The Sun. — London, England, 1850-02-02 00:00:00

effec. Chu! disc( from the s ford, shire sion from othc inhe thot com ing beer for the Stir, gati mer and cou Fit. the her Pui me , for bar TII the ha• pre Iv( Cb tiol me `at ber inc, exi be inc, of ord tru ord favc win ben' tAL PARLIAMENT. E OF -COMMONS, Ftb.l. took th© Chair shortly before Four NEW WRITS. of Sir \V. MATTER, now writs for the isor, in the room of Lord John Hay, t the Chiltern Hundreds, and for the ester. in the room of Mr. Smith, who the Chiltern Hundreds, were ordered. PETITIONS. LIS presented a petition from Barba- House to tike measures fur the sup- Ive-trade. presented a petition from Worthing se to take steps t i put a stop to Post int. throughout the country. 1113 ER presented, a petition from the praying for protection to agriculture. )PHER, pursuant to notice, presented .!ed to at a public meeting, held yard of the city of Lincoln, was computed that between ) persons were present. The pettion chey were materi a lly concerned . i the of the land ; that the importation of tural produce in a season of unusual compelled them to be undersold of the United Kingdom to. a very and the consequence had been d for and the w3ges of labour ountry had undergone a very serious 3y stated, also, that in consequence of reposed upon them they were prevented .)bacco and otherwise cultivating the - est profit for themselves, while, as the :rapiers of land, they were unfairly ie Legislature in consequence of the isimposed on them by having to contri elusively to the local taxation of they stated also that whilst they to free trade in corn the )f this country were protected to Ixtent by Customs' duties, and they the House to tike their cane into con relieve them from some of their and also to impose such a just duty on foreign agricultural pro enable them to compete with the tish markets. The Honourable Gen elated two petitions from places in the in, one praying for the suppression of the Post-office, and the other praying e measures to prevent the sale of spiri the Sabbath. (NERS presented a petition from a place praying for the suppression of Sunday st-office. 1M presented a peCtion to the same ce in the East Riding. _ presented a petition from the Fret mtrie, and other places, praying for the f Sunday labour in the Post-office. HUMPHERY presented a petition to the same effect. F presented a petition from Pontefract to 3111 ER presented a petition from Bott3s effect. \T presented a petition from Leicester effect. LEY presented a petition signed at a by 4,271 of the inhabitants of Cape i Africa, setting forth that they telt by certain Orders in Council, dated in 3, by which that colony was :made a for convicts under sentence of trans this country; also petitions, very much t, from the inhabitants of Port I.:!in,- xn province of the Cape of Good Hope, namissioners and ward masters of Cape n. Member gave notice that on Monday !love that those petitions be printed with The !7; . 3cl boror who boron has al Sir does pressi [r. prayir office An leek Mr. a pei in t 15,00( ers s good corn ahand in tt wino that hrou dirair farei; tie= coun Sun the tuow L( in Li labor SUNDAY POSTAGE. ust the delivery of let' ers and transmis an Sundays were presented by Mr. Packs Mr. Plumptr.2 from Sheerness, by Mr. vcral other Members from Pontypool and SAVE-GROWN SUGAR. JxroN presented a petition from the Kingston, Jamaica, signed by several as, stating that they were unable to he proprietors of estates in slave grow nd praying that the treaties which had to with the Brazils and other countries ion of the slave trade might be enforced. "SOLE presented a petition praying for tnce of the transmission of letters on 4ION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE. r presented a petition from the congre try's, Jamaica, praying fur the enforce treaties existing between this country CTION ON AGRICULTURE. r4TON presented a petition from the •lin complaining of the ill-effslcts of the legislation in Ireland, and praying for of a protective duty on agriculture. MARKET AT READING. NIER presented s petition from Reading, ) estAblishment of a cattle mark4t. PUBLIC PETITIONS. iELY gave notice that on Taesday next tho appointment of the Committee upon SLAVE-TRADE. 30N gave notice, Mr. Hatt, that on :he should submit a motion to the House the slave trade, founded on the reports gees of 1848 and 1849. SAVINGS' BANKS. gave notice that on Monday he should nation of the return he had moved for with respect to the accounts of savings' REFUGEES.-THE MASSACRE OFF BORNEO. MIBER, also gave notice that on Monday he Lajesty's Ministers if they would have any •oduce the papers with respect to the re tish authorities at Malta to receive car- Aigeev, and also copies of the communiea lad with the Raja of Sarawak, respecting 1 Borneo. THE BALLOT. IKELEY said that he should take an ity of bringing before the House the im in of the Ballot.—(Hear, hear.) 'RATION OF CONVEYANCES. .n Hon. Member, E GREY intimated that he had hoped he Commission upon this subject would y ere this. It was, however, in actual .t he could not undertake to say when it 'HE CONSTABULARY. ion of Mr. FRE WEN, the following re-' ed to :—" The number of police consta county, or division of a county, in Eng se, under the Act 2 and 3 Vic., c. 93, each Class or denomination, and the ment made to each constable ; in a return of the number of police con ed in each petty sessions division in said the name and population of said division, at paid to the county police rata by each .er with an account, in detail, of the several iditure for the years 1848 and 1849." ;.1 CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. Er. ADDEIILEY, __ ES stated that the Order in Council ;ape a penal settlement had been re instructions had been sent out for ship Neptune to proceed to Van Die and that there was no fouadation reports or rumours which had got abroad dismissal of Sir Harry Smith from the of the Cape. URNMENT OF THE HOUSE. ion of Lord J. RUSSELL it was ordered at its rising should adjourn until Monday SESSIONAL ORDERS. 1 orders were teen put seriatim from the eed to with the exception of that resolu• tented Members from moving an amend der of the day, which was postponed for ation at the suggestion of Mr. Hume. ion that the postponed order be agreed to, observed, that although he originally cder, it was under the impression that it 3 for the public good. It had, a different effect ; it had tended ,ede than to pcomot o the progress the convenience of Honourable Members, lerefore suggest, now that they had had )erience of its inoperativeness, that they ;O the old plan and amend this order ac- :ISON did not agree with the Hon. m em . ,e that the order had proved, inoperative or on the contrary, he thought the the two years had proved it to zeral rule. Could anything be more calculated more t. obstruct the business han that it should be impossible for in ers to know beforehand what the subject is to be?—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, this r obviated that inconvenience, and he did (louse would persevere in supporting this there could be no doubt, had generally the advantage of public business. EY thought th e H ouse was y e t sc arc e ly discuss this question, coming as it did so it. said it was the object of his motion to ssion of it. SELL thought this rule, as it at present ductive of great inconvenienoe. It was .ctice of the house, when there was an ,y to be considered, for the order of the and although the Speaker put it formally it was not supposed that it was advisable y motion relating to any other subject; e that kind had crept into the practice, ing from the Hon. Member for Mon -(Laughter). That practice was at last ivenient, that the Hon. Gentleman, who of the abuse, proposed the resolution the subj ect of discussion. Il e (L ord J. • tted that the House had better continue i.ngemen t,—(Cheers.) F4S was understood to express himself in on. Member for Montrose's motion. GLIS thought that though it was some that House to take into consideration the disadvantages of a sessional order, he yet THE SUN, deemed it advisable to entertain the motion as speedily • as possible, for it appeared very evident that the order had worked satisfactorily for the diqatch of business in former years. That wai the real question which tlie House was now caned upon to dispose of, and he believed that nine-tenths of the Members would agree with him, that the more time was economised the better would it be for them and the country.—(Loud cheers.) He did, therefore. hope that this question would be dis posed of before anct'aer year was wasted.—(Hear.) Mr. HORSM AN said that the questicni, was not whether the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) should be disposed of, but whether it should be adjourned for consideration. The fact was, that in stead of one motion or one resolution, the Hon. Member had proposed a series of resolutions, and it was almost impossible to say what effect the adoption of Ws motion would have upon the otherr, which were not named. The House was, in fact, taken by—surprise. The Honourable Member for Montrose had dis tinctly stated that this resolution was cnly on experiment, and he thought that the effect of that expe riment ought to be ascertained before they took any step further.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BROTHERTON had always been anxious, as the House well knew, to forward the public business. — (Cries of "Divide, divide.") Hr. HUME would only say a few words before the House divided. His only object was to forward the dis patch of the public business of the couutry—(Hear, hear) but session after session had passed without any step in advance being made. He should be prepared to make a proposition, that when any Member thought fit to move an amendment ho should be required to give previous notice of it, that the House might know the business before it, and the time which ought to be devoted to the interests of.the people should not be wasted. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The House then divided, when the numberOwere— For the adjournment ' 81 Against it ... ... 151 Majority ••• ..• •.