 'thee:lee Was, that many persons in trade sustained great loss lie Buse, however, would entirely put en end to this injury. e t h° l l lit • • th e n „ it a wise clause, and one not at all ineonsistent with th e L i: . • If it had originatedin that House, or had come up from shi b „ Ot ", er House in the shape of a new Bill, their Lord to c®' he thought, would not have the least objection ti t ,''sent to it. As the other clauses were merely conse -141, he should not enter into them. The original Bill, as at e a , d already remarked, consisted of elght clauses. These tt ni ,„ e n, ts, containing t went y additional clauses, were grafted the et ) ,.`,'L They formed a new system, and gave powers for els t , -- `"iishrnent of a new kind of tribanal. Now if these , k b ad Come before them in a separate form—as a distinct it 0 - j r ,Y would then be in a position to adopt or reject them th ere ` e, But coming, as they did, in this supplementary form, tOur,:t s, he considered, a difficulty in point of form as to the onc e , t CY should adopt. The question was, .should they at Though t those amendments as they at present stood? He . Lad th eY were wise, useful, and called for by the occasion , sent d n ,,, e Y had been recommended in a clause which had been befe re in by their Lordships to the Lower House the session Drep r i et a st, Le thought that no difficulty would be felt .as stood the of agreeing to them. It. was now in their or - tote riwer either to agree to there amendments as the stood, 11 4tt l;e.lect them on the point of form ; and he was quite . sure eY would exere'se a sound discretion in the decision to L sil they would come on the subject. % e V CAMPBELL felt greatly embarrassed in addressing h o oou se in consequence of the course which the Government qtlPorstied with reee i t to this Bill. He ertirely concurred c 4 his Nohle and b l. r earried Friend in the proprietv of the ns 'amendment s . Ile protes•ed, however, against ,the Th e i l which had been adopted with regard to . the subject. whi Nob le Lord then proceeded to detail the various changes lide r a",e solieet had stein time to time undergone. .He con- Very - „ .. ,, l ‘ so tli j at to extend the jerisdietion as to locality was a fore Power and that sending allow the 13:11in the form now e p t s „,7 Hose ' might, if it were td to pass unnoticed, - ' at a future time of great confusion. sl t xt ' e Y hil °' %;" to consider whether it. would not be better to Coasts efe- county courts t'retil to enlarge the porters of the .w as re „ in 'elenee. He must protest against the course that The e4 nded t Ise •ake o h „ . a . . cr i t _e of he , rl u other G overnment's originating. It was taken up in the h th - " s e bY a Learned Gentleman, who wall not connected but at t h Government. Ile was the present Solicitor-General, kith t h a e r ,,tilhe he introduced - the Bill he had no connexion . rs tvts ti to - t ` i overnitent nor had he any expectation of it. It u,_eotl an , t ‘ lu roduced in ' connexion with another measure—the rte e ,7l Abolition Bill. This was the history of the Bill. ti ne Zniered that parties, before they could make any altera t°Fie r e xtend the jurisdiction of the local courts, would have ta lr d - " n3( inth's notice of their intention. 1 4 th e A xADDINGToN said that his friends, the Gentlemen ,Tier House, belonging to Scotland, had supported the the Bill, a s Alembe ' rs of the Government, but as 'Members of Lerdure in thei r p r i vate ca p ac ity. !tin% 1318 ARNCLIFFE thought that under all the circum oe f e l t :,after the explanations of the Noble and Learned Lord, terii'llnd support him in the course he rec . ommended. alloet tt "T ZHARDINGE said it was but right that they with tak e nit course but such as was strictly in accordance qte y i e gal practice • still he thought no time should be lost in t :itdetZ e ( . l .t the p;ovisions of the Bill. "Many of the small ',., a fferi n .' in the principal towns of the kingdom were now *ls t , S L. greatly. It had been calculated that there was millioelass of persons, at present. , no less a sum than three e se nlo f pounds, a il d e bt s un der 201. In Birmingham alone After tying to small tradesmen was 100,0001. *iththtsrLor °rne ds further conversation, the Commons . ' amendments amendments thereee were aereed to. n 80 ST 1 IRISH POOR-LAW BILL. b g tit e . , -ERAIA NS moved for certain returns respect- Irish Door-law, which were agreed to. BILL ' Co m ' r eed t o. -t n°ns' FOl amendments to this BiII LEASES. were read and The A I LA NDLORDS AND TENANTS BILL. 'arqui of LONDODERRY enants presented several pe agalost the Landlords N and T Bill. r• h e SUNDERLAND ELECTION. Maactuts then proceeded to remark upon the hl d election. Great excitement prevailed there, a t 1• 4 ; 14 all app earance , wou ld b e pro l onge d till next session, ✓ "l3 Peared no prospect of the writ being at present t gadlh's.was. state of things that ought not to exist. t, ese remarks, as he believed the difficulty arose from te_r-arl (the late Lord Howiek ) not taking those llltti At th 7, 4 ures that were required to qualify hi mse lf for a House 11, 4 t se'ISSAGE FROM THE C or o ,s M bl M ou O g N ht S. up h Ex t e W e quer e jl,R, fr o m the House . of (Ireland) the :ark , 1 114 Bill, the Fisheries Bill, Merchant thBll ill, a Bill for e nabling the Eastern Counties Rail t-e t e °„ h, auy t o con struct a railway Irons Ely to Huntingdon, l ' a tie•Asyloyaii (Ireland) Bill and ethers. 04 ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Tb tfie mnti nn of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, e ir Lord s hi ps adjourned until Thursday. r t , ROUSE OF COMMONS, A u g. 5. •ne SPIUMER took the Chair at Four o'clock. R eturns from the Commissioners o f S ewers were presented. o , kr. WILSON PATTEN b rought up the report on Should arn's Di vorce Bill, which was read a t hi rd time and passed. SUNDAY TRADING. Mr. PI-UMPIRE presented petitions from various places, com d ingplaining of the ineffi ciency of th e l aw re l at i ng to Sunday tra, and praying the law. the Hou se to adopt measures to a l ter rMr. WYSE presented a petition from Battersea and Chel s praying for an ot h er representative, in consequence of the "t'ease of the population of those districts. v tt FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. syst(IIRIGHT presented a petition horn the members and of tfl of the F ree C hurch of Glasgow, complaining let e proprietors of land in Scotland refusing to ~,.: their land for the building of free churches, ituirrtoneularly the Duke of Buccleuch, and praying the House to t them such relief as it should think proper. Th COUNTY GATES BILL. The Lords' amendments to this Bill were agreed to. kr p NEWFOUNDLAND. ls t i v • AKINGTON presented a petition from the Legis -1)4 f A ssembly- of Newfoundland, signed by their Speaker, g in g for direct steam communication between that colony ,r,England. tia n • 4 " Marquis of i s i v'estminster's Estate Bill was read a third e and passed. T h ats e j L ORD -ADVOCATE moved amendments of the l tt i„ 'ng orders, No. 23 A and 39 A, for the purpose of assimi tl the regulations for the Scottish railways with those for , oglish railway. a z ped to. jtIA'r.IMIIIIIDtig `A ' Nb - HUNTINGD , ON RAILWAY. e tolbr ndments to the WARD moved that the Lords ame fi d r p ,_ idge and Huntingdon Railway Bill be con rme . o' ,, motion was agreed to. tl l , T h e motion of Mr. DA RI3Y, the Lords' amendments to los t rghton, Lewis, and Hastings ( Hastings, Rye, and Ash - l'Illiti) Railway Bill were agreed to. kr tty LUNATIC ASYLUMS. tsk a : o' AKLEY moved that an inquiry be made into the ' li gethent of public and private lunatic asylums. e Motion was agreed to. AL. , LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY. tlis - "NISON presented a petition from the Directors of ttetii,oclon and York Railway Company, containing which tti,,," of the allegations exhab.ted in the petition wil t t ie Cat ib i t rt tented yesterday from the Chairman of . l t hat tl i d : 7 -e and Lincoln Company, and which stated e tta a f t ne subscription list of the Lotteon and h York resented Dra„audulently made up. The petition which . fal4 , ' that a lull inquiry might be made into the truth t or th4i'd of those alleg-..;ions ; and, in case the allega ion d Ris t ~.. be proved to be false, that the House woul IN ue Directors of the I onion and 1 7 rk Company power to h e i.rte th e • arties who had made those false statements. As 4 14 1 4 l 'u'e wo ° lild adjourn front to-night until Friday next, he hoe 4 , 1 11 " w move that derino the interim the petitio . n be eh `tork4es - ; i rtd printed, and - then ' on Friday he would be in a pos,- o'4 ° -u A u , n ,d a motion on the subject. "",, rec ' t or - ' 1 ON seconded the motion, and said that th ri e o j ; lPt'a -' of the London and York Company had spared - ;t• 'hit°r, trouble, in order to make up a proper subscription it Z t i °llld e L ett satisfied, if the matter were fully inquired into, ;". I p ti ,found the list was correctly filled. l'll ise n l e; "ES said that the subject seemed to . assume some e '-escri7 ti ,He had :rescnteda petition complaining that tl 14 ,4 441 e lf ` p,l2 i_, , t. of the l‘ London and York line was frau u e T n h j: hewils:urda "u new a counter petition . w . as presented. L ' b ound to make every inquiry into the matter, and l t ,ttoist an "t allow the investigation to lest until . all the cir :l4 s,„ e es uere fully inquired into. He had received the osi 'hat i ll r ,anee of the party from whom the petition emanated, P that I, e ftob, the a llegations which it contained were true, and could 'Niue sjihstantiated. For his own sake, and the credit of t the or t tlael u L t :e inquiry ought to be instituted into the . truh be go i"," of the allegations , 'and he trusted that it . would . be : into at an earbperiod in the neat session : until that time 1'i1 t .%, 1 Postpone his opinion on the matter. t litio. AtitußToN wanted to know how a peti l t d io b n e co r n e : eeivedbagainstategatios as had been described eon . I. „ and acted on 1 0 '3-00 aod York l ' ine g was placed. He had been requested latresent t , a petition which contained similar allegations tlitions'ktue Dublin and Galway project. In answer to the . r e e r q s u a i- s treg ar r,e ha . d stated that the whole system of standing o m rd _ e 0 _ Ara ced e u railway Bills had been altered, and that the mode n. f t ic% ur . e, ill his opinion, ought to he by presenting the pe 1.• i, v . t and then mom, that ' a Select Committee be appointed to LeC ti tg e le the matter. ' ' Counsel should also be heard Ai* L,the Committee in support of and against the petition. t tar,i ll 4l 'n. Member had presented a petition, preparatory , t o o thi u .g„f° , a Select Committee, with the view of inquiring in . th e ,„, -I ',ultal frauds, and he (Mr. ' Warburton) thought that in inse'reumstances it would le an injustice if' an examination Ilia these allegations did not take place. At all events, if the 1 ,,, d were to be left over till next srssion it should be perfectly tin,t'stond that the further proceedings should be suspended teplourttlii:lS,Select Committee - which had been moved for should ~.i.. ti tio,use. t e ' u t ee WAKLEY said that when the petition signed by L Mr.. .beih , itWaS. presented yes - eriiay by the Ht n. Member . for Lam be be „ v .., was distinctly understood tt•at a specific motion . .was . 4 4 *ue this , fter,, , ,,t l for a Gminittee to inquire into the tai(rtorts contained in that petition. But his Hon. Friend fe ,., it was too late in the session. Then lie (Mr. Wak- T y e , aid th e m i schief was alieady done.—(clear, hear.) f rauct l , e tition presented last night contained allegations of gross Rati n The petiticti presented that evening denied those ails: - 41 0 a and stated that they were grossly and scan eta false. Be cou l d see no reme d y f or t h e tin e , louoless the Committee were to sit some '7estigat7ge,r.—(Laugilter.) lle proposed that they shpuld in eight i n ' .t" matter s in these petitions, even if they sat from t 4t leas t the morning till ei g ht at n i g h t , i n or d er th a t they rntgh the understand the session. al cm th CHAN CELLOR of the pXCIIEQ. UE II thought 1 t the f , rg. l to be caution; in (*ranting the inquiry sought for at ' rins l u ? l t ' e "Pose. All private Bills were referred to a select i s ttlitiforeeetthoemexamine evidence and report upon their merits, ample opportunity was given for examination Ito int tWth things. That was the proper tribunal for inquiry e " anegations.