The Sun. — London, England, 1868-03-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, Several of the morning papers discuss the Sunday Liquor Bill. After shewing several of its weak points the Times remarks : The truth is, the object really desired by the promoters of this measure, and which they confess to be their ultimate aim, is notoriously impracticable. Total restriction is not only unjust, but has actually broken down in practice, and has been abandoned in America, where it was tried. But, short of this, measures to repress drunkenness by curtailing an hour or two here and there from the hours at which the public-houses are open must needs be trivial, and will probably be merely vexatious. Some limitation on Sundays is acknowledged to be desira. ble, and the existing restrictions are sanctioned by prac tice ; but, as the House was reminded, an attempt some years ago to impose similar restrictions to those of Mr. Abel Smith's bill roused such a storm of popular dis constent that the measure, though passed, had to he repealed. It seems, from what was said of the petitions, that a majority of the working classes have petiticned against the bill. Of the petitions in favour of it, many are notoriously worthless. Clergymen, Scripture-readers, and Sunday-school teachers cajole those under their in fluence to sign such petitions by wholesale, and in many cases the signature is a mere impertinence. The opinion of an impressible young woman respecting the liberty which should be allowed to grown men is scarcely worthy the attention of the House of Commons. But, happily, the very arguments which are adduced in favour of the bill prove that it is unnecessary. There is, we are told, a growing feeling among the working classes against excess in liquors. Nothing can be more satisfactory ; but if so, why legislate at all, and why foster a crusade which implies that the evil is increasing rather than diminishing ? Hitherto the restrictions placed upon the sale of liquors, although they may be unwise in principle, have produced comparatively little ill effect, because they have been com paratively slight. That they have done any real good the Standard has no hesitation in denying. The closing of public-houses at eleven o'clock on Sunday evenings and at one o'clock on week-day evenings has not diminished drunkenness or reduced the occasions of crime, whilst it has inflicted, and inflicts every day, great inconvenience and injustice upon large numbers of temperate and respectable persons. Practically the new bill denies all refreshment to the people of this country on the Sunday, except to the habitual drunkards, who will, of course, make their provision. To the lodger, who is expected to be out of the house except when he is in bed ; to all those who must work, or will walk for health or recreation ; to all upon whom illness or the absolute need of some suste nance comes when they are at some distance from their homes, and even there, except at short intervals, all refreshment is absolutely denied by Mr. Smith. And why? To save a certain number of wretched fools from their own folly he would inflict a terrible privation upon the vast mass of the people. In the opinion of the Telegraph the bill is bad in every respect. It is based on false pretences ; it metes out one measure to the rich and another to the poor; and it is only the first link in that chain of measures which includes the Permissive Bill and ends with the Maine Liquor Law. Therefore, if the House had been obliged to choose between rejection and acceptance, it must have thrown out the scheme with indignation. But after that course had been forcibly advocated by Mr. Locke and Mr. Labouchere, an amendment was proposed by Mr. Hib-s bert, to the effect that the bill should be referred to a select committee, which should consider the whole subject ,of the liquor traffic, and particularly the licensing system. Mr. Gladstone strongly supported the sugges tion ; Mr. Gathorne Hardy accepted it on the part of the Government ; it was finally sanctioned by the House, and We have no fault to find with it. In dealing with the bill for reforming the present form of railway legislation, the Post points out that previous to the institution of the Railway Department of the Board of Trade, the second reading of railway bills was decided by the House at large, with the Speaker in the chair. In. creasing pressure of public business made this practice inconvenient, and the duty was handed over to the Board of Trade. Unhappily for the country, Sir Robert Peel withdrew his support from this organisation, and deter mined to control railway enterprise ,by competition, under an idea that such a course had been rendered imperative by the adoption of the doctrine of free trade. It was a great error in whatever light looked at. Competition thus became, as far as both public pc."..icy and private interests are concerned, the only practical controlling power, a fact which Mr. Dodson and those who are disposed to back his ideas will do well to bear in mind. If they abrogate the right of an existent organisation actually in work to be beard before a committee on the ground that new compe tition ought not to be forced upon them, they must sub stitute some other controlling and testing power to protect both the public and the actual corporations working lines from the action of unreal promoters, whose only object is speculative extortion, and a relying raid in the disguise of thrifty men of business bent upon the development of the industry of the country. If that power is to be the Board of Trade, that department should be placed in a position very superior to that which it now occupies. After carefully examining most of the boroughs in which no extension is recommended by the Boundary Commission, the Daily News thinks it would be difficult to dispute the justice of the opinions so far as expressed by the commissioners. But what principle has led to the extension of boundaries ? It is, of course, easy enough to say that all the persons who dwell immediately beyond the parliamentary boundary should be included within it, or that those who have " a community of interest" with the inhabitants of a town should be considered towns people. But in applying this principle there are con siderable difficulties. If, indeed, the duty of the com missioners had been to separate the urban from the agricultural population, their task would have been comparatively simple. But the intention of the Legis lature was very different. Parliament never intended that the population of the country should be divided into two classes—urban and agricultural. Before adding any new district to a borough, the first question to be is whether the inhabitants of this district are specially connected with the borough of which they are to form part. It is not enough to shew that beyond the boundaries of a borough there is a mass of persons who do not live by agriculture. It must he &hewn that they are, in fact, the overflow of the borough population—called into existence by the borough, and that had the borough not existed this increase of population would not have taken place. The proposed visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland is, the Star observes, so well-intentioned, harmless, and, in deed, commendable a project, that it would be unfair to criticise it in a narrow and carping tone. But it would be Still less fair to allow the exaggerated hopes which people are forming of its beneficent effects to go on swelling and gleaming like glittering soap bubbles doomed to speedy collapse and extinction. There is no excuse whatever for any personal ill-feeling towards any member of the Royal Family in Ireland ; and we are satisfied there is no per sonal ill-feeling there. Everybody who knows the Irish people knows that their natural tendency is towards a deep, reverential, and indeed servile loyalty. We are by no means satisfied that it might not have been possible, if any English sovereign had thought it worth while trying, to have fed and flattered that sentiment of loyalty, and actually made it a substi tute for the manly, honourable feeling of allegiance with -which an intelligent and self-respecting people reward the justice and integrity of an upright ruler. We are by no nicans convinced that the Irish people, if judiciously warmed every now and then by the sunshine of Royal favour, might not at one time have forgotten Protestant ascendancy and landlord absenteeism, and all the