The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-19 00:00:00

lhou li s a k ti . w ili t . o t h riv reslieet to the management of the poor, he He would not, however, dwell on these things, it w o o d , , cat er to leave that entirely to tne as he had no desire to introduce anything which !: f e , vaile c t, ao l d e s• m In England and S. etiand th a t principle might interrupt the good t:mper which ought to pre %to , Ihy should not the prine:ple be applied tot e ,eiand :—(llear hear ) It v•ou'd be vail in diecussing the nrzsent qu-stion. But what hid unifornikeeinpinthejwitii ,Lst consonant to *ust'lc hear.) 1 been the prophecy oft he I'lw-traders? They thought . el if t were. to naat. the that free trade would greatly increase the gc-noral 0,- 1141 be in three countries. Dolng , so ,l ac . o perity of 0.10 country, and he (Earl Granville) thought our usual of Ica's anon. t erest 'tn. reason for making g this motion was the deep in- that prophecy was true. The exports had greatly in tat W hich the lower class es h a d i n this matter, and the to lit . creased. and during the present year had been six ~nf their w e lf are was affected. This was his lions more than during the previous year. That in iotdci ,desiring cb that th e l aws of the several countries crease would show what they might still expect it to be, me assimilated. assimilated. It they did not pass some if the principles of free trade were carried out. The 444 .retieffrom the ci c4 r tt th e "' , l) as he had proposed, the cons vience would be Noble Lord had referred to letters he had rec, ived from auper population of Ireland would be driven to farmers in his own immediate neighbourhood, but even ltal Cheers)ot of thiscountry.—(Hear, he c , e'el a a He hdl k I -understand these letters only proved that the harvest had been very ar y new low to F act rif the Irish Members ; but it was an ascertained bad last year, and led to the conclusion that, under tZeft great numbers different circumstances, and a good harvest, a favour to the poor..r of that population had been sent fur ebb result might be calculated on. He found by re aes of England ; and seeing that *NZ" the case t 'debarred f , and that the poor of this country 'urns under the poor-law, that . in the county of Cain- Vbet s , so rom marrying lest they should increase their bridge —one of the six of the worst of the agricultural . re„,alecroacuitl,t,iivoal:es reason would seem to serve if the state of e , unties—the pauper list had exhibited ass increase of in.lreland was worse than in this country. 1.723 anove what it was last year. The six counties t per . b i hat e in England th e p ersons receiving he had alluded to were Ca abridge, Hereford, Lin t) In 'ortY ; in Scotland it was one in cols, Monmouth, Rutland, and Shropshire. In all these I N_ at ;1; whi:c in Ireland it was only one in sixteen, amore It from Loin fact that the is' I Part g ale .1,1 people were there had been an increase to the pauper list; but in the other counties the decrease had been to the extent of A i• a ofth o o.a•!ititute condition than those of any other 69,000—(1Iear, hear)—far beyond the increase in the n oN ,. a 3 l l g l3 : ni t y he n moved that the House be counted, • , . others Now it would be a very difficult thing, as their adi 4 ou t rii he e t u e . Lordships knew to introduce particular measures to meet 27 Members present, the House the necessities of particular districts. But to came to the question as to the effect on landowners and occupiers of land by the change to free trade, he believed that an expenditure in some cases had been made in effecting improvements and increasing the productive power or land equal almost to a new purchase of the land. If the effect of the change that had been made would he to bring this country from being one of the dearest to one of the cheapest, and one of the most compact in Europe, it was almost impossible that that could occur without great shocks being felt by some particular inte rest. With reference to France: he (Earl Granville) had talked with many Frenchmen on the subject, and be had been informed that in many parts of France landlords were unable to let their lands. All the mer chants and all the landowners admitted that the fact of food being so cheap in France was the reason why the manufacturers and the labourers were em ployed. He had been much struck with a leading article which he had seen lately in the leading Conservative journal of France. It was admitted in that article that free trade had taken such deep root in this country that it was impossible to change it. They had seen in con nexion with that change the improved tariff in the United States—the effect in Sardinia—the lowering of the customs in Russia—the improvement in Austria from an obsolete system to one more in accordance with the spirit of the age ; while Prussia and other countries were engaged making similar beneficial changes. Tho Noble Lord, after alluding to the improred comfort of certain classes, and especially to the old soldiers who were pensioners, went on to state that he had been informed by the Chief Commissioner of Police that never in the experience of the inspectors had they seen the working classes so happy and so well disposed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had referred to the malt-tax. Now those who really paid that tax were the people who consumed it, and if that tax were repealed some other tax would have to be imposed which might not be more advantageous to the agricultural interest. In conclusion, the Noble Lord said that Noble Lords ought to state the course they meant to pursue on this much-vexed question.— (Hear, hear.) Some it appeared had postponed their views sine die, while others thought that they should re turn to protection. The great leader on this question ought to state his views—whether it was their intention to return to protection, or from what burdens they would relieve the land, and in what way they proposed that relief should be afforded.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of RICHMOND said he had risen not to answer the question which the Noble Earl had put to his Noble Friend the leader of the agricultural party. He (the Duke of Richmond) did not ask the Parliament, which had not the confidence of the country—he did not ask them that the burdens which had been imposed on the land by the advisers of free trade should be got rid of. It was on the hustings the battle must be fought.— (Hear, hear.) It was not the duty of the Opposition to state what should be done. It was their duty to state their objections to the present state of things. It was said that the distress was not so great as had been re presented, because some superintendent of police had stated the working classes were so comfortable. No doubt they had given the labourers of London good em ployment at the glass-house.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was something of that kind they wanted for the agri cultural labourers.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, with the feelings of an old soldier, had spoken of the in creased comforts of the old pensioners. There might be some fewer pensioners than formerly, but he did not know w hether there was any greater liberality extended towards them in Chelsea Hospital; but this he knew, that Government made them pay for engraving their names upon the medals they had given them.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He did say it was a hard case when the landlords were employing double and treble the number of labourers they did formerly, that the Minis ter should come down and say they were not in such great distresss, because there were not so many labourers unemployed, when employment was given by the land lords under such circumstances. H such conduct was persevered in, the labourers would be discharged, and let them take care of the consequences. Idleness was the parent of crime, and it was fearful to reflect that of late such daring burglaries had been committed as they had been made acquainted with.—(Hear, hear) After alluding to the operation of the malt-tax, and the in jury it inflicted on the farmers, the Noble Lord referred to the condition of the tenant-farmers in the Weald of Sussex and of Kent, and said be would ask them whether they had ever heard of any rent being ever paid out of the small holdings in the Weald of Sussex, and whether it was not with great dif ficulty they obtained the rates.—(Hear, hear.) He would maintain that the British farmer, taxed as he was, could not compete wieh the foreign farmer. His Noble Friend (Earl Granville) had said that they were laying out more money than would buy the land. He was much obliged to his Noble Friend for the admission, fur that was exactly what they complained of. It any one laid out 100,0001. he could not get back 50,0001. Oh, bat then, it was said, "Try it."—(Laughter.) lie be lieved, before long, as some of the Manchester people were beginning to find out, that America would be able to send over cottons cheaper than they could produce them in this country. The manufacturers would be obliged to retrogade, for they would find that the home market would decrease very much, and that that was the real trade on which they ought to rely, and not upon the speculating export trade. The great body of the tenant-farmers had been ruined, and if they pursued the present course ruin would continue to follow them, and they must go into the work houses or to the United States. The labourers only asked for work. They had a right to have it. In his opinion they had no right to say to the man of good caracter, willing and anxious to work, " You must either go into the workhouse or starve." As long as he was a guardian of the poor he should re commend his fellow-guardians to grant such characters out-door relief, and nut compel them to associate with people ',hose own misconduct and idleness had driven them into the workhouse.—(Hear, hear.) Lord WODELIOUSE said that at the present juncture, whets they saw an attempt being made to reverse the commercial policy that had been recently adopted, it be came the duty o!' every landholder no; to shrink from ex pressing his opinion. If he could agree with the Noble Lord who had just sat down, that the agricultural classes would be relieved, or even that their feelings would be consulted, he would say that as inquiry preliminary to such measures should be immediately instituted.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But while they could not hold out the slightest hope of a res toration tithe former system of restriction, it was their duty to warn the tenant-farmer against being led away by such a snare.