—( Hear, hear. ) The promoters of priva;e FIRE AT QUEBEC. Col. DAMER brought a message from the Queen, stating hat her Majesty had given orders for the allowance of 20,0001. for the sufferers by the fire at Quebec. INDIAN CORN. Mr. 11. ESCOTT said that as some misapprehension existed as to the exact meaning of his notice of motion on yesterday, he begged to say that it related to Maize, or what was com monly called Indian corn. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Mr. WYSE gave notice that on an early day next session he should call attention to the school system, and the state of education in Ireland. OTAHEITE. Mr. lIINDLEY gave notice that he would, on Friday nex ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet, relative to the at nexation of Otaheite by the French to the island of Rio— ( The remainder of the name was inaudible in the gallery. ) RAILWAY ACCIDENTS. Lord PALMERSTON said he had a question to ask of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and he would state the reason why he asked it. He had received a letter from a friend of his who stated that he had travelled by one of the trains on the Swindon line, and bad observed an engine behind. He re monstrated against this ; hut the answer he received was, that it was the constant practice. Now, the question he wanted to ask was, had the Board of Trade any power to prevent this practice ; and, if they had not, whether the Government would bring in a Bill this session to provide a remedy ? He conceived it to he very easily done, and prepared and passed in one day. Sir G. CLERK said that the Board of Trade had no power whatever to remedy the practice complained of ; but they al ways remonstrated, and offered suggestions.—He was not surprised at the statement which the Noble Lord had urged in reference to this subject, as the matter had already excited con siderable attention. It had been customary to attach two en gines to the mail trains. This he believed was the regular practice between Euston-square and Camden-town. With re gard to this practice, the Board of Trade had always repre sented to railway companies the extreme impropriety of this course ; and it had to a great extent been abandoned. He had, however, no doubt but that the Board of Trade would give its best attention to the subject. Should the Noble Lord think its power was not sufficient, some legislative steps should be taken next session ; but if the Noble Lord thought fit, a Bill might be introduced and carried through its various stages in the present session. ECCLESIASTICAL LIVINGS. Viscount CLI,VE rose to ask the question of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of the Home Department ,of which he had given notice. It was, whether any communi cation had taken place between the Right Hon. Baronet and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, as to the formation by them of a scale for augmenting small livings, in which area shall be taken into consideration as well as population ; also, when such scale is likely to come into operation, as proposed Churches Sir J. Graham, during the progress of the Cathedral Churches ( Wales) 8.11 ( Act 6 and 7 Vic. c. 77), through the House of Commons, in the session of 1843? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that as yet, on acccuot of the d e fi c i e ncy of information received, no precise arrangement had been come to on the subject • referred to. The commis sioners however were busy in getting up their scale, and as soon as it was completed, he would be able to lay the matter before the Weise. ACCIDENT ON THRAEILW EAAYSTERN COUNTIES Mr. WADDINGTON;ished to ask the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, if he had re ceived any information of the frightful accident on the Eastern Counties Railway, by which one unfortunate man, the stoker, was killed. He had seen the accident after it had occurred, and a most frightful one it was. Mr. WARD said, that as the Right Hon. Baronet was not likely to have had any information upon the subject, he ( Nlr. Ward) might perhaps be allowed to state the particulars of the unhappy occurrence, and the Howe would see that no human prudence or foresight could possibly have averted it. had been a regu- Since the opening of the new li ne to Cambridge, it lar matter to send a superintendent of the locomotive depart- , ment with the train, in order to see that the whole worked pro perly. He had seen the gen tleman who accomp anied the train ye-terday, and be ( iNli - . Ward) had taken the report of the sad event from his lips. He stated that the engine was run ning perfectly steady, and at the rate of 28 miles an hour; there was no vibration, no oscillation, nothing, in fact, tc make any one apprehend any danger, when on a sudden the engine was struck by the rail where one of the wedges had got loo , e. The engine was forced off the rails, and ran for upwards of a hundred yards on the gravel, drawing the carriages atter it. It was expected that they would have been enabled to avert any danger by letting off the steam, but unfortun itely the engine got upon the embankment and w as sto pp ed. The carriages which followed were thrown upon it in a heap, and the stoker was unfortunately thrown under the mass and killed. The superintendent found himself under the pile of wreck, and within nine inches of the man who was killed. The g uard, 1 who was 'sitting on the second-class carriage, had osse---eiesese-so----ms — see - Bills often, by compromise, agreed not to oppose each other his leg broken, and was conveyed to the hospital on the standing orders. or to expose the malpractices at Cambridge. Not one of the passengers had been of which each other hsd been guilty. Such a course. as he injured. After the most stringent examination, he understood, nail b , en taken by the parties at issue in the pre- did n o t find th a t any blame could be attached to any One con sent tues' ion, and now that one party came forward to oppose ' netted with the nee, and he could assure the House that every the other on the standing orders. he considered the House should precaution had been taken to prevent any accident of any kind, he careful what course it took. They ought not Co be en• for before it was opened enormous quantities of dust waggons cenraged in doing that at the public expense which they had ran up and down under the inspection of General Pasiey, and an o pporinnity doine, in Committee. The one party had they had therefore every reason to believe that the works were made an accesation, the other had furnished a denial, (lithe safe. He did not think that any caution had been neg and that ought to be considered sufficient, without going further kited, and therefore no blame could be attached to any one into tee subject. The one would stand against the other. Be- connected with the ralleay. yond the printing of these he would not advise the House to go. Colonel SIBTHORP asked was it not necessary that her Mr. BROTH ERTON agreed with the Chancellor of the I Majesty's Government should take some measures to prevent Exchequer in the course he recommended. The House such accidents, anti to prohibit all persons who had the manage ought not to be called on to bear the expense of such an in- ment of the railwa in question from carrying on the work quiry. until a full inquiry should have been made into the manage- Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he objected to the course ment of their tunics. He thought, also, it was incumbent on recommended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He thought her Majesty's Government to see that there was a proper and there ought to be an immediate irquiry, so as to give the p a rties ample compensation made by those rich Companies to the un who had been charged an opportunity of defending and vindi- fortunate people who were mutilated in their service, and also eating themselves from the defamation in tbe petition p res ented to the relatives of those who were slain. The law required last night. The real object of the petition presented by his Hon. coal proprietors to cite such compensation. Friend (Mr. Hawes) was to effect a stock-jobbing purpose ; Mr. GREGORY could bear testimony to the want of suf but that being defeated, they now wanted the matter put off ficient accommodation, to the delay, and incivility' of the till next session. All the petitioners of to. night, as Eastern Counties Railway. Ile thought the Board of Trade given in the petition of the Honourable Member should have more power. Some time ago he presented a me tor the East Riding of York. required was inquiry, that a morial to the Board of Trade, complaining of incivility, delay, foundation might be obtained for seeking redress in a court of and want of accommodation. It was signed by twenty-two justice for the allegations u-ged against the subscribers to Members of Parliament, and Lords Exeter and Strailbreke, and the London and York line. He had no doubt the a ll e gations had reference to the Eastern Counties Railway. were entirely false, and the House was bound to give redress. Mr. WARD said that on the Newmarket week there cer- They were allegations, he had no hesitation in saying, got up taiely had been a great succession of mishaps on the Eastern for a particular and sinister purpose. Three days, commencing Counties Railway. on to-morrow morning, would be quite sufficient for all the Sir. C. BURRELL said he thought that Government ought purposes of the inquiry. to have the power and controul over those railways, so as to Mr. B. DENISON said that there appeared to him to make laws to prevent these accidents. be two ques'ions in this matter—the House itself and the Colonel WOOD said that a fixed salary should be paid to parties themselves. —( Hear, hear.) Here there was an the Directors, and one of them should be compelled to reside attempt to impose upon the House for the purpose of pre- on the railway.-(Laughter.) He had the greatest respect venting the progress of a Bill. The question then was for the Member for Sheffield, yet he would say that it was im whether the House would take up the matter itself, possible for that Hon. Member to attend his duties in that or leave it to the parties to defend themselves. There were House and discharge at the tame time those of a railway Di two petitions before the House, the one impugning the cha- rector. Again, he would say they should fix the salary and racter of the other petitioners who asked the House either togrant limit the number of Directors, and compel one of them to re them inquiry or to allow them to vindicate themselves in a side at the station. court of law. The petitioner (Mr. Bruce) stated that he Mr. P. 110Vs'ARD was of opinion that all parties suffering had employed sixteen or seventeen persons to make inquiries, by accident on those railways ought to get compensation. Ile and that from their discoveries he made out the list which he was aware that on the Carlisle line such was the practice. (Mr. Denison) held in his hand. Now, of the persons named Mr. WARD said it was only this very morning that his therein, twenty had informed him this day, and stated that they Board had agreed to pay all the expenses of, and every atten had beet' called on by " Inquirers," whostated—some that they tion to, those who had been sufferers by the late accident. were sent by the House of Commons—others by the House of MEDICAL BILL. Lords—and others by the London and York Company. 10 answer to a question put by Mr. WAKLEY, in reference Now those twenty persons were represented in this list as non- to the Medical Bill, existent—( He a r, an d, a l a ugh)—although they had all seen Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Bill had, for some time, inquirers, and assured them they were ready to meet their' been in the hands I of the prin ORKHOUSES. ters. engagements. Perhaps Mr. Bruce himself was imp osed RISH W neon. But his agents had misrepresented persons of The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer nigh respectability, who were ready to come forward before a to a question from Mr. Hume, said the Irish workhouses had Committee.—( Hear, hear.) For his part, he should p e rsist in been built, not by order of the Government, but under the the motion of which he gave notice on Friday night.