The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-16 00:00:00

- ___----- the inereate of the clergy and the Vial'''. how was the question to be dealt with ? There Theh were, he b hovei, only 0 ree modes of dealing Kith the enbje, t. One was the seppeintreent of suffragist) bishop s or assistant bishops. In some cases, • psrhaps, that might be desirable, but, as a general 111' , , i i ?e did Lot think i t would he eatieficiory, because a sui ten bish op Wise not a dioc, u one wai t l aitheut tier,urisdiction had esan b the pow er o f pe raein t e episeaPLl da - des - Ifirable the cren of di ocesan b i shops was thought there atio L were only two m o d es of dealing with the uestion—the fleet Ives that pursued in the case of th , dioces e cf Manchester. He, however, thought it n!cea less to go into the merits of that sehsree, because ear liament was not likely to create new bishoprics on the footing of the bishopric of Mancheen - e. The- queetin, then arose, was it advisable to create new leshoptice °Pon a humbler and more restricted basis? If that was the only plan, sett i ng aside matters of detail, he would any n wculsl th ey open the door to the foundation of new bishop r i cs, or would they close it under all cir cumstances? The work of the Church was not done in . large towns. It was not possible to make all people 7,€), her Christians, but it was the duty of the Church t s bring nordinances home to every man. In many of the ruraldis tricts that was the case, but it was impossible it s h ou ld be Bo in large districts and towne, where there was scam ly anY Per relati on between' the clergy rine and the iiilia- bi tants. Th e best way to make the Church effective fur Pastor al purpos es in large towns was to f oun d episcopal sees in one or other of those towns.—(H (ear, hear.) )1 reaso n again s t t h e foundation of new hishoprics was the belief that such a course would fritter away the refs . - rues of the Church in supporting a few idle steed of providing' small incomes fur the hard-working ele,rgY. On thisarsons, in- i point he might refer to the colonial a o p u - t pointireats. The ancient practice was to send naen with salaries of 400/. or 500/. a year, and under such cir cumstances it was difficult to procure men fitted for the Pastor a l w or k . The economic a l v i ew w i t h regar d t o our . _ prov colonies Would have b een to say, " Do not give 2,000 or 3,0001 a yea r to b ishops, but husband your resources th e 1 that to ide fur the clergy." y." B u t it was we ll k nown p olicy o f founding bishop r i cs i n th e co lo n ies h a d been beneficial. What had been the effect ? Why, since the foundation of the bishopric 1 825, eleven bishoprics were founded, and the cer of Jamaica l in . le g e Y t il3 h e e r ti und er them at the foundation were alto. In th Year6s2. 1842 the bishopric of Tasmania was founded, and the clergy of the diocese numbered only 19, but in 1813 they amounted to 43; similar results hid taken Plac e the rest of the new !bishoprics' Why not, tuti , adopt the same principle in England? The insti on of additional bishops in England would also in o Cre a h; L SO the number of clergy and communicants. T za i .0 .. ,p 0 would form a centre around which congregations he spoke taorgy would spring up such he meant in great numbers.. When spoke of the formation of new bishoprics, _ e as were presided over by men whose time would f exclusively devoted to the ecclesiastical duties o t s he h ir raTective dioceeee. He proposed that in each case e th a o expressed b ishop should be appointed in accordance with — P re ssed desire of a large number of the inhabitants, Wh ° 'should subscribe towards maintaining him; "use et of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and also . f the A that the o _ Ad of of the day, should likewise be pla o tained, and that the whole scheme should be laid before th e Q uo The en in Council for the sanction of the Crown. appointment of bishops like that 'of Manchester was Only paltering with the question. He hoped the Co%- raittee would approve of the practical scheme which he hatdoprrdop J. RUSSELL for their consideration.—(Hear, hear.? RUSSELL wished to express a doubt re -BP"tfog the propriery of adopting the clause moved by , the ...Fri ght Ron Gentleman, rather than to argue against its adoption he'reafter. He could not think with the Right 1101). Gentleman that we ought to give up alto gether the prospect of creating new bishoprics like POthose of Manchester or Ripon. It appeared to him that was a practical plan, and one in accordance with . ' a present constitution of the bishoprics of this coon present Great advantages must arise from creating wuiachn bishoprics in large districts. .The bishoprics of k. chester and Ripon, and the division of the arch '&Bb9Pric of York, had produced great benefit to the d "nreb• What the Right Hon. Gentleman propose 'was, that there should be a kind of dioceses separated totally from those at present existing. He (Lord J. Russell thought there were strong objections is the Withconstitution of a new kind of bishoprics unconnected a seat in Parliernent, and totally independent for th is present order of bishop. If funds were to be voted . f t s new order of bishops, they would have to be supplied Out of • • diltieB order bishoprics, under the plea that . th o e • of existing bishops would be ditniaished— . la rate effect of which would be that existing I,lBerltpros meat, be deprived of the means of attending It would then be said " You have now a r)tiotriher of bishops having seats in Parliament without eft mates of attending there, and you have others ;with o° outtseats in Parliament. Is it not better to put them all _ he same footing? " That would be the argument; and, whether a good one or a delusive one, it would be b li : kll 3 t o ted the be successful. If, however, you prevee e w'seeops from attending Parliament, you (E ;Y_ towards separating the Church from the t would go s a a g o o . Ld in ' sn r ' be ar.) It appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) t that, of toad of creating new bishoprics according to the th e 'esollight lion. Gentleman, it Would be much more for _ parogelh elitaintage of the Church to incr'&se the number of districts. There would be great difficulty in : 11 : 2 14 ,Y ,, ing on the affairs of the Church with bishops pos reent-g such different pole era and occupying Wer P ,. °s : iti en. For irivance, if any large subscription such diffe iznead.b!is,stisodpifn.orWestminster for the purpose of appoint that district, you would have a Bishop of Nestor.ol holding a seat in Parliament, and a Bishop of indep endent not not holdin g a seat in Parliament, entirely . '?