The Sun. — London, England, 1845-04-05 00:00:00

rbirtt 'ambition (HE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.) ONE PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS. O'CLOCK. 3 per Cent. Consols New 3 1 4 per Cents. — 73 75 India Bonds, 1,00 01 .. Ditto under 1,0001. • . .-. .. 73 Bank Stock for Account .. 215 Consols for Account.... ..... ....... 99%, , 4 % E xc hequer Bills, 1,0001., I%d. ... 59 61 Ditto 5001. . Ditto Small Ditto Advertised -- CLOSING PRICES. 99% 102% 75 73 215 99% pm. 61 pm. 61 pm. 61 pm. - CLOSING PRICES. 114 1 A 41 1-5 74 35% 35% 32 ONE PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. O'CLOCK, Austrian, 5 per Cent. ......... ...... 114% Buenos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent.. 43 41 - Columbian Bonds, ex Venezuela. 16 153: Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1837 . . 351 Ditto, Account — Peruvian Bonds, 6 per Cents 32 Portuguese Bonds, 5 per Cent Ditto, Converted 6 r a l% 6514 1 ,4 65 1 4 Ditto, 'Account. ..... .. ..... ...... '66V 2 66 LA Russian Bonds • •• 117 117 Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840. . 29X1 - 29 4 4 Ditto Account Ditto, Passive . ^.,,, 7 1 4 71 Ditto, Deferred • Ditto 3 per Cent. ...... ..., — Ditto. Account ... ....... ..... 40 1 4 40 40 Dutch, '214 per Cent . , Ditto, 4 per Cent., Certific 97 ! , /i % 97% PRICES OF C p L n O i S c l i . : N s G BLTLWAY SHARES P AID. AT ONE O'CLOCK. Aberdeen •.. 2% 5% 5 Armagh, Colera; jao, and Portrush......„„,„. ...... 1% 1 21% 21 ,4 214 Birmin and 't;kucester. 100 1 3 71% Do. New„ Ditto '4 'Shares Biisto l . and Exeter Ditto 'New 'Caledonian Chlmhridge and Lincoln 1%...... 10 1 4 9 3 4 101 91 . A. Clio,:ster and Holyhead... 5 Cliurnet Valley Coventry and Leicester Diss, Beccles, Yarmouth 1 1 / 2 2 3 /4 3 Direct N orthern Dublin and Belfast June. 2% lO% .. Dublin and Galway 2 14 . ... 4% 5 4 Dublin and - alullingar... 2% —2% 3 ' 4 Dundalk ,5c Enniskillen 2% Easte:n Counties 25 ...... 211414 r ...fitto Perpetual, 5 per Cent, No. 1—.4/. 13s. 4d Ditto ditto, No. 2. l3s. 4d... 03 Eastern Union l5 .. ... 23 .. 23 Ditto Extension 'Edinburgh and Glasgow 50 -/- 2 VIA Ditto New 1 / 4 Shares... 214 5 3 /4 6 6 Ely and Bedford ...... ... 114 2% 3 Great Grimsby and Shef field Griot South. and West. t Ireland) Great North of England 100 ......199 Ditto New Ditto New Great Western so ......183 Ditto % Shares Ditto Fifths Guildford, Farn'm,Ports. 2% 514 514 Harwich Lancaster and Carlisle... 15 London and Birminghm (5t0ck)...235 234 Do. New 'thirds Do. 1% Shares London and Blackwall. 161. 13s. 4d. 81% London and Brighton... 50 ...... London and Croydon, 131 . 15s. 9d. 17% Do. Guaranteed 5 per Cent. 4 London and Greenwich 12/ 15s4d ll 1034 L milan and S. Western 4116 a 10d 80% Do. New consolidated Bths 6 Do. New Do. New London and York 214 3% 274 3 Lynn and Ely ..... ....... 21 Lynn and Derebam l% % • .. Manchester and Leeds... 73 Do. % Shares Manchester and Birmin. 40 Do. Quarters 4 ...... 11 10% Midland 100 Do. New Midland,Birm., Derby 100 ll5 116 114%... 114% N ewt astle and Darling ton Junction 2.5 ...... 50% 48% ....., 48% 1)o. New Brandling N ~a s:lf and Berwick 1% 164 15% 16% 15% Newry and Enniskillen. 2 1 4 Newark and Sheffield ... 1% 7 6% .... 6% North British ..... ...... 10 Do. New North Kent Norwich and Brandon... 10 Do., New ... ..... ..... 1 Rugby, Worstr, & Tring 1 4 1 41 4% R.etunond and West End unction E epttish Midland 1 14....... 5 1 4% 5 ..... ... 5 Shrews., Wolverhamp , Dudley, and Birm 21‘ .2 .. . 4%34 43 South Devon... lO ... 21 1 4 21 South Eastern & Dover 3312 s 4d... 4314 431,4 Do., So. 2. D0., No. 3 South Wales Trent Valley I.lr.Abtanfor..3 asul .1i.iUr.,., , 5 , ; 1 / 4 ... .. -PA . 4 3 / 4 York and North Midland 50 10 3 1 24 -- - 104 1 / __ 2 Do. Selby Do. Extension l% 16% 174 16% 16 1 / :, FRENCH RAILWAYS. Bodlogne and A mien5... 4 - Bordeaux and Toulouse 2 Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Cette ..... ... . ... ..... 2 Great North. of France.. 4 ••• ........ ••• Lyons and Avignon Orleans and Vierzon ... 2 ...... 18 1 ,4 Orleans and Bordeaux... 2 Paris &:Lyons, Laflitte's ' Paris and Lyons, Gan neron's, ... .. .... Paris & Lyons, (Calon's) 2 Paris and Orleans 2O 5 1 1,', Paris and Rouen Paris and Strasbourg ... 2 Royal North of Spain ... 2 ....,.. 314 3 1 ,6 1 % s Sambre and Meuse .... 2 • ..... 674 Strasbourg and Bale ... 14 ....... 131,,;, Tours and Nantes, Mac kenzie's t JOIN is STOCK BANKS. London & Westmin-,ter. 20 National of Irelar4 1711 ,2 16%.. Union of Londo n . THE LATE MURDER IN ST. GILES'S. BO W-STREET.--(T HIS DAY.) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Michael Connor—l live in Belton -street, now called Endell-street. The prisoner is my son. He lodged with me up to:Wednesday morning, since which time I have not seen him till now. He slept with me on Monday night from about eleven o'clock till the next mornirg. He went out on the Monday night at from nine till half-past nine. I saw him on Tuesday morning in bed at half-past six, and left him there. I did not again see him till night, when I returned home about half-past eight o'clock. I saw him on the Tuesday night at a relation's, who lives at No. 4, Stone cutters'-alley. He came home at two o'clock on the Wednesday morning. Mr. Lennard, his relation, saw him home. 1 left him in bed at half-past six o'clock as usual, and he was still in bed at nine o'clock, when I came to breakfast. I was informed by his mother that he was unwell, and I did not in consequence urge him to go to his work then. From that hour I did not see him until I came to this Court and found him in custody. He has worked in the same employment as myself since June inst. When he went out on Monday night, he bad on the coat he had worked in all day, and a hat on his head. His work was to turn the wheel to the silverpolisher. I assisted to stamp the metal. We work at Panton-street, Haymarket. William Pocock examined—l am a constable No. 81 of the F division. After receiving information of the murder, I proceeded to George-street ; and, from inquiries made, ascertaine I that the prisoner lived in Endell-street, and I went there to the two-pair front room, where I saw the prisoner's mother. I searched the room, and in doing so found a vel veteen coat hanging behind the door. That coat I produce now. There are stains of blood on both cuffs. prisoner —There are no stains of blood. That is where it has been. worn. "Witness continued—l found in the pockets six hospital tickets for King's College an d other places. The prisoner had no question to ask, but he requested to look himself if there was any blood upon the coat. Michael Connor was recalled, and said that the clothes produced were his son's. A cloth cap produced he had never seen. Ni e t o l a s Pearce, Superintendent of the F division, sworn was induced to go yesterday, about five o' c l oc k, to No. 4, Stonecutter's -alley, Gate-street, Lincoln Inn-field s . I went to the door of the first floor front room, and I found it fastened in the inside. I knocked at the door, and the pe rson inside said " Who is there ?" I made no answer, and the door was opened by a female. I went into the room, and saw the prisoner sitting on a chair. There were four females in the room. I asked the prisoner what his name was, and he said Joseph Connor. I - told him I was an officer, and had a communication to make to him. The prisoner made no answer. I fastened the door, went to the window, and called up the constable. The con gable came up and took the prisoner into the .of the house. I said to him there, " Coo itor,-I have told you I am an officer, and I now take you into custody for having murdered the woman in St. Giles's, on Monday evening." The prisoner said, "Yes„ sir; oh, yes: , I then brought him to Bow-street. The prisoner had no question to ask. Adolphus Lonsdale, 110 F, examined—l was directed to ,take charge of the prisoner, preparatory to his examination -, before the magistrate, and I was therefore placed in the cell with hini from nine o'clock last night till nearly nine this m o rning. About four o'clock this morning the prisonersaid, “ I am sure to be tucked up, if those two women come olden evidence against me, that saw me on Monday night be tw.een.eight and nine o'clock. I knew them to baprostitutes," rasked him no question on the subject. The prisoner declined asking any question. James Brothers, the husband of the deceased woman, was aallsd, and Proved the identity of the de - ceased. She wax his THE SUN, LONDON, SATTIRDA V v EN T ApitiL 5, 1845. wife, and her name was Mary Brothers. He h d heard that she lived with a person named Tape, and was afterwards called by his name. This closed the 16t of witnesses, and Mr. Pearce had no wish to have the case remanded for further witnesses. The depositions were then read over, and the witnesses bound over to prosecute. The evidence having all been read over by Mr. Burnaby, the chief clerk, Mr. JARDINE, after cautioning the prisoner, asked him if he had anything to say then? The prisoner—No, Sir, I hare nothing to say. . The only time the prisoner seemed affected was when his identity was so po,:ditliTely sworn to by one or two of the witnesses. The prisoner was then fully committed for trial. The (..rowd outside the Court was computed at two thou ser...d persons, who had waited patiently for five hours and a half (the period of examination) to get a glimpse at the prisoner. In this wish they were not gratified. Mr. Wakley, the Coroner, had appointed three o'clock for the adjourned inquest, but the evidence there will, of course, be a mere repetition of that taken at Bow-street. INQUEST ON THE BODY. (TIIIS DAY.) THE CORONER AND THE POLICE. The inquest on the body of Mary Brothers was resumed this afternoon at: three o'clock, at the Angel Inn, High street, St. Giles's, before Mr. Wakley, M.P. The Court having been opened, Mr. WAKLEY inquired of Harvey, the beadle, if there were any additional witnesses ? Harvey said there were none summoned in addition to those in attendance on the last occasion. Mr. WAKLEY—Are all the witnesses here ? Harvey said he had summoned them, but he understood from Inspector Black that all the witnesses were at Bow street, and that the prisoner was then under examination. Mr. WAKLEY said he had issued a warrant this morning for the production of the prisoner before them at a quarter past ten ; and complained that it had not been complied with. From questions put to the inspector and sergeant, it ap peared that the warrant was in their possession, and that they could not inform him whether the magistrate, Mr. Jardine, had seen it or not, though from Mr. Burnaby - , the chief clerk at Bow-street being aware of the tenor of it, and their superintendent sitting by the magistrate, it was not un likely that he had. The prisoner had been taken into cus tody at six o'clock last night, and conveyed to the Court as early as half-past nine this morning, that they had no power to interrupt the usual course adopted in respect to persons taken into custody, who were taken on the morning following their arrest before the sitting ma gistrate. Mr. WAKLEY said that if the magistrate had not seen the warrant, or was not acquainted with its purport, and unaware of what transpired here, he might commit the prisoner for trial without coming before them. Sergeant Logan said it was intended to submit the Coroner's warrant to the magistrate at the close of the