—( Hear.) provisions of an Act of Parliament, entitled the Poor Relief Mr. H AWES said that he was willing to move for the Act. However, after those workhouses had been built, it ap- Select Committee to inquire into the allegations of Mr. peered by the representations of those in whose parishes they had Bruce's petition, notwithstanding the late period of the been erected, that they were not worth the sums charged, And session, and he would persevere in it, if they should have to that it was sought to compel them to pay more than the sum lit - for forty-eight hours. —( Hear, and a laugh-) originally contracted for. A very experienced officer was then Lord NEWARK said that he did not object to the appoint- sent down to make inquiries, and the result was that the Go meet of a Select Cienmittee, if it were possible to get through vernuieet had agreed to make a reduction in the original the inquiry at this period of the session. a m o unt demanded. de s ultory convertio Mr. HUME said he would bri n g on a motion on the sub j ect, After some sa n, Mr. HAWES moved that the petition of Mr. Bruce, pre- as fir o it a violation of the rules of the House. sented yesterday, should be referred to a Select Committee, Sir D. NORREYS asked a question as to the mode of and that the inquiry be gone into at once.—( Hear, hear.) valuation under the poor-law to be adopted in Ireland in future. Mr. WARBURTON had heard nothing to alter the °pi- Sir T. FREMANTLE said that a measure had been intro nions which he had already expressed. He would not object decent into Parliament upon the subject ; but he regretted to to the Select Committee it the inquiry were to combine Rail- say it was re:eetted in the House of Lords. way Companies generally. U this inquiry were to he prose- Mr. MJ. O'CONNELLIre hoped that sufficient time would cut ed at the public expense petitions would he hereafter presented be gi ven to the people of well whatever to obstruct the course of public business—in short it wo Ad be means might be proposed to be introduced on this subject next the uniform way of preventing Railway Bills pas Sing through the House. At any rate, if the inquiry went on, the parties who sought for it should be made to pay the expenses of it. Desiring to give the utmost facilities to parties making ellega tionslie should yet very much question the policy of the present , proceedings. Sir R. PEEL said --I very much doubt, Sir, whether one of the remedies pointed out in the petition actually exists. In the first place, I doubt the policy of the course pointed out. even if the House could give the permission sought by the parties who have presented a petition to the House. But, Sir, I am not sure that a person making a false allegation in a petition is a legal offence, for it has teen ruled by competent tribunals that a party presenting a petition to the House of Commons is privileged to make allegations against third parties by virtue of the presentation of said petition. You cannot, therefore, prosecute a man for doing that which he is privileged to do. The question is not, however, as to the truth of the allegations or counter-allegations. but we are now dealing with an offence against Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) A party has alleged as a reason why you should not read the Bill a third time, that that Bill has been fraudulently got up — that several frauds exist in the subset iption deed, and those allegations they say they.are ready to establish. If, Sir, that party can substantiate these allegations, he was perfectly warranted in presenting the peti tion, but if not, I think there is good reason for telieving that be has committed an offence against the House, because he was making a statement which might influence the decision of the Legislature. We have read the Bill a third time, and we are now dealing with the question as a Parliamentary offence, and I cannot see that any great evil would result from inquiry. What I would recommend is, that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the allegations contained in this petition—this Committee might, after a short inquiry, repo t to the House what progress they had made—( Hear, hear)—and whether or nut it would be advisable to resume it next session.—( Hear, hear.) Let the House re collect that there is a positive statement that the allegations contained in a position presented to the House are false and fraudulent. Ido not see how you can pass over such matters without notice. The circumstances of this case are very pecu liar, and I cannot perceive any objection to the appointment of a Committee with the functions I have mentioned. Mr. WAKLEY thought that a selection might very easily' be made, and it was a bounden duty for the House to make an inquiry into these allegations, and tie trusted, at least, that the Hon. Member for York would be appointed. There might be no sufficient opportunity for inquiring into these charges to day, but it was incumbent on the House to inquire into the truth or falsehood of these charges, and there might be time for it by Friday. These persons complained that they were seriously injured in their characters and commercial muffins) by these allegations, and therefore it was but an act of justice to free them from any imputation, or establish the truth of the charges to which they were liable. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not asseht to the course proposed by the Hon. Member who presented the peti tion. Neither could he assent to the course proposed by the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), and he thought that he should sufficiently guard himself if he assented to the proposition so far as it went to institute the inquiry, and he trusted, therefore, that a committee of inquiry would be ap pointed. Sir R. INGLIS thought, as the course proposed by the leatler on one side was supported by the leader on the other, the best Course the House could pursue was to appoint the Committee, and net leave the parties simply to that remedy which was provided by the laws of the country. On the motion being put, Mr. HAWES said that he trusted, no gentleman would re fuse to serve on this Committee. But considerable difficulty was experienced in appointing a Committee. several Hon. Members stating objections to serv ing. At length Mr. Hawes, Mr. E. B. Denison, Mr. Baring, Mr. Warburton, Mr. B. Escott, Mr. Hutt, and Lord Clive were appointed. session. COMMUNICATION WITH NEWFOUNDLAND. Mr. PAKINGTON wished to know if the Gotiernmeni were in a pos i tion to afford steam communication between St. John's, Newhiunaland, and this country? Mr. HOPE said that the Government ware aware of the importance of giving such a means of communication to that colony ; but it appeared that great delay would be occasioned by the present steam vessels calling there, even in summer, in consequence of the quantities of floating ice, and in winter it would be out of the question ; besides, the present contractors were not bound to do so. HYDERABAD. In answer to a question from Mr. HUME, The Cil ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that no decision had yet been come to in reference to the prize money obtained at Hyderabad, in Sinde. SILK WORKS BILL. Mr. BRIGHT said that the Bill stow before the House on this subject was one purporting to amend a similar Bill of last session, which Bill proved useless, and the present one would prove equally so.—(Laughter.) In fact, there was no man who knew anything at all of manufactures but must see that it would be an inoperative measure. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, with respect to the present Bill, he was ready to admit he had no satisfactory in formation, and he was not sanguine that measures interfering with labour would be successful. On the other hand, he be lieved that they generally were found nugatory and ineffica cious ; nevertheless, as the labourers themselves felt a deep interest in the legislation now contemplated, whether the in terference should prove beneficial or not, he could not think it inexpedient to make an attempt to meet the wishes of the in dustrial classes. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE regretted he was not perfectly informed of the provisions and merits of this Bill, and as he had as yet received no intimation from his constituents to op pose it, he was not prepared to express any specific opinion upon it. Mr. P. BORT EIWICK wished that some member of the Government would take the responsibility of the Bill upon him, as hitherto it appeared to be disowned by everybody. Mr. GREENE said that the measure had been introduced in consequence of the recommendations contained in the re port of the Board of Trade. Mr. W ARBURTON said, that as he was not inclined to put his conscience into the keeping of the President or Vice- President of the Board of Trade, he should move that the further consideration of the Bill should be postponed till this day three months. Colonel ROLLESTONE defended the Bill, which he con sidered as eminently calculated to obviute some of the hard ships, and even cruelties, imposed by many master manufac turers on their operatives. Mr. HUME supported the amendment of his lion. Friend (Mr. Warburton), and trusted that the Government would throw in the weight of their opposition to the Bill: Mr. DUNCAN regarded the Bill as most injurious to the manutacturing classes, and fraught with danger to the com munity generally. Mr. VILLIERS thought it most irregular, and even un precedented, to be discussing a measure affecting the interests of trade, in any other mode except before a Committee of the whole 1-louse. He therefore supported the amendment of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton) for delay. Mr. FIELDEN opposed the Bill as mischievous and un called for. Mr. EWART said he thought the best course the Govern ment could adopt was to withdraw the Bill. Mr. BROTHERTON concurred in regarding the mea sure as calculated to entail both danger and discontent upon the trade it professed to benefit. Sir J. GRAHAM suggested that further debate on the subject should be postponed until Friday, and in the mean time he would try and meet the wishes of all parties. The debate was then adjourned, on the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir J. Graham ). to Friday next. CASE OF LIEUTENANT HOLLIS. Mr. ESCOTT moved for copies of all letters and other documents which had passed to and from the Court of Di rectors of the East India Company and Lieutenant W. Hollis, and to and from the said Court and the Board of Control, relative to the dismissal of that officer from the Ea.t India Company's service. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman said that he would not attempt to justi:, the language used by Lieutenant Hollis, and which led to his dismissal, but that language was drawn from him by irritating conduct on the part of his superior officer. Utter ruin had been brought upon him by the sentence which he had now been four years suffering under. He did not think the Court which passed the sentence upon Mr. Hollis was legally comtituted, and, at all events, he had been a long time suffering, and he trusted the Court would think it right to replace him in the position which he had formerly filled with such credit to himself and advantage to the country. Lieute nant Hollis was a man of good family and kind disposition, and surely a rash word should not for ever be allowed to operate to his detriment. Lord JOCELYN had no objection to the production of the correspondence sought for, and the Honourable Gentleman would be enabled to see by it what moderation had been exer cised by the Court of Directors towards Lieutenant Hollis. That officer had been guilty of one of the gravest offences known against military discipline—he broke through his arrest, and used language which. one gentle man should not use towards another. The Court of Directors had, notwithstanding the sentence of the court-martial, allowed Lieutenant Hollis 501. a year, within a few pounds of half pay allowance. He trusted the House would show no sympathy with an officer whe had acted in a manner inconsistent with the interests of the public service. There could be no doubt but the tribunal that tried him was by the 4th Geo. 4, e. 81, qua lified to do so. He would not trespass further on the attention of the House. Mr. HOGG said he would take no notice of the taunts that had been thrown out by the Hon. and Learned Gentle man against the East India Company. He thought the Noble Lord had answered the complaint of the Hon. Gentleman, and he would not occupy the time of the House unnecessarily. REVIEW CF THE SESSION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose amidst some slight con fusion at the bar from Members entering the House. He said, Sir,—l am very glad that the notice which I have upon the paper will offer no interruption to the other business, and I am perfectly satisfied that the other notices should have been got through before I proceed to lay the few observations 1 have to make before the House. Sir, I shall take this opportunity, one of the last of the session, to consider how we have performed the duties which we were called on to perform by her Majesty at the commencement of the session ; and, in doing so, I shall refer to these subjects with a view to measure the progress that has been made—to point out the defects which are to be found in the measures that have passed—and to ask the House to consider the prospect before them, rather than with the view insisted on, on other occasions, namely, of proving that the Ministers of the Crown are incompetent for the functions with which they have been entrusted. The latter is not my intention. If it were not my purpose to deviate from the previous practice to which I have referred—if it were my purpose to found charges of incompetency en the f ac to that measures had been delayed till a late period of the ssn, that they were only sent from one House to another as late as the Ist of July, when no time was left to consider them properly ; that many mea sures were brought forward in the begiening and given up at the end; if I were inclined to found a charge against minis ters I should find ample materials for my purpose. ( Hear, hear.) One Bill alone—the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite on Physic and Surgery—would form :a subject for lengthened comment.