• Mr. HUME said he was the individual whei.submitted the proposition to the House fur adoption, not as a per manent measure but as an experiment, in order to see in what manner every possible facility for the complaint; of the people being laid before the House' could be afforded, and in his conscience he believed 'lt- had had that effect. If they went on as they did 40 present, the time would come when the MinistVW would be the only parties who would be enabled to speak. They had an opportunity of making a House whenever they liked, . and when any unpleasant or disagreeable motion was brought on, in nine cases out of ten they could either prevent the House being formed, or clear the House, and then have a " count out." would become of their foreign exports? These were most important questions, not only to the agricultural body, but to every man in the country. He had said there was great pressure upon the agricultural interest, and that it was owing to legislation. Litt it was not temporary, but permanent, and would reach oiler cb‘sszs. They sa'd if free trade is to the order of the day let it be carried out fairly, and let the manufacturers be placed on the same footing as themselves. They com plain that they are not allowed to grow tobacco, beet root for sugar, and barley for malt liquors. Ho should, for all these reasons, give a hearty vote for the amend• meat. Mr. E. DENISON said he bad been long connected with land, and depended upon it for support. The question was not whether the corn-laws were to be re pealed, but whether certain words were t be added to the Address. Now, he would ask what use there would be in introducing these words, unless it aas meant that they were to be followed up b y practical results? Such must be the intention of those who proposed and sup ported their introduction. The meaning then was, that they should return to the policy which they had lately abandoned. A petition had been presented that evening from Lincolnshire. At the meeting at which the petition was agreed to they were invited to consider not only the agricultural, but all other interests. The colleague of the Hon. Member who presented that petition bad con grstulst-Al the House upon the prosperity cf the commer cial and manufacturing interests. There could, in fact, 12e no doubt that the general interests of the country were in a prosperous condition. It had ben further proved that the repeal of the navigator.-laws did not cause the ruin that was anticipated. There could be no doubt that the relation between landlord aed tenant was one of pressure. To adjust this matter how did they employ themselves? He lived on the confines of the counties of Lincoln and Gloucester, and must have been deaf if he had not known or heard how they employed themselves. They held meetings, where they discussed the pressure on agriculture with political acerbity, and sometimes with personal invectives. He lived near the Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Granby), for whom he entertained the highest respect. His personal character was worthy of respect, but he thought he was not judi cious in the course he pursued when he addressed the tenant-farmers. He told them they could not pay rent, and should not hold their farms. At these meetings they were fond of the simile with regard to landlords and tenants—" that they sailed in the same boat;" but, nctwithstanding, they could not row the boat—they would not even take an oar themselves or suffer the crew to do so. They considered the current too strong far them. It was a cataract which it was impossible to row over. They declared it was no use to struggle against the stream, for ruin was certain.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord and others said that the only safety, and security was the return of protection. The Noble Lord should return to his constituents and say the battle of protection had been fought and lost. What,:then, was to be done? Himself (Mr. Denison) and others were suffer ing—for he spoke as an owner of land, and of rather bad land, and that certainly would suffer most—and ho would make another confession, that ho had a farm witnout an occupant, and he was told by a tenant-Fernier, who came to look at it, that he could not think c f taking it until something was settled.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Ho hoped to be excused by the Noble Lord for having brought these matters under his attention. Now, one part of his speech had reference to local bur dens. The Noble Lord should know that in their capacity as magistrates many of these local burdens were under their control. To thens,*as reagistrates,were committed the administration of local affairs. By attend ing to those matters they would perform a most impor tant duty. Some years ago, when he first interested himself in local affairs, he found that out of 157 items of taxation in his own country, ninety-seven were founded upon no known law, and were of an ille gal nature. It was their bounden duty, without delay, to wake arrangements to meet the state of things created by the recent alteration of the law. It was their improving wealth and growing commerce that they must look to, as a compeasation for their loss.—(Loud cheers.) For himself he could sincerely say, that ho would give his vote against the amendment with confidence, upon the ground of right, justice, and ne cessity.—(Cheers.) Lord NORREYS thought that the amendment, if carried, would give au indirect encouragement to that agitation which was now going on to the injury of the country. He saw no other prospect for the relief of agriculture than in a wise and judicious diminution of taxation pressing most heavily upon their interest. Captain PELHAM said that the amendment which had bc ea proposed placed him in some little difficulty as to the vote he should give, for the first time in that House, as he came from an agricultural county, but pro fessed free-trade principles. He was not disposed that the Gentlemen on the opposite aid e of the House (Pro tectionists) should arrogate to themselves the peculiar title of the farmers' friends. If he supposed that any measure of the Government would be injurious to that interest, he should give his vote against it. Those who sat on the oppisite side of the House went about the country persuading the people that it was possible to return to protection, which had been abandoned by the general consent of the country. The corn-law •repeal was not carried by stealth. Since they were repealed there had been a general electior, and that alteration in the law had been deliberately ra tified by the country. He believed that in the legislation of that House, from 1815 to 1845, for agri cultural protection, the prosperity of the country was not to le looked for, but it was to be f mad in the legis lation since the latter year for the general interest. Ho concurred in a good deal that had Men from Hon. Members on the other side of the House; but he thought at the same time that they bad aggravated their difficul ties. There was one measure, an alteration of the law of settlement, that would be of great benefit to the agri culturist. The time had arrived for a tail abolition of the law of settlement. That he was prepared to show at the proper time. He believed, in a minor degree, that measures to facilitate the transfer of property similar to that in operation in Ireland would be needei. Although prepared to vote for the interest of agriculture, he was tnot prepared to uphold that interest without any rela tion to the general welfare. It wag upon that ground that he bad been favourable to a repeal of the corn-laws, and he would be no party to any amendment that would have the effect indirectly of sanctioning measures for a return to protection. Mr. CHRISTOPHER observed that it was a most grievous mistake to suppose that this question could be brought to a final settlement by the vote of that night. —(Hear, from the Protectionists.) It was supposed from the Speech that her Majesty's Ministers sym pathised with the distress of the agriculturists. But so far from sympathising with the distress existing, they did not even acknowledge it. They coolly ref. rred to their complaints, and that was all.—(Hear from the Op position.) The pauperism of the county of Lincoln had increased daring the past year, to a frightful extent. Oh, they were told, if you will _only embark capital in land (but where the capital was to come from they did not say) it would yield a remunerative return. But it was those districts which had been most improved by their skill and industry that would suffer most. He should also say that, with respect to rents, the same system should be introduced as that carried on in the mercantile concerns of this country—that is, to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest one.—(Hear, hear.) He did not wish to take on himself the character of a prophet, but at the same time he should say that the parishes of England would soon be reduced to a worse state than the parish of Kilrush, in Ireland, and therefore hoped that the House would duly weigh the great benefit likely to arise from the amendment, which he felt_ it to be his honest and honourable duty to support, because the foreigner was, by free-trade measures, afforded advantages which have been denied to the English farmer. He next re gretted to state that the advocates of free trade did not carry out their principles as they would wish to be thought to do; for when ho turned his attention to the growth of tobacco, he should ask, why not extend free trade to this in a country that is well known to be ca pable of producing it, if free trade were properly car ried out?