—(Hear, hear.) It was necessary, i n the first place, to understand what amount of distress actually exists. The Noble Lord had referred to certain letters from individuals in his own county of Kent; but these letters were worth as much as was due to the opinions of these individuals, and he (Lord Wodehouee) could not take them for more. He could state that in the district to which he belonged—a district by no means unimportant—Norfolk —(Hear, bear)—he had taken some interest in this matter, and instituted inquiries which had resulted in proofs satisfactory to his own mind, that the condition of the poorer classes was better than it had been for many years past.—(Ministerial cheers,) There was no doubt that there had been con siderable reduction in the wages—(dear)—but then the reduction in the price of provisions had been far more than equal to that reduction. In his immediate district wages had been reduced to Ba. a week, yet he had formed calculations from the prices which proved that where labourers had large families, as many of them had, they had not been better off for some years than they were now.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told by the Noble Duke who had just sat down, and he believed by the Noble Earl also. that it was very fallacious to refer to the condition of the agricultural labourer, and be had heard with surprise the deductions disputed which were drawn from the returns of the poor now receiving relief as compared with former periods, as if these returns were of no value in such a question. The diminu tion was said to be only 10 per cent., whereas these returns showed it to be 15 per cent., and the diminution was to be found not only in coun ties devoted to manufacturing industry, but also in coun ties purely agricultural. In Norfolk, Suffolk, and Es sex, all agricultural districts, there had been a diminu tion of persons receiving relief, and thou g h they had been told of a riot by a number of persons in one work house, it was only one, and might be accounted for by special causes.—(Hear, hear.) They had been told that the tenant farmers were making a desperate attempt to hold their heads above water. Bat he asked if it was likely that any body of men would continue to invest their money in a pursuit which was certain to bo at tended with loss?—(Hear, hear.) He knew there were cases in which men could not immediately withdraw ther capital, except at a great loss.—(Protectionist cheers.) But how did they account, then, fur persons taking new farms?—(Hear, hear.) He knew there was a great competition for farms, and that farms could be, and were now let at improved rents.—(Cries of " Hear.") Another important point was the present price of meat. Now he believed that the diminution in prices was caused, not so much by foreign importations —not so much by an increase in the number of cattle bred, as by the number of fat cattle now brought to market in consequence of the increased and cheap ac commodation presented by railways.—(Hear, hear.) This had naturally the effect, in turn, of diminishing the expenses of the farmer, and improving his balance sheet at the end of the year. He certainly must say he was surprised, on the other hand, to hear our commer cial prosperity denied. It was proved by documents in controvertibly that our commerce and manufactures were flourishing—our workpeople well employed—that we had a stupid revenue, nviwithstanding recent and ie. pea'ed reductions of taxation. If this was not ccminer &al prosperity, he should like to know what Nehle Lords opp.isit- c4ll .:d prosperity.—(Hear, hear.) Why, ciao the f.ct that we had so =eh corn and flour imported into the country was a proof of that prosperity; that corn and flour had been consumed and paid for, and of course a large number of persons had bene fited by that consumption.—(llear, hear.) If this was the fact—if the large body of the labouring classes were enjoying the neces saries and the comforts of life, he asked if it would bo politic or possible to turn round upon the people of this country and tell them, " All this is true, but there is distress among the landlords and the tenantsfariners, and to relieve these classes you must reverse all this, and submit to burdens for their exclusive beeeflt?"— (Hear.) They might depend upon it that the labouring classes would look at the question in that way. But, then, it w ss; said by Noble Lords, why do you not act consistently with your free-trad.s principles—take off the burdens oe land. Now, ho should like to know what burdens were exclusively laid upon land, which were net fairly shaved by other classee. Take the melt-tax, for instance, would any one say that the grower of barley paid the malt tax. But then they were told that the rept of the malt-tax would be followed by an increased consumption of beer, and there would consequently be an increased demand for barley. But then is must he reinrinbered that much of that increase would be :applied from abroad, and also, that if the malt-tax was removed, we should have to put on a countervailing tax, and the agricultural classes would have to hi ar their share of that tax. It was said that the poor-rate formed a peculiar burden on land. Why, there was not more than 45 per cent. of the land of England occupitd by the agricultural interest, and many portions of that were not rated to the relief of the poor. But ho asked Noble Lords if they were prepared with any substitute for the present mode of rating, and in what way fuudholders and traders would be affected by it ? The proposal of a national rate would, he was afraid, take away all check to extravagant expenditure. Even under the present system these checks were frequently not sufficient. He thought that an alteration in the law of settlement— and he was happy to see her Majesty's Government had promised a measure on the subject—would be of great value to the agricultural interest, and to the la bourers especially. Apart, however, from all these con siderations he did not despair of British agriculture.— (Hear, hear.) The same outcry had been made when protection was taken away from other interests. Mr. Huskisson was accused of having ruined the silk trade. Was that trade ruined now? Even the cotton manu facture itself, at one time, was declared to be injured by foreign competition. Was British agriculture the only interest in this country that could not stand against the competition of the world ?—(Hear.) Were they to be told that in this country, where they had such an abundance of capital, of machinery, and science, with the richest mar ket of the world at their own doors. that they could not compete with foreigners unless protected by taxes which must fall on other classes of the community ?—(Cheers.) He would remind Noble Lords opposite, also, that even when protection was in its most palmy days that they had the cry of distress from the agricultural interest. In 1822, and again in 1835, and since then, on other occasions, complaints of distress had been made. He said, in con clusion then, that he did not believe they could return to these restrictive laws.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the interests of every one class was bound up with the general interest of the community; and that, however the agricultural interest might temporarily suffer, it must, in the end, be benefited, and above all, in the face of the advantages we had derived from that commercial policy, ho could not believe that their Lordships, in the face of the nation, would deliberately condemn and abandon it.—(Cheers.) Lord STRADBROKE (who was nearly inaudible in the gallery) was understood to express his surprise that the distress which had been admitted in the Speech from the Throne, had been denied by Noble Lords in their speeches that night. Speaking for his own county, Suffolk, he could - state that there never had been greater distress than there now was in that county. The riot at Barham workhouse, where the guardians were compelled to admit 134 able bodied paupers into the house, was only one of the melancholy proofs of this fact. There was a decided in crease of pauperism, and he had also received returns from the masters of galls, which showed an increase of crime. In the year 1847, before the free-trade system, the number of persons in the county gaol, on the 17,11 of February, was 90. On the same day of the year 1850 it was 139, and in 1851, 180.—(Hear, hear.) In the Ipswich House of Correction, taking the three years before the free-trade measures, the returns were, in 1846, 90; in 1847, 101; and in 1848, 86; giving an avenge of 92 1-3, whereas in 1849 the return was 126; in 1850, 130; and in 1851, 180; giving an average of 148.—(Hear, hear.) In the Beceles House of Correction the number of prisoners, on the 17th of February, 1846, was 22, on the same day in 1851 it was 41, or nearly double, They had heard much of the competition for farms. The only competition he knew of was a compe tition to get them at lower rents.—(Hear.) He said that before depriving them of protection, equitable arrange ments should have been made. The land was the basis on which the institutions of the country rested. It had to support an Established Church, which cost 8,000,000/. a-year. It had to support the poor, at an ex pense of six or seven millions a year more. When they talked of the property of the country supporting the poverty of the country, they ought to do justice to the holders of that property, and he did hope that her Ma jesty's Government would reconsider the subject, with a view of granting relief to an interest they admitted to be suffering under distress.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of WINCHILSEA said that when Noble Lords opposite advocated free trade, they, and the late Sir R. Peel also, bad stated that less than 545. a quarter would not be a remunerating price to the British farmer; but the price at the present moment was only 3 , 75. a quarter. The difference between 545. and 375. a quarter showed, he thought very clearly, that the whole rental of the country was at this moment lost by the change. He bad no hesitation in saying that agriculture had been going back gradually ever since those changes were made, Ho had seen in many districts the wheat mown instead of being cut as usual, and he believed that the wheat crop was less, by two millions of quarters, than it would have been under protection. They -were told to employ more capital. In his own county more capital had been employed in drainage and improvements than he had ever known before, and yet he never knew so much destitution or such an excess of crime. That state of things existed in every county in England, and if they persevered in the system which produced it, they would bring the agricultural interest not only into a state of great embarrassment, but of great contempt; but it was not to be expected that the great body of agriculturists would sit down and see their interests en tirely destroyed without making a strong remonstrance and appeal to the country. They would, he was quite sure, have the feeling of England with them, and with such sup port, and such a case as theirs, they should not be afraid to meet the manufacturing body of the country on the question.