subjects of complaint, and lain down in their rags like a Neapoli tan lazzarone, and been content and happy and abject. But with the growth of education this feeling must have an end. A race has grown up in Ireland almost entirely estranged from the BriLlsli race, and to expect any benefi cent result from the Royal visit is ridiculous. The Times devotes a leader to the consideration of the pamphlet issued by the Emperor Napoleon, which tells the world by what vast number of votes both the original founder and restorer of the Empire at various periods at tained the supreme rank. Our contemporary does not see the use of statistics which nobody disputes. The issue of them, however, shews that the Emperor is getting mis trustful. He has shaken the foundation on which he has built his throne by increasing his armament. But there is nobody to oppose him. There is no Opposition leader with a determined scheme of acti on -; none ready to take upon himself the responsibility of a revo lution. France has come to an end of all political experiments. The present has nothing so dreadful as to induce her voluntarily to face an unknown future. It is upon this instinct of order at any price that the Emperor Napoleon can rely for support against any deliberate attack, while the immense strength of his civil and military organisation screens him from those " sur prises" which have so often decided the fate of his prede cessors. The French would not willingly overthrow him, and he must take care that they do not do so by m ere cversidit. It is to little purpcse, we think, that the Imperial pamphlet dwells upon tne excellences of the Constitution and on its, capabilities of progressive im provement. ' What the French people want is_peace— iwoce with liberty, if the two blessings_ can be con- . ?. NmA, but peace before HI things and at_ any price. ,it is impossible that the Emperor should not . percelve how greatly the new army law has compromised before public opinion. That army bill was conceived under false apprehensions ; it was proceeded with in oLe dience to still more false views of consistency, in obedience to an obstinacy which does not really belong to the Em peror's character. We are convinced an assurance that the law, if not actually repealed, would be at least so modified in its application as to lighten its most crushing burdens, would do more for the stability of the Emperor's throne and for the chances of his dynasty than any " titles " resting upon the most unanimous plebiscite. A proposal on his part for a simultaneous disarmament would win him the suffrage not only of millions of Frenchmen, bat of the friends of true frgedm and progress' throu,rll - oiAt the world. "' I " THE WORLD'S COAL SUPPLY In May 1865, during Earl Russen's tenure of the .e °reign Office, he issued a circular despatch to each British representative abroad requesting him to furnish an annual report of the coal industry of the country to which he was accredited. Statistics of great value and of high im portance have been the result The return for 1867 has just been presented to Parlia ment. Lord Howard de Walden reports that in Belgium the number of mines is stationary, but their activity had considerably increased during-the year. Nearly 13,000,000 tons of coal were raised in the twelve months. The ex portation to France shewed an increase of 11 per cent. The exhaustion of the coal-mines had, as in England, commanded considerable attention, but the result of , examination had removed all disquietude. The Hainault colleries alone were good for another Jentury and a half. Coal of good quality is raised in Brazil, and the supply is limited only by the want of a good means of transport. From China we learn that the precious mineral has been discovered in Peng-how, the chief island of the Pescadores. The Chinese were very anxious to keep the matter a secret, but, after a long parley, Consul Swiuhoe induced the islanders to shew him where the vein was. So at length they shewed him a top layer of lignite, which promised better things if they could go deeper. The elders of the island have since presented a singularly-worded petition to their chief, imploring him to keep away the British from the place. Very good bituminous coal is found in Japan ; the chief diffi culty of raising it is the scarcity of labour. Prussia is rich in mineral fuel, especially in very good coals. Calculations have been made which promise a supply for the next 3,000 years, taking the annual quan tity raised at 2,500,000 metrical tons. In Wtirtemberg there is an increased activity in the working of the collieries. In Tasmania anthracite and bituminous coal is distributed over various portions of the colony. In Trinidad the coal bearing rocks cover an area of 318 square miles. If the fuel were attainable at a small cost, it would prove highly valuable to the colony. The coal-fields of the Indian Empire are almost entirely concentrated in a band of deposits which extends more than half across the country from near Calcutta towards Bombay. The quality of the mineral is, however, inferior to the coal which is raised in this country EMPLOYERS AND TVORKME. The arrangements for the forthcoming conference be tween an equal number of employers of labour and repre- - sentative working men—trades unionists—as proposed by the Working Men's Association, are advancing towards completion. It being the object of the conference to agree upon and devise some measures, legislative or other wise, whereby the extensive and disastrous strikes and lock-outs may be avoided in the future, considerable trouble has been taken by the committee charged with the arrangements to obtain the consent of employers to act on the conference of sufficient weight and influence in their respective branches of trade to make it probable that the decision of the conference would be acquiesced in by the employers of labour throughout the country gene rally. It was the original intention to confine the num bers to twelve on each side, but the desirableness of having not only the staple trades of the country represented, such as the cotton, woollen, silk, iron, coal, and pottery trades, but the important ones of engineering, building, ship building, tailoring, &c., also, it is probable the num ber will be increased to eighteen. About ten of the most extensive employers of labour in the country, including six members of Parliament, have up to this time consented to act on the conference, and it is expected the whole number will be filled up by the close of the present week. The same care has been taken in selecting the represen tatives of the workmen, in order that the representation may be a national one; and to effect this object the trades councils of Glasgow, Dublin, Liverpool, Manches ter, Birmingham. Sheffield, Leeds, Newcastle, and other large towns, the London Conference of Amalgamated Trades, and the associated iron, cotton, woollen, coal, and pottery trades, have been requested each to elect one repre sentative from their body. Several of these councils and staple trades have already elected their delegates, and in other cases special meetings have been called for the pur pose. It is expected that the while of the members to form the conference will be appointed within the next week, in which case it is probable the meeting will be held before Easter, at the Westminster Palace Hotel, or some similar place. It is also intended to invite some gentle man of public influence, independent of either employers or workmen, to preside over the sittings of the conference. The meeting is being looked forward to with great interest all over the country, and if it does not realise all the expect tations of its promoters, it cannot do otherwise than result in very beneficial effects. UNIVERSITY TESTS ABOLITION BILL. This bill, brought in by Mr. Coleridge, stands for a second reading on Wednesday, the 25th, and, according to a recent statement of the Home Secretary, the Govern ment and the Conservative party generally will put fel th their utmost strength, with a view to its defeat, or, if that be not practicable, to prevent its being sent to the Lords by a large majority. The bill comprises both Mr. Culeridge's and Mr. Bouverie's bills of past sessions. It applies to the two universities, and thus meets the objections of those who deprecated part'al le station. It moreover satisfies the demands of those who re quired the subject, if dealt with at all, to be dealt with completely and finally ; for, if this