` lunctionsef the 13`8"13 said that of London, and exercising S ep%rately. The Right 'lion. Gent!eman iee„,, fiche (Lord J. Russell) had himself introduced an eei st n of this kind —that there were bishops now , in 1 , -- nee who hal not a seat in Parliament. The aeo h et had not introduced a system bi er . e toee , . seep ii eeee-would have seats in Parliament, and twei G y o. by which twe i n t ty . ve__l would have no seat. The innovation the enrerai;ll4ltlade left a junior bishop without a seat to get he u . during the earlier - period of h i ti _ cl panted with his diocese, but with the prospect of h,_,`"telY gettinghis episcopate, to intietil:nitt the at thernis°ll a seat in Parliament. It appeared to plan Of the Right Hon. Gent!eman was not he f atne tWirnithe,the present constitution of the Church; h in future years, such a system inlg i _t hus s r nd gesti c, at present, however, he (Lord J. ttee ( l l ?, could not consent to the clauses being read a .., a ote e ee.e4o r d j . e a e ludin g MANNERS could not gather from the con was g observations of the Noble Lord that there th e an? sc hente on the put of the Government fo e :. ehurciirP,Te Enf rendering the episcopacy of th of it s ea "I, gland sufficient for this due discharge of ed giest an Dud duties. It was the opinion lipi ritu iPersons who had taken az interest in the f spiritual W elfare of the Church, that an increase o °o th e " was, absolutely necessary. All who had written Ch the" were agreed that the bishops of the . it BPititU 1 u (if England ought to be the spiritual rulers of Posed the conarnonwealth. The Noble Lord now . op- Proved f'verY Moderate scheme that he had himself . ap kanne $3 ) two or three years ago. His (Lord John "Peet " ' conviction was, the Church of England need n r her no favour and very little justice at the hands steoe„ ,!attiestYs Government. Under these circum of th e ' u° hoped his Hon. Friend would take the sense After Ilouse on his motion. L 47 , 1,!. few words from Mr. GLADSTONE, Would u. RUSSELL hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman re 41 1t( it divide on the motion, as the Government Ited he nrsed Otto give their best attention to the subject, kr.GuLd hto negative the motion. esihitlizzohtA..isDroSuTtOtoNn.E, under these circumstances, would aion was accordingly withdrawn. Lord eleu ee . • MANNERS then moved the following Ptietor-7 And be it enacted, that the owner or pro -Bhall a n d etly im propriation tithes or portion of tithes, Part the tnaY have power to annex the same or any th e there Unto th e Pan e l, , parsonage, vicarage, or curacy of or t o 8,‘,., onurch or chapel whence the same lie or arise soil age : l ' l4 ,e the saute in trust for the benefit of such par loeeer :iearaae, or curacy, any statute or law what steoain ,), the contrary thereof in any wise notwith- Te e g. Th e e N iullie vvas agreed to. ha • NOB Lon a ving for ite h. then oved the followin l g eo c m la ro us is e : stoners from 0 iect to inhibit the Ecclesiastical neestioo al parting With any propertythe class in of . . 6 . h e i t d Which should comeunder their direction, And hereiZlared and enacted tat the provisions of the e xehan @lore recited Acts relating to the sale, transfer, or 8411 not o f any lands, tithes, or other hereditaments, reoi.olut extend to authorise the sale of any tithes or tlaiderihotpre:faorrgteoin lieu of tithes belonging to the see of any any chapter, or in the possession or enjoy ed °M ee any dean ,canon, prebendary, or other dignitary, tosseiair °fa, collegiate church, or in the latide, n u of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for Eng , Sir o . Ivo thingsßEY said that the Noble Lord confounded tele /0„--alienation and sale. He was favourable to (Ittesti: et) aliena t i on purposes; but alienation was not a to alienate 111 th e Bin. The Commissioners had no power 'nate o h , -elle r e urcn property. an te,,,tB ,'ew words from Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Goulburn, .114.-644.• Groevenor, the clause was withdrawn. W4 ich es-'"ur-'I3IJRN then ' moved the following clause', ei Atidere E ugreed to:— ras ut , . 0 e It declared and enacted, that the arrange the reference to peculiar or exempt ecclesiastical the prec„tl°,llB which the said Commissioners are under Utaori'"toors of the said first-recited Act empowered and qfe et B °d to p ro . e an, pose in any scheme ~) . . into .8 r eeo _a of the rec ommendations the f re r m ea r r e r c y it i e h d g , may Whete_unended and proposed in any 43 , ,;;;_f relating t a ns ch arrangements solely, or also to scheme or schemes laid re`°.l,r Matter thing contained in any or either of 4. !_tt!ti Acts or this Act. any "LZ? be it declared and enacted, that in the case of erehireelloodeaconry which shall no longer be held by the Beeoedia" who was at the time of the passing of the 1100 " -r ecited As • • c tik' I ° l th e es In possesstons thereo., the up id eo to _, l °7le Act Which relate to the transfer to the y o n i tB eutis toners of the estates of any archdeaconry Idea ndewnsent in either of the modes therein pro . - de ae ' and also th NI Gory of ane dlsannexing from any such arch , i , str ool ..., Y °bnefice with cure of souls, shall be &seal:lo4,7'2u held to authorise such transfer and such eleocee, .._no,_With the consent of the bishop of the `leitutteo4),Tt the the archdeacon in possession of the arch- An,t' w ith the ti me, or if the archdeaconry be then va , , e consent of the bishop only. lOth o q be it d eo Harr. ra y rn,_., ared and enacted that the powers and ; let s ceo v ' t 7 i t i tng to the alteration of the boundaries of k . h atne et h li ed in an Act passed in the session of 8/est , eld in th tte Et Y a ro e , . 0 seventh and eighth years cf her e ro euri ft , intituled 'An Act to explain and amend "teri t an ea, t , f di , , aal eee sla tes se o f le e or making better Provision for the th e e s ne w 9 ,,,. _. upulous Parishes,' may as to any such 41,equete Aot;_sung, not withstanding the limitation in 3%1411 f totn u tl t a ain ed, be exercised at any t me within - P4B6 ing of this Act, and as to every such district herettfier to be constituted within five years from tl . te dire of the licence of the minister first licensed thereto, and this notwithstand:ng Oa% any such d:s trict may have brcome an w parish by viTtus f the provisions of the Act under which such district w9s con utfd." Mr. S. HERBERT then enev:.!cl 19 clauses, having re. ference to the holding benefices with the cure of souls by ch , aes, canons resid,ntlary, the residence of the same, the augmentation of canonries, the establishment of pas toral colleges, &c. He di i not intend that all the re solutions which he proposed should be applicable to every dein and chapter, but he would give them a choice in selecting those by which they were to be re gulated. It had been an evil which had been felt in the Church for some tune throughout England, that every dsy the number of small cures was increasing. The nuailaa of these small cures not exceeding 150/. a year was iner4asieg. It was of great importance that they should have men of elevated minds in the ministry, st , :d it a lower class of persons were encouraged to enter the Church as in other countries, they would be doing a great injury to the cause of religion and morality. He had in making these propositions Ahered strictly to the provisions of the old statutes. It had been asked, if that were the case, why should he go to the House of Commons to carry out his views? Hs had consulted legal authority upon his propositions, and he hall arned that the statutes in question wute so old that their pro visions could not be brought into vigour. The Noble Lord might tell him that his clauses were a Bill in them selves, and ought to be brought in as a separate mea sure; but the Noble Lord knew very well the dificulty a private Member laboured under in bringing in a mea sure of that importance. Ile therefore trusted the Go vernment would give every fair consideration to his clauses, and he would then conclude by moving the first of them. Sir G. GREY said the Hon. Gentleman himself had anticipated the objections which might be made to his clauses. That Bill had come down from the House of Lords with a certain number of clauses; but the lion. Member proposed to add no less than 19 to it. These clauses might be very important, and the Hon. Gentle man asked them to agree to them, and add them to a Bill which lad no connexion whatsoever with the same. NJ doubt these causes ought to be the subject of a separate Bill, and no doubt were deserving of separate and distinct consideration. It was quite clear that many of the clauses could not be adopted in their pre sent state, however worthy of consideration, and, there fore, he trusted the Hon Gentleman had only introduce I them in order that they might be fully considered by the House. Mr. GLADSTONE would wish to hear a more defi nite assurance from the Government of their opinion upon those clauses that had been given. It had been said that a certain reform had taken place in the Church in 1840. He denied that it was any reform. Excepting the case of the archdeacons, however, they had not effected any practical reform. Tho objection, then was, that there were large emoluments to largo bodies of men with no duties. Well, they had re duced the number of the men, but they had not made any proportionate reduction in the emo luments with respect to the duties for those who re mained. Thus the evil had remained.