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. M'CULLAGH said that he would wish that the Protectionists would extend the same care and concern to the Irish farmer as they had evinced for the English farmer, and therefore begged to call the attention of the House to the misery and wretchedness pi eealent in Gal way and several other counties in Irelend. He did not think that the amendment proposed would gratify any sect in Ireland, no matter whether Protestant, Catholic, or Presbyterian, and hoped that it would not be pressed, as it could confer no benefit on any class or sect of her Majesty's subjects. Mr. R. PALMER said that the condition of Ireland was not at all improved by the corn-laws of 1846. There was no ono who could not agree in the reference to, and regret for, the language in her Majesty's Speech in re ference to the distress; but ho thought the paragraph ought not to be allowed to pass with simple notice, with regard to the extent of that distress. The para. graph went on to say, after alluding to the distress, that allowance must be made fsr recent legislative change'. Now that was precisely the branch of the pa ragraph in which he, and those who agreed with him, concurred; for there could be no doubt that much of the distress which now pressed upon many parts of England, and in an especial manner on Ire land, was not only produced but greatly aggravated by the measure called " free trade." Ho believed it was indisputable that to that measure the agricultural dis tress was to be attributed.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said, but very erroneously, that this was a landlords' question; but such was not the case, it was more of a tenant-farmers' question, and it was a feet that, so op pressed were those tenants by the operation of the change, that they were actually at that moment paying their rent out of their capital. There was not a doubt, and he was prepared to prove it, that the distress was produced by the Act of 1846—the repeal of the corn laws. He could show, from the Marh-lane Express, that there had bean imported into this country, very re cently, 201,635 quarters of grain, which amounted to very nearly one-fourth of their entire consumption. Now, how did that operate on the tenant-farmers? They would find that it operated upon that class with great severity; and not only on them, . but with peculiar and in tense severity on retail dealers. Ile could speak from experience with regard to dealers who were free-traders, and strenuous advocates En" the adoption of the measure, that they had tried the experiment, and found it sadly deficient of the advantages promised to result from it by those who advocated it when the question was being agi tated. With regard to cheap bread, about which so much had been said, he thought it was quite idle to say that it was sufficient to put the labourer in a state of comfort and of elevated condition. He was enabled to speak to the contrary, and to show that cheap bread— the result of the change which had taken place—had the effect, not of making the condition of the labourer better, but, by its operation, of reducing the scale of wages, and rendering their condition much worse. It throw men out of employment, created competition, and much conse quent distress. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in The resolution was then agreed to. The remaining resolutions were then agreed to. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS. --- ----- On the order of the day being read for resuming the adjourned debate on the Address, The Marquis of GRANBY said, in the observations which he should feel it his duty to make on the motion and amendment before the House he should confine him self entirely to that paragraph in her Majesty's gracious Speech to which the amendment a Si directed. He thought it would be generally admitted by the House that it would not be possible fir his Hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln, and those who entertained similar views, to agree to thnt paragragh in the Speech of her Majesty without moving an amendment to it. That paragraph stated that her Majesty had great satisfaction in congratulating the House on the improved condition of commerce and manufac tures; and it went on to say that her Majesty regretted that some distress prevailed among the owners and occu piers of land. Now, when it was remembered that these complaints did not proceed solely from the occupiers and owners of land,it did seem to him that there was en in tention on the part of her Majesty's Government to insult and annoy an important part of her Majesty's subjects. Ho did think the mover of the Address would have assured the House that that language was not intentional, and that it was an oversight on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment, at least, though there might not be an intention among them to exttnd any measure of relief to the agricultural interest. Bat what did they hear from the Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Villiers) when he came to Ibis fact? The Noble Lord then read the passage, saying that the Honourable Member had repeated with a sneer that passage of the Royal Speech. I.le believed, however, that the distress of tl.e owners and occupiers of land would receive not only the sympathy of the members of this House, but of the country at large, . not, only for themselves but because every thinking man must know that they could not be destroyed without their labourers.—(Protectionist cheers.) And the Chancellor of the Exchequer had admitted that the agricultural labourers participated in that distress. He admitted also that the distress fell more heavily upon the small tenant-farmers, and he believed he was correct—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—and allow him to remind the House of the large number of tenant-farmers According to Mr. Spackman's tables the number of tenant-farmers of England, including those of Ireland, was equal to every male above twenty years of age employed in every species of manufacture in this country.—(Protectionist cheers.) They were also a class which had ever proved loyal to the Sove reign (Loud cheers) and ever ready and foremost to defend the constitution of the country. It had been said that the great distress which now ex isted was to be attributed mainly to an over-abundant harvest ; Oat could it be denied that the importation of ten millions and a half of grain had forced down prices to the extent to which they had fallen? Last year the harvest was not an over good ono, and then they were told that the distress which unfortunately existed was the result of a deficient harvest.—(Hear, hear.) Now he wished to know under what circumstances the agricultural interest was t) be prosperous ?—(Hear.) Large meetings had lately been held throughout the country, in the north, south, east, and west, at which agricul turists and farmers attended, and, though no doubt there was a great variety of opinion, it was the consequence of the different posi tions which they occupied in the country; but at all these meetings there were present men who said, that under the present system the cultivation of the land must ever prove an unremunerative occupation. —(Hear, hear.) They distinctly told them that no reduction of rent, no partial remedial measures, how ever beneficial, could possibly save them from the effect of the disadvantages which were now weigh ing them down. He, therefore, did ask them to listen to the complaints of these men ; and he did hope that those complaints would not all be made in vain. —(Hear, hoer.) He had observed that a passage in her Majesty's Speech stated that great advantage had eacrued to the labouring classes through the re duction of the prices of food and clothing, and the other necessaries of life. That pas: age he would read. The Noble Marquis having read the passage, proceeded to say that without attempt ing for a moment to question the value of such a principle, a great, and very possibly a fatal mistake, would be made in estimating the labourer's condition if they did not take into consider ation the amount of wages which he received; and looking at that condition he did not hesitate to say that the la bourer's condition was worse now than it had been before; for those who are employed at reduced wages aro worse off than ever they were. But that is not all; it is not only those who are thus employed who aro worse off, but it is those who are unem ployed. When I heard the Right Honourable Gentleman last night reading extracts from the report of the poor-law guardians, I could not but remember that at a 'meeting at ,Walt ham, which I attended the other day, I heard far mers get up one after another and say they had done all they could to keep their labourers in employ, but they could do it no longer, and even if they could employ them they had no money to pay them with. What was the use of comparing the last year with 1848? that had been a season of distress in the manufacturing as well as in the agricultural districts. They should have com pared it with 1845, and again, accurately to calculate the amount of distress, they should take into account those who were employed upon the roads in the country, for he perceived that it was a growing practice among farmers to send their labourers on the roads instead of sending them to the workhouse. The Nob'e Marquis then proceeded to read an extract from the letters which have lately appeared in the Morning Chronicle, in which it was stated that it was no uncom mon practice for vagrants to commit p‘tty thefts in order to get a week's safe lodging.—(Hear.) They were willing to work hard, but work could not be had, and food, covering and firing could not be obtained without labour. It was an un healthy state of things that could not exist. He (the Marquis of Granby) agreed with every word of that statement, and asserted that the great de sideratum cf the age was to employ the people.