examination. Mr. WARILEY said—Gentlemen, I will tell you what trans pired at the last examination. You remember that the inquest was adjourned, in order that, if any person was taken into custody on the charge of having murdered Mary Brothers, we might Fit immediately on the spur of the moment, and go on with the investigation. You will also recol lectthat the police in the room received that intimation—they were told that information should be conveyed to the Coro ner's office directly any one was taken into custody on the charge of having slain Mary Brothers. I heard of no person being taken into custody until about 6 or 7 o'clock last night, in the House of Commons. lam not quite sure as to the time, but I think it was about the time I have mentioned. I received information to that eflect from the Secretary of State for the Home Department on the floor of the House of Commons. He handed me a note which he had re ceived from Mr. Mayne, the Police Commissioner, stating that a man had been taken into custody, and was at Bow street. Determined not to act by messenger—taking especial care that no misconception, no misconstruction, and no misrepresentation should occur, I went to Bow-street my self to ascertain the accuracy of the statement. When there I saw the inspector now present (Black) and the person who bad been taken into custody. I imme diately addressed a letter to Mr. Mayne, stating that I was to hold the adjourned incite st either at half-past nine o'clock this morning or at three this afternoon, and asking him if he would consider himself justified in sending the prisoner here this morning at half-pas Vine, that I might go on with the investigation. A policeman was dis patched with this letter to Mr. Mayne, and last night at 12 o'clock, I received the following rt ply : " Eleven o'Clock. "My Dear Sir—l have received your note relating to the party in custody on suspicion of murdering Mary Brothers ; and I beg to say, in reply, that I do not conceive I am authorised to direct the police to de part from the ordinary established course, according to whidt he will be taken before the magistrate at his sitting In th e morning.—l am, dear Sir, your obedient servant, " :a. MAYNE." Of course, when I received this note. seeing no chance of the prisoner being brought here PA half-past nine o'clock gki§-I,Varai T IZI L i leeutAkknlnlT ifterrioO;3, that tie 'magis trate would have comple‘ed, or proceeded so far in the inquiry that the witnesses ; or at least some of them, could be here, that we u.tght be enabled to go on with the investiga tion. I do Peat think it was an unreasonable inference on my part—(l hear)—there was ample time between ten this morr.:ing and three this afternoon. One witness, however, is l':ere—Mr. Fitzgerald, who we did not examine on the last occasion ; and I will write to Mr. Jar dine, stating that the jury is now sitting and desiring that the prisoner may come here as soon as he has done with him.—(Hear, hear.) These things (continued Mr. Wakley) are very perplexing and especially annoying to me ; and I suspect that in the end it will produce a great deal of indignation in the public mind, and I am strongly of opinion that it is impossible that jurymen can perform their duty in being obliged to return verdicts of wilful murder against persons whose identity is not proved before them.—(Cheers.) I entertain that opinion, and juries also entertain it. I cannot conceive how any obstacle can exist in any quarter—juries cannot properly determine on the guilt of persons accused of such serious offences and discharge their duty to society, unless the suspected party is before them. Many county magistrates are of a different opinion. Such a course is most unreasonable, and he could not conceive why it should be entertained. Juries are most ancient institutions, and protect the interests of the people from aggression. The Honourable Gentle man then went on to say, that for the last six years he had been endeavouring to sustain the powers belong ing to the Coroner's Court, and if jurymen themselves would not iake the subject up, it must in effect be abandoned, Nothing could be more repugnant than to return a verdict against a man without his being presen t to hear the evidence on which it was arrived at , and without having the opportunity of uttering one word in explanation or his defence--(Hear, hear)—nor to suggest a single question in check - by his presence. very one who may be disposed to give false testimony.— (Hear, hear.) They would not like such treatment them selves and in his opinion it was a violation of the law. The police were hostile to the production of persons before the Coroner's Court, and thought that jurymen could not form proper opinions.—(Hear, hear.) The next time votes of money were proposed to the police, he would take care that they had especial trouble in getting' it.—(Laughter and cheers.) Ile then read the warrant he had issued for the production of the prisoner before him, and which had been handed by him to the police. He con , eluded by stating that, mil, si some effort was made, the prisoner would be committed without his being brought before them. The jury being unanimously of opinion that the Coroner should write to the Magistrate as he had suggested, a letter was written by the Coroner to that gentleman. The Foreman said the Coroner had better add to it, that he had issued a warrant for the production of the prisoner before him, which had been suppressed by the police. Inspector Black—lt has not been suppressed. The chief cleik knew the purport of it. Mr. Wakley did not appear in favour of this course, and the letter was dispatched. Mr. WAKLEY—We want the witnesses to identify the man charged with committing the murder. None have yet seen him in the presence of the jury. [The inquiry was proceeding when our report left.] THE REVENUE. up, we are of course unablet. more madethan The to R igs e i v vg e er n ao u tu e i fry n ri o en t agd : yet er s b eiti a very general statemen however, to diminution of Customs' revenue occasionedtemperary been pendin • g since the assure them, that notwithstanding by the changes balance on the whole is ex nteliceessgarrielayt opening of Parliament, the increase on the quarter's pected to show a decided which have the head of there is a considerable increase under . . re venue; and it is particularly satisfactory to believe that condition of the Ex cise, always regarded as the surest indication of ge nerally diffused improvement in the people. The diminution of the Customs on the quarter may be estimated in round numbers at about 300,00 W., while the increase on the Excise will be about 60.000/., and that on Stamps 100,0001., or upwards. These figures do not, of course, pretend to accuracy, but we believe that they will be found sufficiently correct. The ba lance will be redressed by miscellaneous income, and the amount will exceed that o f t h e corresponding quarter by not less than 200,000/. The statement for the year will, there fore, as may be seen by reference to the accounts of the three preceding quarters, present a very satisfactory appearance.— Evening Paper. BRISTOL SUGAR-MARKET, APRIL 4.--The market has been rather quiet this week, and the sales only reach 400 hhds. West India, and 1,000 mats Mauritius ; in some cases at rather easier prices.—Bristol Mercury, FIRE ON THE it.amwAr.—On Wednesday last a quantity of cotton wool was being conveyed on the Leeds and Manchester Railway, and when the train arrived at Wake. field it was found to be on fire. The wool was spread iu the yard, but most of it was consumed or much injured before the fire was extinguished. It is probable the fire was occa sioned by a spark or cinder from the engine. —Waltefieki Journal. ---- --- FUNERAL QF SIR THOMAS POTTER, BART.—The funeral of this much respected Baronet took place last week at Ardwick Cemetery, near Manchester. The procession which followed the deceased to the burying-ground was, with the exception of the one which paid a similar tribute of respect to the late Dr. Dalton, the largest ever known in Man chester. FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, Ar- -- 1445 Notice is hereby given, that her .......jeStV will hold Levees, at St. James's Palace, Wedne°:!.;.v, following days, at two o'clock, viz. : 2:1,1 April instant ; Wednesd-ay, i t.l May next. N. B. The . Knights of the several Orders are to appear in their Collars, at the Levee on the 23d of April, it being a Collar-day. DWIDENDS DECLARED, W. Robertson, insurance broker, Great St. Helen's—first dir. of 11d. in the pound, April 5, and three following Satur days, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane. 1. L. Gray, tailor, Jermvn-street, St. James's—second div. of 10(1. in the pound, April 5, and three following Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch- J. Richards, livery-stable keeper, Oxford-street—first div. of 3s. in the pound, April 5, and three following Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch lane. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. J. Bohn, bookseller, King William-street, April 25, at eleven—F. B. and W. Stacey, warehousemen, Lawrence lane, Cheapside, April 25, at half-past eleven. In the Country. J. T. Nash and J. Tomlinson, jun., mustard manufacturers, York, April 25, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court—H. Lewis, cabinet-maker, Haverfordwest, May I, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court—T, Berridge, tobacconist, Man chester, April 25, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court—C. Evans, banker, Manchester, April 30, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court—R. Greenwood, bookseller, Bradford, April 29, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court—J. Crisp, auctioneer. Liverpool, April 25, at eleven, at the Liver pool District Court—T. Coleman, J. Morris, J. B. Morris, and T. Morris, bankers, Leominster, May 1, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. CERTIFICATES to be granted, unless cause be shown to the contrary, on the day herein mentioned. T. Browning, innkeeper , Old Bailey, April 15—W. and R. Smith, warehousemen, Bow-lane, April 25—W. Dettmer, pianoforte manufacturer, Upper Marvlebone- street, April 25 —J. H. Charnock, share broker, Wakefield, April 25—A. Brideson, cheesemonger,Clare- street, Clare-market, April 25 —J. Harwar, pianoforte manufacturer, Charlotte street, Bloomsbury, April 25-11. R. Stutchbury, dealer in curiosi ties, Theobald's-road, Bedford-row, April 25. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. _ _ W. Sharp and J. Hutchinson, common brewers, Pudsey, Yorkshire—F. W. Tomlinson and W. Kearv, attorneys, Stoke-upon-Trent, Staffordshire—S. Perkes and G. Barton, commission agents, Liverpool—G. R. Richardson and J. Midgley, drapers, Hull—H. J. Bowen and I). Lloyd, sur geons, Greenwich—G. Overton and J. Langley, carpenters, Kirton, Lincolnshire—S. and E. F. Satterthwaite, tanners, Manchester—J. Lewis and J. Turpin, timber merchants, Brighton—J. Mackarell, sen., T. lackarell, and J. Macka rell, jun., joiners, Liverpool—J. Wilson and 11. Harris, coal merchants, Coventrv—R. Taylor and R. Taylor, jun., drapers, Bristol—J. Beynon and J. P. Lowther, ship brokers, Newport, Monmouthshire—J. Kenyon and J. Shepherd, butter merchants, Rochdale, Lancashire—J. Cattley, S. W. Cattlev, I. Carr, and J. G. Cattley, iNfoorgate-street (so far as regards S. W. Cattley)—R. Jusland and J. Baker, drapers, Exeter. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. Duncan M'Corkindala and Co., merchants, Glasgow, April 10 and May 15, at one, at the Black Bull Inn, Glasgow. Douglas Swan, boot maker, Edinburgh, April 8 and 29, at one, at the chambers of J. Gardiner, Edinburgh. David M'Niven, chemist, Glasgow. April 9 and 30, at one, at the chambers of W. Burns, Glasgow. PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, for the week ending, April 1, 1845, is 303. 8 4 d. per cwt., exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the im portation thereof into Great Britain IMY'ER,IAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 4. The House met at the usual hour. IRISH CONSTABULARY.—SANITARY REGULATIONS. The Maquis of NORMANRY gave notice that he would, on Monday next, move for a return of the appointment of the coLstabulary from the Ist of May, 1838, to the present time. Ile wpnld on the same day aloe present a petition from the Mayor and town council of Kilkenny, in the county of Leinster on the subject of sanitary regulations in towns. The Noble Marquis also gave notice that he would put a ques tion on the same day, in order to ascertain how soon the Go vernment Bill on this subject would be introduced before the House. HILL-COOLIES—SUNDAY TRADING—LOCAL RATES. The NOBLE MARQUIS also presented a petition, numerously signed, from the town of Leeds against the introduction of hill. coolies into Jamaica : also petitions from Yorkshire against the opening of public-houses on Sunday ; also a petition from the Nlayor and Town- Council of Cork, praying that instead of the grand jury, they should have some other tribunal for the settlement of local rights. THE WELSH BISHOPRICS. The 13 . shop of BANGOR presented several petitions from places in Wales praying for a repeal of the Act uniting the bishoprics of Bangor and St. Asaph. INCOME-TAX.-IMPRISONNIENT FOR DEBT, Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a house owner in the district of St. John's-wood, complaining of the oppre.sive operation of certain parts of the Income-tax Rill. Ihe Isl,,ble Lord also presented a petition from tradesmen against the administration of the Act passed last year abolish ing imprisonment for debts under 201. The petitioners did not object to the abolition of imprisonment, but they complained that creditors had not an adequate remedy. THE OREGON TERRITORY. The Earl of CLARENDON—I yesterday, my Lords, gave notice of my intention to call your Lordships' attention to the subject of the Oregon territory, in terms which, I fear, have given rise to a misapprehension—not because I propose to enter into the subject or to occupy your Lordships' attention at any ki r sTatt JtleThOiii: . .., h inC s onsequence o a sa;ges - tion . horn the Noble Duke, that the practice of putting questions to the Go vernment in speeches which did not conclude with a distinct motion should be abandoned. I have no wish to interfere with any rule your Lordships may make upon the subject, although I confess I see no inconvenience in the practice, as it seems to me to be the most simple mode of obtain ing any information from the Government which your Lord ships may be justified in asking and the public have a right to expect, whether documents or correspondence may or may not exist, the production of which, if they do exist, may or may not be refused. Nevertheless, if my Noble Friend should pefer, in conformity with what appears to be the rule of this House, to lay the papers in this case upon the table of this House, I have no objection. But, whatever course is pur sued, I am sure your Lordships feel that we should not be per forming our duty if we neglect this opportunity of noticing the inaugural address of the President of the United States, and asking from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs such information as he may think it consistent with his duty to afford, respecting that portion of the address which has a direct and immediate bearing upon British in terests. With respect to the annexation of Texas, which is mentioned in this speech of the President, as it may be said to bear remotely upon British interests, and as our rights in a case so unprecedented, as well as the obli gations contracted by Texas towards us, may not be clearly defined or understood, I shall not trouble your Lordships upon this occasion beyond the expression of my surprise and regret that a body of men so talented and so just as ordinarily composes the Senate of the United States, should have given their sanction to a measure which has been brought about by such means, which will be so deeply in jurious to the cause of humanity, and which may. at no distant time, endanger the raceful relations of the United States with our country, by affording to the restless and encroaching people of Texas an opportunity of gratifying their tastes for esta blishing a boundary quarrel, and thus creating a cause of war with Mexico, which must be viewed with interest in every quarter of the world. But it is the Oregon territory with which we are immediately connected, and it is most imoortant to know in what position we are to stand in reference to that territory, and what course her Majesty's Government are pre pared to adopt under circumstances which seem but too pro bable from the extraordinary language of the President's address, and from what I may call the studied neglect of that courtesy and deferential language which Governments are wont to observe when publicly treating upon international affairs. It is almost impossible to believe that any other country but Americn is interested in the pending negotia tions, if we are to draw from the President's speech the in ference which naturally suggests itself—for not only does he make no reference to any other country or negotiation, but distinctly informs the United States that their claim to the Oregon territory is clear and unquestionable. Conse quently, my Lords, I do not see on what grounds he could jus tify his Government in consenting to a negotiation at all upon a question which admits of no doubt, because the citizens of the United States, whatever predilection they may have to enter into a treaty for what is not their own, have never exhi bited any great desire to give up that to which they have an unquestionable right. Therefore, if the President were to con sent, it would seem that it could only be upon the basis of an unconditional surrender by England of whatever was claimed by the United States. In fact, my Lords, the whole question is treated as completely settled ; as if all negotiations were concluded, or had never been commenced at all. lam sure that is the only inference which it is possible for persons igno rant of the circumstances—and a great majority of the people of this country are ignorant of them—to draw from the Presi • dent's speech. On the other hand, it is so impossible for us to believe that the question has been neglected by her Majesty's Government, knowing as they do its importance, and the great and growing excitement which has prevailed for some time past in the United States—l say it is so impossible for us to believe that they would not have used their endeavours to bring about an amicable and satisfactory adjustment of it, that I am sure nay Noble Friend will be desirous, either by reply to me or by the pro duction of such papers as he may think fit, to satisfy the people of England that their rights have not been abandoned, or their cause neglected. Both with respect to the past and future, I think the public are entitled to this information, and it is for the purpose of obtaining it, and thereby satisfying the great and natural anxiety that prevails upon the subject, that I take the liberty of thus trespassing our your Lordsh ps' time. I do not think this a fining opportunity for discussing the justice of the claims of this country to the Oregon territory. I will, however, say a few words upon it, in order to render more intelligible the character and extent of the President's assumption. In the first place, my Lords, if priority of dis covery could constitute title, our claim would be unquestion able—for Sir F. Drake, when he first visited that country in 1558, found all the land unappropriated, and rook posse,sion of it, giving it the title of New Albion. I do not mean to say that this constitutes a claim, but owing subsequently to a seizure of British vessels at Nootka, and to a dispute which arose in consequence, it was arranged by the treaty of the Escurial that the subjects of the contracting parties should not be molested in fishing and making settlements in parts not hitherto occupied. In 1792 the country adjacent to the Columbia river was taken possession of by Cooke, and was explored in !813 by the North-Western Company, now called the Hudson's Bay Company, who established them selves in Port St. George, under the government of Bri tish laws, continuing to the present day, and being the first establishment in that country of a lawful and national character, and recognised as such by foreign nations. Now, the claim of the American Government. derives its origin from the sale of Louisiana by Napoleon in 1813 . Nevertheless, the boundari e s h a d b e en distinctly described in 1712, in the rei g n of Louis XIV., and in thole treaties wit h the United States, which h a d f or t h e i r o bj ec t t o define the boundaries of Louisiana, referenc e was ma d e to an rn d e fi ne d line running through to the Pacific, having n o p rec i se boundary north or east; but in the. roes. that boundary. o th f e latitude t etri 4 y 2 n c . le r g th re if s treaty bet ween S pain and the U n i te d S ta t e in 1818, called H the orida t reaty , t hi s undef i ne d li ne was d e fined, and made to run from th e Rocky Mountains to the Pacific in the pa r a llel in coded t o America th then c e it that we had no r i g h t to the territory north of the parallel latitude of 42 de grees , and that no other country t h ou S pain h a d tned S :ni at i ended that a right to it. although we had formerly taken posse s s ion of it, in 1792. In 1818 a convention was signed between this counts and the United Sates, by which the north boundary line was fixsd, amity which it was arranged that the country berweeEt the Rocky two- - _ seems and the Pacific--I beg your Lordships to snot—should for a term of ten years be free to both coon- airs. Another convention was made eonfieming this for an indefinite period, to be dote-finite-el at the will of either t arty ; and yet the President of the United Ltates in the vet y first let of his administration has thought himself justified in announcing to the people of the United States that it is the duty of the Government to maintain their right to the colliery westward of the Rocky Mountait s, ar.d between those mountains and the Pacific; that their title to the Oregon territory is clear add unquestionable, and t hat the people are about to perfect that tit le by proceeding with their wives and children to occhpy the county ; that it is the duty of the Go vernment to afford them adequate protection—to extend t'ae benefit of American lows and of republi an intti-utions to this distant country which they had selected fur their home, and which with the increased facilities of communication will soon be brought within the sphere of the Federal Union. I re joice, my Lords, to think, that the whole question is viewed in a very different spirit here ; t hat w e are actuated by n o a n x ie ty for territorial possessions, but by a sincere desire for peace, and by a most friendly feeling towards the American nation. So far as lam acquended with the circumstances, I believe no assertion has ever bi en made that our own ca,e is free from all doubt,: and I am sure we shall readily concede what can be justly claimed by America. On the ether hand, Jam equally sure that the people of this country will not give up their unquestionable rights, either to encroachment, to clamour, or question to an amicable eff th or e ts should unfortunately to menace ; and though I doubt not that my Nob l e Friend will a use n d his st u s f t a m c o f o s r t y e n i s d s e u a e v , o y u e r s t toff bringhis fail, I trust that her Majesty's Government will not shrink from adopting that course which it may be necessary to pursue in order to vindiea'e the nation's honour, or to uphold the na tion's interests.