—(Bear, hear.) It was impossible to say how immense was the difficulty of calling the attention of Parliament to the subject, and putting a plan of reform into a practicable shape. The question could riot be brought on except at the close of the session, and it was then difficult to get the House to give their mind to the consideration of the practical de tails of the proposed reform. The only objection to the series of clauses proposed by his Right Hon. Friend was, that the rights of patronage would be affecte I; but then that objection was more apparent than real. The reform that had taken place in 1840 was no reform at all. The system was, in fact, made more absurd and anomalous than before. The real salutary principle of annexing duties to these high preferments had been recognised but had not been fully acted upon, and until that prin ciple was fully carried out—until those anomalies had been rectified—they would not have carefully attended to the interests of the Church, and to the noble principles on which our cathedral establishments were founded. AGLIONBY pointed out one part in which he considered the clauses would not be sufficiently operative. Mr. J. STUART considered the reasons aedgned by the Government for not a (opting the additions were meagre, slight, and unsatisfactory. The reason assigned, that the clauses might be embodied in a separate Act, was not a valid argument for rejecting them. They were essential for the interests of the Church, and ought to be adopted. Sir B. HALL considered that the propositions of the Hon. Gentleman would go far to effect the desirable ob ject of making the Church more useful and respected. There was a scheme for dividing populous parishes pro mised by Government, and this scheme was so good and so essential that the Government ought to have given it attention before this. He wished to know whether Go vernment intended to propose a scbease early in the ea suing session for dividing certain large parishes, and also whether a scheme of a similar sort had no been prepared this session, but not brought forward. He hoped the Government would say why. He cordially thanked the Right Hon. Gentleman for the additional clauses which he had brought forward. Mr. P. WOOD said the Hon. Member for Montrose had fairly stated his wish that deans and canonries should be abolished, but he hoped Government had no such intention or wish. The deans and canonries were formerly collegiate bodies, but in course of time they had lost their duties, and had dwindled down into mere offices of large emolument. Now, he hoped the Government would take this circumstance into consideration, and be induced to acknowledge the expediency of joining duties to those offices, so that they should no longer bo mere sinecures. He hoped Government would bring forward some scheme which would do away with the present abuses of the cathedral and canonry system. When Go vernment were about this reform, it would be a good opportunity to take into consideration the increase of the episcopal e. Indeed the whole. question might then be fully and completely considered. Mr. HUME would recommend those Hon. Gentlemen who wished to re- establish these large collegiate and ca thedral institutions to recollect the different circum stances of the country now to what they were when there institutions were established. He was sure if ca thedral establishments were re-established in all their magnitude and grandeur that the interests of the Church would suffer, and he further declared that he was cer tain the people would not endure th.m. He recommended the abolition of all sinecures in the Church Establish ment as the best means of securing the interests of the Church. Mr. HENLEY did not think the clauses, as proposed, would eff,ct the objects which their proposer and sup porters appeared to consider to be so desirable. The operation of such a set of clauses would really effect that which the Hon. Member for Montrose wished to see— namely, the abolition of these bodies altogether. Such, at least, would be the effect of these clauses as be read them. He regretted that a measure of this great import ance had not been introduced in a separate Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Member for Oxford, when he found fault with the Bill of 1840, had nut recollected the object of the Ecclesiastical Com mission, which was to provide for spiritual destitution by funds obtained from a diminution of the eauonries. He doubted very much whether the scheme proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wilts would be found to answer its purpose. The Right HOD. Gen tleman proposed that a clergyman holding a canonry should not hold a living, except within the cathedral city. That might answer in populous places, like West minster; but he doubted whether it would answer throughout the country generally. Mr. S. HERBERT, in answer to the remark of the Hon. Member for Montrose. denied that his plan was to restore all the old cathedral establishments quite the contrary. He was glad be had called the attention of the House to the subject. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clauses ... ... 84 Against them ... 104 Majority against them .. ... —2O The Bill was then ordered to be report d. The report on the resolution for a monument to Sir R. Peel was brought up and agreed to. The Militia Ballots Suspension Bill, the Loan Socie ties Bill, and the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Bill, were read a third time and passed. The Poor Relief Bill, as amended, was considered and ordered to be read a third time on Friday, at twelve o'clock. The Bills of Exchange Bill passed through Committee, as did alto the Stock-in-trade Bill, and the Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c., Bill. POPULATION BILL. On the question that the Population Bill be read a third time, Mr. NEWDEGATE wished to know whether any arrangement had been made for the provision of a better occupation abstract than had hitherto been given. In the last abstract the whole proprietary body were to tally omitted, and not one London proprietor was named? Mr. C. LEWIS said the census would not be taken till the latter end of March next, and there would be ample time to prepare a proper scheme for making the abstract. After a few remarks from Mr. HENLEY, The Bill was read a third time, and passed. The Population (Ireland) Bill was also read a third time and passed. passed The thhirigohugwhayCßomstmesitßteiel The Upt on - cum - Chalvey Marriages Validity Bill The Public -houses (Sco i tl w a a o s d r ) ea ß d d a l w se as co o n r d d t e i r m ed e. read a second ti me t h at day six months to be . Mr. SOTHERO N postponed the Friendly Socities Bill until next Friday. The Cruelty to Animals (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. The Committee on the Engines for Taking Fish (Ire land) Bill was postponed till this day. MARRIAGES BILL. Mr. S. WORTLEY moved that this Bill do pass. Mr. GOULBURN was not disposed to offer any fur ther oppostiou to it. The Bill then passed. The House adjourned at a Quarter past One. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15. Their Lordships met at Half-past Four o'clock. Lard TRURO (heretofore Sir Thomas Wilde) took the oaths and his seat. The Noble and Learned Lord was introduced by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Redesdale, and Lord Brougham. ROYAL COIIIIISSION. The Royal assent was then given by commission to the fallowing Bill Pirates Head Money Repeal Act Ci,..amencement. Titles of Religious Congregations. Judgments (Ireland). Drainage and Improvement of Land Advances'. Sheriff of Westmoreland Appointment. General board of health. THE SUN, year 1847. Uti ler these cii cumstanees, he believed he was justified in repo :sting an assurance which had been m vie to him on goal authori e—namely, that that agi tation was a ftelu,e. In coreirmseion of that sta'emeer, ho th: 411 t Se . e. 7 to the rspors of the fact o ry inspectors; arid lie bleed he would not be io!ti that those reports coun not be rel;ed on because they had been written by Govermneit uffie.ers. Fir his part. he believed that if any accusation had ever been merle against those gen tlemen, who stood so high fur intelligence and character, it was not th a t th ey h e d b een too su b serv i en t to t h e millowners, but, in their zeal to protect the rights of the operatives, they had sometimes been disposed to forget the just claims of those by whom the operatives were employed. lie found Mr. Leonard Homer writing thus:— " The plan which you have recently brought forward for putting an end to that system, if nut utf versally ap proved, has b een received with great satisfaction by a large majority of all those interested in the question, so far as I have had an opportunity of judging from per sonal inquiries and fr )m the opinions given to mo by the five sub-inspectors in my district as the result of their inquiries, The merit of the plan chiefly dwelt upon is, that by limitation of the factory day to 12 hours, m six o'clock to six, out of which the hour and a halt for meals must be given, it will secure a uniformity in the hours of work in all mills, so for as concerns the employment of young persons and women. It is an early stopping in the evening that the workpeople chiefly value; and if the free evening hours from six to nine be secured, the great objet sought for by the Ten Hours Act will be attained ; for then the factory-workers will be in what may be called the normal state of the ope naives in the generality of trades, and will, like them, have leisure fir domest:c arrangements, fur improving themselves by attending evening schools, with opportu nities fur healthful and reasonable recreations. The in tended general stopping of the mills at two o'clock en Saturdays has given especial satisfaction; and it will prove, I doubt not, a great source of comfort and advan tage to the workpeople and their families." Captain Kineard said— "lt is my belief that the proposed Government measure will produce generally the most satisfactory settlement of the question that could have been devised; for, ex cepting in the woollen districts, the increase of which, as I have already shown, will be peculiarly affected by the proposed measure, and among the owners of other mills that are worked by relays, and who must naturally be averse to the change, my own observations, as well as the information of the sub inspectors, lead me to believe that the proposed Government measure will be hailed by the mass with great satisfaction." Then Mr. Saunders stated— " The evils which have resulted from the state in which the law has unhappily been so long left, have been, it is hoped, sufficient to insure a legislative decision on the subject during the present session of Parliament; and I have the satisfaction of stating that the principle on which the Bill now before Parliament has been framed, has given great and general satisfaction. There are partial objections, some of which may, in the pro gress of the Bill through Parliament, be removed; but it is earnestly to be desired nothing may interfere to delay carrying the msin features of the Bill into effect. Then these gentlemen united, including Mr. Hewitt, from whom he had not quoted, added : " The Bill now before Parliament for defining the dura tion of thefactory working day contains valuable provisions and we anticipate ccnsiderable assistance from it in our efforts to obtain a uniform observance of the law. The abridgment of the working day within the ordinary limits of twelve hours, including the prescribed intervals for meals, and the curtailment of the afternoon labour of S aturdays, appear to us a very advantageous arrange ment. We hope that this amending Bill is calculated to allay the excitement which has existed for so long a period in the manufacturing districts, by removing many serious impediments to the full sc elmplishmeat of the objects of the Legislature in limiting the hours of the labour of young pers2ne and women employed in factories." Those were the opinions of the factory inspectors, and he trusted they would have due weight with their Lord. ships. Some amendments had been proposed in the Bill to which her Majesty's Government could not con sent ; for iu their opinion it would be unfair in an ar rangement of that kind to deprive the millowners of the very small advantage which was held out to them in the measure. If their Lordships should determine on defeating that arrangement he was sorry to say that it would be impossible for her Majesty's Government to take any further charge of the Bill. He could not dery that they would then feel it their duty to abandon the measure. They all knew what great attention the Noble Duke opposite had paid to the promotion of the interests of the agricultural classes, and he would venture to say that there was no point to which the Noble Duke had paid more attention, or upon which he deserved greater credit for his persevering ex ertions, than the maintenance of a harmonious feeling between the different classes engaged in agriculture— the landowners, the tenant-farmers, and the labourers. Now, he entreated the Noble Duke to adopt a similar prin ciple in dealing with the present subject, and to weigh very seriously the consequences which would occur if they were to abandon that Bill, and to give up the only oppor tunity they could hope to have of getting the great majority of the millowners cheerfully to co-operate with them in carrying out the regulations of the Factory Act. He be lieved that by rejecting the measure they would add enormously to the agitation at present being carried on, tend that they would create a source of interminable dis p rates between the millowners and the factory operatives. H a believed that they would be opening in this country th ose perplexing questions the rights of capital and the rig lets of labour, and would be doing more than they could do by any other measure to array the labourer and the capitalist in opposition to each other. The in terests of those two classes might be fairly considered as identical, and any measure which could place them in a hostile attitude towards each other would inflict on both of them incalculable injury. —(Hear.) Tins Earl of II ARRO WBY said he did not mean to enter ilpon that occasion into any of those general questions of political economy which were involved in the subject, The only point they had then to consider was, to what extent their interference with the hours of labour in factories should go ? Be believed that the parties interested in