bill is passed, the tests question at the universities will be settled, so far as regards Parliament. The fundamental prin ciple of the bill is the recognition of the national character of the national seats of learning. This principle is worked out with due regard, on the one hand, to the public interests, on the other to the independence of the colleges as self-acting societies. As regards the universi ties, the Legislature prescribes : as regards the colle,g.s, it enables. The opening to the Queen's subjects of the degrees, public professorships, and academic, 1 offices, emoluments and privileges, is mandatory ; the opening of the college fellowships and offices is permissive. The Act of Uniformity and other restrictive Acts of the Legislature are repealed ; but, so far as concerns the colleges, the bill stops short of requiring ems.ncipatior, and leaves each college to please itself. These are the positive enactments of the bill. On the negative side clauses are introduced to disavow any intention to interfere with existing law or usage as regards (1) masterships of endowed schools (sec tion 3, proviso), or (2) the celebration of public worship in the universities or the colleges (section 7). The leading Nonconformist tutors and students Cambridge have issued a circular urging Nonconformist ministers to exert themselves in favour of Mr. Coleridge's measure by pro moting petitions in its behalf. " If," they say, "it be objected that the passing of this bill will benefit but few, we reply—first, that as a mere question of principle, it is our duty to protest against the present infringement of civil liberty ; secondly, that the interests of Nonconformity are at stake, for its future cannot but be dark if it remain at a distance from the centres of educational light ; and that, albeit the number of its representatives at these centres is steadily increasing, it is kept down by the exist ing barriers ; thirdly, that there is a strong probability of the universities being made more accessible than they are now to the middle classes ; and that, inasmuch as the bulk of the middle classes is Nonconformist, no section of the people will be more nearly affected by the proposed- exten sion ; in view whereof it is eminently desirable that every invidious distinction should 1 e previously removed. The party for the abolition of tests grows yearly in strength, as the divisions in the House of Commons testify ; but the success of its proposals may be seriously impeded unless the Nonconformists raise their voice in the assertion of their rights." A petition to both Houses of Parliament in favour of uhelbill is in course of signature at Oxford University. TIIE GOVERNME:.INIT AND TIIE VOLUNTEERS. —A large and important gathering of commanding officers of volunteer regiments has been held at the offices of the National Rifle Association, in Pall Mall, to consider the steps - which should be taken for bringing before the Government the necessity which exists for an increased capitation grant to the volunteers, so as to relieve the efficient members and the officers from the heavy expenses which now fall upon them. Colonel Lord Elcho, M.P., presided, and there were present Colonel the Duke of Sutherland (20th Middlesex), Colonel the Marquis of Donegall (London Irish), Colonel Lord Truro, Colonel the Hon. Charles Lindsay, M.P., Colonel the Hon. Loyd-Lindsay, V.C., M.P. (the Hon. Artillery Company), Colonel Charles Buxton, M.P., and many other commanding officers. At the last Wimbledon meeting of the National Rifle Association a deputation of volunteer commanding officers, representing volunteer corps of every county, waited upon the Secretary of State for War, and left with the understanding that though the ie Ison was then ton far advanced for the wants of the ' force to be considered in the estimates of 1867, yet that they should be considered this year. Commanding officers now stated that, in the full belief the grant would be increased this year, they had, in order to advance the num bers and efficiency of their various corps, rendered them fs a e l ll v e u s p responsible n f t o r r y rnaanndyoeffix cersn s f e r s o l n v t i lc, e c s o h u o n u t l rdyrightlystated d that they had taken Ltion themselves to point out to the Government that, if the Government desired to keep up this "reserve force," it must at once declare its inten tions. The meeting then resolved itself into a deputation to Sir John Pakington, at the War Office, who not only declined to have any representatives of the press present, as such, at the interview, but called upon those whl were in the room to hold the proceedings as private conversa tion. - T 49 j4tcrYo,lY lasted for zigaxl7 an hour and tigft THE SUN, WNW')N, Tn URSDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1868. PROGRESS OF IMPEACIEIIEvT. On the Friday night . , when the Senate decided that Andrew Johnson had no legal right to remove the Secretary of War, and the motion to impeach the President in the House had been referred to the Itecnnstruction Committee, Washington continued in a state of excitement never equalled even in that sensational city. Through the thronged streets the wilde-t fabrications circulated freely. Gen. Grant was said to be in arrest; Stanton to have been ejected at the point of the bayonet; a strong force from Maryland was moving on the Capitol ; the South had risen ; Pennsylvania was organizing in support of Congress ; and the Western States were gathering their forces. Such was the strained ex pectation, that few slept, but among that few was Andrew Johnson. In the War-office Stanton re mained fortified, Congressmen passing continually in and out. The house of Thaddeus Stevens was a Republican headquarters. Telegrams were flying to and fro, and the instruments were incessantly at work. The march of every relief was mistaken at the W ar-office for the military party of ejection. The sleepers awoke with a start, and the watchers were kept constantly on the qui vice. At seven o'clock on Saturday morning, William A. Pile of Missouri, carried the warrant, granted by Justice Cartter of the Supreme Court, for the arrest of Adjutant-General Thomas to United States Marshal Gooding, who with a sheriff and bailiff arrested General Thomas while at breakfast. He was brought to the Court-house, and liberated on bail of 65,000 to appear for exami nation on Wednesday. Thomas proceeded to the White House, and, instructed by the President, again attacked Stanton in the War Office. He found Mr. Stanton surrounded by his friends, and in reply to a request for an interview he desired him openly to state his business. On this a collo quy of the " No you shan't," " Yes you shall," style followed, which ended in Thomas leaving the de partment, when General Grant entered. " I am surprised," he said chaffingly to Stanton, "to find you here, for I thought you would have been driven to my headquarters for protection." Thomas then proceeded to take counsel with his law adviser, and afterwards had an interview with the President, who, it is reported, upraided him for his weakness in not ejecting Stanton. Thus inauspiciously opened the anniversary of the Birthday of the great Patriot, at a city to which he has given his name— a circumstance that has raised a superstitious feel ing in many who can recall coincidences not unsi miler during the past few years on this great Ameri can holiday. The crowds that for many hours had thronged the streets now pressed towards the Capi tol, where the steps and grounds were black with the solid mass. The Chamber of the )louse overflowed, and the corridors and lobbies were impassable. The farewell address of Washington, presented by a Democrat, was ruled out of order. About 2 o'clock Mr. 1 haddeus Stevens, from the Committee of Reconstruction, arose and read the report proposing the resolution already given. It was noticed that every Republican member of the Committee had signed the report, and all were therefore prepared for the unanimity afterwards displayed in the Republican ranks. In conclusion, Mr. Stevens waved his right to speak, and Mr. Brooks, Democrat of New York, arose to defend the President. He was followed by Messrs. Spald ing and Bingham, of Ohio, who explained why they had opposed impeachment on the last occasion, while they voted for it now. A despatch from the Governor of Illinois was read representing the people of the State as excited, and demanding im peachment. The House decided to take the vote at 5 p.m. on