—( Hear, hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN—I think it is perfectly natural that, in such a conjuncture as the present, the Noble Lord may reasonably expect to receive such information from her Majesty's Government as they, in the discharge of their duty, way feel it possible to give. I am far from objecting to the course of pitting questions to the Government upon any matter of public importance, and certainly not on one of such paramount interest as this. My Lords, if I followed my own inclination in this matter, I should at onee be disposed to lay on the table of the House every part of the negotiation which has taken place upon this subject from the period of the treaty of Washington up to the present day. I am sure that if I did so I should not only receive from the candour of my Noble Friend opposite an opinion approving the course which has been pursusd, but might fairly appeal to the public at large, and even to the whole of Europe for its confirmation. A time may come when such a course may possibly be necessary. At present it would clearly be un suitable slid impolitic. 1 could wish for an opportunity to explain a little more at length the state of this question, as affects the interests and the claim of this country to the disputed territory. The Noble Lord has cursorily described the claims of this country and of the United States with suf ficient accuracy, as far as he has gone. They, however, would admit of a much more detailed examination, and, although I might now enter into that examination without injury to the public service, I feel that I could not do it without inconveni ence to your Lordships, and this also I think it better to de fer to a future occasion. I shall therefore only address myself to the inquiry of my Noble Friend. I wish to state that the negotiation which has taken plate, and which is still pending, upon this subject was commenced immediately after the sign ing of the treaty by my Noble Friend near me. Without, of course, explaining to your Lordships any of the steps that have been taken in the progress of that negotiation, I wish to draw your attention to the last act of the late President, before his resignation of office. The Senate of the United States having addressed Mr. Tyler so long ago as the month of December, requesting him to communicate with them and inform them as to the progress of this negotiation. Mr. Tyler, in his answer, which was not delivered until Feb. 19, stales,—" In my opinion. as this negotiation is still pending, the information :sought far cannot be communicated without prejudice to the public service, but 1 deem it proper to add, that considerable progress has been made in the negoti a ti on , w hi c h has been carried on in a very amicable spirit between the two Governments, and teat there is reason to ho v e that it may be Drought to a close within a short period. I have delayed answering the resoluti nof the Senate, under the expectation expressed in my annual message, that the negotiation would be teiminated before the el se of the present session, and that she information called for by that resolution might be communicated." lam bound to say that I thick the late President took somewhat teo favourable a view of the state of the negotiation when he made that answer to the Senate. At the same time, as an indication of a friendly feel ing, and of a desire to brine it to an amicable termination, such a declaration of opinion must be highly satisfactory. My Lords, in a fortnight afi er the delivery of this answer to the address of the Senate, the new President made the inaugural speech re ferred to by my Noble Friend. I wish to observe that this speech is not an address made to Congress—it is a speech made to the public. Th e Congress not being sitting. no speech of the kind cou ld b e made by the President of the United States without d raw i n g t o wards it the most serious attention. Neverthele ss , it does not possess the imp ortan c e of an official docum nt, nor can it be regarded as forming part of legislative proceedings. Ido not undervalue its im. portance; but I must observe, that it has not quite the cha racter of an address made to the Congress as the foundation or any legislative measure. I have already mentioned that that declaration of the late President is the last act of which we have any knowledge as far as the n egotiation is concerned. The new President had no Ministry at the time he made his speech. His Administration was not formed, and no communication had taken place between her Majesty's Ministers arid any Go vernment of the United States since the resignation of the late President and of his Administration. We therefore stand precisely in the position in which we stood at the time of the answer of the late President, with the exception of such a character as the relations may have received from the speech pronounced upon his inaugurotien by the new President. My Lords, I wish also to state, that our position is precisely such as it has beep for the last eighteen years with respect to our rights, and the treaty which was made . in 1827 renewing or rather continuing the treaty of 1818, which was for ten years. The treaty of 1827 continued that treaty for an indefinite period, but with the provision that either party might terminate it by a year's notice. There is nothing whafenreepeseentek. proper, from terminating that treaty of 1827 by giving a year's notice for the purpose, which, however, the President has not said he means to give ; but if he does mean it he cannot effect his purpose without a vote of the Congress authorising him to do 30 ; the Congress will not meet unless specially called together until the month of December, and even then the treaty cannot expire without a year's notice being given from the time at which the President receives the neces sary authority to give such notice. Your Lordships will see, therefore, that in point of time, the matter is not so urgent as might be supposed. I need not say, that her Majesty's Go vernment will continue to avail themselves of the intervening period which may exist, in the hope of bringing the negotiation which is still pending to an amicable conclusion. The ne gotiation was founded upon the principle of an amicable ad justment by the mutual concession of extreme claims on both sides, and on that principle it will be continued. i My Noble Friend has b y no means ex p ressed an y censure of that her Majesty's Government have the mode of I adopted in this matter ; at the same time I have seen in other places some intimation, tame apprehension of too great concessions, of a total abandonment of what is called " the high tone ;" altogether, I am accustomed almost daily to see myself characterised as pusillanimous, cowardly, mean, das tardly, truckling , b ase. —( A laugh ), I hope I need not say that I view these a ppe llations with indifference, I view them. w in h ci a e t ed t , h r e e y al m l I feel perfectly sa tisfied that these vitu p erative terms are trans lated as applicable t o conduct consistent with j ustice, reason, , moderation, and wi th common tense, and I therefore feel, as I 1 said before really not indifferent, but p ositivel y satietii it. y ean with an s al at h is o f w act f i h on ey ; because I kn o w perfectly well ought to be and are translated. when I I see such observations.—(Lou cheers.) I believe I that nn man ever may conscientiously say, filed the high stion which I have the honour unworthily to hold who fslt 1 more ardently desirous than I do to preserve to the country the blessings of peace, or who would be disposed to make greater sacrifices to maintain it.—( Cheers. ) My Lents, I consider war to be the greatest tolly, if not the gteaiest crime, of which a country could be guilty. if lightly entered into; and I agree with an hon. writer who said, that it a proof were wanted of the deep and thorough corruption of human nature, we should find it in the fact that war itself was some times lawful.—( Loud cheers.) It is the duty, and lam sure it is the inclination, of her Alajetty's Government to preserve peace; a t the same time, there are limits which must not be passed ; an d I say that without attaching to, much weight to questions of honour, for I think, fortunately for this country, that we need not be very sensitive on these matters— it is not for. us, God knows, to seek the " bubble reputation at the cannon's mouth," or anywhere else ; our power, our cha racter and position are such as to enable us to look with in difference on that of which other countries might be perhaps more jealous--(Cheers)—but our honour is substantially property that we can certainly never neglect, and most assuredly we may owe it to ourselves and to our posterity to adept a cowrie contrary to all our desires —to all our inclinations. My Lords, from what I have said your Lordships will perceive an earnest of the spirit of peace which shall pervade this matter, if I con tinue to conduct this negotiation ; and I cannot bring myself to think that at this day any civilised Government, would de sire to see any other course pursued ; and I hope, therefore, and fully believe, that we shall have the happiness of seeing this important question brought Sc a satisfactory and amicable conclusion.—(Lovd cheers. ) Should it be otherwise, I cm only say that we possess rights which, in our opinion, are clear and unquestionable, and, by the blessing of God, and with pour supeort, those rights we are fully prepared to main tain.—(The Noble Earl resumed his seat amidst loud and general applause.) BASTARDY-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the order for the Com mittee on this Bill, which stood for today, was discharged, and Monday next was appointed in its stead. The Duke of RICHMOND said that as it was impossible for the appeals of those parties who were aggrieved under this Bill to be heard at the next quarter sessions, he trusted that some provision would be made for the payment of their expenses. INCOME-TAX. The Earl of RIPON, in rising to move the second read ing of this Bill, said it had been his lot in 1842 to pro pose an Act to their Lordships for the imposition of a tax upo income. He deemed it th en a d u ty on behalf of her Majesty's Government to en t er i nto cons id e rable detail to show: the reasons why they p ropose d it. He did not conceive it was necessary to go to the same extent and variety of explanation upon the present occasion. But he was aware that some means were necessary to induce their Lordships to core inue that tax three y ears l onger. I t was not now requisite to enter into any lengthened argument to prove that it was unwise and inexpedient to conduct the business of the country with a de ficient revenue. He had on a previous occasion gone into that subject at some censiderabla length. The House passed the income-tax, thus sh ow i ng t h at i t wa s the only measure which they deem e d ca l cu l ated to supply t h e deficiency in the revenue.