that measure were most anxious that it should not be altogether defeated, however mach they might wish for certain alterations in its details. lie had risen for the purpose of proposing that in the esnumeration of parties who should not be employed at any hour but between six in the morning and six in then evening children should be included. He could not con ceive why that proposal should not be adopted, as the protection of children was the main object of their legislation upon that subject. Under the Bill as it stood ' young persons and females could not be employed at an surlier hour than six in the morning or at a later hour then six in the evening; and the result of their passing thct measure in that shape would be to give a stimulus to master manufacturers to make use of the labour of chi.'dren before and after the hours fixed for the labous• of females and young persons. Now, under such an arrangement, children might be detained for two oc three hours after their mothers or young relatives could have left the mills ; and in that case those , children might have to tra vel home alone thi otigh dark and dreary nights. The children would in that way be reduced to a worse position than any in w hich they had heretofore been placed. He hoped th at their Lordships would adopt the amendment which he proposed, and by that means prevent the harsher cla as of millowners from employ ingtoesne children at h ours when their kinder and more considerable c ompet i tors. could never w i sh to compe l circumstances bheefobre theegged words " yo ung person, " tile words " no child " shall be inserted. Earl 0 work. move h circ l u in m e RANVILLE Beifd he felt compelled to oppose the amendment of the N.3ble Eerl, because the object of that measure was meeely to remedy an error in a former Act of Parliament, and he did not think that in endeavouring to accomiAisli that object they ought to attempt to deal with au. entirely different portion of the question. In his opinion it would be a great hard ship to millowners to prevent them from employing children except at the hours stated by the Noble Lord, for the result of that arrangement would be practically to impose a complete limitation in the use of adult labour. Court of Chancery. Turnpike Thia is (Ireland) Police and Improvement (Seo±l.-nd) Swansea Mtineipal Corporation. Rea ling Cattle Maiket. Bolt )n Improvement. Pee li, and illyrdeen Rail vay Junction. Cam ridge Regu!a!ion,lnaprovement, kets, and Fairs. East and West India llJeks and Birmingham Junction Railway. South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment, &c. York and North Midland Railway. Montrose Harbour. South Wales Railway (Capital). Dublin and Drogheda Railway. Snaith and Cowick Union of the Townships, &c. Croydon and Reigate Turnpike Road. Stourbridge Union Rates. Swansea Dock Company. Victoria London Dock. Pontypridi Gaslight and Coke Company. York, Newcastle and Berwick Railway Arrangements, &c. Norwich Water Works. Eastern Union Railway. London City Improvements. North Staffordshire Railway (Extension of Time). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment, &c. South Staffordshire Railway. Kent Waterworks. Southampton Waterworks. Waterford and Kilkenny Railway. Great Northern Railway Deviatlora, &c. Herons} ko and Eamont• bridge Turnpike Road. Ulverstone. Millthorpe, and Lancaster Turnpike Road. Tyne Navigation. Tewkesbury and Severn-bridge Road and Amendment. Monmouthshire Turnpike Roads. Reading Union Waterworks. Cardiff Waterworks. Elinburgh Slaughterhouses Removal. Garstang and Ileiring Syke Turnpike Rcal. Prussian Ministers' Residence. Brigstocke's (or Player's) Estate. Cathrow's (or Briand's) Estate. Fleetwood's Estate; and Cautley's Divorce. The Lords Commissioners were the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, and Lord Eddisbury. Their Lordships then adjoured during pleasure. Their Lordships resumed shortly after Five o'clock. The LORD CHANCELLOR (Baron Truro) took his seat I on the Woolsack. VESTRIES AND VESTRY CLERKS BILL. Lord BROUGHAM moved the second reading of this Bill.—Agreed to. PETITIONS. Lord STANLEY presented petitions in favour of re stricting labour in factories to ten hours. The Earl of EGLINrON presented petitions to the same effect. The Earl of FEVERSHAM presented petitions to tho same effect. Lord ICINNAIRD supported the amendment, which ho thought in no way inconsistent with the general objects of the Bill. Lord STANLEY said he wished to state the reasons why he could not support that amendment. He con curred in the observations of the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Granville), that the object of that Bill was to re assert a principle which , had been defeated by a technical error in the Bilks of 1844 and 1847; and it was on that account that he should refuse his assent to the proposal then under their Lordships' consideration, while he was prepared to support the amendment of which his Noble Friend the Noble Duke near him (the Duke of Rich mond) had given notice. There was a broad distinction between the case of young persons and women and the case or chit( lren. He should first, however, observe that his Nob le Friend on the cross-benches (the Earl of liarrowby) and the Noble Lord who had just spoken seemed to have confounded two things'entirely distinct —namely, the system of relays and the system of shifts. The great ,objection to the system of shifts was, that under its ope.ration, young persons and women, al though not % , orked moretl o ta f n the benefits tenhours intended for would be practi'callY deprived for them by the Acts of 1844 and 1847, i nasmuc h as millsthe ne i t h erm during several hours, they would bewhi productivekeehpteewnladitbineg to aboutthe of profit nor of am usement. But in the case of children no such evil coula Arise, because children could not be worked more tha it six hours and a half each day, and those children wh o had been worked before dinner could not be worked after dinner, while those children who were to be worked a.fter dinner could not be worked before it. His Noble Friend seemed to think that the relay system was an abase. But he (Lord Stanley) had never heard it talked of as an abuse; on the contrary, the relay system bad kieen contemplated in the Acts of 1844 and 1847; nay more, it had been provided for in the case of children , because unless it was adopted the whole work of the mills should be stopped at the expi ration, not of ter i hours, but of six hours and a half. For one set of children ono half of the day was set aside; and for 'the other set of children the remaining half of the, day was set aside. The only reason which his Noble Friend bad advanced in favour of his proposal was that oh ildren might be compelled to go to the facto ries or to le: we their, alone, without their adult relatives. Bat that cire waste me would surely afford but a very weak argur cent f',o introducing a very heavy additional restriction )n t. ,se power of employing labour in factories. He did not wie h to impose such a restriction, which had never been cor itemplated in the Acts of 1844 and 1847; and, he reFis ted, that he should, therefore, give his vote against th at amendment. Lord WHA RNCLIFFE, who was almost inaudible in the gallery , was understood to support the motion of the Noble E; 4 1•1 (tiarrowbY) , lie contended that the LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY l6, 1850. present Bill would he imperfect in its operation without such a clause as that proposer]. Without it children might kept two hours and a half at work iu factories after theft. par eats hal gohe h )me. 110 thought the cl il d, en would gla fly consent te that limitation, and to the