Monday, and adjourned at 11.15 p.m. In New York the gold speculators carried on their operations, forcing up the premium to 143 f, and thus ended the last great American festival of Wash ington's birthday. A still more sacred day fol lowed, checking the operations of the rival fac tions. Yet all through Sunday, Stanton remained fortified in the War Department, where he was visited by Grant, among many friends, who assured him, if matters passed to an ex tremity, of military support. General Emory, commanding the Department of Washington, fur nished double guards. The President sent for Emory to ascertain the truth of a report that Stanton had ordered a force of regulars to be in readiness for service, and this was made the foun dation for another alarming series of fabrications. Messages continued to fly along the wires. Go vernor Geary, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed to Senator Cameron, " The news to-day has created a profound reaction in Pennsylvania. The spirit of 1861 seems again to pervade the Keystone State. Troops are rapidly tendering their services to sus tain the laws. Let Congress stand firm." The Missouri Republican Convention, in session at Jefferson city in that State, pledged Missouri to the support of Congress. The President was not with out congratulatory despatches, receiving as many as his opponents, and numerous Democratic clubs in Philadelphia and New York announced their readi ness to march to Washington at a moment's warn ing, while the services of the Maryland States troop, about 10,000 strong, were tendered. The President, however, adhered to his purpose not to go outside the civil power, and to get the question speedily before the Courts he directed the Attorney-General to apply next day to the Supreme Court for a writ of quo warranto directed to Stanton, to show cause why he held possession of the office of Secretary of War. He also decided to nominate Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, heretofore a Republican, for Secretary of War, and prepared the necessary Message to send to the Senate. Monday opened with a violent snow storm, yet thick as the flakes came the people cal the Capitol, being picked in th • galleries, lobbies, corridors as sardines in a tin, an 1 notwithstanding the weather, a large additional force of police was required to open a way for members to their seats. Dark and cold as it was outside, the living mass within made the atmosphere stifling, and in the crush the usual deference of Americans for women was forgotten. Though Mrs. Stanton claims success for the cause of the Revolution, the ladies were left to battle for their rights in the snow and mud out side, and if the small propor. ion of them that gained admittance be taken as a test, they came off but second best in the struggle "of every one for himself." The programme had been arranged in caucus, and Impeachment Ashley opened the de bate. Mr. Johnson, he said, had appointed the worst rebels to office ; was responsible for the massacre at New Orleans and Memphis, and for all the Union blood that had been shed in the South; had prevented reconstruction; had la boured to get the electoral votes of the Southern States for himself, with intention, failing in that, to precipite a revolution on the country. Im peachment of this man was demanded by the country. Mr. Boyer (Democrat) said that the Tenure-of-Office Act did not apply to E. M. Stanton, who had been appointed before the passing of the Act ; moreover, the Act was without doubt unconstitutional. Mr. Blaine (Republican) said that the President had openly and plainly violated the law, thrown down the gauntlet, and dared Con gress to the issue ; and Congress could not shrink. Mr. Washburne (Republican), of Illinois, had long opposed, for reasons of policy, the impeachment of the President ; but he could not longer resist the performance of that solemn duty. He proceeded for 20 minutes to denounce the President and his advisers as "red-handed rebels," " filthy creatures," " low reptiles," &c. Mr. Woodward (Democrat), who has been a judge, offered a legal argument ; he essayed to show the President had violated no law ; that the Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional ; and that to impeach the President for the removal of Mr. Stanton would be " worse than a crime—a blunder." Mr. Wilson (Republican), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said that to yield now would be to make the Executive supreme ; iu his opinion the President had violated the law ; Mr. Johnson was a criminal, a disturber of the public peace, and must be removed. The President had previously rushed upon his own destruction. The President's plea that he had removed Stanton in order to test the legality of the Tenure-of-Office Act, was preposterous. Mr. Woodbridge (Repub lican) reci ed various Acts of the President described as unlawful, and said that Mr. Johnson would be removed, and if riot should follow the old volun teer am 2y would hurry to the defence of Congress. Th e R oz , tn i i Table, in a leader condemning the ex treme acti molly of the President's assail -rots, which it asserts n taterially weakened their cause, gives the following ,extracts from the debate :—" The un grateful, det ;picable, mean, traitor President," said 11Ir. Farnaw orth, of Illinois, " turned his back on the men whc' elected him and the friends who rallied round hit n. He turned his back on loyal men, in cluding those in Tennessee, who supported him, and went over- to the party be had fought not only in the ballot ;-box but in the field. 'Who is this Anitrew Johnson, that he should set himself up against Con gress, the courts, and the people? By what autho rity did be take upon himself to oppose the law passed iu ac .;ordauce with the constitutional forms ? Was it hem tuse God gave him more brains and moral character and a clearer judgment than he had given t,o other men ? Let this llouse and the Senate tea,cl . l Andrew Johnson that there is a power stronger tha n the President, namely, the power of the people, whose representatives were speaking here to-day;" The same gentleman, in the even ing, resumed his remarks, and concluded his speech by expressing - his belief that the Senate had patriot ism and firnoness enough to convict Andrew John son, and to _remove him from the office which he had so long disgraced. The nation had been too long disgraced by this accidental President,— by this man who had been made President by the assassin's pistol. He should be re moved if it cut short his term by only one day, and should be sect down to posterity degraded, and in capable of holding any office of trust or profit under the Government of the United States. Mr. Kelley observed that he and his friends " were about to arraign the great criminal of the age and the coun try—a man who had been for two years plotting with bloody and deliberate purpose the overthrow of the country's institutions. This day two years the President had appeared in the streets of Wash ington, surrounded by a rebellious rabble, and had pointed out by name Senator Sumner and Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, as objects of the lawless mob whom he then hailed as friends." Mr. Logan asserted that " the President stood before the couu try to-day the violator of public law ; and it was the duty of the House to decide whether he was, and if so, what course should be taken to punish him. There bad not been a reconstruction law passed by Congress which Andrew Johnson had not laid a ruthless hand upon and obstructed. Ever since the apostacy of that man, two years ago, he had in every possible way obstructed the execution of the laws. He had not only insulted the nation by his conduct and disgraced his high office, but he had dragged in the slime and filth of demagogism the Presidential robes of office." Fernando Wood, of New York, in a lengthened speech, condemned the course of Congress, and depicted the evils which must result from persis tence in impeachment, the social disturbances, the collisions at the polls, the increase of taxation, the argumented decay of commerce, the depreciation of American securities, the growth of contempt for law, ending iu general civil war. Thaddeus Stevens, in the best speech of the day, closed the debate, being too weak to read it himself, he asked permis sion for it to be read by the Clerk. He charged " Andrew Johnson with attempting to usurp the powers of other branches of the Government ; with attempting to obstruct and resist the execution of the law ; with misprision of bribery, and in open violation of laws which declare his acts misde meanours, and subject him to fine and imprison ment ; with removing from office the Secretary of War during the session of the Senate, without the advice or consent of the Senate, and with violation of the sixth section of the Act entitled An Act Regulating the Tenure of Certain Civil Officers.'" The impeachment question was purely political ; Congress is acting in the interest of forty millions of citizens. If the charges against Mr. Johnson be true, he is guilty of atrocious usurpation ; but, if not true, Congress is guilty of a cruel wrong. Reviewing the facts from the commencetnen t of Johnson's Presi dency, he supports the necessity of impeachment. At five o'clock the vote was taken, the rules having been suspended, and amidst a profound silence the clerk called the names. Excuses were made and noted for a few members absent, and it was clear that the Republicans would act in a solid phalanx. Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, was the only one of the party who broke away from the ranks. It was doubtful how Thomas E. Stewart, of New York, would vote, but he went with the Democrats. Speaker Colfax descended from his chair and voted in the affirmative, assert ing it to be a duty he owed to his constituents. The announcement was then made that the Impeachment Resolution had been passed by 126 ayes to 47 nays. Thaddens Stevens again rose, and moved that the vote be reconsidered, and the motion to reconsider be laid on the table, which was done, the subsequent proceedings following quickly, and as matters of course. Thaddeus Stevens and John A. Bingham were ordered to go to the bar of the Senate, and in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States to impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crsmes and misdemeanours, and acquaint the Senate that the House will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment and make good the same. A committee of seven members, consisting of Messrs. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; Stevens, Bing ham, Wilson, of Iowa; Logan, of Illinois; Julian, of Indiana ; and Ward, of New York, all Republi cans, were appointed to prepare and report the articles of impeachment, and were given power to send for persons, papers, and records, and to take testimony under oath. After a session of eight hours and a half an adjournment of the House closed the proceedings. While matters were thus pro gressing in the House, the Senate had assembled at 12 o'clock, when a message was received from the President, based upon the resolution of the Chamber denying his right to remove Mr. Stanton. This message accompanied the nomination of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, as the Secretary of War. The President herein discusses the laws bearing on the appointment and removal of Cabinet Ministers. He refers to the Act of 1789, which provides that whenever the Secretary of War shall be removed the duties of the office shall, during the vacancy, devolve upon a chief clerk. Others are cited, and subsequently passed, showing the President's power to fill vacancies, as also that the power of removal is recognised by statutes. He demonstrates the necessity for a President's holding such power ; he then touches on the Tenure-of-Office Act, which he admits prohibits the President in one section from removing a civil officer without the consent of the Senate, providing for temporary suspension only during the recess. The Act contains a proviso that Cabinet officers are to hold office during the term of the President, who appointed them subject to removal, by and with the consent and advice of the Senate. Andrew Johnson argues that he did not appoint the Ministars now in office, who were nominated by Mr. Lincoln, therefore he has the right to remove them without the consent of the Senate, as the Act intended to limit his power justifies this course. He concludes his Message with these words :—" Although I have been advised by every member of my Cabinet that the entire Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional, and therefore void, and although I have expressly concurred in that opinion in the veto message which I had the honour to submit to Congress when I re turned the bill for reconsideration, I have refrained from making a removal of any officer contrary to the provisions of the law, and have only exercised that power in the case of Mr. Stanton, which, in my judgment, did not come within its provisions. I have endeavoured to proceed with the greatest circum spection, and have acted only in an extreme and exceptional case. I have sought carefully to fol low the course which I have marked out for myself as a general rule, faithfully to execute all laws, though passed over my objections on the score of constitutionality. In the present instance I have appealed, or sought to appeal, to that final arbiter fixed by the Constitution for the determination of all such questions. To this course I have been im pelled by the solemn obligations which rest upon me, to sustain inviolate the powers of the high office committed to my bands, whatever be the conse quences merely personal to myself. I could not allow them to prevail against a public duty so c ear to my own mind and so imperative. If what was possible had been certain, if I had ben fully advised when I removed Mr. Stanton that in thus defending the trust committed to my hand, my own removal was sure to follow, I could not have hesitated, actuated by public considerations of the highest character. I earnestly protest against the resolution of the Senate which charges me in what I have done with a violation of the Consti tution and laws of the United Stater." The Senate considered the matter for a short time in secret session, and referred General Ewing's nomination to the Military Committee. In the meantime General Lorenzo Thomas had again made a dash at the War Department, where the indomitable Stanton still remained entrenched. Much the same controversy again occurred—" Yes, I will." " No, you shan't." After the interview General Thomas proceeded to the apartments of various subordi nates, requiring all letters and communications to the Secretary of War to be sent to him. This Stan ton countermanded on peril of instant dismissal, and, Thomas again defeated, sought shelter under the President's wing in the White House. All day long messages flowed to and fro from Washington to the extremities of the Union. Meetings had been gotten up in various places, and Legislatures were busy discussing resolutions. New Jersey went in favour of the President, Cali . torma followed suit, the Pennsylvania Senate favoured impeachment, the Union League Clubs fired salutes in various cities in honour of the course of Congress. In New York a military organiza tion was attempted, and a society formed, called the Andrew Johnson Club, in which 4,000 names were enrolled, when the police entered the premises in Broad-street, arrested two or three, and seized the papers on the plea that a breach of the peace was threatened. On Tuesday, the 25th of February, the interest was transferred to the Senate. Shortly after ten o'clock Thaddeus Stevens entered, leaning on Mr. Bingham's arm. The Clerk had announced the adoption of the resolution of the impeachment by the House. Although scarcely able to move Mr. Stevens entered the central aisle, and, leaning on a bench, thus spoke in a feeble voice : " Mr. President,—ln obedience to the order of the House of Representatives we have appeared be fore you. In the name of the House of Representa tives, and of all the people of the United States, we do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanours in office ; and we further inform the Senate that the Hoese of Representatives will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, to make good the same ; aid in their name we demand that the Senate take due order for the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson to answer to the said im peachment." Mr. Wade replied—The Senate will take order on the premises ; and a resolution was adopted re ferring the Message of the House to a special com mittee of seven, when Messrs. Stevens and Bingh a m retired. Nothing of importance occurred outside the House on this day, and it was evident that popular excitement was rapidly subsiding. Stanton was no longer attacked in his