— (Hear, bear.) If they turned to Ireland, the same state of things would be found to exist. The number of deaths that had taken place in that county from star vation was frightful in the extreme, but it was the effect of bad legislation, and nothing else He admitte I the prosperity of manuticturei, and he was sure every Member of the House would rejoice at it; but it was necessary t) look into the origin and springs of thatprosperity. H e d ou bt e d muc h w h e th er it wou ld of a permanent character. Foreign trade had largely increased, but the home trade was in a state of complete stagnation . It should be rememberei that before this prosperity they had had a long depres sion and continued convulsions on the Continent, and to the removal of these causes and the discovery of California he attributed our existing prosperity. The Noble Marquis read a letter from a large manu facturer in Sheffield, stating that at present many trades men in that town were unable to meet their bills from the existing depression in their trade. He thought then there was no such great prosperity in the home trade of this country as had been been represented; and he feared that the agricultural interest in this country, on which that home trade mainly depended, would, under the existing laws, go on from limo to time declining, until both the manufacturing and agricultural interests were eventually ruined the home market. was the great mart upon which they should depend. In , a series of years, from 1820 to 1849, it appeared that the value of cotton consumed in the home market was 257,531,9591., and in the home and Colonial 442,330,3251. They spoke much of the prosperous state of various branches of manufactures, and referred to articles such as gloves, but these bad a protective duty of ten per cent. in their favour. Ile had shown the value of the home market; he would now draw attention to the foreign trade. Now, it appeared that the value of the entire exports to the continent of Europe was but 22 ,845,6241., and to the United States 10,974,1511, making a total of 33,818,77iL Suppose the United States should impose a restrictive duty either on the manufactured article or on the raw material, or sup pose they ahould refuse to supply it et all, what thou owners to exhibit more energy in the prosecution of their business, and tali loy on board their vessels gentlemen of the most undoubted skill and business habits. A gentleman of great experience in the ship ping trade in Norway s , aesd his conviction that every ,Nore co len ship destieed for the lone; voyage must come to this country, in the first instance, to be coppered, so completely lied British shipbuilders gained the ascen• danc, in that gr. at breach of their commerce. Another punt had been raised in the course of the discussion on this subject, and that was that a certain degree of favour, in the shape of protection, had been shown to the manu facturing interests in those vestiges of protection which still remained on the statute-book. Now, there could not be a greater error than such an assumption. It was quite true that some vestiges of protection to their manufac tures still remained unrepealed, but if any gentleman took the trouble of looking through the tariff, he would find that as far as favour was concerned, there was no ground whatever for saying that manufactures were preferred to the agricultural interests. The chief article which still remained protected in manufactures was silk, which had a duty on foreign imports of 15 per cent., and from which a revenue accrued of 274,0001. Glow, artificial flowers, embroidery, boots and shoes, and other articles, were also protected; but the House would allow him to observe that all the great staple manufacture; of the country were completely un protected—(Cheers)—with the single exception of silk, and that the protection which still remained applied ex clusively to the industry of those artisans who took manufactured goods in a secondary state, and above all to that class of females for whom so much deserved sym pathy had been lately exhibited. The duty on goods in which they were concerned was as high as 25 per cent., the very highest on the statute-book, and which yielded a revenue of 12,8001. But, then, let them see how the agricultural classes were situated in the same way, and then judge if any favour was shown one class above an other. Butter was protected by a duty of 10 per cent., which yielded a sevenue of 140,0001.; cheese 5 per cent., yielding IGO,OOO/.; tallow the same, yielding 95,000/4 cloves, agricultural seeds, 38,0001.; and eggs, which he apprehended were not manufactured articles— (Great laughter)—brought in a revenue of 32,000/. — (Hear, hear.) Now he made out a list of manufactured articles, from which, in the shape of protective duties, a revenue was derived of 430,0001., while the duties on foreign agricultural products imported into this country were nearly the same, as they amounted to 427,000/. — (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Labouchere) thought it right to go into that statement, in consequence of what had been alleged at various meetings in the country, that if they were to have free trade at all, they ought to have it equally applied to all branches of national industry. It was incorrect to say that agriculture was left out of the question, and as to what had been alleged about the grievance of not permitting foreign tobacco to come in duty free, it was well known that any attempt to grow tobacco in this country would be fruitless if such was done, and it was therefore obvious that the protection now on tobacco was no impediment whatever to British agricultural industry. He denied in the most emphatic terms that the slightest disrespect was intended to be cast on the landed interest by the words in the Speech from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) He knew from his own personal knowledge that distress existed, and he deeply deplored it; but it was his conscientious convic tion that they could not do anything more injurious to those interests than to hold out any expectation that that or any future House of Commons will again return to the system of protection, and thus divert their attention from their efforts to improve their condition by such an ignis Maus. He was therefore opposed to the amend ment, not because distress did not exist in the agricul tural districts, but because he believed such distress was only of a temporary character; for to him it apreared inconceivable that when their manufactures and com merce flourished the fields of that great country could be left uncultivated.—(Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI then rose, amidst great applause from the Protectionists—Sir, I rise to support the amendment to the Address, which has been moved by the Honour able Baronet the Member for Lincolnshire. lam sure that the Noble Lord opposite will not think it disre spectful on my part if I do nct enter into any comment upon any other portion of the Address which he has offered to the consideration of the House, which Address contains notices of subjects of great interest and impor tance, upon many of which I myself might venture, under other circumstances, to require some information from her Majesty's Ministers. But, considering the hour of the night, the general tone of the debate, and the anxiety which I believe is felt on both sides of the House that the question should be closed to-night, the Noble Lord will permit me to confine myself to that particular paragraph upon which my Honourable Friend has moved the amendment. I believe there is no question in this House at present, whatever there might have been at the commencement of yesterday's discussion, that what is called agricultural distress does prevail. We have had, after some sceptical expressions, several witnesses from both sides of the House, of considerable influence and importance, who have attested that fact, the last of whom was the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade.—(Hear, hear.) And I think I may stet() without exaggeration that agricultural distress does pt evail in England, in Scotland agricultural dismay at least, and I suppose I must leave for Ireland agricultural desolation.—(Cheers from the Protectionists.) Un questionably, whatever might have been supposed to have Leen the cause of this distress, whatever differences of opinion might have existed with respect to the de gree of this distress—unquestionably it has prevailed for a considerable period, has evinced itself in a variety of quarters, and has been expressed by persons whose opi nions certainly, from their position and importance, are entitled to the highest respect. But, Sir, lam entirely precluded from the necessity of entering into any °vire deuce upon this important and interesting point, because the evidence is already before me. I want no better evi dence with respect to the existence of this distress, and with respect to the cause of this distress, than that of the Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address to her Majesty. —(Hear, hear.) That Hon. Member has with perfect frankness informed us, that he has no doubt that a sum equal almost to one-eighth of the national debt has been taken from the agricultural class, and within a very brief period, by the influence of legislative enactments. —(Cheers.) lam not speaking now with respect to the wisdom or folly of those enactments, or with respect to the necessity or expediency of them, I am merely calling a witness forward who, upon such a topic, must surely be considered one of a first-rate character—(A laugh)— who comes forward and tells us that one, and that the most important, branch of national industry has, accord ing to his own account, within a very brief period, been deprived of the receipt of between 90,000,000, and 100,000,000 sterling, which, according to the Hon. Member, it was in the habit of receiving, and that that want of receipt has been occasioned by recent, and cer tainly unexpected, changes in our laws.