find er Wen/ .nt of the question as proposed by the Bi'l. The Duke of RICIIeIOND wished to know, if such a propoeie ion as that of the Noble Earl was cf so much ins tphoart o ac ri c g o in a a -id ß so ll ? teue n h desired, c Ivasinfa w vo h u y i r of had fthe n p o r t been inci in of his Noble Friend's amendment, but he did not wish to hamper the Bill with additional difficulties. The Earl of HARROWBY briefly replied. He re ferred to sn important meeting of delegates from Lanca shire, Yorkshire, and other places, who had resolved to petition the House of Lords in favour of the proposition contained in the amendment. He contended that the manufacturers would adopt the relay system now in stead of the shift system. lie announced his intention of dividing the Committee on his amendment. The Bishop of OXFORD said there was one view of the case which he wished to present to the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley), which he seemed to have overlooked. It was said that the whole of the important principle of legislation by which they were to be gelded was a desire to keep faith with the working-classes. The Noble Lord's objection to that amendment was that it would infringe the compact entered into with the working classes. Now he (the Bishop of Oxford) thought it was all the other way. Technically speaking that was a new boon which they were about to bestow; but, taking many things into consideration, it was not so; for that Act created new evils for children, and philosophical statesmanship re quired that when an evil was inflicted upon any par ticular class an attempt should be made to produce a counterbalancing good. They were now creating a new condition with the various terms of their own agree ment. The highest principle—that of keeping faith with the operatives—required that they should introduce a counterbalancing change. - When they seemed to be keeping their compact they were violating it in the most important particular. When they were creating a new evil they ought to preserve their compact by introducing into it the means of counteracting its effects. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— Contents Non contents ... 58 Majority ... ... —33 On our return to the gallery, The Duke of RICHMOND was moving the amend ment of which he had given notice. He had heard with some considerable astonishment that it was the intention of the Government to give up the Bill if he carried his amendment. But he could relieve his Noble Friends from all difficulty on that subject,, for he would take charge of the Bill himself —(Hear, hear)—in their Lordships House, and he would get his Noble Friend Lord J. Manners, to do the same by it in the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) He would tell their Lord ships not to be alarmed lest the Bill might be lost for want of some person to take charge of it.—(Llear, hear.) He could a s s u r e th e i r L or d s hip s t h at he was actuated by no party or political motives in bring ing forward the amendment of which he had given notice. But he could not but feel that a great portion of their subjects, the operatives employed in factories, came before them to ask, not any favour of their Lordships, but to maintain inviolable the provisions of the Act of 1847.—(Hear.) He asked their Lordships to make no change; he did not ask them to sanction any interference in the hours of labour, excepting as they were intended to be regulated by statute. He asked them to advocate no principle; but he called upon them to do in their public capacity that which in their private capacities they would not for a single instant hesitate to perform.—(Hear.) He asked them not to break faith with a large prtion of their fellow-country men—(Heer, hear) —the.factory operatives, who, after a struggle of between 20 and 30 years, obtained a Ten Hours Act, which they considered the great charter of their liberties. The operatives told them that the Act of Parliament they had intended to give had certain pro visions; and it was not until after a certain decision had been come to in the Court of Exchequer that a flaw had been discovered in the Act of 1844, of which a few manufacturers sought to take advantage. That very censurable system—the shift system—had been then introduced. He would ask the Noble Lords opposite, if the decision of the Court had been in favour of the operatives, would any one venture to propose the repeal of that law for the diminution of labour which they had given the opera tives?—(Hear.) He would ask them, as upright, ho nourable, honest men, could they take advantage of their own !aches?—(Hear.) It was said that a certain com promise was to be entered into with the millowners. But that was not doing justice to the operatives. He would ask, had there been anything in their conduct since the passing of the Act of 1847 which would dis entitle them to the justice which they now sought ? They had received the boon with gratitude, had thanked her Majesty and both Rous•3 of Parliament, and showed themselves worthy of it. He would not put that ques tion as ono of expediency, he would put it on the ground of keeping faith with a great body of these men, humble indeed in station, but honest and loyal, and most worthy the boon they hadgiven. He would not, then, tres pass on their Lordships by reading any extracts from the reports of inspectors or others, but all the information which they had showed that the system had worked well—that the social and moral condition of the opera tive and his wife and children was much improved. Instead of going to the beer-houses, as they used for merly after their long day's labour in the factory, they now were found working in their little gardens. The medical gentlemen told them that the health of the ope ratives was much improved. When every thing was going on in a most satisfactory manner, he would ask where was the cause of any change? The operatives told them that they were much happier than before; that their wives were m uc h more cheerful, and their chldren much better brought up. In moving that amendment, the effect of which was to limit the hours of labour in factories to ten hours per diem, to lessen the number of hours per week by two hours, and carry out really the Bill of 1847, he was by no means desirous of attacking the manufacturers of this country. He thought in a pecuniary point of view they would not be losers. They would find that the waste work would be very much diminished. In the great towns of this country an attempt was made to abuse them through the means of reckless demagogues. They ought to show the great Owns of this country, the inhabitants of the manufacturing districts, and the public at large, that they were ready to hold the scales of justice with a steady hand for the humblest as well as the most opulent—the most lowly as well as the highest in the land.—(Hear.) Knowing that there were several Noble Lords more conversant with the subject, and who no doubt wished to address their Lordships, he should say no more on the present occasion. The qeestioa having bean put, The t Noblehe Bill benefitsaLs oo it t d s t h t bo a eo d dA 1 cw a i t o d uo f g l d r dB a 4e t p7 s tr t i r bv e ue s t s t o t n ee Earl GRANVILLE t h ought the case had not been statedassertionat efvais of r y. operatives thatrr th h e could not agree to that assertion. He opposed the amendment. The Bishop of RIPON said he had formerly been a fellow-labourer of Lord Ashley in favour of a Ten Hours Bill, and that Noble Lord must pardon him if he continued still in favour of such a measure.