—( Hear, hear.) He was accustomed to lay great blame upon me for bringing forward the Poor•law, and afterwards making amendments is compliance with the suggestions and objections of Members of the House. It is not the custom of the present Government to listen to objections frcm the Members of the House ; but they had from time to time altered measures to obviate the ob jections of certain classes, and so with respect to this mea sure. The Right Honourable Gentleman had altered it to meet the views of the members of the College of Surgeons; then the general practitioners had objections to urge, and the Bill was a second time altered ; the physicians and surgeons were also considered and the Bill was altered again. and b :fore it was brought into this House it was put into at least a dozen shapes. I have done 'enough to show, without going further, that I could found a charge of incompetence, and not on this Bill alone. Bet, Sir, I consider that there are other questions that are far more important than the executive mode in which the Legislat , e is carried on with respect to meresietails. It is a question of graver consideration how the great interests of the country have been affected by the measures which have been brought before the House, and in what position the coun try stands in relation to these measures. In referring to these subjects, I shall take, in the first place, in some measure, the order of the Queen's speech with regard to these measures. The speech at the commencement of this session opened by an speeches of Mr. O'Connell, you would have seen what the policy of the country is. In the whole of those addresses there is but oneleetings evident, and that was exhibited in the cry of justice to Ireland. To this cry there has been no reply. The Irish people conceive that they have a right to participate in the ad vanta.ses enjoyed by Englishmen ; and this, and this - alone it is,, which has prompted the cry of repeal. During the whole of the monster meetings, pf which so much complaint has been made, what was the general feeling among the whole of those who took the mcst active part in those proceedings? Not re peal—not assessment—not ecclesiastical jurisdiction—but a long complaint of the inequality between the two countries. After some further observations on the policy pursued towards Ire land, the Noble Lord adverted to the measures affecting the agri cultural interest, and alter alluding to the tenacity with which the Ministers had formerly adhered to their opinions, continued— But your course has been altered, not only with respect to the letter of the Act of -Parliament, but with regard - to the lan guage held by a Minister of the Crown. Sir, the Ministers of the Crown have held language which is inconsistent with the maintenance of their own Act, and have given an assurance to the agricultural interest that the maintenance of their law would be like the sliding scale itself, descending from 20s. to ls.—an assurance that it would "grow small by degrees and beautifully less.''—( A laugh. ) So that, in the present year, there is far less security for the maintenance of the corn-laws than in any preceding one. We had a confession from the Right Hon. Baronet the secretary of State for the Home De partment that the sliding S eal e would, of itself, cause consider able evils, and that it was necessary to prop it up by a fixed duty, with regard to some part of the corn that came into this country, and that as corn from Canada was generally intro: slimed in the mouths of May, June, and July, when corn from foreign countries would not come in, waiting for a diminution of duties, it would be necessary to have a Canada Corn Act, in order to make the slidin g scale bearable by the people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) This was a distinct confession that the sliding scale was, in itself, insufficient. You were, as I said, obliged to prop it up with the Canada Cern Act, which has become a bugbear to all the farmers of this country, and which, as has been justly said, was not calculated to do much good, and more than counterbalance any ad vantages it may possess by the harm which it does to the sound principles of free trade. But the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government took away another argurrient from the sliding scale ; because whereas the advo cates for protection relied on this—that the labouring classes would be lasers by the admission of foreign corn, inasmuch as, w;th a reduction in its price, the wages of labour would diminish in proportion ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said this was not the ease, and that the low price of corn and bread was an ad vantage to the labouring classes. And that which the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government stated as his belief, the Right Hun. Gentleman who sits near him ( Sir J. Graham) proved by details, viz., that cheap corn not only gave greater and better wages to the labouring classes hut that with cheap corn there was less crime and less mortality. Is not the case of the present Corn Laws greatly weakened by this admis-ion ?—( Hear, hear.) But let us look at the founda • tions upon which you propose they should rest.—Can anybody have heard what has been passing for the last ten days without feeling the misery of the uncertainty of the law respecting corn ?—( Hear, hear.) Can anybody who entertains a doubt as to whether the next fortnight will bring a good harvest or a miserable deficiency, and not wish that the labouring classes of this country should be provided with food from - every quarter whence it can be procured ?—( Hear, hear.): I maintain that it is the duty of this House to provide for any contingency. But what is it you do ? I freely admit that whether there be a small fixed duty or a complete free trade in corn, it must always be a matter of deep anxiety whether or not the harvest w ill turn out favourable or unfavourable— that if there were not at the present moment complete free trade in corn, so loner as there exists a doubt as to whether there will be an abundant or a short harvest, it is impossible there should not be very considerable speculation—it is impos sible there should - not be a rise in the price of grain, foreign and domestic, to a considerable extent, and there will be danger to the, currency and to the subsistence of the people. —( Hear.) I admit these things, but these are consequences for which the Legislature is not responsible. If there was a fixed duty or a free trade in corn we might be sure of such supplies as could be obtained from other countries—the fixed duty would in such ease only diminish the price at which the merchant abroad would sell the corn. But at all events, ac cording to such a scheme, the plan would be uniform—there would be no longer any doubt or contingency as to the price at which foreign corn would be admitted. But, as the matter stands at present, by the uncertainty of the seasons and the difficulty of foreign supply, you, by your legislative wisdom, add another new and artificial incumbrance to this complicated question, for by the variation in price during at least ten weeks from is. to 20s. per quarter, you double the amount of speculation—you double the hazard to which the people of this country are exposed—you double the difficulty of supplting them with that article which ranks first among the necessaries of life. Is it wise to continue such a law—is it wise in those who advocate the principles of free-trade—is it wise in a Prime Minister who boasts that he has done more than any former Minister for a long period of years to promote free-trade eoc trinee—is it wise in him to rest on a law which he must own to be defective not only in respect to all the principles of po litical economy, but with respect to the principles on which commercial transactions should be governed? We have a Gen tleman averring that he did not think the law would be permanent—a Gentleman who constantly supports the present Government, and especially the sliding scale, but yet avowing publicly that he did not think the law would last, and that he thought two years would pos sibly see the end of it. When people hear this language used by the supporters of the Government, not by one of those agriculturists who might, in a moment of irritation, say that the ltlinisters would not support the corn-laws, but by one of their steady supporters—when, I say, such language has been used by such a person, what can the farmers think but that the law will be abandoned? Well, then, if it is to be aban doned, let us not continue in our present state of miserable uncertainty.—( Hear ' hear.) Let us begin next session early, and let us begin with the consideration of the corn-laws. The farmers must feel that if there be a necessity for a large pro tection against the introduction of foreign corn, it is necessary that that protection should be kept up—especially necessary in dealing with their landlords—and that they should not find, at the end of two years, that this law should be swept away, and the whole system connected with it. However such uncer talnty may suit the interests of parties, it cannot suit the farmers.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite impossible that any one can wish the continuance of a system which entails such evils upon the country, and that they would prefer the adoption of the measure proposed by his lion. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton rather than be kept in such uncertainty—a feeling that the Corn-laws would be kept up until their aboli tion was forced upon the Government. I say, therefore, with respect to this subject, that while you have done much to make an approach to free trade, there is still upon these main articles, timber, sugar, and above all. corn, a keeping up of restriction, contrary to every sound principle, and which it is impossible, according to your own theory, that you car. adhere to. At this very moment, with respect to corn, the supply in this country is unusually small, and i would, therefore, move for an amount of the quantity of corn now in bond. I say again that the quantity in bond is unusually small, :and let it not be forgotten that it is in consequence of our own laws ; and when the Government refer, as they sometimes have done, with great satisfaction, to the decline of speculation in the foreign corn trade, let them remember that want of speculation may prove a national misfortune, and that corn-laws may in this way prove injurious, not only to the speculators but to the country at large. It is some advantage to have a supply got together in our warehouses, on which the country can rely in ease of any sudden and unforseen failure of the harvest.