—(bear, hear.) The principle of tree trade he did not deny, so far as its benefits extended and ap plied to foreign markets; but when it came to be regarded in relation to its bearing on the home markets of this country, he denied its alleged advantage. The Govern ment had brought the landed interest of this country into great distress by their policy, and much of the blame of the sufferings of that class was attributable to the course pursued by her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBUItY said the question was, whether the agricultural iuterest was realty in distress or not ; and the next question was, whether the Go vernment was justified in neglecting that part of the "i mmun ity, arid not bringing forward those measures which were calculated for their relief. But a fort night ago, it was confessed in her Majesty's Speech that the agricultural interest was in a state of distress. Since the Speech from the Throne, events had taken place in the other House to which he thought he had a right to refer. Opinious were expressed, and impressions were endeavoured to be made in contradiction of the opinions expressed in the Royal Speech. He might al lude to the division which lately took place in the other House of Parliament, and he believed he was right in saying that it was the opinion of a large body of the people of the country, and of this metropolis, that were it not for the extraneous support which her Majesty's Government received on that occasion they would have been in a minority.—(Hear, hear.) He could not but al lude to the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Ripon, rushed in, when he saw them in difficulty, to save them.--(Hear, and laughter, increased by the attention of the House being directed to Sir James Graham, who was seated in the commoners' gallery, and looking down at and listening to the Noble Earl.) Yes, the Right Hon. Baronet, seeing her Ma jesty's Ministers in difficulty, rushed in to the rescue, and in a speech of great ability and groat talent, saved them. The Right Hon. Baronet had, however, in that speech said that the alleged distress of the agricultural interest was very doubtful, notwithstanding that in the Speech from the Throne that distress had been admitted. The Right Hon. Baronet was reported to have said, that in his own county, the county of Northumberland, he was without an acre of land unlet w hi c h b e wished to let, and that he had not for five years changed any of his tenants.—(Hear, hear.) But the Right Honourable Baronet did not tell his audience how much he had laid oat in improving his land.„He (the Earl of Malmesbury) had, however, heard from other sources that the Right Hon. Baronet had laid out a considerable amount in the improvement of his estates. The question was not what was the state of this man's property or that, but rather what was the state of England and Wales, and Scotland and Ireland? He (the Earl of Malmesbury) knew an estate that let at 3,000/. a year before the repeal of the corn-law, but that estate did not now let for more than 2,2001. per annum.—(llear, hear.) The owner of the farm had then taken it into his own hands, and spent a considerable amount in improving it. Being a man of spirit and great industry, he was not to be alarmed at the discouraging aspect of things. Time went on and prices did not rise; on the contrary, and ho (the Earl of Malmesbury) was told that in 1850, after considerable outlay, he had been obliged to let the farm for 1,700/., parts of it at a variable rent. The Noble Earl here read a letter from a etarelpondent, stating that for a farm for which he was in the habit of receiving 6 001. a year rent, he now only received 4501., and that for another which he received 700/. a year rent for, he now only received 530/., although he had incurred much expense in liming and draining it, the reduction being 20 per cent. He would not mention names, but the writer remarked, that the reductions in the value of farms seemed oddly enough to have`fallen more on the Free traders than the Protectioni - sts. He should not dwell further on the statements put forth in that letter; but he should say a few words of his own case. His own estate was, at that moment, worth something like 20 per cent. less than it was before the repeal of the corn. laws. It was not " a dream of theirs," they prophesied it; it was not, he regretted, a dream, although it might be so to Noble Lords opposite. The Government were responsible for th e evils, and they wore bound to do ioluethiog to obviate the distress front which the landed interest suffered. He did not expect that they would restore protection ; but they were bound to do something to alleviate the sufferings of the landed in terest.—e Hear, ;Isar.) They had an opportunity on the previous night to do something, but they did not avail themselves of it. Ile would not say anything harsh ; but he must say that the proposal of the Chaneeller of the Exchequer to take the duty off seed as a means of relief to the agricultural interest was an insult to tho country.—(Herr, hear.) The relief also offered, by transferring the cost of county lunatic asylums from the county rates to the consolidated fund, was scarcely a concession to the landed interest, seeing that one-half of the consolidated fund was contributed by the agri culturists.—(Hear, hear.) It was stated in another place that the poor wore not sup ported more than 7-12ths by the agricultu rists ; but it did not matter whether the stgri culturists did not support more than 7-12ths of the poor. The Noble Earl then took a review of the prices ranging over a period of thirteen years, with a view of showing that tee public were greater gainers under protectiou than under the present systeM. This country, he contended. was not in a condition to com pete with France in the production of corn since protec tion was withdrawn. Its 1843, 1,100,000 quarters of corn hai been imported into this country under free trade, and last year the quantity amounted to nearly 2,000,000 of money. Conceive 2,000,000 of money going from England to France for corn. He asked if such a system, and such an amount of money abstracted from British fanning interest, did not affect the wheat growing counties of Sussex and Devon. Ho must again tell her Majesty's Government, that from the moment they forzook their former policy the country had suffered. The Whigs were at one time as much Protectionists as the party to which he belonged, and the'only difference between the two parties on the question of a protective duty on corn was as to the details. If they had arrested the progress of the House by preventing it from sweep ing away all duties, and put on those duties they had formerly proposed, he believed they might have come into office with a character of dignity, and indeed far more of character than they had now attached to them selves, and to deserve the approbation of an important body of the people, from whom they were now dis severed. They did not, however, do that, they forgot the great principle of import duties; they rushed into office over the bodies of their discomfited opponents, and the day of retribution for them had now, he believed, arrived.—(Hear, hear.) The first ray of admitted dis tress originated in the Speech from the Throne, and it was to that admitted distress he left them to their own condemnation. Earl FITZ WILLIAM (who at intervalsevas very in audible in the gallery) said, there were some things that had fallen from the Noble Earl who had just sat down in which he entirely concurred. He entirely concurred with the Noble Earl in thinking that it weatbe duty of those who occupied seats in the Executive Government to propose remedies for the evils they thought to exist. The Noble Earl had referred to that partiof her Ma jesty's Speech in which she now, for the ,first time, acknowledged the distress of the agricultural interest. He was inclined to think that there was some over statement in that part o f her Majesty's Speech. —(Hear, hear.) He did Rot intend to enter into any dispute as to the statements that had fallen from his Noble Friend opposite, nor as to thOse that had fallen from the Noble Earl —who bad just sat down, but ho believed that these distresses were partial, and might be accounted for by peculiar circumstances, and that if the Government were to attempt a remedy of partial distress and partial inconvenience by any general law, it would be a remedy that would be entirely inapplicable to the case with which they had to do. The Noble Lord who had just sat down had advanced some propositions in which ho agreed, whilst there were others in which he did not concur, or if be did so it was with great regret. He had stated that they must not look to particular prices, but to the average price over the whole country. They knew, however, that the average price was greatly affected by the character of the parti cular parcels or quantities of corn sold in'the mar ket.—(Hear, hear.) At the present moment,Cven in the county of Cambridge, good wheat was no w fetching a price of not less in some cases than 425. 4d. per quarter. He did not wish the House to take his (the Noble Lord's) statement; but as the Noble Lord had referred to papers, he might be allowed to do the same in reply. He had not the prices in the market town of Cambridge itself, but he understood that on last Satprday, which was market day, good wheat was selling at 423. 4d. The first place he should mention, quoting the, highest and lowest prices, in illustration of his statemeet, was that of St. Ives, where he understood the present price of the best corn was 38s. per quarter. At Wisbeach, the highest price was 365. 6d., the lowest 243. 4d. This was the statement of one person, while the statement, of an other made the highest price 415., and the lowest 245. At Boston, Spalding, and Peterborough, the prices were respectively 39e., 425., and 415., while the tower prices were as low as 245., 255., and 235., whilst the highest had been as high as 445. 