—(Cheers.) Therefsre, it is evident at present, and I think it will be acknowledged by all, that it is not surprising that this distress should be severe —should bo so severe and so general as that it should be prevalent in England, acknowledged in Scotland, and that it should be over whelming in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) For cer tainly, great as must be the cause Which produces, if not universal, at least general distress in three such famous kingdoms, in this financial age, it surely will be acknowledged that the cause is sufficient when we hear and accept the calculations of the Hon. Member who moved the Address to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) Let me, under these circumstances—the House recollecting how wide and prevalent is this distress, haw —according to the Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address which. his speech of last evening, gave a very flattering accourt of the :tete of things in the country now to that which prevailed prior to the repeal of the corn laws; hut coneurvntly with the state of proEprit; to which the Right Hon. Baronet ref reed, and cf which Le so much boosted, there was a great dell i f The Right Hon. Baronet, to illustrate that s'atem nt, re terred to the amount of relief given to the poor i,5.18 and that given in 1849, aed argued that the dinsinutien exhibited in the last over the preceding year shoed that the measure of free trade was producing the efeets which its advocates anticipated from it, in reducing the poor-rates. But although the poor-law returns were, to a certain extent, a criterion to go by, still, in his (Mr. Palmer's) opinion, they were by no means to be relied on as correct, for it was an indisputable fact, that much of the amount of distress which prevailed in the country was hidden from the guardians, under whose notice it never came at all. He could show to the satisfaction of the House that the special burdens of which so much had been said by some Hon. Gentlemen, and which was denied by others, pressed not merely on the agricultural classes, but bore, also, on the poorer branches of the manufacturing classes. A great experiment had certainly been tried in the commercial policy of this country, and he was prepared to admit that it had, to a certain extent, and on one side, proved a beneficial one, but on the other side of the picture—the landed interest side—there was a dark shade, which exhibited not only a burtheasome but a most discouraging complexion. They should restore protective duties—the question of amount he left to the consideration of another day—or they must considerably lessen the burthens on land. It was useless to press those views on the present Govern ment, or the present Parliament; but Governments were not permanent bodies, nor were Parliaments per • petual, and for this reason he thought the agricultural interest was bound to persevere in their demand for re. dress—(Hear, hear)—a demand which he hoped would eventually prove successful.—(Hear, hoar.) Mr. MUNI Z could not understand the use cf a de bate, the subject of which appeared admitted on all hands. He regretted that distress prevailed among cer tain classes of the community, but that was no reason why Government should retrace its steps; and, even if it were willing, it could not do so. Indeed, he defied them to do so. If there were any retracing of steps it should be on another principle, and in another quarter. He had heard it stated that agricultural produce had advanced in price, but he was not informed of the cause of that advance. He was of opinion that the price would be still lower, and that was the reason why in 1846 he had voted for the repeal of the corn-laws. At that period he stated that if he did not consider such a result would follow he should not vote for the mea sure. Low prices followed free-trade policy, and for that reason some interests necessarily suf fered. He admitted that there wee, under the existing laws, a certain extent of prosperity, but then it was a one-sided prosperity. Had that prosperity arisen from an alsance of wages ? No such thing. The increased demand for manufactures had not produced one iota of an advance in prices.—(Hear, hear.) The condition of the working classes was improved, but the condition of the masters had not been permanently benefited.— (Hear, hear.) He wished to ask, moreover, had not this improvement brought about by the ruin of the West India interest, by destroying tt e condition of Ireland ? And were they not now, as it e as alleged, going to de stroy the agricultural interest of England ?—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for the West Riding in the course of last session prophesied that the price of wheat would average 465. Some few days ago at Leeds he told the farmers that it would not exceed 403., and he told them they should he satisfied with that sum. How did the Honourable Member account fir the wide difference in those statements? Suppose they had pro tction again, how could any man exit who manufac tured for the export trade? but they could not restore protection unless it were through a sea of blood, th a t a ll would deeply regret. The question, as had been urged, was a landlord question at the end, but it was a tenant question in the beginning. High prices for corn must decrease the rate of wages and the prices of manufac tures. With regard to the navigation-laws, as they affecte the price of food, there was this much to be said. The repeal of those laws made this difference, that whereas formerly the foreign grower ha I not as oppor tunity more frequently than once in seven years cf sending his produce to this country, he coult now calculate exactly upon reaching our market, and he could, without difficulty, ascertain the precise sum per quarter at which ho could land his corn here. The Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address dwelt a great deal on the importance of the national saving which had been effected ; but who had paid for that saving? If ninety or one hundred millions were taken out of the pocket of one interest and put into the pocket of another interest, in what respect was the nation ad vantaged? It was useless for the Protectionist to expect a continuance of their long-cherished boon, and let them remember that while they were protected they never expressed the least solicitude for any other interest. In conclusion, the Hon. Gentleman declared his determi nation of supporting her Majesty's Ministers, by his vote on the Address they had prepared fir adoption by the Legislature. Mr. HERRIES declared that those who co-operated with him would have been unworthy the high position they fillei, if they had not taken the first opportunity of placing on record their opinion of the prevailing agricultural distress, and of the causes which immedi ately produced that distress. To the ameadment he gave his cordial assent, and he then proceeded to take exceptions to some portions of the Address, especially to that paragraph which ascribed great beneficial results to have already proceeded from the repeal of the navi gation-lows. He also considered that the inferences drawn by the Chancellor cf the Exchequer as to the state of the country were not justified by the facts of the case. The Right Hon. Gentleman had told the House, that their exports during the year 1849 had exceeded to a very large extent the exports during the year 1848 ; but that was no evidence that the trade of the country had beea benefited in the least do gree by this free-trade system. Why, 1848 was, it was well known, a miserably bad year.—(Hear, hear.) There was great depression in trade—there were dis turbances abroad and discontent at home; and with what justice or propriety, then, could a comparison be made between it and the last year to prove the benefit free trade had conferred? But, more than the', in order fully to establish his case, - it was necessary that the Right Hon. Gentleman should have told the House what was the nature of those exports, and where they were sent to. A considerable portion of their exports went to China and the East Indies; but as it was well known that the only article they imported from China was tea, and that they loaded that with a duty of 100 per cont.; it could not be said that Le) trade had any effect in in creasing . their exports w i t h th a t coun try. But still far ther, and in order to show that the exports of 1849 being larger than those of 1848 proved nothing, he would remind the house that during the year 1845, when pro tection was in full operation, the exports exceeded those of 1849 to a conside ra bl e ex t sn '.—(H e ar, hear.) Ho did not make those statements as a proof of the failure of free trade , but simply t o s h ow th e slender foundation upon which the Right Honourable Gentleman raised that superstructure of prosperity which ho had exhibited to the House the other evening. In regard to the sub ject more immediately connected with the amendment before the House, it had been admitted on all hands that great distress prevailed among those connected with agric▪ ulture. Government admitted that there was such, although not in a satisfactory manner. Those who had ad dressed the H ouse on th e su bj e ct also made the admission, and the Honourable Mover of the Ad dress not only made the admission, but told them what was the cause of the di s t ress , name ly, the lowness of the pri▪ ce of agricultural produce, caused by the repeal of the cora-laws. But that was contrary to what the Free-traders said pre vious to the repeal of the corn-laws, for they then declared that the repeal of these would increase the prosperity of the occupiers of land, and raise its value instead of lowering it. Was it right that they should place the agricultural interest of the country, which was the most important interest connected with it, in jeopardy, in order to try such an experiment as that they had had recourse t o ? H e a ppr e hended nor, and he did not despair of seeing the day when that amount of protection which that interest conceived they were entitled to would be fully conceded to it. Mr. LABOUCHERE said, conceiving that there was but one opinion as to the desireableness of the debate being concluded that night, and being aware that other Gentlemen occupying a higher station than himself, would be expected to address the House, he would con fine his remarks within a very short compass. At the same time, there were ono or two observations made by the Right Hon. Gentleman who bad just sat down which he could not help referring to in the outset. That Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that so far as the navigation-laws were concerned they bad no right to say that the apprehensions entertained by those who opposed the repeal of those laws, as to the evils which would result from the passing of that measure, would not be realised. Now, he agreed that it would be wrong either in himself or any one else to boast of success so far as the effect of repeal of those laws were a; yet visible. Yet, on the other hand, when challenged to the contest, he conceived that he had a right to appeal to Hon. Gentlemen con nected with the principal shipping ports of the kingdom to say whether the effects predicted by Hon. Gentlemen opposite had been produced by that change.—(Hear, hear.) So far from that being the case, he never made an assertion in that House with greater confidence than when he said that he believed that the shipping interest of this country wee in a most satisfactory and en couraging sta•e.—(Llc ar, hear.) He believed the fact to be, that there were at least as many ships building at this mome It in this country as there hal been for many years past.