—( Hear, hea r .) It wou ld be necessary for him to state, fi rs t, w h at the condit i on o f the revenue !vas before the ta x was passel, as compared with the revenue dur i ng the succeeding y ears . Th e tax the i r L o rdships were tva.'e, was passed i n 1812, i n which year t h er e was a deficiency in the revenue to the a moun t o f 2,139,0001. On the s th of Apri l, 1843, they had rea li se d no surplus ; but in 1814, when they had four complet e quarters, the tax pro d uce d to Government the sum of 5,356,0001, giving a s urplus of 2.750,0001. in the course of the p rece di ng year. If they did not renew t h is tax, what would the year ending th e s t h April, 1846. the estimated expendi ture of the count ry wou l d b e 49,643, 0 0/., i nc l u di n g all the supplies voted for the use of the army and navy. The ordi nary revenue of the country, supposing they did not renew th.t income-tax, would amount to 47.900, 0001 ., so that th , .r would be a deficiency in le4ti of 1,740,i!001. Again.t that SUM there was t o b e set two quar t er rece ipts from the property-tax, which would amount to 2,600, 0 " 43 4 There would also be a sum of 600,0101. which stk..) , expected in the to receiv e 00urse of the present year from China. If, however, they added these sums to she ordi nary revenue of April 1846, th e , e w ould be a surplus, sup posing no change took place, of 1,200,090/. But from what he bad stated it would b e seen that that surplus would entirely be owing to the am oun t t o be deduced for the income-tax in the coursis of the pre ent y ear . an d the 600,000 1 . to come f ro m China, conseqoently . in the following year. supposing the pro. perty-ta . x Odisenntinne. and there tv.is an extraordinary in crease in the ordinary receipts of the country, or a considerable tiimihuticulu the public expenditure,ihat they \r ad Sad the same deficiency in the revenue in 1847, which existed in 1642. The effect of renewing this tax would he to give the public exchequer in April 1846. a surplu• revenue of 4,560,0001 , which would enable the Government now to remove certain burdens, which at the present moment pressed with great severity upon the prosperity of the country. They proposed to remove all duties impose d . on raw materials, with the exception of timber, and they did so with the view of enabling the British manufacturer to compete with foreigners aeroad. The Noble Lord then went through the various articles upon which the duty is to be taken off, comm, nting as he went slung uper, those which he thought most important. In respect to glas e it might he asked why they did not choose soap in stead of this article ; hut, for his part, he confess, d they could not well do without the amount of duty levied on sow, while the removal of the ditty on glass would open a wide field for the operation of the manufacture= of the country . The amount of duty proposed to be taken off was 6,0001. Then came the ar ticle of cotton wool, the duty upon which amounts to 650,000/, This they proposed to take off, as well as to make a reduction in the duty of sugar to the extent of 130,000/. This would undoubtedly reduce the price of sugar, and place it within the reach of those who had never hewn able to enj .y it before. These, and other reductions, when deducted from the 4,000,000/. would still have a surplus of 890,0(101. It might be objected that these reductions would result in making these imposts permanent taxes, but he thought the experience of the past justified the belief that the commercial affairs of the country would be so improved as to enable them to discoleinue the tax at the end of three years. If they looked back they would find that not only had the national debt been reduced, within the last three years, from 29,452,000/. to 28,365,000/. hut that the value of our imposts h d increased by no less than 5,695.0(10/. Now, all this convinced bim that at the end of three years they would be in a position to dispense with both the income and property-tax. The pros pect of commercial prosperity was such, if they might judge of the steady progress of the last few years, as to hear them out in the supposition they bad just expressed. Witheut referring to the two great subjects of reduction further, and for a moment only touching upon wool and timber, he would lay before the House a few statements of what might be considered the minor articles which bad been affected by the reduction of 1842. The first he would take was coffee, and he would state the gradual increase which had been experienced in the consumption of that article during the last five years. In 1810, the consump tion had been, according to the Cus om-house reports, 28,664,0001b5. ; for 1841, it was 28,370,000 lbs. ; for 1842, 28,593,0001b5. In 1843, 29,979 OCOlbs. In 1844, 31,394,000 lbs. Showing an increase of upwards of 2,700,0001b5. And be would observe, that in 1842 the greatest quantity of coffee bad been consumed which had ever been known during any pre vious period. There was another article, which perhaps many of their Lordships had never yet seen—(A laugh)—but he had had an opportunity of not only seeing, but using it, and had found it both nutritious and palatable, he meant chiccory. Their Lordships might smile, but it was well known that in France coffee was seldom used without a dash of chiccory. He did not mean to say, that the coffee might not be as well without it, but the introduction of chiccory reduced the expense, and did not in the least degree affect the aroma. The introduction of chiccory in 1840 was 1,440,000 lbs. ; in 1841, 1,921,000 lbs. ; in 1842, 2,268,000 lbs. ; in 1843, 2,448,000 lbs. ; and in 1844, 3,164.000 tbs. Cocoa also, which was an article of much request in some ranks of society, had in creased 2,596,004/Ibs. within the last five years. Now it might be supposed that the increase of these articles might have been made at the expense of tea, which was used fur si milar purposes as the articles he had just. named. But what was the fact ? In 1840 the quantity of tea introduced was 32,250,000 lbs. In 1841, 36.675,0001b5. In 1842, 37,353,0001b5. In 1843, 40,293,0001b5.; and in 1844, 41,366,001b5., showing an in crease in 1845 of no less than 4 722 0001bs., since the time that the reduction took place, and not less than one-fourth of the whole quantity that had been computed, if ths whole five were to be taken into consideration. As might naturally be expected, there had been a corresponding increase in the con• sueoption of sugar. Not only had the comfort of the people been added to, but there had been a great advantage obtained in obviating the adulteration of this article, which had been long effec:ed by all sorts of articles. It should be remembered that this was an increase in consumption, accompanied by no arti fice, without any undue extension of the currency, and indeed in the fare of a law which had been passed for restraining t e amount, and which had effectually secured it from any depre ciation in its value. It was evident, therefore, thai this was a solid increase, and that they might rely—and they mieht safely rely—on the increase of the Customs' duties for enabling them to do away, at the end of three years, with this obj fctioneble and most ungracious tax. He. therefore, thought he might safely call upon their Lordships to consent to the third reading of the Bill. On the motion that the Bill b'- read a third time, The Marquis of LANS DOW NE said there were three reasons whic'e weuld justify the imposition of ae inainne-tax— the existence and long c intinuance of a for.uidable war. the still greater importance of inter ins commotion and civil broil, and the third, a defiffiency in the revenue. which they had no other means to supply. It was on the first of these reasons that Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville. and Lord Seymour, had intro duced it. It was on the third that Si, Robert Peel had pro posed it to Parliament in 1542. He saw no reason to hope, even from the statement of his Noble Friend, that they would be able to Tema the tax at the end of the three years. He feared, iodead, there was some ulterior reason fir the proposi tion of the tax. and that it was intended to substitute this system of taxation for that indirect mode which had hitherto prevailed. He found, upon the statement of the Gove-nment, that the revenue, with the arrears of the property-tax, would be fiftye nine millions. He disclaimed any desire to stint the public service of the country. He did not complain of the increase of estimates for the public service. He would be still less dis posed to refuse any grant of public money for the support of that arm of the public service, the navy. There was a pro position of the Government which gave him unqualified plea sure—that was the increased grant for the education of the Catholic priesthood in Ireland. He looked with entire satis faction upon the measures which the Government had adopted to release industry. Still, a , he thought, ministers ought to be sincere in their declaration that the property-tax was only temporary, they should at the same time take measures which would enable them to repeal it. One of the great objections of the present Prime Minister to the repeal of the malt-tax was, that it would lead to the imposition of a property-tax in kriger,T.Trig a't - tre"r partis g t e er sn' a e r j'pt , :e", 7 (7i, " ae l r y .., ks " M country, declared that he would not attempt to make up the deficiency of the revenue by the imposition of a property-tax. He did not agree with the Prime Minister in thinking that there were not other means by which the deficiency could be made up with greater benefit to the public. Lie had heard, as well as his Noble Friend opposite, that there were persons who called themselves " philosophers," and who liked " this tax on account of its equality. But he would ask their Lordships could they imagine anything more unequal than the operation of this tax ? The tax was imposed upon persons whose income depended almost entirely upon their state of health. Was it to subject them to the same amount of taxation as persons who derived their income from fixed property? Again, if he came to the funds, he might ask were all the persons who had pro. perty in the funds to be dealt with alike? The mere fact that a certain amount of property stood in a man's name in the books at the bank was not sufficient to show that he enjoyed that property. So also was it with respect to landed property. The declared income of a man from landed property was not a fair index of his means of paying taxes.—(Hear, hear.) He would not deny that in direct taxation there was this advantage, that every man would know what he was contributing to the necessities of the State. But the difficulties in the way of justly apportioning an income-sax wee not to be obviated by any scheme which he had ever heard propounded. He would not propose the entire rejection of the Bill, which, however, he looked upon, after all, , a a Bill for ultimately taxing labour ; hut he hoped their Lordships would modify its pressure. He would not objec - so strongly to the Bill, as a temporary measure, if he saw it accomeattied by other measures which would enable the Government to dis pense with it at i•he end of three years.