4d. He apprehended that the real cause of the distress that prevailed in the counties of Cambridge and Lincoln arose entirely front the bad condition of the wheats, and that it was to these they must look as an illustration of the distresses that pre vailed in those counties.—(Hear.) But what was it, he would ask, his Noble Friends intended to do ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl who had just left the House stated, and he was willing in a certain degree to agree with him, that it was the duty of the Executive Go vernment, in a case of this kind, to take measures for the relief of existing distress ; but the Noble Lords on the opposite side must allow him to say, that when they brought forward a motion, and raised a discussion on a subject of this description, they ought at least to give some idea or indication of what the measure was they intended to bring in. The Noble Lord who spoke first had ventured to indicate, however, that he proposed in some degree to go hack to restriction. It was to be hoped that this was not to be the caw, for he (the Noble Earl) was of opinion that to go back to restriction would only be in a double sense to retrograde. If his Npble Friend could detach himself from the ranktoof protec tion, and if ho raised his own standard, hejprould com mand a mighty and influential body, and if he would en deavour to impress on her Majesty's Ministers the re peal of the tax to which he had alluded; he would be happy to give him his best support, hems° be consi dered that it was one of the most injurious Of taxes. It would have been as well it' his Noble Friend had endea voured to administer some more relief to the agricultural interest. He did not at all agree that it was desirable to press on the Consolidated Fund. Fie b e li eve d th a t a ll the dudes that fell on the community were b etter per formed by local than they could be by e general adminis tration, and he could not help referring to what seemed to be an idea floating in the mind of the, Noble Lord who spoke last, and which seemed also to-pervade the mind of his Noble Kinsman—he alluded to the throwing relief for the poor on the Consolidated Fund! He warned the Noble Lords against any measure of the kind. They might depend on it that it mould lead to a most extravagant administration of whatever funds were was sure that for the maintenance of the poor that i t was i n t h e wapowera difficulto f administration s t t r o a t i c o o n nc now,ei v n c a.—cl(li bea ir' hear.) It those who were engaged with him in the administration of the Poor-law knew how much less care was bestowed on that class of cases which were called establishment cases than on those which belonged to , a particular parish. If these cases, instead of falling en the union at large, were to fall on the nation at large, he could hardly conceive a c ite in which there would boa more lavish expenditure of public money.—(Heat.) As regarded the difficulties and distresses that now existed; he believed the cases were rare in which the distresses of the tenant could not be met by fairness on the part of the landlord. —(Hear.) The question was really one'of rent. Indeed all these questions of protection were questions of rent, and it was quite as possible to adjust the rent on there matters as in any other. Calculate prices, and it was as easy to calculate the rent for 40s. as Air 60s , and for 60s. as 80s., and, to go to the end of the"scale, for 30s. as for 40s.—(Hear, hear.) Experience proves that in currying out these experimental matters none of them succeeded. They never had succeeded under previous every one of the p l a r t e v v s i o o u r s previous e l a x n p d e roiwoineenrtsa.n and Uthned el andvaluer, the men who let the farm, the law. Under had who allto tools been t the first law they were led to expect the pric e a t 80s. p er he de fa lu rm de , d an b d y Ithhee character r er of quarter; under another they were led to expect a price at 635., under another, a price at .565., and under another at 535.; and under the operation of all thes e la w s, agri cultural distress existed, as if to prove that it was be yond the power of man to regulate prices in such a manner as would be satisfactory to the different classes of the community. With respect to France, they were aware that that country was protected as much as the agricultural interest in this country was ever protected under the most stringent of its protective laws.—(Hear.) What was the price ©f wheat now in France? It was something like 3s. 6d. per bushel—no very great encouragement to those who a ere desirous of trying the experiment of protection. No doubt a very large quantity of corn had been imported in the shape of flour. He did not at all regret the Importati on of flour. He believed, and he told the Noble Lords opposite who were no doubt aware that the machinery for themanu facture of flour in France, and the processes connected with it, in that country, were conducted much more skilfully and effectually than they were in England,— (Hear.) Many believed that the importation of thin French flour into England would induce the Eng lish millers to make such improvements in the manufacture of flour, so as to enable them to get a higher price than was now obtained for French flour. There was no doubt that would be the case, and if th ere were a preper competition between the English and the French grower, and the English and the French miller, he had so much confidence in the energy of N s own countrymen that he believed they would be able to meet the competition of a foreign country. With respect to the burthens on the French farmer, he happened to be in possession of some papers issued d uring the Admi nistration of his Noble Friend, and from these he could assure him that the local taxation of a French commune or department was far higher than the• taxation of an English cr,uuty. It their Lordships would compare the local taxation of a French depattrastut with that of an English county, which he (the Noble Earl) bad had an opportunity of doing from the report of th e visit ing magistrates or finance ccmmittee of Southampton, it appeared that the whole local taxation of a French department amounted to more than the Iccal county taxation of S enhampton. The local ti tetation of the latter amounted to 11p. per bead of the whole ' ,popu.a tion, while the local taxation of a French e'epaetment, which corresponded with an English county, amounted to Is. 11d.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Lignite if t hey took into consideration what was the relative area, or capa city of an English county, as compared with w French department, there really was no comparison, and from this be thought they might satisfy themselves that there was no reason for restriction, on the ground of the Log lish farmer bein g l ocally more highly taxes l than the Freueb.—(Rear, hear.) After all, the quest sou really Th e t Feb. 18. otISP., OF LORDS, -a on the Woolsack s hort) °Rn OrIA.XCELLOU took his seat L 0 Y after Five o'clock. ugly signed 141,rd STAXLEY presented a petition, numerously the imposi tis,""°wners to the county of Devon, prayingo i se ra ss, for a r -' ii.,(4. itePort duties on agricultural produce and other , rati,,.. evision of the navigation -laws, Th e liu the laws regulating the . currency. and for an al tit oit a h r gl or ls of LA.NSDOWNE laid several papers on the huse ' two petitions against . Paps' Duke of RICHAIOND presented . ion of Jews into l'k r i ia ,..aggression, one against the admission agricultural distress. u 'enr, and several complaining of , T E , ,BTATE OF THE LANDED INTEREST. from vo r i, e 4 1 of lIARDWICKE presented 40 petitions distress. It 44418 landowners complaining of agricultural composed alm ost contended that because this House was ill fitted to eleittsirely of landed proprietors they were 1, consider the for that subject. He considered that the et/ r eason well fitted for col:l4d_ . they were peculiarly *eitshjation of this subject, inasmuch as . prosperity theand depended upon tll% Illa t i n s g t his country and its constitution When the motion f or the .., tenance of the landed interest. brought forward they Wer e t o ZPeal of the corn-laws was hroa importation of foreign corn, IN th at 'll there would be no great ko th . yy repealin g those laws they woul , . d without damage est ..e tt ir nt p,„q i n ere sts, be getting rid of an obnoxious impost, the exc to the they'' Plello%.°,of which might, in times of scarcity, that, in fact, - this co' t the landowners -15 w ould be untry against . ces had g Those assuran . . (1)1)114 flls . • glvingll uP ollothind it that the condition 41 i, il tt 'l°l:C le°l°;B;erallYehwadald improved, am and was e p w ro ,o s t ly d ro as us i , t -at vt e aralect generally was distressed, and h had been tivilth: the foundation for the assurance which merely tempo tail, Tire that this depression would be t declared that i tl hn li "°...ic Petitions which he had to present one of dis -148. t la - ' all persons connected with land was . Ithitiul-.e should quote, in proof of he statements this ' t detailing the ,tSte of e.,444 received from several p9rsounist,der which the "ottrlo4•l4'arnaand approachin t g l destitution C mbridgeshire _a t nd e er till eiltlil s iieß luall ou °ce re a d Pie a r n s d o the state of destitutionof h this ado al labourers% but he laboured under_ was oot these statements he .i.„,t 10ge,.._ that in quoting ofhis informants. The t p `ile c o zy to give the names ea _ d at great length, ex. tlit, l4 fro rn ~ ti.len proceeded . to r had received, describing 14' laistrivarious letters which he Lincolnshire as being boo t ata „ ° , 14 In Cambridgeshire and . the representa ,of ,'L great distress. In spite of there was a rio t , •ae encouraging state of the poor, They were m"le I,,nlahealthy state of the agriculturists., ZilitZikh9Ported Put of th e capital instead of the profitswhich ie ed 4 an land. There was one argument state and *mklitZtPecial notice, namely, the prosperous That 1 / 4 4, 1 • - ", °f one class w ' ould react upon another. atlitiai h tn allY th fact; but now, when one• fourth of the "It 'rtOdbe e l a , ss ite • e con.,umed was harvest was C'tli ~,1 1, ot the case. Before, when the not so " It . °l"ttee relieved * the distress, but that was . h. The • of wheat ina- Odtt"? quantity and average price show the dis• A . fr Ng the last three years would 18 k la s agriculture. In m 'ect it tproduce upon was 147° IE4I "8 'wheat flour imported 1849 t h. ,84, quantity of _ dper quarter. In 'l: tilitti'tiquayters, at 58s. 6 445. v,P4 ~tY 'reported was 4,822,000 quarters, at imported ikile'calors3rBter; and in 1850 40 s quantitythee per quarter. The tilt: l44 4tthisd quarters t t e lf themselves s a e t iv es obliged to us for d ha t v h i e n i g r ...' a e l"lu hl their agriculture beyon .. . k rti lt nce t• 3 to vast quantities of their im st, *hi, ..p tons. Th e afforded a striking in- IC% of the the returns showed, ivmlat,„, Way in which the Americans said we had 0%71 their markets. Tnere . werepoints other in our present sys 44:iser le the effect upon America 9 aspossible for ift el lener ti ll y k nown, that was, it_ 7 I-. country, and 11;4 t o l e ans to supply wheat to 1Y:to; in this way: eh se ta „ e ,se by it.