--(Hear, hear.) Those ships !op building were of a larger class and a bettor description than those hitherto built, and in fact the result had shown that the predictions made on the passing of the mea sure, that shipping and ship-building would be greatly increased by it, has been tally reallsed.—(Hear, hear.) which was deemed inevitable from the passing of such a t T 3 li rm er i e na w tio a n s ergy dis tora pl e a e y t ed th an a d t acofimrnipeetritdioen measure. Those Hon. Gentlemen who had taken a part in the discussion of the question when it was before the House would recollect the: numerous letters which ap peared from time to timo in the Standard newspaper, signed by a gentleman of the name of Lindsay, con demnatory of the measure, and predicting its evil conse quences. That gentleman had s ince the passing of the themselves to the altered state of by havng s A h e i p t o i s w s n u e e r d s g as c i r t c h u e l a r e , a s i w en nowh c h a t o h o e d e t c o o z e o n m de d mo d t a h t e a things, itheir vessels commanded not only by gentlemen of great nautical skill, but also of exp ert business habits, and who were well acquainted with the customs and pecu liarities of the inhabitants of the various countries with which they might trade, in order that they might enable thenito compete with the ships of other countries. That was exactly what he:anticipate' would be the effect of the repeal of those lbws--that it would cause :ship e calls upon us to support—how great is the cause of the distress, and how ascribable is that distress to the previous conduct of this House—allow me once more to recall to the house the language in which that distress is noticed in the Speech from the Throne. Unhappily, it is not there described even as distress—(Hear, hear) —but the expression of feeling on the part of the great classes who have been submitted to the action of circum. stances so vast as those acknowledged by the Hon. Gen tleman the Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers) are merely noticed as complaints—(Hear, hear)—the justice of which is most studiously not acknowledged.— (Hoar, hear.) It had indeed been said in defence— mind you, after this critical observation had been made —that in a subsequent sentence these words appear— " that her Majesty greatly laments that aoy portion of her subjects should be suffering distress." That is an abstract observation—(Cheers) —one which bears no re ference to the condition of either kingdom, but merely says that, as an abstract principle, the Sovereign of these realms sympathises with any class of her subjects who are in a state of distress. Applying it as an abstract proposition is virtually to denying that it practically exists—(Cheers) —and it is followed by a sentence which is one cf philanthropic mockery.—(Cheers.) W e ll, now, is it surprising, is it unreasonable, that in the pre sent state of affairs—after all that has passed and after all that is passing—that this House should meet again, and that it should virtually not ackno'wledge the exist ence of this great distress , which is not only recognised n h by the reputative of t he Government— which is even acco unted for by him — that we should not pass in silence this occasion, especially when we come fresh from our cons tit u ents, who are the victims of this change of your a producedpr express ssour sympathy legislation, which , whether it be ri ght or wrong, you Is it, I say , surpri sin g t h at we should feel it our fir h s s e ? t who are suffering? — (Cheers.) Let me beg causesda g u r t y e e to by o f come ytoh your rt prime distress,fo rwardnd our orga nhere hoa x the h House ca refully to consider this amendment, because th ose 'is upon it alone that the question is about to be called, and not u pon some imaginary statement of a case whic h b e convenient to the Government to adopt, a n d itmay espe cially to any Hon. Member cf that Government who may have prepared a speech not adapte d h. to h this amend ment.—(A laugh.) The amendmen t you are now called upon to decide consists of two w le now call your particular att e ntion ~ to the first of them. You are asked humbl y represent to her Majesty that in many parts of United th e Kingdom, and especially ,in Ireland, vari • ous classes of her Majesty's subjects connected with the cultivation of the soil are labouring under severe di s t ress , ma i n l y a tt r ib u t a ble, in our opinion, to recent legi s l a ti ve e n actments." Who denies that proposition ?—(Cheers.) Not the Hon. Mover of the Address to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) He admits the fact, and ho accounts for it; and this amend ment is merely prospective of the speech which ho made lasi night.—(Cheers.) Is it unreasonable, then—or, if unreasonable, no one can maintain that it is untrue?— (Cheers.) It has been said that you are called upon by the amendment to-night to declare that you must in stantly return to protection, and that the protective sys• tem must bo instantly re-constructed in this country. It may or it may not be politic—it may or it may not be expedient—to call upon the House to take that step ; but rely upon it, if we think it our duty to do it—if we think it is for the advantage of the country that that step theuld bo taken, we will not Bur hesitate to come forward, frankl, and completely, eengratulation with the stern and dark fact, tee.; nu e and tangibly, to exp ress ourselves upon that subject.— I now, your e auperism is very insensibly reducered ro t en ; b ' et (Cheers.) Ido not think that an amendment to the the else is much less encouraging, whe n w° Address . is the right occasion far contesting so great the state of the rural districts. a s principle, or for ca t er i ng ueou eueli encounter; but Meet honourable Gentleman and ii"JseFrailelradYssotea:tld,t,haletd°o et , n t e . l.(erin g e - het tee stets the eene try i —belie vete. lees tees great cliff. h, t veers te• manefiewt 7 1 the or th is maven; Illy acknowledged tete whether right agricultural interests—that it was in the pe to free Syron;, the ditress ( f great portiozie of her Majesty's mar ufecturiug interest, at pcsiods IV " subjects has een occadoned by recent legislative enact- themselves in a groat decree from teose w e , ne ed meets—l say that nothing can be more legitimate, no- employed,whereas, g from circumstances whice.elo for imposstu f , thing can be, ,upon our part or upon the part of those not now minutely detail, it was ch any - e e who syruputhise with the land in its distreseactofthe-so is • ~ an more clear or corn • slow degre jabnor pain duty than to come forward, when cept at a lona interval, by such an Address to the Throne is proposed to us, and with extreme 'difficult to reduce of depreesiore t . , ° ln eig the express, with temperance, but with firmness and with they employed. And I have . no hesitation in sayi the t precision, our belief in the existence of a great calamity, the employment of the rural population dar in g to - lee and our conviction that that calamity has been occasioned twelve months has been, to a by our ; legislative enactments. (Cheers.) But, is amount I believe of not less than 20 ter cent; to lore there anything unreasonable in it? What caa be more tious honouree!` le g employment, an employme it c oo natural than that the house of Parliament which repro- feelings which we have always cherished in twe ed Dr ive sents the Commons of England—whatever may be the but which is totally opposed to those econonaesni on o very great degree is feti , truth or falsehood, whatever may be the justice or injus- ciples advoesa by 'or. Gentlemen opeetsi t , e h ' e eg ricel: lice, of certain economical principles—what, I say, can imagines that th• pressure ( f pauperises in ‘, instan ts be more natural than that when we meet together, and twat districts would bo felt with the flail to e te g reat when it is flagrant and notorious that great bodies f neous consequences which are experieraced in s eat is , the people are in a state of great depression and ember- hives a manufacturing industry; but whet Bill, under rassment, that we should come forward and expres s th a t t h at t h oug h t h e resu l t may t o more slow , it vi t. ' h; n ote fact dutifully and respectfully to the Sovereign. And the most favourable circumstance', ra nch anot her what can be more natural than that we should allege permanent.—([fear, hear.) There is, howevelecto will our belief in the causes—not an unwarranted belief, not reason why, in the agricultural districts. Pa u P e t h a t yo L i' a wild or extravagant belief—for we have been antici- not immoilia'ely increase. You quite ferget bro ws 'le pated in the course which we have painted out by the have in this couetry social system whi ch I ( e l le Is very organ of the Government who has proposed the Ad- law the employment of those who are not eneec e dress?—(Cheers.) So far from this being a violent hour upon a machinery which is sustained bY te t ar, hes , course upon our part; it was a moat constitutional, most o f the owners and occupiers of lend-i ev ort of th e natural, and most probable one, fsr it was the general a nd c h eers .) This brines me to the secend P t he anticipation of the country that her Majesty's Ministers a mend men t we have suggested, in the would have expressed some sympathy with the depres- House, in the first place, to acknowledge 3 es 00( 0' 1 sion and distress cf the great body of her Majesty's sub- existence of which the Government the raselvstress is the e which "distress jects. They might have done that without giving up any ledged, and to allege that the cause of that di toil; on e, of those economical convictions to which they have been %hie!) the organ cf the Government has li cee P one rstie n such recent converts.