—( Hear.) It had been said that this tax was populir. Out there had been no proof that it was popular except with those who had not to pay it— ( Hear, and a I,iugh. ) He did not believe that the country would he reconciled to the tax. arid he hoped that Parliament would find the means of inducing the Government to abandon it at the end of three years. Lord ASFIBUR. TON s iid that the present discussion af ford d him an i pportunity of staling the grounds upon which he hat the misfortune to differ %a HI the e mest prominent mem bers of both parties in Parliament and the country. He, how ever, agreed with the Noble Lord who had just sat down in condemning the income-tax as a permanent impost. He re ferred to a passage in the books of Mr. M'Culloch, in which that ecenomic philosopher had shown that it would be great in justice to subject income from land to a peculiar tax, as that would be a bar to al: improvement. Capital was the chief in gredient in the improvement of a nstion, and any tax upon ca pital—whether that capital ea: represented las land or by raw material of any other kind—or engaged in commerce—was inevitably a check . upon improvement. He agreed with the Noble Lord opposite, that a tax upon income should only be resorted to in times of great emergency. —( Hear, hear.) In the whole of the financial arrangements of the Government the great matter which he regietted was their inattention to the debt of the country. That was the great incubus upon the in ustry of the country. Surly it should have been the duty of the Government—of every succeed ing Government—to relieve the country from that heavy weight. Whilst the debt remained in its present amount, what resource would the country have if a war arose ? Nothing co Id be done but borrow.—( Hear, and a laugh.) The country could only do as Falstaff did in the tavern—" score up." For his part he should never feel comfortable unless he saw some tax imposed for the purpose of grappling with the debt. That was a comfort which, at his time of life, he could scarcely hope to enjoy. —( A laugh.) He had. however, great happiness in saying that, in the whole course of hislong life, he had never seen the country in a happier state of quiet and comfort. There was not a speck in the horizon, except in the small territory of Oregon. —( A laugh.) Yet, he could not but express his regret that nothing was done to get rid of the debt. He would not deny that the sinking fund had failed to a great extent of its object, but it ought to have been sustained as a means of reducing the amount of the debt, and of facilitating the system of borrowing, if a resort to that system should become necessary. This was a year of unexampled prosperity Nothing could be a greater mistake than to suppose that the laws of any Government can prevent those alterations which will assuredly ever he experi enced in commercial affairs. With respect to the banking measures for which his Noble Friend had taken so much credit, he thought that they might possibly have done no harm. But his great objection was to the disposal of the surplus, and he thought the better plan would be to prevent any surplus at a future period. Lord STANLEY said that he thought that his Noble Friend had hardly done justice to the efforts which had been made by her Majesty's Government. His Noble Friend had complained that his Right Honourable Friend at the head of the Treasury had made no effectual relief for the pressure of the, debt. It might be true that no actual re duction in the amount of the debt had made place, but the in tersst of the debt in 1828 was upwards of 39,000,000/., and now it was only 28,000 0001. ; and here there was a reduc tion of not less than 4,000,000 L, which was equal to not less than 1,000,0001. Yet this was not all, for by a burden with which they had saddled themselves now for the benefit of the future, in 1654, by the cessation of the terminable annuities, there would be a reduction of above 650,0001 in the annual interest. Ist 1864 there would be a reduction fur ther by the cessation of the long annuities of above 1,2000001. a year ; and in 1 , 465 there would be a stilt further reeuction of above 200,0001. a year, and he thought that this was a re duction whi c h went very largely to reduet: the debt. But his Noble Friend had said that he had no objectnen to a surplus at present, but he did object to the imposition pt that tax by which the surplus was created. Why it was a fact well known, that his Right Honourable Friend at the head of the Government had clearly shown that, without the income-tax, instead of a surplus, there would, in 1846, absolutely be a deficiency.—( Hear.) It was evident that a surplus of 3,000 000/. or 4,000,0001. was necessary. The Noble Maequis opposite objected to the im position of this tax. beeau.e he said that he bed an objection to their imposition of this tax, and yet he wished that there should be no deficiency, that. they might not have to say, "score up hostess." Why the very first object which they had in view in the imposition of this tax was to pay off the score which the Government, of which the Noble Marquis was a member, had run up ; and by this tax they .had sot only been able to pay o ff that aeon ., to the rune of 7 li°° l • a year, but at the same time to grant very large relief to L' e c mweree of the ciun ry. So that this tax. which the Nobl# Marquis so grievously complained of, had enabled them to in ereass coniamoton, and, at the t am time, to clink th; HI)USE OF CO.VMONS. April 4. The SPEAK took the Chair at Four o'clock. SECOND READINGS. smuggler by remitting duties, which raised the article of tea, Bill, and the Harrocate and Ripon Junction Railway Bill, were for instance, to a rice which induced the contraband tevestally read a second time. introduction of it. The consumption of that article had Mr. T. DUN Ut ,il IsE Cave notice that he should, on the increased fully one-fourth within the last five years. .Agittn, motion for the third reading of the last of these hills, move if they took the article fif tobacco, they would find that the that it be le rd a third time that day s'x months. reduction of the duty upon tobacco had led to a very lei ge in- LIVERPOt L AND BURY RAILWAY. crease in the consurnittien of the article. In 1841 the (pi ~ ntity The Bill fur this rale ay was brought in and read a first introduced was ; in 1843 it was :3,605 0001bs. ; time, ou the meti , lt of ti•e Earl of LIS lOW EL. and in 1814 it was 3.863,0001bs So that it api.eared the im- SPARROW: , EIERtiE ROAD. position of this tax hail enabled them largely to relieve the The Bill for thi- read was read a third tie.e and pasted. trade of the country. They proposed no le•s a reduction than i LOW ESTOFF RAILS AY AND HARBOUR. 3,e00,000/ , and the Noble Lord himself had stated that a This Bill was read a second tone, arid ordered to be corn• better selection of ar'icics on which to remit duty could not be mitted. made than that they had adepted. In the price of sugar they had effected a larger reduction than was contemplated in the celebrated sch,ine of the Ni.ble Lord opposite. He had nut heard any one complain that the en'ire teducti n of the duty on glees had given a great stimulus to the manufacture. If they had not taken the duty off glass the manufacture would year by year have gradually decreased, and the duty upon it could not have been relied upon as a source of revenue. Be had not heard, even in the daily papers or anywhere else, still less in their Lordship's House, that the relief which they had granted was tale which would tiot largely tend to promote the commerce of the country and promote the con sumption and the comfort of the peoele.—( Hear. ) Another impertant tax which had been passed over by the Noble Lord was the 600,0h0/. imposed on the importation of raw cotton. Was thu re a. more objectionable tax than that ? It pressed heavily on the manufacturer, and its removal had long been looked for by the country. Well, then, without the im position of an income-tax the Government cou d never have ventured upon there important financial changes. It was said, that the tax wss popular with those who did not pay it, but those who spoke in those terms forgot that all our former systems of taxation had reached their maximum, and those upon whom they were imposed were unable to bear them. Were the Government to blame, then, for removing the burden of the chief taxes to those who were well aide to bear them ?—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis had said that the property-tax was not only grossly unjust in principle but grossly unequal of its operation. Why, where could they find a tax which was not in some respects unequal in its operation ? All taxation must bear differently upon those who have a permanent and those who have only a temporary interest in property, and in these two instances he could hardly see how the tax could operate with any great degree of int quality. If the tax were raised now to remove a debt some tenor twenty years hence he should agree with the Noble Marquis in thinking it was partial and unjust to tax an annuitant, but where the tax was made to meet the current expenses of the current year, and levied upon the current income of an individual, he could not comprehend the argument which went to show that the tax was either unequal or partial in its operation. At all events, he should sit down convinced that a property- tax was the best and the most equitable which they could impose upon the nation, for removing what appeared to him to be a permanent deficiency in the revenue. Lord MONTEAGLE reminded their Lordships that, when the national debt was contracted, the assessed property of the country amounted to 56,000,0001. Since then it had increased to 186,000, , 00/. ; and they were nos about to tax parties to meet the charges of a debt, from which those parties had never derived any interest.