—(llear, hear. ) . in ballast, the me te TS u • sed to sail to this country instead of ballast 111:e10,,,er which was great, but now, ksiteijetl With corn. They could, therefore, afford to s described I, t i ttl)er than they bought it. This wa , krfterpoi M a il - The Americans !t o the it „, of Jan. 2, 1850 . . d into this country Vs Be ulnX the Corn so introduLe for in America. ~.1) _quarter leas th an they bought it . for less It; Nee over were selling corn 3, th ... _ boons, and hoar.) Had such a Of t r the ght it.—(Hear,._ h before?—(Hoar.) ki Ne t digs ever been met with agriculture tithil y ; told that they must not carry on leading organ Itl ," D ..° "w• They were told by a ... —, . It, %) re ° ll that they must grow gar den sqltl any(r lietoir>P they ever hear such r . o . b s b h is t h e ? Did h garden? q +ak in tver make anythi"g Ul the cultivation th . 1111 e very attempt to introduce ) phew 11'; Crop would be attended with diffi the minds tkeo It step Was not ca'Y totarn of crops. k, l "ra ttCy rhi,e any other description x for instance, ki . hilidetnPted the cultivation of T fl h a e farmers would ) 4 ho lp ' bare great difficulty._ It was easy to Nlihy ctita'!loW to raise this c.ol': else? But they S: Ni l ? t , Yon grow something How did they i l t that they them grow many things.tehacco? The answer t1 ) ; ( 4 41 will hettovueldfenreoit foreign tobacco in upon you e . lt. t ßut ax r: t letl titil,,el know that?g Then, a g ain ,' tithaea most m op ki:ite tr i ll them great difficulties. I. s t to 0 a....alear, hear.) They had 3 w hitherto been Os. It was II ado t 4 ' It good description of barley at been able k p l i cll it fttelinferior sort, but they had. alwaysasworthless. kteY .of r 80alething„ This year it w wholly dis• to,:ttl, whitl:eond-rate quality had been f depression i kin. htty„e2 even in the present state o it was 1 lo t at e „ -retched 6s or 7s. a quarter. But could 1 ettillta Itkilit state Of agricultural depression. came t 10; e cans,, • chief supplies . t e atitle, ,It was said that the so t4ta Which country was not able long to pro that it might be * k i4 o that ell"--(liear ) lie suspected to re i Which • grain from France f o r onc but Would get no At 41 1. th In they would get p e Y I nt of flour. I Gf.. ere to ' • ted with a hundred je1,„...;0ne W as a steam-mill erec , Ne e ",. rottolt, Prepared especially for grinding b for the a strong k _111,0%14, th ey That seemed to him to 0 ili t "t fr"eY had the ' prospect Wore them . of re mlN "° erg lerat ep d . supply. Tile general and Illitllittcter bu°resr a 8 1;7 e Y en the, agricultural er. ~Nti( t r , ' vt l / 4 11 s t1 „ -t inter:stass, was n w ot favourable to the former. the - t o p ' talus of rho Talth of the United Kingdom 0. 01 Ptopsstirliatnent so ° '''' years ago. The total val u 0 0 . t . 1,;(44at ti ,'Y Of the sepmeai intr , rests was 450,000,0 was 14<1,0,01) "i° yelii - 21. f 4c gricu I turd property s li4 r rallettirt)A-„s tYrern the ° - a r 40 to 1851, the vett'? n o! "le k m NC '44 incr 3, e t a l to 11,406,000/. TheY hd km th e r -e1•1 that the- should improve Nilv i° ° of Ph°Puslll°n • Y io this country „. 0 111 t i ... 1.,,. t..e several interests . stand? It Ito, not he"ew, how did the agriculturists a ~ phtlll olds) D 9 t,had estl i f they asserts d that gri l ' 4 ti: l es 7,1 had fallen value 10 per cent.. Thatease Ihtti4l44llf.„:°oll3, as compared with the .inor the t o Of -,,Uriur. a decrease in k o 0 0 ), ~ , It?ti n ,,, 6 wealth, e led yew •-„.•4ltural property to . 4 , 1 the amount o f might be 10 st had the Was that fair? Where, It ne nu ,' :' T h ''4l Wealth goo© to? It had go as •u lao; 4 l l t ee letr exports had not so much improved arisonwith er e I. 3? ellt etl, a I ti e tk ispa. Take a would appear by a comt) In 1815 there 1 0 411144 cotton, for instance. Fro h. the,. 68,230 000 yards of manufact r u te _. - of.. 'q lIP% red cotton. d That Le th -•e 74,000,000 yards e:To America. dad the ey receiv d provisions from , ,_ l . , ye,, e yii apedß 1 842 to 1846 the average number' . h 4 te W - Therefore, with all o,Bth clone as 34,135,000. oi,lortkl th ' the were still ver much behind. Now, - 5t5,,, 4 f l :„ °Y been doingin Europe? If they took the oar 'la 4, . tpr )red 4 II 44 thma, Holland, Belgium, , and France, as Iti ' tl ' 6 l 1 iran r- t those countries up to the 44,,,, km then I;ooktsdlant°h returns for the follow- IttN Yilt the then e ld not e be favourable to the Itl iill it •ls a. - heref Weil ' h all they had done, they th, 4 4, 1 ety „.._ . behindit r , Y I . ti l lop t.. a re„7'"ucb . Ihey were told that there nothing of res° p Th„-iPt°eit • but there had been 4 4 ' and - Rain Y' the part of the fo top, ° to dolt ~ the to 8 had all been on asked, what did they ell'i,ll(leit,, WI; ° 2_, r T ru. He their sys 'ha ' ll 4l ''Y at out? , ui u th ey not go on with . tli % N A Y th e „ If they carried out their prieci (Hear, hear.) h e ° v to t .7 could not get a revenue.— , y 4,30 toy het Yesterday showed that • more strong' f a a h r i ts d o s ep tti hhad ever seen. The imposition o ' 4 O Nes -"et likely to satisfy the country. It would kg it Iv that tit . Ith at there should be some decided mode of °lt IN th e 0 1 4a‘ r ealm • an& There were five classes . of per -44, '',1,41, - m h 1/1 land. the The landlord, the occupier, 41't the ' l4, t r -(1 P r 'or, mid the Chancellor of the Ezche 4Btet last.-eepiipta of all these bed been reduced ee ox \tierhNioti ai,•,°,414 was coming down —the occupier p was th,„,d,-i,st.st to destitution—the tithe-owner k 4 t ‘lO '" wa g e s of labour were reduced; and 1 4 , e a r ' l va ~._ thfti 44r; isear.jacT..anded the same amount of revenue. 1,,,,'11 ell p; Ile thou ht it was easy them to for 4 1. tu t -0 1 ° ' and re re g s nt the prosperous state of °ler . 1 11 t p e 11/11otii. osiee,, saerest, as any one might do who was g '4 t 4 11 v 4 tO au n a fabric diti ofd ado,o Ppose he was looking p u the outside. ' lo ll t 4 ,e& but that was only on , •tit the true con fy ; presentationre of the state and "kt 'Anl",rieol i • s e , -1114 0 n ,,,, - tura. interest which hp'lllto iueepittt'7,°Beed interest. The owner was tha i t iV jus l th:' hia 04 I ld was not enabled to earn n to make `yard r °oil, "cY which he was compelled h his '4tAlsrsi pc' pro i bis ILLE complimented the Noble Lord - Ptt Dh • B Peeeli had alluded to th kti o , eei es , • The Noble Lord ),.4kh,q of th,, Which had been indu'ged in as to the doubt, t v,,,, .th,t there would be an Intnediate reduction ot St ith ~ if t °all %hop here 4 1, be anything more difficult to tell %le "° a ' t i 3 tO . article f t , tp t , t o h „ se what the price of any 'tr Mee t ; " given tinie.--(Hear hear.) He had Nlii kis , ‘ °ll Of I, h • 1. • ' indulged i n that )ot, Voti wOuld I . rrOp ecies being 1, °hi t ott ht, have the effect of throwing land out of ! "soo t sa tte ‘i abourers out of employment But "so e, 1, 1• • 4 et.." madep °tit last ear t th satisfaction of the 1 le sipi arn a Y 0 . e Ih o. ( led %. o pen the subject that the labourer ,t) ,•vin it , ' t he were told bY NblL -d that that It ) "44 4 43 were told • ' e e e. a lthat if th. NA, ..._ . circumstances, an -'4telat yr BUt months they would sea a little of Wuga,.....(Eittlir, hear') THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1851. was, what did their Lordships propose to do?—(Hear. hear.) Did they propose to destroy agriculture? Did they mean to propose a high fixed duty? If they did not propose a duty that would exclude foreign corn, they did not protect. He did not exactly under stand what would bo the nature of the duty which the Noble Lords opposite proposed, but he con cluded, from the speeches which they had made, that they would propos e some . Wh at , therefore, would be the character of that duty? Would it be a low duty for the purpose? If it was a low duty for the purpose of revenue, then they would not exclude, and if they did not exclude they could not protect. If, on the contrary, they imposed such a high duty 83 would ensure pro tection and exclude foreign corn, then they would have an answer for proposing a duty that would raise the price of food of the whole population of the country, and that he believed was an experiment which neither the Noble Lord nor his Proteetioni-4 supporters were prepared to attempt or to maintain.—(Hear, bear.) He did not be lieve, knowing what the Noble Earl was, and how ho was conne2ted, and when he had submitted before his eyes, as he must have whenever he went into his own county, the state of things there—he did not believe that he would undertake the task of imposing the duty of eight :hillings per quarter on foreign corn, that eight shillings per quarter to be paid by the inhabitants, in the shape of enhanced prices of food.—(Hear.) He had too much confidence in the Noble Lord to suppose that he bed any idea of proposing such a tax. His be lief was that, whatever course might have been taken in another House, that they should not have any proposal wade for a protecting duty on foreign corn; fur he be lieved, Iron s wh a t h e had collected from reading the opi nions of leading persons in another place, it was their opinion that it would be vain to make such an attempt. Ho did not believe that his Noble Friends opposite were prepared to try this experiment before the assembled people of England, and he had no faith in any such attempt were it made. However it might have struck the Noble Lord who spoke last, that his Noble Friends would be very glad to retrace their steps, he (the Noble Earl) had no desire that their steps should be retraced. He looked with confidence to the issue of the delibera tions of this session of Parliament, believing that what ever might be the result to arise on other questions, the decision on this one would be certain. He did not be lieve that if the result of the discussion should be to re place his Noble Friend, who now sat near him, by the Noble Lord on the other side of the House—he did not believe that even in that event he should see the experi ment tried of an appeal to the people of England. On the question of whether prices were to be raised or not, he had no expectation of such an issue being joined. Whatever other questions might arise or be determined, he looked with perfect confidence to this—that the present question is not one on which Noble Lords op posite would supplant those who now held the reins of government. Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past ,Nine o'clock. AIN PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS From the Y tes and Proceedings of the Howe of Commons TUESDAY, FEB. 18. HASTINGS IMPROVEMENT BILL. Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made and Ques tion proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time:"— Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon Tuesday, the 18th day of March next :" Question put, " That the word ' now' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MINORITY-AYES, 20. Bagge, W. Foster, Matthew Thompson, Colonel Baring, Francis French, F. Villiers, Charles Berkeley. C. L. G. Hudson, G. Williams, John Burrell, Sir.C. Humphery, Ald. Williamson, Sir H. Cabbell, B. B. Inglis, Sir It. Chaplin, W. J. Molesworth, Sir W. Clay, James O'Connor, Feargus Fagan, William Power, Dr. TELLERS. Pigott, Francis Pugh, David MAJORITY-NOES, 49. Adair, R. Shafto Duncuft, John Lygon, Gen. Alcock, Thomas Ellis, John Mackenzie, W.F. Arkwright, George Evans, John M`Naghten, Sir E. Ashley, Lord Ewart, William Masterman, John Berkeley, Admiral Fergus, John Matheson, Colonel Blair, Stephen Fuller, A. E. Ogle, S. C. Breraridge, Richard Greenall, Gilbert Shatto, It. D. Brisco, M. Gwyn, bowel Spooner, Richard Brotherton, J. Hall, Sir B. Stuart, Lord D. Buller, Sir J. Y. Harris, Richard Thornely, T. Campbell, W. F. Heald, James Waddington, H. S. Cocks, T. S. Hill, Lord E. Wall, C. B. Coles, 11. B. Ilindley, Charles Walmsley, Sir J. Copeland, Alderman Jackson, William Cu bitt, William Kershaw, James Davies, D. A. Lacy, H. C. Divett, E. Locke, Joseph Duke, Sir James Lushingtou, Charles TELLERS. Holiond, Robert Frewen, C. H. ST. PANCRAS (MIDDLESEX) PAVING BILL. Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time :" Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months." Question put, "That the word' now' stand part of the question." The House divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 72.- Adair, R. A. Grey, Sir G. Perfect, Robert Alcock, Thomas Grosvenor, Lord R. Pigott, Francis Bailey, Joseph Harris, Richard Pilkington, James Baring, Francis Hastie, Alexander Power, Dr. Bell, .1 acob Higgins, G. G. Pugh, David Berkeley, Admiral 'Dudley, C. Robartes, T. J. Berkeley, C. L. Holland, Robert Russell, F. C. Blackall, S. W. Keating, Robert Salwey, Colonel Brotberton. J. Kershaw, James Seymour, Lord Buxton ,Sir E. Kildare, Marquis Of Shalto, R. D. Campbell, W. F. Langston, J. H. Smith, Vernon Chaplin, W. J. Lascelles, W. S. Somerville, Sir W. Clay, James Legh, G. C. Sullivan, Michael Cobden, R. Locke, Joseph Thicknesse, It. A. Colebrooka, Sir T. Lushington, C. Thompson, Colonel Divett, Edward M'Oregor, John Thornely, Thomas Drumlanrig, Viscount Meagher, Thomas Wall, C. B. Duncao, Viscount Matheson, Colonel "{Yawn, J. T. Duncan, George Moles worth,Sir W. lvalmsley, Sir J. Dundas, Sir David Mowatt, Francis Williams, John Evans, J. O'Connor, Feargus Williamson, Sir IL Ewart, William Ogle, S. C. Wodehouse, E. Fergus, John Osborne, Ralph TELLERS. Forster, Matthew Parker, John Stuart, Lord Dudley Glyn, G. C. Peel, Frederick Hall, Sir B. MINORITY-NOES, 46. Arkwright, George Fox, S. L. Lygon, General Bagge, William French, F. Mackenzie„W. F. Batllie, H. J. Frewen, C. H. Macnaghten, Sir E. Bateson, Thomas Fuller, A. E. Mahon, Viscount Blair, Stephen Gaskcll, J. M. Manners, Lord J. Bretnridge, Richard Greenall, G. Newdegate, N. Brisco, 31. Gwyn, Howel Prime, Richard Buck, L. W. Hastie, Archibald Stanley, E. H. Buller, Sir Y. Hayter, W. G. Stuart, John Burrell, Sir C. Heald, James Waddington, H. S. Cabbell, B. B. Hill, Lord E. Wortley, J. S. Clive, R. H. Hope; H. T. Young, Sir John Cocks, T. S. Humphery, Ald. Coles, G. B. Inglis, Sir R. TELLERS. Duncuft, John Jocelyn, Viscount Cubitt, William Edwards, Henry Lacy, Henry C. Spooner, R. Forbes, William Lennox, Lord H G. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee:— 1. That in the case of the Glasgow and South-Western Railway petition, the standing orders ought not to be dis pensed with. _ _ _ 2. That in the case of the Duffield and Sheffield Turnpike Road petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days atter the presentation of this report. 3. That in the case of the Poulnaaherry Embankment petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:— That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report, and that the par ties deposit in the Private Bill-office a copy of a subscription contract, in which the subscriber or subscribers shall bind himself or themselves, his or their executors and adminis trators, for the payment of the money subscribed, to be re coverable by action at law, and that the amount of money paid up by each subscriber be stated in such subscription contract. 4. That in the case of the Shrewsbury and Chester Rail way petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties bo permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this Report; and that notices be inserted in the newspapers for three successive weeks of the intention to enter into arrangements with the Shrewsbury and Birmingham and Hereford Railway Com panies for the formation, maintenance, and joint use of the intended station at Birkenhead. 5. That in the case of the Malmesbury Turnpike Roads petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:— That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, pro• vided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report, and that amended notices be inserted in the newspapers for three successive weeks. _ _ _ That the Committees on this and the two preceding Bills do examine, in the first place, how far such order have been complied with, and do report the same to the House on the Report of the Bill. 6. That in the case of the Melton and Driffield Junction Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proeeed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 7. That in the case of the Bann Navigation petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the par ties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 8. That in the case of the Aberdeen Public Records peti tion, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of the report. Resolutions two to eight agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. FATAL RAILWAY ACCIDENT.—A.I3 the seven P.M train from Rugby was on its way to Leicester, on Sunday last, one of the tubes of the engine burst. William Wilkin son, the driver, having been before severely scalded from a similar accident, became alarmed, and made his escape from the foot-plate over the coke to the back of the tender, when he fell between that and the adjoining carriage ; but, holding on, he was dragged sixty yards before he loosed his grasp, when the back of his head was beaten in, and one of his hands cut off. Joseph Crowdy, the fireman, missing the diseased after the first gush of steam from the tube had evaporated, shut off the steam, reversed the engine, signalled the guard to apply the break, and brought the engine to a stand still, after proceeding about one mile and a quarter. lie then sent the Hurler guard to Ullesthorpe, from whence a telegraphic message was sent to Leicester, for the purpose of obtaining another engine, the train and disabled engine remaining on the line till its arrival. The deceased was one of the oldes*, most careful, and steadiest drivers in the employ of the com pany. He has left a widow and six children to lament his untimely end; but, fortunately, he had insured his life for .5001. in the Railway Insurance Company's Office. An in quest was held yesterday morning (Monday) at the Bull's Head Inn, Leicester, before Mr. Gregory on view of the body, when the jury returned a verdict of "Accidental death." THE GANG OF BURGLARS IN KENT.—There is R probability of the thoroughly breaking up of the desperate gang of burglars which has so long infested the county of Kent. Six of the prisoners have been fully committed by the county magistrates at Rochater on a variety of charges, and there are still many more to be investigated. The remains of the late Lord Bexley were on Monday interred in the family vault ip t he por i l h chu r c h o f Beckeiziaam. tho . THE PRECIOUS BUDGET. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TI iES.—Sir Charles Wood has asked the Helve of Common:, to give him a vote for the renewal of the in come-tax. He brings forward no proposition for a mo dification in the form of assessment, but simply requires the House to perpetuate the injustice of former years. Now, it would be idle to apply to a Finance Minister those maxims of ethical science by which the conduct of individuals should be governed. We must not, there fore, talk of injustice. Money he must and will have, and by the most obvious means. No means are, of corks°, so obvious for the coming year as those which answered for the previous twelvemonth. Nothing so simple as the preparation of a budget—" Stamps, ro much ; tobacco, tea, customs, so much ; income tax— what was it laet year? —so much." Thus, in a few mi nutes, the question is disposed of. The Chancellor of the Exchequer buttons his greatcoat, steps down to the- House, and, with the strength of the Ministry and of his party behind him, resolves to push the matter through in some way or other, and so tide it over until another year. We can only trace one slight feature of diff, r• ence between the present rftposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and similar proposals in former years. The distinction, after all, is merely one of sentiment in the proposer. Sir Charles' Wood thi s t i me drops the complicated hypocrisy of styling the impost in question a property and income-tax. This time the income-tax is the income-tax, just as petty larceny is petty larceny. Sir Charles Wood is becoming bolder as he advances in his career. You might as well reason with a Highland cateran when out on a cattle-lifting expedition. He acknowledges but one maxim, and that maxim Rob Roys:— "He may take who has the pones., And he may keep Who can." Which pithy sentiment, transposed into income-tax prose, may not inappositely be. rendered thus :—" I have remonstrances enough against various portions of the income-tax, suggesting