entrenchments. On Wednesday Adjutant-General Thomas ap peared in Chief-Justice Cartter's court-room, which was crowded with a highly interested audience, to an3wer to the charge made against him by E. N. btanton. It was arranged that Thomas was to go to gaol, his release to be obtained on a writ of habeas corpus, and appeal made to the Supreme Court. This was checkmated by the Judge, who was Stanton's friend and political ally, dismissing the case. Thomas immediately instituted a suit for false imprisonment against Stanton, claiming 13150,000 damages. The Secretary of War re mained encamped in his office entrenchment, and the Adjutant-General made no further attack. Senators Doolittle and Dixon, Secretary Welles, several Representatives, and General Thomas had interviews with the President. The counsel for General Thomas have compelled Mr. Stan ton to supply a copy of the commissionissued to him as S ecre t ar y o f W a r by President Lincoln. The words are to act " daring the pleasure of the President for the time being." The excitement con tinued to subside throughout the country, and the impeachers, becoming aware of their strength, ceased to hurry to and fro in their late frenzy. The House committee examined Gehs. Emory and Wal lace, as well as Thomas. The President met a de putation from Baltimore, whom he informed " that no personal sacrifice was too great for him to bear in defence of the Constitution ; he was sure the in telligence and patriotism of the people would yet rescue the country from the threatened ruin." On Thursday and Friday Washington had sunk into all the repose itever allows itself. Stanton still hung on to the War-office under the shelter of a double guard. Indee 1, on Friday evening the building was surrounded by a cordon of soldiers. His drafts on the Treasury are honoured, though Thomas had been invited by the President to attend a meeting of the Cabinet as Secretary of War, ad interim, which he did. Many prominent Republicans, among whom is Grant, urge Stanton to resign, but there is little probability of this obstinate man complying with the request. The President applied for a writ quo warranto to compel Mr. Stanton to show cause why he holds possession of the War Department, but the application cannot come up until the December term of the Supreme Court. On Friday the President gave Thonias a full commission as Secretary of War, ad interim. CYRUS TV. FIELD'S BANQUET. On Tuesday evening Mr. Cyrus W. Field gave a grand banquet at the Palace Hotel, Buck ingham-gate, and among the guests were most of those distinguished in telegraphy and interested in it. The occasion was the anniversary of the agree ment signed by the small party that on that day fourteen years before assembled in Mr. Field's dining-room, to lay a line from New York to New foundland—the cable, in truth, being but a con tinuation of the undertaking. From that day Cyrus W. Field dates the commencement of the great en terprise, the wonders of which were so strikingly manifested at this banquet. In the room an operator was seated at a table from which came the incessant click as the instrument rolled off its tale in response to the messages of the telegrapher which Mr. Field sent from his seat to the greatest of his fellow citizens. While his guests were discussing the good things he had so abundantly provided, Mr. Field was actively engaged in extracting sentiments from the President and the Secretary of State at Wash ington, from the Captain-General at Havannah, from the Governor at Newfoundland, and from other great dignitaries. The President made the following response to Mr. Field's message : " Express my congratulations to the telegraph festival assembly. I wish them all possible success, and that their wires may be multiplied through many seas, and their stakes be extended through many lands." And Mr. Seward said : " I congratulate the telegraph builders. Instead of build ing a bridge for the tramp of hostile armies across the ocean they have stretched a wire beneath it which effec tually exchanges friendly sentiments, sympathies, and affections." At intervals as the feast progressed, Mr. Field read the replies he received. Even his daughters, who after the dinner graced the table with their presence, had the pleasure of listening to a message just received from Mrs. Field, Gramercy Park, New York, which Mr. Field read to his guests, prefacing it by stating that it was not intended for them—a remark from which we are forced to dissent, as the lady not only sent her warm congratulations to the guests of her husband, but as warm an invitation to any of them who should visit the United States. If our host was actively employed in forwarding and receiving messages during the dinner, he was even more active in making known his own sentiments and eliciting those of his most distinguished guests afterwards. Mr. T. 11. Lloyd eloquently reviewed the history of Mr. Cyrus Field's connection with the Atlantic Telegraph, showing the untiring energy, the dauntless efforts, the great sacrifices by which the difficulties were finally vanquished, and which culminated in the successful laying of the Atlantic cables. Mr. Gladstone was only prevented from being present by the important debate pro ceeding in the House, as explained in the following letter,:— "House of Commons, March 10. "lty dear had cherished to the last. the hope of coming to you, but unhappily it is now arranged that Lord Mayo will not speak until after dinner, and I therefore fear that my presence at the only time of the evening when it could have been of use will be impossible. "I should have much enjoyed, and I had greatly coveted, the opportunity your kindness offered for speak ing a word of good will to your country. But I am detained here by a yet higher duty; for there is, in my judgment, no duty for public men in England which at this juncture is so high, so sacred, as that of studying the case of Ire land, and applying the remedies which I believe it admits. " We shall be here till past midnight, but not without thoughts of your festival and cf the greatness of the coun try with which it is connected. You are called to encoun ter difficulties, and to sustain struggles which some years ago I should have said were beyond human strength. But I have learnt to be more cautious in taking the measure of American possibilities, and, looking to your past, there is nothing which we may not hope of your future.—l am, ctc., " W. E. GLADSTONE." Mr. Bright was detained for the same reason. A letter entrusted to Mr. Field by one of the principal citizens of New York was real. It was addressed to Mr. John Bright, whom Mr. Field had hoped to have had the pleasure of seeing that evening. He could say, without fear of contradiction, that there was no man living who would meet a better recep tion in America than Mr. John Bright. The letter was as follows : "New York, Feb. 17, 18(3, "Dear Sir,—Your friends in America are so anxious to see you that we beg leave to renew at this time the invi tation which you have so often received to make a visit to this country. " You will receive a hearty welcome from thousands to whom your name is already familiar, but who desire to hear your voice, and to take you by the hand. "Your presence at this time would tend to strengthen the ties between your country and ours, and we beg leave to suggest a visit during the ensuing spring, if you can then be indulged in a short respite from your duties in Parliament. Hoping that you may find this possible and convenient,—We are, &c., " To John Bright, Esq." The American Minister was also unavoidably ab sent, though both the Secretary of Legation and the Consul were present. Among the guests were Sir Chas. Wheatstone, the Hon. Mr. Morse, Mr. Moran, Mr. Childers, M.P., Sir Chas. Fox, Mr. W. E. Fors ter, Mr. S. Gurney, M.P., Mr. Scholefield, Sir Charles Bright, M.P., Mr. Edwards, M.P., Mr. Brassey, M.P., Sir S tinuel Canning, Capt. Sherard Osborn, the Rev. Newman Hall, Captain Douglas Galton, Mr. Romaine, Dr. Anstie, Mr. J. H. Lloyd, Mr. Walter, Dr. Russell, LL.D., Mr. Walker, Col. Anderson, Mr. Smalley, Captain Mackinnon, M.P., Mr. Latimer Clark, Mr. S. P. Bidder, Captain Richards, Mr. M'Lean, Mr. Elliott, Mr. Chatter tob, Colonel Muter, Mr. Mackay, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Saward, Captain Moriarty, &c. The party broke up at a late hour. THE DESPATCHES OF MR. C. F. ADAMS. (From the Anylo-Anzerican Times.) The debate in the House on the 6th instant is