—(Hear, hear.) It ought to be a great encouragement to all those who supported the former Bill that the prognos tications which had been uttered as to the evil conse quences which would follow its passing had been falsi fied, while the benefits of it had exceeded the moat sanguine expectations of its supporters.—(ilear, hear.) In almost every parish in his diocese meetings of opera lives had been held in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, at which not one voice had been raised against it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right. Rev. Prelate here referred to a re port of Mr. Horner to show the beneficial effects, physical as well as moral, of the Ten Hours Bill. He could of his own knowledge speak of the effect it had had in educational matters, for in the parish of Leeds 100 night schools had been opened for the factory children. —(Hear, hear.) He denied there was any necessity for a compromise on this question, and maintained that the object cf the Ten Hours Act was to protect the opera tive against the relay system.—(Hear, hear.) If the present Bill passed it would very much shake the faith of the operatives in the honour and integrity of the Legislature.—(Hear. hear.) Lord WODEHOUSE thought their Lordships wou ld act very unwisely if they refused to pass this Bill, and for that reason he should vote against the am en d ment. Lord FEVERSHAM assured the Noble L or d who had just spoken that if he went to the manuf ac t ur i ng dis tricts of Yorkshire and Lancashire he wou ld fi nd the feelings of the operatives to be very much aga i nst this measure, and in favour of a Ten Hours Bill. T here could be no doubt of the feelings of the ope rat i ves on the subject. Tho Ten Hours Committee of L ee d s peti• tioned that the addition of two hours and a half per a we d ek w t o o ul t d he cre h a o t u e rs th o e f labour would lee grossly unjust, n discontent. A. peti t i on from the operatives of Bradford prayed for an e ffi cient Was not j T u e s n t, H an o d ur w s o ß u i l l d l, n a o n t i b s e ta a te c el ee t p h t a a t bi t e h . e p u re e se s n in t c ß er il e l ly hoped their Lordships would-not deprive the operatives of the great benefits they had derived from the Act of 1846. The whole of the evidence went to show that a limitation to ten hours was necessary for the health and moral im provement of the factory classes. A Ten Hours Bill had been tried in Pennsylvania, and had been found to conduce to the physical, intellectual, and moral well-being of the operative. He supported the amend ment. Earl GREY had no intention of addressing their Lordships, but for the allusion made to him. It was a mistake to suppose that he had always been a supporter of the Factories Act. It was not until 1844 —and th en with some reluctance—that he had ♦oted for it. He did so when the Bill was in that House in 1847. He adhered to the principle con tained in that Bill, and he now supported this measure because he regarded it as a fair settlement of the ques tion. The factory Workers were obliged to make conces sions, and could not, in case of accident to their machi nery, compel the operatives to continue working for a certain time. Besides, if they adopted the amendment, they would put an end to legislation during this session, and thus leave unsettled a question which must bo a source of great discontent fur the next few months. A s to the inspectors, they all agreed this would be a compro mise for the benefit of the working classes. Lord STANLEY observed that there were two argu ments in favour of this Bill—tbe first was, that if the amendment was adopted the Bill would be abandoned; the second was, that a concession and a compromise had been made. Both the Noble Earls bad threatened to abandon the Bill if this amendment were adopted. Now, he begged to call their attention to theresolu-_ tion of the committee of the cotton-factory workers of Lancashire, agreed to on May 4th, 1850, whe❑ they declared that they preferred the Bill being thrown out altogether than to hare this measure adopted. He also referred to resolutions of the same effect, also adopted at a meeting in Lancashire, and stated that he could cite half-a-dozen others, where the same opinion was ex pressed as to tho Ten gem Bill, that there sheulcl be i no surrender and no compromise.—(Hear.) But then it was s old that there had been a compromise. By • a hom, he a,ked, was that compromise c ntered into? Whore was the evidence of the manucactur,rs haling demanded any concussion? It was a concession on the part of the Government, not made in pablie, but in pri va'e. and between unknown parties.—(flew, hear.) The operatives were almost unanimously against it, and as to the millowners, he had presentel r. pe•ition a short time back, signed by 271 millowners, 40 alone of whom employed 30.000 hands, and so tar were they from pray ing for this Bill, that they prayed that the principle of the Ten Hours Bill might not be departed from.—(hear.) They had, too, the petitions of medical men, showing that the health of the operative; had been improved by the Ten Hours Bill, and that it would be de•eriorated if interfered with ; and he called the attention of the Right Rev. Prelate (tbe Bishop of Manchester) to a petition sgned by 34 clergymen of the town of Manchester, who declared that no enactment of modern time a had con ferred greater advantages upon the operatives as re garded their moral and social condition. The petition of these clergymen was entitled to their respectful atten tion, and tended to show that the proposed measure would not be a satisf ectory settle ment of this great question.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of MANCHESTER said he was not pre pared to take the same course with the Noble Lord who had just sat down. He admitted that the petition of the clergy of Manchester was entitled to the greatest atten tion; but ho was obligel to say that a large number of the manufacturers were not indifferent to this question. He was prepared to say that a large number of the operatives were anxious that whatever was done should be done in accordance with the wishes of their employers, and he thought this measure was nearer to a fair compromise than any Bill that had been proposed. He could say that a change most gratifying had taken place in the manufacturing districts, and this he admitted was the consequence of the Ten Hours Act. —(Hear, hear.) But what was asked fur? Two hours a week.—(Hear, hear.) Was he to be told that all the advantages that bad been gained would he lost by the two additional hours of labour? No, ho did not think Vie operatives would reject all these advantages if two hours' additional labour were imposed upon them. He believed the working classes would accept this measure, would soon be reconciled to it, and therefore he would vote for it. The Earl of GALLOWAY was unwilling to forego the practical benefit to be obtained by this Bill, but if he could gain the other two hours for the operatives, he would willingly support any practical proposition that could confer it upon them. The Bishop of OXFORD said they had to consider whether this Bill was or not a breach of the compact en tered into with the operatives in 1847. In his judgment it was a breach of that compact, and therefore he could not vote for it. It was a breach of a compact for a small —a very small advantage, to the millowner.—(llear.) It was said the factory labourer was better off than the agricultural labourer, bnt it was not grown-up labourers they were legislating for now, but for women and chil dren.—(lltar.) They had as yet heard nothing to show that the operatives were parties to this alteration of the law. The contrary he believed to be the fact. The work ing classes should be taught to look to that House as the ultimate appeal between class and class, where they would find inflexible integrity.