—(Cheers.) Indeed, it was for a the second place, to acknowledge that tr r eferr e n, considerable time a very prevalent opinion that her Ma- those legislative enactments to which e texlit i° e jesty's Ministmrs were really not ashamed of feeling some is aggravated by the burden o e loca wiii rise en v sympathy with the distress of this great body of the New, is there anybody in this House wil e te d by re c . o , country. There were a variety of rumours abroad, to say that agricultural distress is not aggro va i t s th e l ee which, I confess, I myself never gave any credence, but liar burdens? It has been said, indeei. that _e a t , ne t . a which, I believe, imparted some hope to those who were stance of the occupiers of ha I, the distresteli e tt y 17, suffering during that period. The Right Hon. Gentle- aggravated by these burdens; but nobodY ; at that io , man opposite shakes his head, as, I dare say, ho who is such burdens do not exist, and, if existi n g; c lose' e a , in possession of the cabinet secrets has very good reason not press upon some one of the agriculture ter for e st o for that signification of his sceptism ; but there were I think, after the speech of the Hon. M e ein eug ert fer l i e st rumours abroad that a personage of considerable import- verhampten, who was so ostentatiously u r e e s o me e vert , ante, who had even reached the highest class in the peer- to propose the Address, that we should be r Test „ no age, did commit that great sin of political economy, of conception of the nature of these burdelme ntion of ° ac e redo tars o f W oo sympathising with the sufferings of the farmers of the Gentleman has derided the idea that a country. I was always sceptical on the subject—indeed burdens could afford any relief to the ()echos goe s fa t I cared nothing about the subject. I don't care if I want lion. Gentlemen opposite to m eet W it :Oh any duke in the land gives his adhesion to those prin- with some degree of fairness and candoure be o ther, on e ciples which I advocate in this house, or whether he an- night last year lion. Gentlemen rose 00:00 lateesn nouuces his defection from them.—(Cheers.) I don't and told us there w as no difference bet we re te care ono jot if all the dukes in the land took either any other property; that land was nothiegered hi ce l course. It is the cause of labour in the agricultural dis- row material. Those opinions were c n icort ate ! a rt tricts—(Cheers)—or it is nothing ; and if they be not the gentlemen opposite, they have virtually Seep r ea . interests of the British labourer which vie uphold, all the by the Government, and are, in fact , a l ,k the eyoll upatronage of all the peers in the country cannot sustain of their economical creed. Now what e j why "esellY s.—(Cheers.) Still it must be acknowledged that there tlernen is—if land be only a raw mate rle e en ebeee , 0 00' were some foundations for that popular belief at the time. tax it?—(Cheers from the Protectionist ee, s oo 00 - There were a great many cabinet councils, frequent and do you not extend to this raw material "' a e r raf r hurried, and the people of the country who had seen mical principle; which you extend to all e hrete.? o before what were the consequences of frequent and hue- terials ? (Hoar, hear, and renewed ,„ i s ve t ried cabin( t councils, were fall of hope and alarm. There land be, as you say, only a raw material, b ev7 oe pel n the is a story told of a certain gentle.n in, who was once a mufacturer of corn to he subjected to 0t too , thee; tee Member of this House, and afterwards the Lord Protector principles, and another economic al s ) e s IV, for t of the Commonwealth, who was himself disturbed by manufacturer of cotton?—(Hear, h ear ie is use °p cabinet councils. A certain stranger waited upon him, question you must meet and ens% el% bur dens e 0 De" and he sent him away by saying that "he was seeking you to tell us that if you take off the eti piervi l ec thi 4 the Lord." When he got rid of the stranger, he said, the owner will be benefited, but On, °c ao „tee tt. " What a simpleton the man must be ! lie thinks I The question is far beyond that. eescriu e t etleg was seeking the Lord, while I was only seeking raw material—this material which eve s e r eat i n ( 0 the corkscrew."—(A. laugh, and cries of " Oh, oh.") other day by a leader of your school at tt,ii ts not ion 4 lo So it was with the late cabinet councils. The people as the first, the principal, raw m aterial er_ e a re ri ft' of England thought that the cabinets of England dustry?—(Bear, hear.) Some gentle te a, ce nt er s were guilty of the high sin of sympathising think that this is a question of poolerel s a eitic n sg iee with their distress. The people thought the rates, and of church-rates. I tell them it the y il n ore ee t cabinet was seeking the Lord, but the councils fee- complicated and extensive question tha n to the ° or erf, quently, hurried as they were, merely terminet-id in a From the moment an Englishman is born un der Y o e o r le: cabinet dinner; and it turned i ,out that instead of se ek- of his burial the r aw material is taxed rh i s le e ne rese ing the Lord, they were only seeking the corkscrew.— sent social system, in order to guar d eithend tbe fe e (Cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers.) Now, after all, the death. If a pauper-child is born , you t e e , doet e , r ee t (. Cabinet puts a bold front upon the question; and the doctor, and tax the raw material to payieus, re gie only way they can get out of the scrape, according to If the child ba not that of a pauper, its Dirt ay 10.0 their idea of Parliamentary tactics, is, by asking the gistered. and you tax the raw materiel tn , r ot i bele rag Hon. Member fer Wolverhampton to come forward on trar. If the child become a pauper, t e yt ta e !P o ol the present occasion. We have the Address to the immense edifice to receive him, and h o is Logi, Throne moved by an old Member f the Anti-Corn material to pay for its erection. It et , We Tee League, and seconded by a Member of the new l'arlia- you raise an immense edifice, and tax tu b.) /' ote je mentary Reform League.—(Cheers.) I must do this to pay for that—(Hear, and a la " e the r e ti e On e , justice to the candour of the Hon. Seconder, that he in- a criminal, another pile arises, and you t e e If tee r e s e' troduced the topic in his speech to which he is of course atrial to pay the architect's bill.--(ife an e w inet, e o eelt r e s devoted, though it does not appear in the Address to her is vaccinated—(A laugh)—you tax the r i isih i t e 0 11 4 Majesty. He expressed a hope—the organ of the Go- lay the vaccination fee. The child 0 6 liable vie vernment, be it remembered—that her Majesty's Go- who has 40,0001. a year in the fends, is a w atire s . t ees: vernment were prepared to support those opinions to virul , nt disease as the child of the ag r ' oo ( f te'd which he has himself recently given in his adhesion at why, then, should he not pay some Perri sol e ro od Freemasons' Hall. But no Member of the Government thee? You cannot in this country exe rnl hmo o „ t r e t ; has answered that ingenuous inquiry —(Hear, hear)— most important duties of which an Engel ar e 0.1" and it still remains a problem, how the ques- without taxing this raw material. If Ye e n,, r y listaesi I tion is to be settled. I suppose it will be in the raw material is tam' to prepare th:e w e neetneof' this case as in ono even more memorable, if it' you wish to exercise the suffrage, n ear , below elel l e ; the mountain will not go to Ministers, Ministers must taxed to prepare the !is* of voters. of 0 f t e l: 0 0 00 tr, go to the mountain.—(Cheers, and cries of "Oh, oh.") I ask the great economists, the pro The Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the chester school and their pupils—either the. tbel Exchequer has called our attention to the state of the the late Government —( A laugh ) — how prill,ool nismufsw:tures of the country. It is no difficulty upon tarn such a state of things according te 1 , a nd r ;gli' our part to acknowledge the satisfaction with which we upon which they have built their finanCiP hAt the !la rd hear her Majesty's Ministers counsel their Sovereign mical system? We ask you, then, now,le e e e b e , that the manufacturing interests of this country are in cultural interest is in a state of great ancee e edr e eol a flourishing condition. I may be allowed to say very unprecedented depression, to come forwar d e e r see l loc briefly, before I touch upon that sulject, that the Right fully and humbly to express to the Crown Y n e ;ase e a , Hon. Baronet, in noticing the complaints which had with that distress and your belief that the she the been made by the agricultural interest of the distress distress is that which has been alleged, 'dot ", 0 00", which they at this moment experienced—while he has, of the Government on this occasion. I. the t oi in unison with the language of the Address which we sot able ? Is it factious? We ark You , 0 / 0 0014 i ll ; are recommended to give to-night to the Speech place, to acknowledge that that distress l 5 ;1,7011 1i f pe t which has been delivered from the Throne—while he the burdens that are pressing upon the eg o , teat ti eelO i has dilated upon the prospects of the manufacturing in- dustry of Great Britain and Ireland. 