the reduction of S c h e d u l e A, th e abolition of Schedule B, the injustice of Schedule D; and I am perfectly prepared to admit that exceedingly good arguments may be advamed by various interests against all except Schedule Q But, after all, I have come to the conclusion that, ender all circumstances, the fairest and justest mole is that of placing one uniform rate upon al, descriptions of in come." So there we have it. That is all the logic we are to get in return for our money. Two men present themselves before the Chancellor of the Exchequer—the one shining, and in good case, like a Pharoah's fat cow, the other ban, hungry, and care worn, as Romeo's apothecary was. Each holds out a hand. On the plump palm of tae corpulent applicant repose a 1001. note, four sovereigns in gold, half-a sovereign, and ten shillings in saver and copper. The lean man clutches in his skinny grasp the same coins, but no 1001. note. It is his year's earning—all that he could tear out of his poor braiss and nerves in twelve weary months. To gain it he has shortened his life; a few years more such labour, ant all is over with him. His wife and his little ones may go to the parish, or sell broom-sticks at the bridge's end, for the annual 51. must be annually expeaded on food and raiment. But with his fat neighbour it is otherwise. It was the 1001. note that worked while the neighbour hunted, and shot, and staffed, and slept. At the year's end the note is not at all exhausted by the generative process, but is just as ready to produce five litde golden cherubs next year. However, the fat and the lean man are now standing before the Chancellor of the Exchequer ready to be shorn. The Minister commences operations by a speech upon the ad vantages of direct taxation, to which both victims yield a w illi ng assent. Next follow the words " I have come to the conclusion that the fairest and, justest method of carrying out direct taxation is that of placing one uniform rate upon all descriptions of in come." So saying, the functionary dips his fingers into the hands of the victims, and takes exactly sevenpencse in the pound from each. Of coarse, the owner of the 1001. note sings a Te Deum, and declares there is no thing so mild, so equitable, so Levelling, as an uniform tax upon income, which leaves his property undisturbed. Just as much as is wrongfully taken from his neighbour does he put into his pocket, and of course he is satisfied. But how is it with the man who, by hook and by crook, has scraped together the five severei,gos? His reason ings and his remonstrances are met with the orpetual humdrum, "I have come to the conclusion, Sec." Argument, as we have often said before, is out of the question. With a man w h o h m a mind so singularly constituted that ho cannot apprehend a difference be tween something and nothing i; would be mere idleness to reason. Nor is it worth while to waste words upon those who understand by direct taxation a system of taxation which dues not strike with equal force every 11. sterling in the country. Happily, as yet, the tax is merely proposed, not voted. The members of the Lower House will hesitate before they consent to re introduce into the statute-book an enactment which has excited so much indignation throughout the country. From the first time it has beena matter of hypocrisy and deception. Men kept quiet uron the subject because it seemed intended that at a time named the injustice should cease. tielf-deception, however, is impossible any longer. The income-tax hoe stuck to us since 1842; we are now in 1851, end it is proposed to give it another three years' spell. The year 1861 will find ass exactly in the same condition, and with as little chance of getting rid of the obnoxious impost. It is not that we disap prove—we should rather say, that public opinion disap proves, the partial introduction of direct tax 'lion into our financial system. On the contrary, a judicious com bination of direct and indirect taxation would appear to be the fi!ell scheme best adapted to the necessities and position of the country. But then the direct taxation must not come upon us is the form of a gr a d ua t e d property-tax—the gradations of the tax varying in an inverse ratio with the amount of property. There must be no blunder, no injustice, no dishonesty of this kind, or the inevitable result will follow. Under any circumstances we must condemn without qualifica tion falsehood and perjury; but we cannot phut cur eyes to the evidence of the Parliamentary returns. We can not but admit, whilst we deplore, the fact of the enor mous amount of lyi which must have taken place in making the return to the income-tax. We lament it, but we do not wonder at such a result. Taxation is hard enough of endurancest all times, but when it comes aggravated with a sense of injustice we are not surprised that men do by a ll wears , ques ti ona bl e or otherwise, avoid the payment of a tax. Now that Sir Ch ar l es Wood's proposition is before the House, the discussion upon it will soon follow, A very keen attention will be given to the votes and speeches of Members upon a point so interesting to the country. We look to a better result than in former years, and for this plain reason:— In bygone times the first imposition, and the temporary re-impositioa of the tax, might be justified by the emer gency of the moment. It might be allowed us to sup pose that the impost was really only of a transitory character. But now, for better for worse, direct taxation is a constituent element of our financial system unless the re-imposition of this very tax in so obnoxious and dishonest a form should induce the country to avoid it altogether 't On the whole," Sir Charles Wood should reflect that it is just possible people out of doors " may co me to a conclusion! " ADVERTISER.—A more complete financial abortion than the Budget of Monday night was never ushered into existence in this or any other country. Had its Right Honourable framer devoted his nights and days during the legislative recess, iu studying how ho could make it thoroughly imbecile, absurd, and unsatisfactory, he could not have been more successful in concocting a measure entitled to be so characterised. It is humiliat ing to the national character, to see so bungling a piece of financial handicraft as that which Sir Charles Wood submitted to the House on Monday. It is con ventionally assumed that the Chancellor of the Exche quer is the ablest financier in the country. 'We all know the contrary. Wo all know that some of the most incompetent men that ever professed to be con versant with figures, have, by some lucky accident or other, filled that office. It would be difficult to find hell a dezan men of ordinary education, and average talents, more unfit for the situation which he fills, than is Sir Charles Wood. It would be impossible to find a person, possessing the slightest knowledge of financial matters, who would have brought forward so miserable an abortion as the Budget which the Right Honourable Gentleman submitted to the House on Monday night. It is mortifying to think that foreign countries will identify the national capacity for financial affairs with the foolish and feeble de velopment of Monday night. They will assume, from the fact of Sir Charles Wood filling the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he is the greatest man in the country on financial questions. What, then, must they think of the nation? We can, it is true, pity their ignorance in forming any such opinion of Sir Charles, but that is the only consolation we have. They will persist in the belief that he is our ablest man in matters of finance, and that, consequently, on that im portant subject, we are a nation of ignoramuses and im beciles. It rests with the people of this country, to say whether or not they are willing to rest under this im putation. It is in their power, if they are so disposed, to purge themselves from it. We cannot doubt that they will. It is hard enough that we should stiffer in pocket from the bungling workmanship of this incompetent Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let us not tamely submit to tee the national character made ridiculous in the eyes of other countries, through the ignorance and follies of a man whom accidental circumstances alone have placed in his present position. The Budget of Sir b Charles .re , Woodmust be smashed. It must be swept Arne. entirely. It must be hooted and hissed off thhpbobacic t never to re-appear. It is a bav a:n a ot be b w o mended. It is incurably bad. measure must Wo or cannot give us a Budget. If Sir Charles will aid of some ono else, better article, we must call in n o th b o e t _ the power to do it. who has both the disposition go d . It is for himself to Either he or his Budget b mustssured of this, that his Budget say which. Let him . eth e ei B al . capaeity, cannot co-exist. and himself, in his is no elterentlye for but to give it up, or for hTihesreelfto give in. The two great features of the mea sure--'w ti t, wa y in which tin proposes to deal with the are, window duties, and his determination to perpetuate the i e-tex es it no w st a nds. IL; plans tith regard trt(-137 window -tax have already been met with one universal shout of derision and indignation throughout the metropolis. The provinces will echo and re-echo the voice of the metropolis. The loud cry of diseppo'ntment and ire which now eseen.ls from every mouth iu Lon don, will he heard with increased energy and emphasis from the lips of all elutes in the country. It seems as if the Right lion. Gentleman had deemed the question of the window duties a legitimate one for trying to WI at extent he might experiment on the patience of the public. His mode of dealing with it appears to indicate something Worse than ignorance and incapacity. It looks its if he were determined delibe ratly to trifle with the feelings of the people'. The; hi a danger:le game for tiir Charles to play. Tondos, where a people are borne down to the earth, by it, ie a sore subject. It is not one to be trifled with. If the Right Hon. Gentleman must inch:lgo in his levities, he will not. if '. e be wise for himself, s , lcot the window duties as a subj:‘et by means of which he may gratify his propensities f ur grave trifling. But Sir Charles Wood not only unwarrantably makes his txperiments on the pa tience of the peopl e o f ,these realms, but must needs, also, insult their understandings. Nominally, he repeals the window duties; in reality, he does nothing of the kind. In the same breath in which he announoes the remission of the window duties, he apprises the over taxed people that he means to impose a tax on houses rent which will produce two-thirde of the revenue re ceived from the tax on windows. Who ever beard of any thing so unjustifiable on the part of the . 