- -( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then went on to re mark upon the various measures which had been proposed by former Whig Governments, and which the Members of the present Government opposed, upon principles which, they have advooated and supported; in particular be alluded to the Bill introduced by the late Government on the subject of education. The state of the population in the rural districts, and in many of the towns, too, was deplorable, in a moral and intellectual point of view. The Noble Lord adverted to reports which had been published respecting the demoralized condition of the popu lation, which showed that many beings could not read or write —had never been at church or chapel, and had never even heard the name of God or of Jesus Christ mentioned in their lives. The first time they heard of any religion was, when the chaplain of the gaol instructed them. A great clamour had been raised aAiiost :the (formation of normal schools, and against the mode in which the Committee of the Privy Council appointed to superintend the progress of education had been ap pointed, but the very same principles which the Home Secretary and the Prime :Minister then opposed, they now supported, and the constitution of the present Privy Council Board on this subject was not different in any important particulars from that which he (Lord J. Russell) proposed. He thought that sums should be advanced from the public funds so as to make charitable endowments really available, and he was really very glad to see that the Government had this year proposed votes to carry out this laudable object. Provision should be like wise made for the maintenance of schoolmasters, for, at pre sent, it was almost impossible to get any competent person to remain more than ten years in the profession. Marks of honour and gain should be held out to them, for the trust con fided to their care was a most important one—nothing less than forming the minds of the rising generation. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government spoke in the broadest and most lucid manner of the distinctions between creeds when speaking of the Irish Academical Education ques tion, but the Right Hon Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department drew the most acute and subtle distinc tion between the tests in the Presbyterian universities. Why, it is very difficult for the Houee-e-even willing as the House is—( Hear, hear)—to give its constant concurrence with measures so inconstant and so variable—( Hear,andlaughter)— and by diminished majorities it has .shown some reluctance to be so forced on.--( Hear, hear.) The House, Sir, has shown a degree of dislike to being forced to vote one day for one set of principles, and the next for a set directly opposite.(—Hear, and laughter.) Is it then too much to ask her Majesty's Ministers, before the next session, whether it begin in Decem ber or in January, to consider in their Cabinet meetings what their principles are to be ?—(Cheers)—for instance, in re spect to the Established Church, to the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and to the administration of Academic Tests.—( Hear.) If they do not, however permanent and fixed may be their majority in this House, they cannot expect that the people will go on, in quiet acquiesence with the acts of their. represeetatives.—(Cheers.) I find that the people of this country, however various may be the occupations in which they are engaged—whether in large manufactories, or in labour more domestic—in foreign com merce, or in the busy trades of towns, hold each individually a peculiar set of political opinions, and whether these be different or not from those of the Ministers, if he sees that those of the Government are fixed and founded upon principle, he bows to them. But if he finds them always changing, he cannot have any o her feeling than contempt.—(Hear, hear.) There fore it is, at the end of the session I put in my prayer, that we may have from the Government an- avowal of one set of opi nions to which we may acquiesce, or from which we may at once dissent.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever those opinions and principles might be, it would still be for the Opposition to say how far they would carry on or relax their opposi sition.—( Hear, hear.) But if at present any man were asked Are you a supporter of the G o vernment ? ' and he should say " Yes ;" let him be then asked, " But what do you think of the new colleges in Ireland ?" Most probably ho would answer, " That he liked the principle very well—the Romish Bishops were a set of bigots, and he saw no necessity for tests." What, then, will be ha answer in the next month, when he finds these very principles abandoned, and the obnoxious test adopted?—(Cheers.) I think, then, that we might know what the opinions of Ministers were, at longer intervals than from month to month. We ought to know them at least from session to session.—(Cheers.) Before I sit down I wish to refer to circumstances which I believe to be interesting in this country. We are told that her Majesty is about to leave this country for some weeks to visit Germany. Now, in former reigns, there was a custom, for oer Sovereigns, having German possessions, to leave this country for short periods. But in all hose eases a Council of Regency was appointed. In the time of George I. Lords Justices were appointed. But now we hear that her Majesty is about to go to Germany for some weeks without any such provision for carrying on the functions of the Crown. Sir, I think this is without precedent—( Hear, hear) —and hope her Majesty's Ministers do not intend to de part from the constitutional example I fear, hear.) I cannot sit down without making one reference to the state of Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) There is no doubt that her Majesty, having visited Scotland, would wish to visit Ireland also. The people of all parts of her dominions are loyal and attached.— ( Hear hear.) But when an address of invitation was presented to her Majesty by the mayor of Dublin, t h e answer put her Majesty's mouth w as studiously ambiguous, implyi into ng a d o ubt as to the disposition of the people.—(Hear, bear.) ject of our foreign affairs. v And now to come to shat has been done in the course of the session with reipect to our domestic peliey. My opinion on this subject is, that we ought not to he altogether disappointed at tEe result of the session, not that there has been much done which gives great prospect for the future, but while we, on the one hand, congratulate ourselves on the progress that has been made, and especially in the statement of opinions; still, on the other hand, much m u c r h e that n s u relates ndon e t o whichprinciple is clearly s ea l r e i f y t much h u a n s ee b r e t t a m in le ; ft an n d eg t l h ec a t t ett, wanted to serve the interests of the country, there cannot be a doubt. Now, Sir, I shall take in the first instance that which has so often been brought before our attention in this House, during this session, and which will, I have no doubt, occupy us during the next and future sessions-4 mean the unhappy state of Ireland. Sir, in adverting to this subject, I cannot but in the first place rejoice that those opinions which were heard from Gentlemen who sat opposite some years ago, have been in a great degree abandoned—( Hear, hear)—and that even language that we heard from one of the Ministers of the Crown has been, since he came into office, revoked. I rejoice that the Government is so far repouncing former erroneous opinions that they are ready- to commence a new course, anti have reason to congratulate the House on what has been already done for Irelaiid.—( Hear, hear.) Rut, Sir, let it not be forgotten that, many years ago, when the Government of the lately deceased Earl Grey was divided on this subject, not only did those who are opposed to us now oppose the appro. -priation clause, which I still think would have been at that time a fair and moderate compromise to the Church of Ireland, they not only opposed that Church—l do not ray that that was unnatural considering their views on this subject—but they always denied to the Irish those rights which had been ex tended to the English and to the Scotch: With regard to their electoral and municipal rights, Sir, a gentleman holding a dis tinguished situation in office there, who had been raised to a higher office on the Bench of Ireland, and who has but lately died ; I mean Chief Baron Wolfe. lie expressed his opinion that there was no legal reason why the same rights ought not to be granted to Ireland, and his language expressed the indig nation he felt at the degradation of his country. He stated that he thought these privileges were a matter of common right, belonging to the United Kingdom ; that, therefore, popular elections and corporate rights were due to the Irish people, and that some strong reason of necessity must be argued before a people can be refused those rights. He stated further that if refused it could only be on the ground that Irish families were unfit to be subjects of a free kingdom. The whole of those Gentlemen opposed these just claims with one exeeptisn— the Earl of St. Germans. There were ether ques tions with regard to Ireland, on one of which those who were opposed to us were inclined to raise in this country both a national and religious feeling, to assist them against the claims of the people of Ireland. Sir, that course of policy they, since their accession to office, have abandoned. It is now admitted by them that the Irish ought to have equal rights. It is now admitted that, both as regards electoral rights, the right of voting for Members of this House, and municipal corporate rights they ought to have the same rights as England and Scotland. This is in principle a great deal, but let us examine a little how far their measures have been consistent with their professions, and what have been their great objects for effecting the re conciliation of Ireland,—for reconciling the people of Eng gland, and inducing the subjects of both countries to join in amity at home, and in defence of their empire against forei g n enemies. On this subject they have hardl y done what the y professed to do. With regard to municipal rights, and the rights of electing representatives to serve in Parliament, no Bill has been introduced, and it .is notorious that the number of electors, in many of the Irish counties, ha dimi nished in a great degree. That was a grievance that required the attention of Parliament.—( Hear; hear. ) But has the attention of Parliament been called to it?—( Hear, hear.) With respect to another subject on which they proposed to legislate, anti on which they made elaborate inquiries, for the purpose of calling attention to it—l allud e to the subject of the relations between landlords and tenants. Now, I stated my opinion that issuing a Commission on the re l ati o ns o f landl ords and tenants might be a wise measures but that I could not be en abled to say it was a wise measure, until I could see the re sult.