—(Hoar.) He had heard many ingenious calculations, ba-ed upon the resources of this country, but he was convinced of this, the resources of the country bad never been greater whether in a time of war or peace than they were now. He was inclined to praise some of the selections which the Government had made in the articles upon which they proposed to remove the duty. The article of glass was a very important one, and he had no doubt great benefits would result to the country from the se movel of the tax hitherto imposed upon it. But they were net to discuss a property-tax in a commercial point of view. It was in a financial point of view they must examine into it, and he must say, looking at it in this li g ht, it was founded upon a fallacious and dangerous doctrine which was calculated to cause great mischief out of doors if not to j. opardise the peace of the country. There never was a more needless sacrifice of revenue than the giving up of the auction duties. The sacri fice had not been called for. How could it be expected that the repeal of the excise duties would promote consumption so much as to compensate for the losses to the revenue? The Go vernmeiit of a tuture day would he compelled to yield to the demands of the country. He believed that the labourers of the country were as much interested in opposing this tax a- the richest and most fully endowed. When he com pared the estimates of the year 1635, under the same rime Minister, with the estimates of the present year, he could not help stating that no good rea-on had been given for the increase. With respect to the sugar duties, he could see no reason for the measures of the Government. All the authorities of any value upon the s : uestion, were against the arguments all gest by the Government in favour of its own measure. With respect to sugar you lose a million and a hail; the President of the Board of Trade stated the sum of two mill ons The very classification, the ve. y system, was adopted from the paper prepared by Mr. Hume, which had been called a riginarele payer. They lost by the timber duties up wards of 600,000/., and by the sugar that. which made up a loss of two niiiiions and a half. The way in which they had dealt with corn had dimieislisd the it resources. In corn, sugar, and ti ber, there appeared to be a fatality ; and it seemed by the pamphlet which Mr. Gladstone had written, that there was r 'eduction of one-half the aniouot of duty. He was quite peened to discuss he question as one of econom:cal -cienve, and he thought that in that principle the Government had mistaken the course they ought to pui su Lord ASHBUBT N raid, his Noble Friend had riot an. swer ed his objection, for he thought the erinciple of a sinking fund, of that which was equivalent to a sinking fund, was the diminution of the principal, and not merely the in terest of a debt. The Duke of RICHMOND said that he did not object so much to the vote, as to the appropriation of the funds which are to be supplied by it. His iNoble Friend had allowed, that he was totally ignorant of the nature of some of the it« ms in the list el duties which he was prepared to reduce. Now, he thought, that if reduction were to be made, is ought to be made in some of the articles in which benefits would accrue to the agricultural interests.—( Hear.) But what did they do? They imposed a rate upon a farmer, so that if tie had 300/. a year rent, they taxed him after the rate of obtaining 1501. profit—but what was the ease? An in dividual who had last year had an interview wall Sir Robert asses, es l A.f9, Lao /bawd loot 0001., larttl ire levee he had lost 701)1. He was assured that the distress in the country had been occasioned by the measures of the last three years. The Right Hon. Baronet had come into office on the suppesition that the agricultural interest would be taken care of; but he would be glad to know what would be the opinion now, if the country were called upon to express it. One thine surprised him, that every body talked against the Bill, but every one resolved to vote for it. This was very strange, but still it was a fact, that without the tax they would nut have the surplus which appeared requisite for the necessities of the country. Lord BROUGHAM complained that the debate had been a most svearisoa+e one, and he thought it was a bad system to use so many figures in speaking of a subject like this. He had waited an hour and a half in anticipation of this debate, but they had heard all about everything but the precise point in question. It reminded him of an anecdote of a great states man, who had expended, like all other Chancellors and ex- Chancellors of the Exchequer, a great deal of labour in getting together a series of calculations, and he went to Lord Lauder dale, who advised him to throw his figures altogether over board, just as he would throw physic to the dogs. The Noble ex-Chancellor was, of course, in an agony of disappointment, but still the advice was good, and it it had been followed, it might have saved a good deal • f the wearisomeness of this debate. He must say that, notwithstanding the objections to this tax, still he was prepared to vote for it, as he had done in the first instance for the fist three years on tne ground of necessity ; and in the second instance on the ground of something very like necessity. In the abstract, and indeed in practice, there were great objections to the impo sition of a property-tax, especially for a permanency. That there were objections also to ineirect taxes, he was perfectly aware ; any attempt to press upon the means of consumption must press upon the erijeyments of those classes to whom the comforts thus restricted were everything. Yet, notwiths end ing this, he still deemed it necessary to refute the supposi ion that thus tax, or indeesb, any dii ect tax, could fall equally on property. It was one of the essential elements of property that it should be unequal, and he thought that whet, the tine ginatien of his Noble Friend was int-heed to be active, it would nut be a bad plan if he were to call his juegment into his aid to render his lucubrations as useful as the detail of the in was effective. He regretted that Mr. Pitt did nut take, in the time of the war, long annuities, instead of contracting an alrno-t lasting debt. If that had been done the country would not new have been in such a condition as to :ender either an income or a property-tax necessary. Improvements might be introduced into the Bill under discussion, but he thought the country would bear the is convenience of the measure in its present state, fully relying upon the intent ion of Govern ment to discontinue it at the expiration.. of three years. The country he was convinced would never object to an income tax in a time of war, or when large funds were required to de ftnd its honour. But God forbid that the present peace should be disturbed ; but knowing the frailty and vicissitudes of hu manity, he could not conceal irons himself that a time might come when it might be necessary for the Country t ineiefe h t e me wa o s f it s rights or its honour to resort to arms, a satisfied the people would cheerfully pay not only an income-tax, amounting to three, but to ten per cees. He trusted that the seutienents he has; seen in the President's message would be le pudiated by the American people; butt if they were not, he retied upon the British Government's adopt ing measures to vindicate the national honour, and they might depend upon England contributing a liberal income and pro perty-tax to aid them in doing so. Should, however, no extra ordinary steps be necessary, it was the duty of Government to keep the tax down as much as possible; and should it be found necessary to continue it at the expiration of the three years, such modifications ought to be introduced into it as would make it less inquisitorial and less painful to the great body of the people. he Marquis of NORMANBY had strong objections to the continuance of the property-tax, because sanctioning it a second time looked very much like snaking it a permanent tax. At the termination of the Chinese war, it was held out to them that the increase it would occasion to the commerce of the country would have the effect of removing the income and property-taxes, and he could see no reason why this principle should not be now fultilled. He did not think that the other deductions of taxation were equivalent to the increase of impost upon this tax. He, therefore, opposed the proposition of the Government, and would say " non-content.' The Earl of RADNOR would also say " non-content" to the imposition of this tax, because it was unequal, unjust, and inquisitorial, in its operation. He contended that, in all seasons of agricultural depression, the laws were chiefly in fault. He objected to the tax because it was unjust and oppressive. He would not object to an income-tax if it were fairly apportioned. He did not think that it could be so. But he was convinced that it e iold not be brought forward in a more objectionable shape than the present. The Duke of RICHMOND moved an amendment, as a rider to the Bill, " that, in the even+ of farmers suffering a loss through a bad harvest, they should have a power of appeal against the assessment of the tax. Lord STANLEY thought the Noble Lord's proposition un reasonable, because it was impossible to make such distinction. The Duke of RIC HM ON I) would rather have the inquisitorial power than the real loss. He objected that they were obliged to ascertain their losses, and he thought it very hard if a man incurred a loss that he should pay as if it wete profit. He would not divide the House upon it, because he thought it would be useless to do so. Yet he knew that it was competent for them to alter a money bill, and, with the present power of the Government, he was convinced that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Treasury would be very well able to make any alteration he pleased in the Bill. The Marquis of NORMANBY said that. he agreed with the Noble Duke that this was the csowning iniquity of the Bill ; and though lie was among the non-contents of the Bit he would not divide the House on this occasion, The amendment was then put and negatived. The Bill was then read a third time, arid passed ; and their Lordships adjourned at a quarter to Twelve o'clock. GRANT TO MAYNOOTH. Mr Parnell, Mt. rirotherton. Mr Hamilton, Col. Acton. Mr. Aglionhy. tr. Stuart ortley, Mr. Bailey, Mr. Divrtt, Mr. Palmer, Dr Itimring, and s veral other Hon. Alenibers pr, svnreci petitions from variiius places, against any additional grant to Maymmth. CHURCH EDUCATION. Mr. BATESON presented a petition from the county of Derry, in favour of the grant for Church education in Ireland. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL. Dr. BOWE{ INC; presented a petition from the Unitarians of Bolton in favour of this Bill, and praying the House nut to throw impediments in its way, but to still further extend the spirit of toleration which had dictated it. SAWYERS. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from the sawyers of Bir• mingham complaining of the present system of importing from America, into this country. ready-cut board,, free of duty, and praying the House to appoint a select committee to inquire into its operation upon the operative sawyers of the country. Air. COLVILE presented several petitions from Derbyshire against the grant to the Colleae of Alaynooth. The Stimechurch Roast Bill was read a second time. MEDICAL BILL. Air. MAN( LES said that he presented a petition last night from a nu,erous binly of medical practitioners in several towns in surrey. praying for some alteration in the Medical Reform Bill introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department. He wished to put the House in po session of the motives by which these gentlemen were actuated. The SPEAKER said the Hun. Gentleman was clearly out of order in attempting to refer to petitions when there was nu debate. Mr. MANGLES said that if he were prevented from stat ing the opinions of those for whom he had acted, he would beg to give notice that he should move certain amendments on the Medical Reform Bill in Committee.. MAYNOOTH. Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE presented two petitions against any increase in the grant to the College of Nlaynooth. They were numerously signed, and were untainted by any spirit of exclusiveness; but they deemed that any ecclesiastical esta blishment was an unconstitutional imposition, and they prayed the House to modify or reduce the grant. Mr. HINDLEY said he had presented several petitions against the grant to Maynooth last night, and he now had to present seventy more. He would not trouble the House with reading the titles of these petitions, for he did not expect they would be of the smallest avail, but he conceived that it was necessary to present them in order to put the House in pa ,ession of the feelings of the country. The parties who bad signed these petitions were not induced by any disposition to the " No Popery " cry, but because they conscientiously be lieved that any State support to ecclesiastical establishments was bad in pi inciple. RAILWAYS. Mr. STUART WORTL E , seeing the Honourable Member for Oxford in his place, bi Aged to ask him when they might expect a notification of the seiection of Committees for railways, and in what order they meant to classify the Bills. Mr. ES [COURT said that the day on which the House se parated before the recess, the loth of March, was the very' earliest day on which any decision could be come to. It was of ciursecicar that some consideration was required after the House met again before the result of that decision could be declared. Hut he expected that the last would appear in the votes to' morrow morning. With regard to the second portion of the Hon. Member's question, it was impossible to say in what weir ihe Bills would Le classified, fur their order must depend 0 11 ;he busines c,f the Hi use. RAILWAYS AND THE BOARD OF TRADE. Mr. DUNCOM BE gays notice that, on Twisday next, be could call attention to the Railway Department of the Board of Tr,ida, with a view of preventing their inflicting further injury oil both public and private interests. Oii the mot,ini of Mr. '1 UFN ELL a return of the number of apprentices who have attended at each of the schools esta' blished in her Maj.-sty's deck yards, during the year ending December 31, 1014, was agr,..d to. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. FOS lER asked the Horourable Gentleman the Under Secretary fix tl e Col,nlies if he had any objection to lay on the table of the House the Government dispatches received front New Zt lard on the lit inst. ? Mr. H OPE thought the finuse would agree with tli st him these dispatches were for the information of Gov( or merit and not for the information of Parliament. At th e same time, however, he could state that these difpatches were all ready, and be had no objection to lay such parts of theta c' n the table as the Ilt.use night wish to tee. RAILWAY CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION . (SCOT • _ _ The Newcastle-on-Tyne Coal Turn kill, the Glaspw and Shots Read Bill, the Gla , geis Bridges Bill, the York Road Bill, the Thames Watei works Bill, ihe it. Brien'. Canal Bill, _ . the !=l. I .leleu's. Impr(ovlnela Bill, the Blackburn Wateiwoeks Bill, the thablin atv.DroAheda liall%ay Bill. the Wolv. rhamp. ' - Waterwtrk6 Bill; the Ennttlitlien and Dundalk Rai way ton, LAND) BILL. Mr. LABOUCHERE wished to call the attention Of tbi t Lord Advocate t, a report which had gone abioad, to the e tre that•th.; Learned Lord had allowed an Hon. Member to add clause to the Railway Clauses Coesolidat , on Bill of Scotle ndo without giving any previous notice of its nature, and at a tie! when the Bill was in its last stage, and there ail; necessarily but a small attendance of Members in House. When he mentioned what the clause talt he thought the House would agree with him , tha t it W 1; oLe of considerable importance. The provision was no le" s , than this—that every future railway to be constructed io See r land, should give an indemnity or guarantee to the landed Pr. e •prietois of Scotland for any loss they might suatt, l o through any turnpike- road being affec t e d by ft. const uction of the line. It had c reated co nsiders excitement in Scotland ; and he wished to know whether the facts he lied stated were correct? The LORD ADVOCATE said the clause was s imilar t . e, one introduced into the Bill relating to England, and be di! not think the Committee had sanctioned any „ missa l or oniu l/ eisese. MR. MAZZINI. Sir C. NAPIER ,aid that he perceived a statement in d' d l public newspaper declaring positively that Mr. Mazzini ha nothing at all to do with that order for the murder at R ode* which was alleged by the Right Hnn. Secretary for the Ho st Depattment to have been signed by him. It appeared 641 the statements in the paper that the order was a forgery, that Mr. Mazzini was not in France at the time the or der t ot made. He wished, therefore , to ask the - Right Hon. g arott s if he stiil maintained his charge , or whether he was pr e p are d to follow the example of the Hon. Member for Shrewsblerl' and make an apology to Mr. Mazzini ? Sir J. GRAHAM said, that the Hon. and Gallant Oft,_ e er was not so obliging as to give him any notice of his intents_ri to put such a question. He should have thought that be wew t. have observed the ordinary rule of the House in such a reattta But, as that rule had net been observed, he could scarce/ , expected to answer the question now. However, he woo le ! s f s • this, that he had seen letters written by Mr. Martini, to l e o the question of the Hon. and Gallant O ffi cer referred ; alwse ( Sir J. Giaham) last night laid upon the table of the ne'as: by command of her Majesty, certain papers which bore s a, reedy upon this question. The House would remember t" - p when he was making his statement to it upon this ouestio s • he said distinctly that part of the accusation against afr. situ did not re.t on official information, but on certain lette which he ( Sir J. Graham) held in his hand.-4 Hear, he p, He had heard that it was the intention of Mr. Menial to P, 0 secute the Moniteur newspaper for an alleged libel c o ntai nee iso that pa l er, but t h a t he did not follow it up; and be had to heard that Mr. Mazzini did take an action against anot jo paper for the san.e, and that he had not succeeded fo e proving the allegation. But he told the Hon. alember lo o, Finsbury that he had never seen those letters or papers, os therefore, could rot tell what the nature of the accusation 0,0% —( Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Graham) really knew o . t bl et i, more 01 the subject than this and what he had already 111,10 e xceet that he had heard that the accusation in the Mos t ta te was ill-founded ; but he should now say he was bound t° es ta go that be cid Lot feel ju•titied in declaring that there W"' foundation for the charge aiseinst Mr. Mazzini. ViNOOl H COLLEGE. etioe Mr. VILLIERS begged to know when it was the in L'" es ' fer of the Right 11, n. Baronet opposite to introduce the be the proposed inereas.d grant to Majnonth ? The ieaSiT asked the que s tio n tc, , a because he had been requested Iv loge body of Dissentors to put off the second reading e t Bill tor a ortnight. of Sir R. PEEL sai I that, in consequence of the r esoluttli t ., the House in teonimittee laSt night, in favour of the Bil is '. ' O 6 Greene had receive,' (erections to prepare it; and. the e d then fixed upon Friday next as the day upon which "the seer:rs, reading of that Bill shouln take place, and it would, :there ho t receive a second reading on that day.—(Oppoeitimechee.tor Mr. PLUMPTRE said he was requested to inquire *be t the time for the second reading of the Bill might not be' tended beyond Friday next ? LORD ASHBURTON AND LORD J. RUSSELL:O Lord J. RUSSELL said that he wished to ask a quest s ,• of the Hon. Gentleman , the U n d er Secreta ry of the Colon' is on a subject which was personal to himself. He had Le ge e within toe last few hours a a atement, purporting to have t bite made by Lord Ashburton with regard to a speech made by t he (Lord John Russell) on a late occasion. He would say, is, first place, • hat a frieedship existed between him and Lorolo-ble liurton, which friend•hip began when that in Lord and himself were of the same opioil e i re ee polaacs—( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—and that the th' not which had taken place in their political opinions b et interrupted the cordiality with which they always ° l r / o bl* get, er whenever it was his good fortune to meet that ee ishr Lord, and that nothing was further from h it - to in the discharge of his public duty, say anything personally unkind of that Noble - - . 0 1 —( Hear.) In the course of th e di scuss i o n on the p ity estimates a discussion, quite unexpected by him, arose o stb regard to the treaty concluded by Lord Ashburton tied America. That discus s ion w a s introduced by his Nob le the, near him, and, in consequen c e o f w hat had fallen fr o " - too Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, he (Lord John Russe ll) te d, referred to a matter which he conceived to be c orrectli f rbsd as far as his recolle c ti on on th e subject served. ti 11 6 said that he thought it was advisable there s heu oso some arrangement made by which the forces_ of *h igh Britain and America should occupy a certain posttiel 4 assfes• should be the boundary between the two bon For that pu r p ose h e h a d i n st r ucted Lord SYde P or to carry on negotiations with that object, with the r ote currence of his Noble Friend the Member for Tiat o o ot Lord Syd e nh am i n f orme d hi m i n hi s a ns wer that he con."hols obtain from Mr. Webster any terms other than terms hi,:f the that part of the Madawaska settlement on the right bana st was river St. John should be occupied by the two Pow n e e r g s; r o iei s i l clear that Lord Ashburton supposed he (Lord J. 1 093 ! e - s farY , luded to negotiation§ for a permanent settlement of the be 7 30,1 70 whereas—and he thought it was sufficiently ele Jr from w. to bo had sail—he only alluded to a provisional arrangeree n ' eu tioo made between the two Governments. If it was the to p ,, of the Government to carry on any diplomatic they would, of course, be carried on by his Noble L o on and Lot himself, as the Noble Lord must have Under All he wished to know w a s, if the Hon. Gentleman t he f Secretary for the Colonies, had received a copy instructions which he (Lord John Russell) gr fis Lord Sydenham, and his answer to isi rn e spoke at the moment from memory, and did not an r la s so a discussion on what he then stated ; but the Noble 'A ss es's , ' totally mistaken the whole transaction, for that Lord .7 cl Lot ham could have made such observations seemed to himt l (Him J. Russell) impossible. He wished to ask the R i g h r " nee is Gentleman to produce the documents he had in refe this subject. - Lord Mr. HOPE said he was not aware that the Noble ice ev er,' tended to put this question. He would, however, , search for the papers to which the Noble Lord referre• n _. alto Lord JO erN R U'.SELL inquired if a correspon d s ta.,00 taken place in respect to a provisional arrangement be"" the Colonial-office and Lord Sydenham? Rttlt t res l e r c ' t tHo• b ted Mr. HUMEdis p sail ed that r all connecte d O th F e Esa u i t d ttheerrei } dispatcheshad been a correspondenee is tb dispute ought to te laid on the table of the House. p re S r ROBERT PEEL -aid, if the documents even be ah' sieved without any injury to the public service. h beet! objection to their production ; but this mat ter hare settled between this country mad the Un ited State", ta.T_T la id ooD , see why they should be produced. H e did not tl?ffif.tte public dint oald be atrAtied by thdr prodnatio• Ow' 10% 80 1 ,4 25 14V 2 11 1214 61( 18 1 :,4 13 2% 2 51 1 4 44 31,4 6 7 s 13 1 h 3% 27M 16% 12 r P