14gist Hen. Gentleman, cr so disrespectful to the public ? lle has evidently measured the understandings of the people by his own. lie could not have ofcred them a greater affront than to have supposed fur an instant that he could success'ully impose win them by to clumsy a pi ece , f fiso.:l legerdemain. The deception is so transparent that the du!:est perception must at once detect it. In prc posing a fax o n th e ren t o f h ouses, t h e C hancellor cf ehe Exchequer proposes to do an act of flagrant injustice. Lie propuset to tax certain portions of her Majesty's subjects twice over for one and the same purpose. His intended house tax would be equivalent to doubling the property tax in the care of those who are the Owners of household property. First, they pay tat it property tax on the incomes they derive from their houses in conjunction with their other sources of income, and after having done that Sir Charles Wood proposes is send the tax-gatherer to them to demand the payment of another property tax—a tax on the rent of their houses. Proprietors of houses will thus, in efTect, have to pay a property-tax twice over. So bold and reckless an experiment on puhiic forbear ance must recoil on the Right Hon. Gentleman himself. The injustice of the thing is so glaring and so gross, that it is difficult to speak or write on the subject with one's accustomed calmness. But if Star Charles was anxious to see bow far the force of philosophic resignation on the part of the public could go, we surely would have had a right to expect that he would not have confined his con templated injustice to the proprietors of heritable pro perty. Why were they alone, of all her Majesty's sub jects, singled out, as the parties to be made the victims of his meditated injustice? Why should the fundholder escape? Why should Consols continue untouched by the stern taxing hand of Sir Oharles Wood, when house proprietors, whose property is much more precarious, much more liable to depreciation, are pounced upon as fit subjects for the taxing propensities of the Right Hon. Gentlemski? Why is the rich ship owner exempted? On what ground is the proprietor of land permitted to escape? If injustice is to be done, let it be done to all classes alike. Lot there be no excep tions in favour of any class. The Right Hon. Gentle man speaks and acts in a manner which is not reconcile able with the dictates of truth, when he seeks to make the public believe that his scheme will abolish the window-tax. Practically, it only proposes to reduce that obnoxious impost to the extent of a third. In stead of paying 1,800,0002, as at present, in the agape of window duties, the nation will henceforth pay 1 200,0001., being two-thirds of the revenue at present derived from the window duties. The only difference is to be, that instead of the amount being paid as a window-tax, it is to be paid as a tax on house-rents. What matters it to the unhappy persons who have to pay the tax, whether it be paid in the name of a window-tax or of a house-tax? The burden will be as great in the one tease as in the other. The pill is not the less bitter to the taste because it is gilded. It will be quite as hard for the public to pay a tax of 1,200,0001. a year under the name of a house-tax as under the name of window duties. But the thittlg must not be. The window-tax must be entirely abolished, and no other im post be substituted for it, no matter by what fine name the Chancellor of the Exchequer may choose to call the contemplated substitute. All the demonstrations which have recently been made in the metropolis and provinces in opposition to the window-tax have aimed at its total and unconditional repeal. That must still be the popular object. Let Lthe cry be everywhere raised, at the utmost pitch of the public voice, and it will make itself heard, and command respect and obedience even in Downing -street. We look to the metropolis for the adoption of the necessary steps to set a powerful and determined agitation on foot, against this part of the Whig Budget in particular, and against the measure in general. We imagine we already see the men of Marylebone in motion. St. Pancras, Finsbury, the Tower Hamlets all the other metropolitan boroughs, indeed—will forthwith follow the example. The City will not lag behind. The country will at once take up the tale. The national appeal made by the me tropolis, will meet with a prompt and hearty response in all parts of the country. The tide of public indignation against this foolish and unjust measure, will, before many days have elapsed, rise so high, and dash with such tremendous force against it, as not only to sweep itself away, but the Whig Ministry also, should they be so infatuated as to attempt to uphold it. TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD REFORM ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday the 17th, the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward what is called the Budget. As there 'freer was a case yet, in which everybody was satisfied with such a performance, there is no use in attempting to reconcile conflicting interests now. But one great feature the present measure possessed; which is, that it unostentatiously recognized the great principle, that consumers are to be relieved !rem all such payments, as without add ing to the aggregate of British industrial employ ment, inflict on the consumers a gratuitous loss equal to the artificial difference of price. A subject connected with a previous question is beginning to swell into serious magnitude; and as your immediate share of it, I would suggest to you and the other commercial and maimfactnrirg consti tuencies, the propriety of to a certain extent getting your hounc's in order,lor the hunt of a General Election . The contents of the Irish papers show distinctly, that the idea has been conceived among the Irish Catholics, of turning out the present Government on the ques tion of Protection, as the means of opposeng the ad vance of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill. In other words, the Corn-laws are to be restored, by the Pope and the Protectionists. It would be useless to urge to the agitators, how probably this would he followed by a rush of their ene mies for the restoration of the greatest portion of the Penal Laws consistent with the temper of the age ; for angry men are net accessible to reason. The unaccountable policy of the Free Trade leaders in declaring to their constituents that it is of little consequence whether one set of Ministers ere in office or another, will no doubt weaken the prospects of resistance in the event of a dissolution of Parlia ment; and yet I should expect that Bradford, rich and poor, would be of a different opinion. The ground that has been lost, and the oppoi tunities that have been thrown away, can never be literally re gained. But an early warning may do what is practicable towards reparation of the evil. On Tuesday no business of magnitude was trans acted, and the House broke up at six o'clock. I am, Sir, yours very sincerely, AN OLD REFORMER. London, 19 Feb., 1851. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. ADMIRALTY LEvrEs.—Tho Right Hon. Sir F. T. Baring, Bart., will receive cfficers desiring an interview en Tuesday, the 25th instant, at one o'clock; and every subsequent luesday until further notice. The number not to exceed thirty on each day. The senior naval Lord, Rear-Admiral Deans Dundas, C. 8., receives officers on Tuesdays. PROMOTION. Mate—Robert A. Stupart (1849), late of the Sphyrm steom-sloop, at Chico, tho rack of Lieutenant, vice ilickley, promoted, vice Inca, deceased. APPOINTMENTS. Mate—Thomas L. Ward (1850), to the Excellent. Assistant•Enginecrs—John Bruce, H. C. Thunder, William Eyers, henry Jones, and John Trelwing, to the Banshee steam-picket, fitting at Woolwich. Gunners—lhnry Marshall (acting) to the Bonetta, 3, Chatituaa ; William S. Deere to the Banshee. Commander William Gowdy (1850), n masterofldBilesd retired in August last, on th e 12 s . 6 d. li s t o f 1546, now., tant and responsibTlehectffice3Tat Newcastle a few days since. By this vacancy, the worthy vonport Dockyard, Mr. Henderson, retires the able as of commander, and we presume Mr. AI , Mr. Ilenaerson, as the masteerti-ractstewnditahntthonfrDanok sistant-master-ntendant, sou:cc:Mr. Lumsdale; and Mr. latter gentleman succe h ad e st. George, ordinary guard ship,Brown, the master ofr Mills.t In this fair succession the will succeed . lil . o n up o r aa v now by - Air. Henderson and Mr. Mills, will held respectively - officers will have h 9 1- 1 efficiency of the XCELLENT.-- and faithful services. of goo d reward A TARGET FOR . be preserved, and deserving officers b e towed up into Porchester Creek, to be a hulk is co target for the Excellent. The new b utt i s progressing, b . w i ll b u t the (ring n ot rake place until ne x t month. Arab, 12, Commander Morris, has arrived at Chat ham, f r om the East Indies, to be paid off. Argus steam-frigate was taken out of dock at Ports mouth, on Monday, and tried along the measured mile in Stoke's Bay. She averaged (being light, without masts or stores on board) ten knots four fathoms per hour. She has been taken into the basin to be docked. Buuetta, 3, brigantine, was commissioned on Monday by Lieutenant C. Wake. Cormorant, 6, steam-sloop, Captain Schtembew, ar rived at Bahia, Jan. 6, from Rio, on a cruise against slavers. Cumberland, 70, Captain Seymour, flag-ship of Vice- Admiral Sir G. F. Seymour, was unlocked at Chatham on Monday, and was towed down to Folly Point , , t° get her lower (:eek guns, water, provisions, &c.. on board. She is all staunt, has all her sails bent, and will be out of the hands of the dockyard in a few days. I;,e , ,lstance troop-ship, Sra;:ter-Commander Bradshaw, lcfc the river on Monday, on her way to Portsmouth, to be paid wag,i, and to proceed to Cork, Gibraltar, an d the West Indies, with troops. Sharpshooter, 8, screw-gun-vessel, Lieutenant Com mander Bailey, arrived at Bahia, Jan. 5, on a cruise against slavers. PORTSMOUTH, FEB. 18.—The wind bas been to the S W. for the hat 12 hours, but there are no signs of the Prince Regent. W ooL wrcu, FEB. 18.—Commander William Rowlett (1847) has bkon appointed to command tee Aiecto steam sloop. commissioned at Woolwich. The Monkey and Jasper steam -vessels have returned t o Woolwich, nttor Inwirqc ttao Resisitanca troop-0.i,, went* the myrtle, n Lir mty to to 0144 " troop qt tti putt. - r us