—( Hear.) It was evident that considerable evils attended the issuing. of that CommisiOn. It was, in the first place, calculated to excite great hopes—it was calculated to make the poor tenants believe that some great benefit was to attend the inquiry; something to relieve the scarcity of food, and fix security of tenure, which they had ever felt to be the greatest misfortune of their lives. In the next place it was very likely, unless accompanied with great care, to excite in the country itself considerable enmity on the part of the tenants against their landlords, by making them believe that they had a Govern ment which would take their part against the landlords. In this respect the objection was very great, for the saying of his lamented friend Mr. Drummond was a correct one, 't that pro perty had its duties as well as its rights." But that evil might be remedied if the Government had explained the general nature of .the remedy which they wished to introduce. I sup pose that some remedy was in the contemplation of the Govern- ment, but it appears after all that they brought forward, as the result of that Commission, a Bill which I must say is one of the most extraordinary measures which was ever brought before the consideration of this House. The plan of interposing between landlords and, tenants in the manner devised by the Bill is most impracticable. But the Bill has never arrived at this House, and I suppose, therefore, it has been given up and abandoned. I suppose that the universal cry among the Irish generally has induced Government to abandon it. Why, then, what further measure had they introduced? They had produced a Bill for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and a Bill for the academical education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, which was pointed out in the speech from the throne. Sir, I do not wish to go over the arguments on this subject. I think the endowment of Maynooth a goo.l plan, but I think the ob servation that was made on it by a gentleman who has written well on the subject of Ireland, is a perfectly just one. He says that there are two objections to the endowment - of Maynooth ;* one is, that the grant was a trivial measure—that the boon was altogether too small ; and the other is, that it will tend to the endowment of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Sir, one argument confutes the other : if the Government intend that the measure should lead to an endowment of the Boman Catholic Church, that, Sir, would be an intelligible line of policy ; and wi'hout discussing the propriety of endowing the R o man Catholic priesthood of Ireland, it would he a perfectly intelligible policy to introduce this meaeire, - as it would re ceive the consent of the hierarchy of that Church. But the present measure had not had that consent, because it was not intended to lead to that endowment. The members of the Government had carefully declared that such was not their intention ; and considering the great clamour that has been raised in this country—considering the deep feeling which has been aroused, I would ask, has an adequate result been obtained ?.. If the Ministry do not mean to proceed further—if they have no measure in contem plation for next session, then surely s theY were unwise in pro voking that clamour. But with regard to another measure—l mean that of academical education—it appears to me that though the Government does not love much to hear counsel within doors, yet they do take counsel from necessity out of doors, and that such a necessity prompted this measure. The First Lord of the Treasury told us in a speech, which I for one was sorry to hear, on the subject of the Maynooth Bill—he told us that its object was as much to break off a confederacy that existed in Ireland for the purposes of carrying repeal, and of dividing the Roman Catholic clergy, by propounding a measure which would satisfy at lea-t one portion of them. ft appears then that this Association was a chief instrument in procuring this Bill. It was nut for its merits g iven —it was not because it improved the Roman Catholic s p produced greatest priesthood of Ireland, but because it would break up the Repeal Association. Well , that Bill and its course through sed. excitation i t b a t y i on those in onlonly England, opposedan d considerable to the Roman Catholic faith, but by those also who held that Goverment should only assist i n secular matters, and t h a t religion should be supported a lt o gether upon the volun tary principle. In order to soothe this clamouring party the Government again in May introduced a measure, which they supported by the very arguments that in the former thisHou e opsit i o n the was raised, instance had been used in that House and out of doors against any Government support to religious establshments. But I must beg to impress upon this Honse that these measures have been both late and imperfect. In the first place they are late. And, in saying this, I allude to the measures of the Government now in existence, and think that the observation is applicable to the ministry, whether they were in opposition, or whether as now they exercise the functions of Government, and I would more particularly allude to the claims of the Roman Catholic:. Many years ago, when the present First Lord of the Treasury was Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Grattan had, under the authority of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of Ireland, pledged hi s word that if the claims of the Roman Catholics were conceded, no prelate of that church should be appointed whose views were opposed to those of the Government, and that if any Roman Catholic prelate of that country, either by his writings or proceedings, should be instrumental in excit ing any disaffection to the Crown, that his benefice should be estreated, and himself reprobated by the church. This was a great concession. But the Ministers of the day did not take advantage of it, and serious were the consequences which had flowed from the neglect of the power which hail then been accorded to it, of removing any prelate of the Irish Church who should promote or be a party to promoting political or religions agitation. But the opportunity had been lost, and cannot now be recovered. ln 1825, another attempt was made, and a Noble Lord, who is still a Mem ber of this House, proposed that some provision should be made for the priests of the Roman Catholic Church, but the Government of the day refused to accede to the reso lution Which he proposed ; but in three years after that question had been mooted the true principles of Church Government were perceived, and though the Government would not aid them, yet there sees an explicit declaration even to those great churchmen—whe were the most steady adherents of Catholic erinciples, that something should be done for the provision of the Roman Catholic clergy. Anti in 1825, the same declaration was made to the Roman Catholic prelates. Tl e object then was to obviate the hostility of the Roman Catholics, by making them to blame for the very outrages which they denounced. Then came the grand measure of Catholic Emancipation ; and w h o were the grand opponents of that great measure ?—why, the who during the whole their lives had very men, course been tie great oppon ents of civil and religious liberty, were the very men, who under a different phase of circumstances, and when credit was to be obtained by the granting of that which was irresistible, at mice turned round on all their supporters, and passed that measure against which such an outcry hail been lately made. Their plea was the choice of two alternatives —the prosecution of their designs, or the risk of a civil war. They chose the former evil, and the concession of the Catholic claims was the consequence. Anwher measure to which he had to allude, was that of Muni cipal Reform. In 1e36, the King of this country, by the advice of his Ministers, caused a Bill to be introduced for this pur pose, with the hope that Parliament would sanction so great an improvement of the social condition of Ireland, and agree to the reform of municipal corporations, so that they might be conformed to those of En g land and Scotland. I did really hope that this resolution would have been unanimously passed through this House, and with the consent of the whole of the Members. The question then is, whether you will grant equal rights to Ireland ? If you would have but attended to the You, remember, Sir, that a similar doubt as to the reception cent. increase in consequence of the reduction of duties of the Sovereign was raised, when King William IV. intended but by the offieial returns it rather appeared, that thirty te visit the city of London—and you remember the result.— throe per cent. had been the actual increase. The diminution (Cheers.) I trust that it was oat on the s , me grounds the in the revenue might have been entirely saved by taking a bold visit of the Queen to Ireland has been postpened.—(Cheers, ) tterse—by opening the market.; of the world to our produce. I think that her Majesty might rely upon e most cordial recep- The course taken on the subject of sugar had been a short tion in Ireland, if her 'Ministers would govern that country ; sighted one.' The distinction between free-grown sugar and with a regard to the interests of the people. With these ob- 1 slave-grown sugar had been perfectly futile, yet these w ere servations I would conclude, having already trespassed lone ! the great obstacles to carrying out the police,' he recommended. upon the House, but I have an example of a different kind. I By the fal e reel they had pursued. they had also lost the have read a speech d e li vere d in another place, of which the benefit of a reciprocal treaty with Span, that would object was to show that measures had been delayed and have been of the gr eatest advantage to this country. There postponed, when the unscrup u l ous o pp os iti on o f th e party was I was another point on which he would remark—it was in re the cause of the delay and the postponement. But now ference to India. The increase of trade with that country had it is impossible to say that Ministers, with a large majority, not been at all commensurate with the opportunities they had have not abandoned and postponed measures to which no fac- had. The high duties on imports, both from India and China, times opposition was offered.—( Hear, hear,) I do not deny I had operated most injuriously against extending our com that many of those measures were such as could not have been merce in those regions of the globe.—( Hear. hear.) He further proceeded with. But I think that the executive part i could not, therefore, give his assent to the principles or. which of the Government ought to have well considered the measures I the Government had conducted the commercial affairs of the which were brought forward by them, and not leave themselves j country during the pest year.—( Hear.) exposed to the necessity of withdrawing and postponing them j Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought that what. the Hon. from time to time.—( Hear, hear.) No complaint can be Gentleman ( Mr. Plumptre) had stated respecting tee county made of the House in this session. There never was shown in of ^ Kent was very intere,ting. Ile hod stated that the wheat any session so much labour.so much attention to public in- crop was blighted. anti therefore it was clear they could not de • terest, apart from all party and personal influence—as in the I vend on that county this year for a supply of fond.—( Hear. ) present session. I may instance the inquiries respecting rail- Bet ween that Hon. Gentleman expressed his surprise that ways.—( Cheers.) I must say that no House ever exceeded the Noble Lew' (.1. Russell) sheet(' be alarmed at the subject the present in its regard to the public interest, as you, Sir, of the harvest, he (Mr. Viiliers) thought he was —(to the Speaker)—must well know.—(Cheers and laughter. ) inconsistent. It was a most important question the The Noble Lord concluded by moving, according . 0 his motion, most important that could engage the attention of for returns relating to the amount of Bills passed, &c., during the Government anti the House. It had been shown that they the session. depended on accident for a supply of food.—( Hear. hear.) The Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who was throughout his speech real question was to put bread, the staple article cf food to the painfully indistinct, wcs understood to say that he was not pre- people, on a proper footing. He wanted, then, to know the pared to offer any opposition to the motion. But however the single Act of this session that would be of the least effect if they House might think that it was not his duty to follow the Noble ha I a had harvest ?—( Hear, hear. ) Let there be a scanty Lowl, yet, as the Noble Lord had thought it his duty to refer supply of the means of subsistence, anti where would be the to domestic matters which were in his (Sir James Graham's) use or service of all the measures of the session? lie thought department, he felt that the House would permit him to offer a the data of the Hon. Gentleman must be very exclusive, if he few observations.--e( Hear.) The Noble Lord had asked what Could show how any of the business of the present session would - course her Majesty s Ministers intended to follow, and had said operate in saving the country from the calamity of a bad harveso that several measures of importance had been abandoned. He If the harvest was not a favourable -nne, what would became trusted, however, that the abandonment of the Physic and f the great public works of which they had heard so much Sureery Bill was no proof of incompetency—(A Laugh)—for during the present session ? Why were many of them discon he could appeal to the Honourable Members for Fins- tinued last session ? Simply because the means of the country bury and Lambeth if there was any more difficult question to were not in so prosperous a state as at the preSent moment. deal with.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had consulted Then there was not a great surplus of capital as now. is Len the the most eminent persons in each department interested in that capital of the country had very much inmeesed. Bet if that Bill, and he had no doubt that if the House would give him prosperity should cease. thou°ands would be t nined—persons time he would succeed in producing a satisfactory measure.