indicative of a marked change in English feeling towards America. The earnest desire expressed by British statesmen of all shades of opinion, is fairly and amicably to settle the differences outstanding between the nations, and earnestly to endeavour to draw as closely as possible the bonds of friendship which should exist between the wings of the Eng lish speaking peoples. This was the burden of Mr. Lefevre's remarks and of Lord Stanley's reply. It was the note on which the members on both sides of the House dwelt; and it must have been satisfactory to Mr. Adams, the American Minister, who attentively listened to the debate. That gentleman during his term of office could recal many discussions on Ameri can subjects in that House, but he never had heard one calculated to give him the same pleasure as the last at which he will perhaps ever be present in his capacity of American Minister. On February 9, 1865, he thus wrote to Mr. Seward :—" The only event of the past week was the assembling of Par liament on Tuesday. I have the honour to trans mit a copy of-the Queen's Speech. The debates on the Address were languid in both houses. I send a copy of the Times of the Bth instant containing a report of them. The only speeches of interest to us were those of Lord Derby and Lord Russell. The former unhappily betrays the loose manner in which he keeps himself informed of the facts occurring iu America. That of the latter is in a better spirit, and less hampered with qualifications than heretofore. You will not fail to note the impression of large impending claims for damages betrayed by him. I have reason to believe that this idea prevails rather generally. This uneasiness • is increased by the notices understood to be about to be given of the termination of various existing treaty engagements. They even go so far as to affirm that they, if forced back into the Union, will be the first to advocate the policy. The motive of this is apparent enough. A general conscious ness that there has been some good ground for com plaint is easily worked upon to stimulate suspicion. I have at no time since the happening of the Trent case perceived a more general restlessness and dis trust. I feel it my duty to dwell on this subject a little, in order that the Government may be in a better position to adapt itself to tnis new game of tactics. In the peculiar condition of Parlia ment, where members are anxious not to commit themselves hastily to any sentiments that may em barrass them in their elections, it is not probable that this feeling will find very free vent. Yet I know that it exists, and would be brought out by any extraordinary event to encourage it." There was a great debate on the 13th March, 1865, on the Defences of Canada, which Mr. Adams reported the next day to his Government with the following re marks :--" I think both countries have some occa sion for congratulation in the fact that at last Bri tish statesmen begin to open their eyes to the per ception of the magnitude of the questions which have been involved in the present contest, and of the importance of recognising the validity of the policy adopted by our Government. This is the best guarantee yet giveu of the preservation of friendly resolutions. The tone of the debate, as well as the unequivocal manner in which it was sus tained by the sentiment of the assembly, cannot fail to produce a great effect over Europe as well as in , America. I congratulate the President as well as yourself, as being his chief adviser in his foreign policy, upon the testimony incidentally, but not the less decidedly, borne to the firm and dignified man ner in which that policy has thus far been directed." Mr. Disraeli, the present Prime Minister of Eng land, then leader of the Opposition, made a speech which he can now recall with satisfaction. He said—" I have never imputed anything against the conduct of the Government of the United States throughout this great struggle; but, on the contrary, I am now prepared, after further experience, to re peat what I said two years ago, that, under circum stances of almost unprecedented difficulty, that Go vernment has conducted itself with great energy and discretion." The right hon. gentleman pro ceeded to dispel the fear that on the termination' of the American war England would be brought into collision with the United States. He believed the people to be eminently sagacious, and even if com pletely victorious in the civil war, they were not likely to enter on a second struggle with a nation inferior neither in power nor determination to the Southern States. Though not insensible to the glory of great dominion and extended empire, they were influenced by the same passions as other na tions which enjoy freedom, and it was not a mo ment of exhaustion they would select for prosecut ing an enterprise requiring great resources and ex unions. There were other reasons which induced him to dispute the opinion that the United States would, on the conclusion of their civil contest, en gage in a war with England. " I have not,' Mr. Disraeli said, " been influenced in forming my judgment upon points of such vast importance by that sort of rowdy rhetoric which has been ex pressed at public meetings and by certain journals in America, and upon which people in this country found their conclusions as to the public character and opinions of the American people. I look upon these expressions of opinion as I should look upon those strange and fantastic drinks of which we hear so much, and which are such favourites on the other side of the Atlantic; and I should as soon suppose this rowdy rhetoric was the expression of the real feeling of the American people, as that these potations formed the aliment ant nutriment of their bodies. There is another reason why this violont . coursewill not be adopted, The Democracy of America must not be confounded with the Demo cracy of the Old World. It is not formed of the scum of turbulent cities, neither is it a section of the middle class that speculates in stocks, and calls that progress. It is a territorial Democracy, if 1 may use that epithet without offending the right hod. gentleman opposite. Aristotle, who has taught us most of the wise things we know, never said a wiser one than this, that the cultivators of the soil are least inclined to sedition and to violent courses. Now, being a territorial Democracy; their character has been.formed and influenced, in a manner, by the property with which they are connected, and by the pursuits they follow, and a sense of re sponsibility arising from the reality of their possessions very much influence their political condact." The element to which Mr. Disraeli alluded, and of which his keen instinct taught him the value, is that element so generally overlooked in England. They take the " rowdy rhetoric" which the English Premier so happily likened to their " fantastic drinks" as the expressions of real feelings, and over looked the territorial Democracy, which is not only the true Conservative element of America, but that which eventually decides all great national ques tions. It is interesting to read what Mr. Disraeli said on this occasion touching the future. "Even if the war should terminate in a complete triumph for the North, I cannot believe that we shall see the same society and form of government established; or even if the form be the same, certainly the spirit will be altered as existed before the civil war. We must recollect that the Federal Government will have to deal with most perplexing questions, and with a discontented population. I need not dwell much upon the then state of the Southern commu nity, but the slave population will then be no longer slaves. There will be several millions of another race emancipated and invested with all the rights of free men ; and, so far as the letter of the law is concerned, they will be upon an equality with the Saxon race, with whom they can possibly have no sympathy. We know from experience and practice that there is a difference between those who are recently emancipated, and that, I will not call it a superior race, because that might offend honourable gentlemen opposite, nor will I call it au inferior race, but a race that is not identical with the other. Nothing tends more to the discontent of the 1 eople than they should be in possession of privileges and rights „rich practically are not recognized, and which they do not enjoy. These arc the elements of political discontent, and it is possible