14° , to Re ° erea„ l , terest, he has at the same time thought it his duty to put this queetion fairly before you, I wal l y w ay he te cee t denounce the manner in which the agricultural body have man can allege a single rational reason 0 w ish d e b t , thought fit to bring forward their complaints before the oppose these two propositions ? I have n o gree' th et t ie consideration of the country and of the Government. It cal what are my ulterior views upon t biol‘ 1 tbi e j e r has struck me as very surprising, diet that Right lion. of the rival industries of this country t 0 put e ett Baronet, who is himself a Member of the Imperial cultivator of the soil has a right to tee° poi 11 1;01 9 / 0 9 Gavernmenaespecially at a moment when he tells us that in the first place, that he has a right to te t, and e ke; to i f all other interests are in a state of prosperity , should same footing as his fellow-subjects--( lle6 w enie r e re) e e think it his duty to come forward and say that another and that, secondly, he has aright in his ee (Ch e tiet l et a great branch, which he acknowledges himself is s u tler- put upon a footing with the foreign ei. ' ot pee v e red ing, has acted in a manner, if not unconstitutional, these are not just principles—if they ar e ,: n i p thee O c el ot unauthorised, because they have come forward those eternal sentiments cf right whi c ee us t lee If in a manner quite consonant, not only with must govern nations, or e ations te i f en t, e , a s o the Speech, but the machinery of the constitution, admit that lam greatly mistaken . f ' 5 ,4,0;01 and expressed their sense of their suffering, and appealed we are advocating the interests, e fee etece r Prto to this House or to the Throne for relief and sympathy. were t collect the sentiments of the u e n • o ret h ego o f oe The Right lion. Baronet stated last night that there had much from the declarations that have Le e we - 00os , been very violent language used upon several recent from them during this debate as from t` x otte tba C e i ill eel occasions. I thought at the time that that was a epodes Speech from the Throne, I should OPP rge nt l os olOr of criticism which might have been omitted. It is an insignificant interest, that was e° „ c i ti so n li t re te, P3 „ c c e rather unusual t carp at expressions which may be tress as to ask for your sympat h e ll p Y c;ss a i l ler c s ' e t i f3 e r a 0;0; used at county meetings, for examp'e; but really if he in its suffering as to suggest t is so critical, I should almost say that he has formed his We are told that they are only " ;0113V w on a ioli opinion of the violent language used at public assem- piers of land." One of my friends , teenfiebeel ,79085 for' blies of the people, probably in some town in the country ferd (Mr. lierries) has very able' net who in which he has taken his summer recreations. I should point; he has shown you that it e ln ci r c, Pe r e f e l : have thought that it was some of the tones of the town merely of the owners and occupier', e ale asti - ee ye - ete of Leeds that had reached him—l should have thought tunes to-night you are, in a grea" Dar r° it °fr ie r ' that he might have been ruminating on some of that upon. But I shall take a much P e ll le e tivi obe P e oe, i t Jacobin jargon which may perhaps have floated to his the question before I ask fur your m oot s• la n "ly h icje t).• ears from the Free-trade Hall of the town of Man- is only the owners and occupiers o f n • chester—(flear, hear)—and when the Right Hon. Gen- thinking themselves aergrieved, en d eio ing tleman, a gentleman from Yorkshire, comes forward own acknowledgment suffering, are c- or e tb ritt iea ef ie and says that he not only regrets the agitation in the asking you to interfere in their Wo n :fi n con e r s rlia l feeP rural districts, but that he disapproves of thetone and of menus a class, are they in nu mber an it an d e tt e y er , the strong language used at these assemblies, he might, significant that it becomes statesnee e na beerl o c e o,o,° ° o oP perhaps, have recollected that there were other popular to pass them by disregarded and co unt! e o et a ter s assemblies where the language usel was equally strong and there are according to the best °, a . 4 mach more unconstitutional.—(Cheers from the Opposi- meeters of the soil in the un ite- It is - 10 e P ee v. tion benches.) lam sure at least that the Right Hon. Britain and Ireland.—(Hear hear.) ra te e% ro e Gentleman would never have heard, at any county merous class — the most numerous ee i are a tf e jf ` b ey fele LEA 9, meeting in England, that the English Constitution only country, as regards property; fon der,. ee l d existed on sufferance. He never would have heard at an litl the ' tors in the e l P ' O P I f °,,e English county meeting that the three estates of the member s that man y of proprietors al O s? realm were only to be endured so long as they listened foreigners. Are the occupiers tef e 7( l o 4 et e o to the dictation and the caprices of a particular interest. tible in number, in character, s a e n ril " te - t oo s e t n artel s , tat ts —(Hear, hear.) I will not, on this occasion, go into the have, according to the most muse Gre roe question which the Right Hon. Gentleman has raised in farm a e b rs . in _ the . u_nited . ki i,u nto , n e tak n o xo_inertilter:,kioteet relation to the value of our exports.—(Hear, hear. I lrel d (Hear, hear.) . ".". 7 e diaW boor , 0 1 001 1 am bound to say that, so far as time, and study, and ob- your occupiers, with their 1110 03 ar t ote 0 o servation assist me, I see no reason to relinquish the alone is an affair of millions. -- C Jae t h a t t h ole d ne g i ree nee l opinions I have repeatedly expressed on the subject. I Opposition.) You acknowledge oc/el i e ee 0 00. 0 0 believe, I know it can be proved, that the exchangeable are in a state of greet dist:ess-eineite c d n e f ee tte riee) value of the products of British industry has materially are en a state of great distress, an bee diminished within the past few years.—(Hear, hear.) your recent legislative en actine f n ee ts ti egs y a sti r ' grog The Right Hon. Gentleman last night said ho could not your Sovereign to treat their C l' "Mo ps P understand my arguments, which went to prove that the and moeleery. (Renewed cries th e 00 sale f one k Y Manufacturers of England were content to manufacture Why, one would have supeos c ee e r o .nige t e t 09 ereili n er' at a loss. I will beg to remind him of an economical debate, that we had come novelle' to" ant, 4 01 w h otte l paper called the EconorniA in which there has been a assembly el' this session of ree''''„ey O t yea la te ' p ee series of articles most elaborate in composition, and repeal the laws that you have recee os y th e e d de c cV e ti' moat ample in calculations, the whole object of which all the principles of political econ e reo rd onli t hor t 0 is to prove that for the last four years the ma- shrived; that you should come fe, r yo t _il op al* 0 0 0 10 nufecturers of Manchester hare been manufac- you have flagrantly erred, and tg bac*,pbere luring at a loss.—(Hear, hear.) Well, I recom- for national regeneration was to i; so ? e re l e i Tity, ref mend the Right Honourable Gentleir an—l know not tion which you have quitted. Is! i ts on ;i s ev o lig e el whether he has a personal acquaintance with the editor gentleman on this side who 6 111.1 1 1 , 5 t Of his I:, e e d oe ' of the Economist or not —(Laughter)—to take advantage occasion from advocating, to the best ware s a to eOeo of his first ten minutes' leisure, and enlighten himself principles upon which we think t,n ee d b v e e to ' ie o e e 0 upon that topic, and ascertain whether it be a fact that this country ought to be catabl ie ",, 01 11 50 bil i tll o 1 a Manchester manufacturer can manufacture at a loss, this is the occasion on which we i h t it of to t TT ar) rev 'JI seas and even continue to manufacture at a loss. The Right troversy and that battle.—(-- c a ppe t pie Hon.()- Gentleman, as he thinks, has established his case asked of you is this—that it being OP o g 0 09 t hat 0 it be ti e ere to prove the success of his system, the success or failure matter of national notoriety op t _ co kor: of which Ido not at all consider to be the question to- nation is in a state of suffering e , eve n ee 0 eh night, or in any way connected with the amendment ; of Parliamentary acknowledgiele.n:e has nr,, fo r Owe and the only reason for my referring to it is, because I the Government, that that suffari,agw....(', t es t to t he would not seem to shrink from meeting his statements. by our recent changes in the J er d--tnte o pre 9 j oa f Ile has adduced, as his test, the state of pauperism in hear")—you should co me forwe an d c lo se J ete s et the couutry. I accept that test, as far as it is valid, to think it decent to come forwara, t he ' t he oi l P,, 0 0' try the efficiency and truth of his system; but I must Sovereign your recognition , 01 w ith e s Yoe ege cax that the data he has offered us have not, in my suffering, and your eyee pattel e bo ingt yg to o p) i f opinion, been fruitful of any very encouraging conclu- —(Hear, hear.) Instead a " 3 flatter l a oti s do nOve sion. He has established that there is a reduction of pretended it to be, in a matinee no t , on 00 01 '01 1 7 0 A. p it auperism to the amount of something under 7 dour of Parliamentary discussion, _ tog , to lle re; tt ee r ie per cent. compared with last year—a year of unpa- on the first night of Parliameeto g re nea te t or ie w eet i ef ralleled gloom, of unprecedented depression, which House cf Commons suddenly,t . 11 Vered eoe se h eo ! t ie the Right Honourable Gentleman always told us during which the Parliament cf le , n e g . ee tes e ce n t. er ,„‘,,,,). the last session, must never be taken as a precedent, rather (if it does anething) it eleee r i n ciple or y Peed, because it was a year when the manufacturers of Env,- guided by justice, by that hiei n n o t' ence ev,..„ e ps fot te o e land, in every branch, were in a state of distress which es hich must in the long run ,e ll ; op rees al f e eeo o. ,Q,l t probably had never been approached for many years. this country, you may not o . we et ,, bt!T fat icef r Ye 4 But the Right Hon. Gentleman now comes forward with your suffering fellow-e 0 gric iele ,„/, this case, that the manufacturers of England are in a sources for the remedy ot i t is pOe te ( ileeelernle of t o h l i t a yn c l or occl r ee t, l l ide rie r eel a state of almost unparalleled prosperity - , and he says hear.) Do nut suppose the nestio—Zalneeetole that pauperism is reduced, compared with the last year escape the settlement of gloom, to the amount of nearly 7 per cent. If, then, You may pride yourself up may pri d e . r o ni e fforia e at 0 .1 the manufacturers of this country have been, and are, in (Opposition cheers)— u Y° full of "8" "; eK il efeel such a flourishing position—if the manufacturing popu- array of three parties, , hostilitY eesit .° 100 lation are not altogether employed, but there is even a unanimous only in their from the Op e r vibe tt je e ft Ira demand f or labour in the manufacturing districts, how munity—(Great cheering. o g t d e o , are we to a ccoun t for the fact that the rally has not have the happiness of living n o w_ oo o oo , been much m o r e considerable ? And how, when we are to truth is never unsucce,slchate fogn i l oo r, v called upon to congratulate the Sovereign upon the ge- principles of jnstice (L tnu ti e d e ; ow of Imo prosperity of ountry, TN. %Q 090 1 4 ° o ' o PIQUtarY 1441‘11".—‘-° LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEIHILTARY 2, 1850