— who had engaged in these public woks would he exposed so ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had next adverted to our great suffering. If that was to happen this year, there never foreign policy, anti had congratulated the House anti the was a time when it would lie more total to the interests of the country on the favourable appearance of our relations with country.—( Hear, hear.) He said, then, that the' experience France as compared with that which they presented at the of time past showed that the House ought not to separate close of lsst session. ale agreed with the Noble Lord in that without adopting some measure to aver the consequences congratulation; anti with respect to America, bethought there which, in the event of a deficient harvest, might ensue.— was no prospect that the relations of amity which were so im- ( Hear, hear,) They had now the experience of the failure of portant to the interests of both countries would not he main- the corn-laws, which ought to indicate how mischievous it was tained.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord, in passing from foreign to to centinue them. Both abundance and cheapness.had occurred, domestic relations, adverted to tae administration of Irish anti had each produced their own evils, augmented as they were affairs. In doing so the Noble Lord adverted to an ex- by restrictive imposts. They ought. then, to have better se pression of his (Sir James Graham's) which he had curity that they would have plenty before they could judge of frequently explained, but he hoped the House would do the utility of the law. Having, then, this experience of the him the justice to admit that the whole of his conduct in failure of the law, when the measures of the Government were respect to Ireland was in consonance with his explanation. in direct opposition to the wants of the people. there never With respect to the elective franchise, it was shown that in was a time when there was less excuse to continue this system cities anti towns the elective franchise did exist. I n counties, than at the present moment. They (the flee trade interest) a great deal of doubt existed as to the legal interpretation of hol declared their faith in a wholesome competitionin every'way ; what constituted a franchise in Ireland They had removed thee gave every encouragement to rival works. When a great line those doubts, and they had introduced a system which had en- of railway had been projected, if the Government:encouraged larged the basis of the franchise in that country. The Noble t some rival work—some rival line for the purpose of cheapen- Lord next proceeded to refer to the Landlords and Tenants ing the transit of the people from one past of the country to Commission. The Noble Lord, however, did not blame the another, and of giving relief to the community. He asked Commission, but he censured the Government for not giving them, then, why they maintained protection and monopoly, effect to the report of that Commiision. He ( Sir J. and upheld it in every way in their power? They told them that Graham) would beg the House to remember that the evidence it was necessary to protect the public from undue competition• given before that Committee was not presented until after the that the parties might not abuse the power with which they commencement of the present session of Parliament' and that it were invested, but that it might be used in the most efficient was most voluminous. It was admitted that in Ireland and Eng- way. Look at the state of the country since protection was land different customs prevailed with regard to the outlay on pro- firer established, it had been constantly subjected to a deficient perty held by tenants. In Ireland a great hardship existed, supply, to high prices, and to scarcity ; and the. Hon. Gentle where the tenant was liable to be ejected without possessing man said that there was a constant increase of necessity, so arty claim for compensation. He azihered to the opinion of the that it was only reasonable to ask the Ministers, under these Government that the same security should be given to the circumstances, to give the means of satisfying the wants of the tenants in both countries for compensation for outlay made before increasing population. As Parliament was about to separate. they were ejected from their holdings. The object of the Bill it was right that the Government should state how the wants was to give to the tenant that which would do him ample of the people were to be supplied. That question ought to be justice. The principle of the Bill he adhered to, and he answered. They told the Government that they could obtain felt confident a better principle could not be exercised. The cheap food for the people, if the objectionable imposts Noble Lord then adverted to the Mavnooth Bill, and the were removed. They had ships in all the markets of Colleges Bill. He thought, after the discussion which had the world, they had enterprise, they had every means been entered into on these questions, he would at least have of obtaining an ample supply.—(Haar, hear.) Call the mer not touched on that point. Be did not think that references chants and manufacturers to their bar, and ask them if this was to political differences would be productive of any benefit. not so, and they would tell them that they would give security It was, however, a measure which he did not hesitate for a cheap and efficient, instead of deficient. and dear. supply conscientiously to support. The Noble Lord then alluded to of fowl to the people, if they would open their ports for i:s re the Appropriation Clause ;he charged the Government with ceptien. That was their case. The Government had been bringing before the House the question as to how to arrive at pur=uiug a roost dangerous course of late. They were elected religious equality in Ireland. Whether they should endow the to promote the docienes of protection,but their conduct latterly Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, or whether they should abolish had exposed the hollowness and the mere pretensions of protee the Protestant Establishment. He could not see at any time tion. They had done everything they could to slew the public anything that would induce him to support the abolition of the that no reliance could be plaeed on it. They had become snore Protestant Establishment in Ireland. It would give a terrible enlightened, anti it was now dangerous to tamper or trifle with shock to the possessors of property in Ireland, and would them. In 1841 and 1842 they heard a great deal about the dis create something like violence in that country. He at the same tress in the country being caused by machinery, by the want of time thought it necessary to state that he had no insuperable money, and by the overwork of the people. They were, in fact. objection to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy in brought- to believe that the distress of that period was produced that country, but he thought that, under the present circum- by other than the real cause. But now there was more machinery stances, that a general endowment of that country would not than et that period, there was more production, and with re be advisable. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of specs to money it. never was so plentiful, and et six and seven national education. Though the Government had not been hostile tariffs had been adopted for the purpose of preventing very successful in that system, it could not be denied that the the free interchange of commodities. sy s tem had done an immensity of service. He was harpy to ' Mr. M. GIBSON was glad that his Hon. Friend had say, that in the working classes of this country there was brought that part of the Noble Lord's speech which more im an astonishing progressive decrease of crime.—( Hear; hear.) medtately related to the corn laws under the attention of the But to return to the question, of finance, the Noble Lord had House. The Noble Lord called attention to the subject of alluded to the continuation of the income-tax, and contended civil and religious liberty in Ireland; but he ventured to doubt that it was an increase of the taxes of the country when consi- whether there was so great an infraction of civil rights dered in conjunction with the reduction of the duty upon the practised upon the people of that country as was inflicted raw material of cotton. Now, in justice to the Government, it upon the people of England by those who supported the ought to be remembere I that. from the necessities of the case, corn-law monopoly. They were injuring the beet the time of the Government was occupied from so early a period t ights of their fellow-subjects—tire right of selling their labour as the sth of Apia in discussing the policy of continuing the in the best market, and the right to get a full reward for their income-tax ; and, therefore, at this late. pet iod of the session it industry. Therefore, even as a question of civil liberty, lie was rather out of time to introduce that subject. Then, with did contend that the question of the corn-law was not second to regard to the timber duties; when the present Government any question of civil or religious equality in Ireland. At pre came into office, they found the duties on timber to be such sent the corn trade was a mere matter of gambling, and, there that they felt warranted in removing the duties on colonial fore, when a bail harvest came, they were obliged to timber, and that those on Baltic timber should be greatly re- send their agents all over the country, serenading up all the duced.—( Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to sugar, corn they could lay their bands upon and invading stacks o here again the Noble Lord did not agree with the corn which had been provideli fur the supply of other coon measures of the Government; but still it had been found tries.—(hear, hear.) On the other band. hail they tree trade, that these measures had worked favorably for the they would have their merchants and capitalists keeping stocks people, for it appeared that the result of the Government upon hand, and whenever a time of scarcity arrived there would measures was that there had been an increase of the consump- be ample supplies to fall back upon.—( Hear, and cheers. ) tion of that article to the amount of 40,000 tons, or 20 per In his opinion there could be nothing more humiliating tban cent.—( Hear, hear)—and that increased consumption had seeing the landed gentlemen of this country support the corn beers owing to the reduction in the price of sugar, which law erinciple because it served their own interest, anti urging amounted to about I ed. per lb. Well, then, in respect to that it was indispensably necessary for the best interests of corn, there were at this moment 450.000 quarters of corn in State.—(Cheers.) It was nothing better than a direct mo bond ; and in the year 1839, when the Noble Lord was in nopoly, and it was, in fact, mean, shabby, and unjust. office, let him ask what was the position of the country. At lie was neither for a fixed duty nor a sliding scale, and he only that time there were only 50,000 quarters of corn in bond, anti hoped that no time would be lost in setting the corn trade free. only 2,400,000/. in bullion in the Bank of England, while at Mr. DARIIY said that the Hon. Gentleman who had last this moment the amount of bullion in the Bank exceeded spoken would forgive him if he retorted the charge of dis -6,000,600/. Well, then, that was scarcely any proof of the No- seminating false intelligence, for never in his life did he see any ble Lord's statement in reference to the sliding-scale. of the prophecies of the Anti-Corn-law League verified. which he said hail been " growing small by degrees, and beau- Mr. SHEIL agreed with the Hon. Gentleman behind him tifully less."—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fortunately for the that the corn-laws was a question of the first importance, and Government, at present the supply of home-grown corn in to Ireland it was particularly so • but at that late hour of the bond had greatly increased, and the average price, during the night he should not enter at length into that topic. The time the present Government was in office, varied from 495. Academic Bill for Ireland, he believed, had been proposed 11d. to 545.