that when this war is over the American Government may have to deal with great masses of discontented pupil. lation. To do this successfully, you must have a strong Government. What does that mean ? Why, you must have a centralizing Government, and the American Government have found it necessary to have recourse to the centralizing principle during these events. The Government must have au army at its command in order to maintain the order and unity that it is bound to uphold. These are the elements that cannot fail to produce great didi culties in the United States, even if they come triumphant out of the struggle in which they are now engaged." On March 24, 1865, Mr. Adams forwarded to his Government a copY of the limes containing the debate of the pre ceding day in the Lords on the relations with the United States, and in the Commons on the Canadian fortitications. " You will be glad," he said, " to perceive how much the tone towards the United States is changed. The alarmist policy alluded to in preceding despatches seems to be at last abandoned, and iu lieu of it come earnest pro fessions of a belief that.the friendly relations between the two countries are established. It is not necessary at this time to analyse very closely the elements into which this new faith is compounded. I have rea - son to believe that the discovery of the indefensible positioniof Canada had its date so long ago as the happening of the Trent affair. The fact stands out boldly that the continuance of the bond with Canada depends upon the good will of the United States. It would have been wiser to have thought of 0 0 before the iliwill of the governing classes had been permitted to betray itself so indiscreetly in tile dark hours of our civil struggle." Well might Mr. Adams add, " Even the tone of the London Times marks the completeness of this revolution of opinion. The course taken by England is evidently the guide to that adopted by France, and all the other Powers of Europe will follow suit. At the same time it should not be overlooked that the prodigious de velopment of physical power during this war iS viewed with no inconsiderable share of alarm. 'r e quiet this will call for the exercise of prudence and moderation iu tone not less than in action for some time to come; indeed, until the period when our domestic affairs shall have resumed tne even -Wooer of their peaceful way, and the nation shall becoine convinced that we fight only when we are obliged by others to do so." In the debate to which Mr' Adams alluded, Lord Russell announced the iminc" diate departure of Sir Frederick Bruce for `Vasil" ington vice Lord Lyons, whose state of health pre vented his return to his post. It was on this occasion also that his lordship mentioned the circumstanc es connected with the despatches on the Trent affair' wherein the Prince Consort exhibited the good tast e and discretion, for which Lord Russell said he de; served the highest credit. "At the last 'wine° after her Majesty had approved the despatc h ' we received a letter from the Prince Consortt in which he said that some of the expressio o used in the despatch might be considered too abrupt, t and suggested oth er ph rases which he though t might make it more easy f or the Go v ernment of the United States to acce pt th e reques t i t conv eYed . Suggestions which were adopted at once. (To be continued.) [ADVERTlSEllENT.J—D:vspepsia(lntligestion), Constipation , ; I ' 4 - ) bility, Consumpti on , an d a ll nervous, bili ous, s t omac h, and 1 , `,,A complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and acceleraf.x; by thugs of every description, but perfectly curable by J i; s ! Barry's health-restoring Reva.lenta, Arabica. Food, as prove thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, s" or as—cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, htemorrhoids, liver 0 , 3 , plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore thre'„cl diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head ,o'f,s, ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuraigo. irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, h e „,g, ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sicloti,,, even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scr 01 :0 1 tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach 011 between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few:—The Pope's h e - fa il restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413.—"R0me , !',09 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, esPe_ c '..elf since, abandoning all other remedies, he has es: mined hind entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of whic' o r consumes a plateful at every men,. It has produced a o; prisiugly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cs'dis praise this excellent food too highly."—From the " Gazett s v el Midi, July 20 Cure No. 46.270 Mr James Roberts, WO merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased 1070. spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial de af !'' of Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord LieN , iftl Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. es. years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervon s ' o o 2 asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sicknes s of, vomiting.—Maria Joly." Important Caution.—Beware of the? , ) 11. unsavoury and snore than sloppy imitations to which, with authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attnen e ,ls; In tins at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 2s 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d,,- 5 /1, 12 lbs., '225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY DU BARRY and Co., Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Pice'' A and at 61, (2racechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, a nd Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers end chemists. Births. *te r BURNET—On the 18th inst., at 20, Adelaide-road, 1I stock-hill, Mrs. William Burnet, of a son. roP t ' MUSSENDEN —On the 16th inst., at York, the wife of - Musseuden, Bth Hussars, of a son. /li t/ TAYLOR—On the 17th inst., at 99, Eaton-square, the ox Colonel Taylor, M.P., of a son. Marriages. GEORGE—SPURWAY—On the 18th inst., at St. Ja rn e gel Ca:eb, third son of the late Samuel Ge,°"or Esq., of Pebworth, Gloucestershire, to Emma Julia %To way, only daughter of the late Thomas Spurwah of Cavendish-square. Cope' PERRY—STAIR—On the 16th inst., at St. Stephen's , ' man-street, city, Jchn, youngest son of G. Perri' 1 , 1 6 of Burnham, Essex, to Sarah, eldest surviving dal o tP of Thomas Stair, Esq., of Stratford ; in the same °- Deaths, j 7 COOKE -On the 15th inst., at Pisa Italy, Win. ILA ° a Esq., formerly. of the 85th Light Infantry, aged 0 r ; FLuDEIt On the 16th inst., at Lymington, Hants, u o 'd Fluder, Esq., late of 8, Furnivat's-inn, Loudon, ag,. / aelc 211t7itE On the 16th inst., at Herriugswell House, 31 pil e hall, Suffolk, George Mere, Esq., late of the die Guards, ag pdJ 9 ' Pow ts—On die 18th inst., at the Middle Templot Le Wm. Powis, Esq , solicitor, aged 56. i tua IticumtrisoN—On the 17th inst., at Key-haven , - 14 ,f ton, suddenly, Captain George Richardson, lat e - Herefordshire. 1 0 1 0 1/ STurEn.—On the 17th inst., Mr. F. G. Stuber, a - House, New Wimbledon, S.W., aged 41. s Of 0 London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.II. „,,10 ' O l of No. 113, Strand, Printer, at Tam SUN once, O3;j Strand, in the Precinct of the SP Soy, in tho vw March 19 , 1808. LITNI Higl r RENT C On n p.m. tc gi Prize It SJ'al t h e _stgc hau's L CFI In cc new So went; HICKE!, Transfc SIDNEN Dancer Bishc Miss Br Full ( the Gre Miss The lu the T at Mite] and all the Ha; Sneci and K Mondw IV v) Spec on his 114' Recel Right Open Aai AR This havi n o. by for th e Solo Cc QTC /0 I' vented RYGIE' ages. gestion eor nrne health bra ces street, Fu' n'imber or unfa hoods o square. rfotr. 0 pR( all dese for out] Rump) ] ti )05 of trans t,., flo SPA gpeodil s s. 6d: starnm. all ChE VV( Tl l i p hours, for 60 CheniiE k curls L Soli at and q.iti colou r feetly Gil. ; se R A inov es withou 61 .• ; se piN E v EGE sallowr BtanapS all Che Ii" Seven remai n , gta,ru p , , and all Just ITG ing th( born I lIE ALT lYi, Cure Sears begs it di ' • ;"ostp tiorvou e fi t art ford • f oo \l'atprf Cure 1, 01 , 1 (1, of 1,3,n Cure tie rvou vuus fa CUrA ,7 eA ra d e 2 1b Th 4 ~ , e anißt e DA . R R , also at VOCerk A' At Lomlu