—(Hear, hear ) On those grounds, then, he did with tho best intentions, but the idea had not beer, properly hope that the apprehensions expressed by the Noble Lord would carried out; and then, with regard to the regis•ry, that had been no t be realised ; and that, at this very late period of the ses- getting " Small by degrees, and beautifully less ;" and in proof sion, no change in the existing law would be expected to be o f this he had only to refer the House to Tipperary and other made.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, there was counties. Ile wished to see the 40s. freeholds perpetuated in one other topic mentioned by the. Noble Lord to which fee, and the holders of these entitled to a vote. he would wish to allude—namely, that of the expected Mr. SHERIDAN drew the attention of the House to the visit of her Majesty to Ireland. An address had petition of Richard and James Keynes, grocers, residing at been presented to her Majesty by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Shaftesbury, presented on the 2d of August last, respecting the praying that her Majesty would state when it was likely she seizure of tobacco by the Excise, by which they had been sub would pay a visit to her loyal subjects ; and it would appear, jected to trouble and expense. The tobacco, it had been stated, from the reception the deputation bad met with, that. some was not genuine, but these grocere, his (Mr. Sheridan's) con doubt was implied as to the reception her Majesty would meet stituents, were not aware of any adulteration, and hail no with at her landing on the Irish shores. But the Noble Lord means of detecting it. Two of the most celebrated chemists of must have misconceived the purport of the answer given by the day had declared that it was impossible for them to aseer her Majesty to the Dublin Corporation ; for that answer im- certain whether there was e saccharine matter in tobacco. Yet plied a conviction that her Majesty woud be received with all the officers of Customs, after half an hour's inspection declared the loyalty and enthusiasm she could wish, whenever she on their oaths, that it was,adulterated. The Hon. Member should please to land on the shores of Ireland.—( Hear.) concluded by moving for a select committee to inquire into the Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that, as an Irish Member, matter. he wished to express his most sincere thanks to the Noble Lord Mr. CARDWELL thought the Honourable Gentleman bad for the manner in which he had spoken of the affairs of Ire- been unfortunately induced, by zeal for his constituents, to. land. He did also believe that from what he had already seen magnify the ease he had laid before the House, and was pre ef the disposition of the Government towards his country, that pared to prove that the conduct of the Custom-house officers, a friendly disposition had been evinced i n regar d t o it.—.( Hear, and the proceeding of the Excise were fully warranted by the hear.) But he would wish to know what steps were intended circumstances of •he case. He, therefore, regretted the lion. to be taken in reference to a most important measure—be Member had felt it to be his duty to bring the matter under meant the landlord and tenant question.—( Hear, hear.) With the attention of the House, anti to follow it up with a motion. regard to the Church question, the Noble Lord had quoted a Mr. HU el E was glad the subject had been brought forward. very able writer on the subject. This man took one for he thought that the proceedings of both the Customs anti view of the question, and another clerical writer ' , f the Excise often inflicted injustice upon the public. considerable eminence took another. He had no hest- After a few words from Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. tattoo, however, in saying that they must either Hume, Mr. Hawes, Dr. Bowring, and the Chancellor of the endow the Catholic Church or the destruction of the Exchequer, the motion was withdrawn. Protestant Church would be the inevitable result. Whatever ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. course they should adopt must be come to soon, and if i Sir R. PEEL moved that the House do, at its rising, ad did not suit her Majesty s Government t• grapple with theset journ till Friday.— Agreed to. difficulties the most fatal consequences would sooner or later LONDON AND YORK COMMITTEE. ensue. With regard to the Landlord :and Tenant Com- On the motion of Mr. HAWES leave was given to the mission he must say that the Bill introduced in the other Committee on the London and York Railway Bill to sit to- House, based on that report, was a mockery. If they were mor row (this day), and every day until the prorogation of not prepared to bring forward a measure in conformity with Parliament. the report of the Commission, they should not have issued it at Th e re maining orders of the day were then disposed of and all. They raised hopes only to blast them. He was sure the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. that not one of the five Commissioners had been consulted on this Bill. In all its details it showed its paternity. The schedules contained eleven separate columns, and there was a marked similarity between it and other Bills which came from the same hand, which at once showed its author. The simili tude between it and the Registration Bill of the same Noble Lord was very marked. The same ostensible privileges were held out on the one side, and the same restrictions and fetteres en those privileges which characterised the Registration Bill, were equally discernible on the other. He did not speak of the Noble Lord in a party spirit, but it must be evident that he was totally unfit to legislate on these matters. He was glad that the Commission had recognised the right of the tenantto com pensation, but of what use would this recognition be, when the Bill which was pretended to be introduced on their recommen dations, was fettered with such restrictions. He hoped the Government would take this Bill as well as the County Franchise into consideration during the recess, and would in troduce measures on these questions of the same liberal cha racter as the Maynooth Bill. If they did so, he trusted that if not at the end of next session, this House would, before very long, be able to congratulate itself on setting at rest these mat ters which, as they stood at present, were a subject of odium to the Government and a disgrace to the country. Mr. PLUNIPTRE thought that the Government had dis played an assiduity this session with regard to the measures they brought forward which entitled them to the greatest credit. He could not, however, help saying that, with regard to certain measures,it wasvery badly exercised. When the Right Hon. Ba ronet at the commencement of the session announced his inten • tinn of peoposing in additional grant to Maynooth, he expressed his dissatisfaction at the measure, and throughout its progress in in that House he had strongly and systematically opposed it. And now when, he was sorry to say, it had b Parliamencand wheel, at the close of t h es es e s c io o ta us i :h f a e e n it h n a o d i lt:d s au opportunity of observing its effect in Ireland, dissatisfaction, no less opposition to it. nd f h t e_ would ask the House what had been the fruits u . measure? Had it proved satisfactory in Ireland ? Had it conciliated the animosities of the Roman Catholtc populetion in that country? And how had it been carried through this House? Why 1 * 52 usual supporters of the Government had, on its second reading, been found in the m inorit y , while only withlsovotedto the the G o vernment. The m easure he regarded as a disgrace sa t u te book ; and tho u g h he had not hitherto committed him self by giving any notice of a specific motion on the subject, he - now gave notice that at the earliest opportunity next session he would do what in him lay to remove from the statute book what he and the entire country with him regarded as a most obnoxious tied unnecessary measure. Mr. MOFFATT said he roust beg the indulgence of the House, to whose customs he was comp ara tively a stranger, while he adverted to two topics which had hitherto escaped notice during the progress of the debate. In the first place, he wished to make a few observations in reference to the alterations in the sugar duties. The Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Graham) had said that there was thirty per RAILWAX COMMITTEES (YESTERDAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. EPPING R,AILWAY. The Committee appointed to inquire into this fill met at eleven o'clock, Lord Monteagle in the (lair. There was no opposition whatever, except in a few formal matters respecting amendments in the clauses, which were speedily adjusted. The Bill then passed through Committee, and their Lord ships re e. HOUSE OF COMMONS• GROUP X. szErrxmx.D AND LINCOLNEIBIRE LINE. IMPORTANT DECISION. This Committee met for the last time this day, there being present Viscount Courtenay (Chairman), Mr. Wall, Mr. Darby, and Mr. Scrope. Mr. Sergeant WRANCIIA . m made a few observations in addi tion to those of yesterday, i n favour of the Bawtry b ra n c h o f the London and York line, pointing out its superiority in re spect of economy, speed, and saving of distance. At one o'clock the Learned Sergeant had concluded his address, and the Committee cleared the room in order to de liberate. At half-past two, strangers having been r e - a d m itt e d, The CHAIRMAN Slid—l am instructed to inform the various parties interested in the schemes before cur consideration, that we have come to the following resolution : That the Committee are of opinion that so much of the preamble of the London and York Bill as has reference to the Sto.ffield Branch is not proved; and that the preamble of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Bill is proved, omit4ing the words City of Lincoln.'" The CHAIRMAN then inquired whether e pro moters of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Bill were pre pared with causes to obviate the injury to property complained of by Messrs. Foljambe and Hutchinson ? Mr. Hope having expressed his readiness to accede to any course which the Committee might see fit to recommend, and Mr. Talbot declining to enter into any compromise on the subject, the Committee proceeded with the consideration of the clauses. --- Report says that the following officers are about to be superannuated :—Mr. Atkins, master-shipwright, and Mr. Iloyse, assistant master-shinwright, both of Sheerness dock y ard; and Mr.- Aliward, assistant ma , ter:shipwright, of Dev,npott dockyard.— Unasti So vice Gazette: -~ .~-►- TFIE St , N. LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 6, 1845. allusion to the state of foreign affairs. lam rejoiced to say I that we are not now, as we were at the close of last session, looking anxiously to a settlement .of a - question with France, a question which threatened a rupture of our amicable relations with that country. lam happy to find that our relations with that country are close and unbroken, and that they are likely to continue so.—( Cheers.) Sir. there is another question to which (though 1 certainly do not mean to enter into detail) I cannot help adverting for a moment. I mean the question between this country and the United States of America. Without at all interfering with the discretion of the Executive Government, or at all dictating to them any course opposite to that which they may think fit to pursue for the settlement of the question of the Oregon boundary, I still will venture to say to them that the opinion that I gave to the House at an early period of the session, is entirely un shaken by anything I may have heard, or anything I ' may have read on this subject.—( Hear. hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman on that. occasion said that the vernment of this country were prepared to maintain their rights. Ido n t question his legic—l do not propose to ask him for an explanation of the mode in which he proposes to maintain those tights. lam glad to see—regretting, as I do, the loss of the distinguished man who was Minister to our country from the United States ; yet, mingled with that regret, I rejoice see that an'sther distinguished man, who was here some years ago, has replaced Mr. Everett as our Minister from that country. I trust that they will act with discretion and moderation in determining the question between the two Governments, without, at the same time, losing sight of the essential interests of either country, and with these few words—and lam glad t hey are so few—l leave the sub- PI