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose to offer a few words for the consideration of the Committee before proceeding to the vote upon the amendment of the Noble Duke. In the first place he must observe, in reference to what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelate who bad last addressed them, that if the Right Rev. Prelate had listened to the course of this debate it would have been impossible for him to have contended that every one on that and the other side of the House bad let slip an avowal that he was an enemy of the Ten Hours Bill. It so happened that the tvo lad speakers on his side of the House, instead of letting it slip, did more than let it slip that they were friends of the Ten Hours Bill. The Bishop of OXFORD explained that what he had said was, that the objection was to the princ'ple of legis lative interference. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would accept the explanation of the Right Rev. Prelate. The two Noble Peers to whom he had referred stated distinctly that they were friends to that interference.—(Hear, hear.) He contended that the advantages of the present mea sure was that it united both the enemies and the friends of the principle. Tnose who wore the enemies of in terference rejoiced to see it define d, and not liable to evasion. He was sure the Right Rsv. Prelate would agree with him that among the friends of the operatives Lord Ashley stood conspicuous. That Noble Lord, who, by his exertions for the last seventeen years, and his sacrifice of time and con nexion, had proved himself their true friend, had, after exerting his great abilities and great knowledge of the subject in the preparation of clauses t be introduced into this very Bill for the purpose of giving security to the operatives, had openly proclaimed that he found it impossible to give that security by law. He found that which all would find who had considered the subject, that it was one thing to interfere by statute and another thing to carry it into effect. A mode had been devised by means of, he would not call it a com promise, as that word was objected to, but by means of a happy understanding which now, for the first time existed, if not between all, at least between a very large number of the masters a nd operatives, by which the interests of both might he con sulted, and reas ms had been assigned, which ho holed the Right Rev. Prelate had seen—(llear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate asserted that a compact had been violated. He denied that any such compact had been mane. He maintained that it was not only the unfet , tered right, bu the duty of the Legislature to set right any misunderstanding which might have occurred in passing an enactment; and knowing as he did the acute ness of the Right Rev. Prelate, and his knowledge of every branch of the trade of this country, he certainly had heard his statement with no little surprise. Half an hour might be very little far the ope rative to give up, but it might be everything for the manufacturer to gain.—(Hear, hear.) Did the Right Rev. Prelate know that four-fifths of the capital of a manufacturer was invested, not in wages he paid to the operatives, but in the machinery which ho employed, and that if that machinery stood still for half an hour, or even for a quarter of an hour, he would lose infinitely more than he would gain for the work of all his opera tives in an hour?—(Hear, hear.) The whole question lay in this—whether the manufacturer who had been invited to invest his capital on the faith of the existing law should be compelled, without positive proof of its necessity, to make such a sacrifice? He contended that Parliament was perfectly free to legislate on this question. It was now proposed that it should legislate on an impar tial view of the interests of buth parties, and pass an Act, which, while it relieved the operatives from a law which had enabled the masters to introduce a system of shifts and relays, conferred on them an inestimable boon ; for what greater boon could be given them, than the provision that they should commence at six o'clock and end at six o'clock—thus assuring to them the possession of the whole evening, and which secured to them half the Saturday, which was mcst valuable for every purpose of recreation and instruction. If Noble Lords who opposed the Bill would look to the report, and see the effect of the law as it now stood, they would perceive that all its beneficial effects would be enhanced by the proposed alteration. The beneficial operation of the law consisted chiefly in affording facili ties to tho operatives to pass the evening in receiving instructions and cultivating their garden allotments It was upon these grounds that Mr. Horner, who, he sup posed, must not be regarded as a man totally ignorant of the subject, and incapable of forming an opinion, said on the 17th cf June that the plan recently brought for ward, if not universally approved of, had been received with great satisfaction by a large majority of ,all those interested in the question. He would say no more than that he in his conscience believed that this Bill afforded a better opportunity than had hitherto been presented of bringing this difficult que.tion, if not entirely to a lat least to a state in which the parties would he better able to understand each other. Seventeen years had passed away, during which every firm of difficulty had presented itself in the way of reconciling the conflicting interests of capital and labour. —(lleer, hear.) He would not say whether, if the amendment should be carried, the Bill would pass into a la w or not. He believed it would not, for it was not unconstitutioalel for him to augur that the other House of Parliament would refuse to adopt the opinionof their Lordships. It was, however, unnecessary for the pur pose of his argument to enter into this speculation, for wheth er it passed or not it mattered but little if it did not succeed in enlisting the sympathies of both parties. —(Hear, hear.) They might depend upon it, that pro hibit as they might, when they came to act upon the avowed system of interference, if they created in every place where that interference was to be exercised a pro portionate opposition, their enactments would vanish into air, and they would be unable, by all the clauses they could invent, to enforce the regulations which they desired. Such interferences, when they succeeded at all, could only succeed by meeting with a certain degree of approbation and concurrence from all parties interested. Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Per the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —l3 The Bill then passed through Committee The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and their Lordships adjourned. COFFE E AND EATING•IIOUSE KEEPERS' ASSOCIA TION.—The genera l annual meeting of the subscribers and friends to the association was held yesterday evening, at the Freemasons' Tavern, for the general transaction of business; Thomas: Sherwood in thej chair. After the usual pre liminaries the committee's report was read, which stated, ith much gratification, that the amount of donations and sub scriptions received during the past year exceeded the amount received in either of the two preceding years by about 10/., and also that the funded property had been increased by 200/. The interest upon the sums previously invested, amounting for the year to about p 3/., had also been added; thus making the funded property of the assocition, in the hands of the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, 2,44,/., and . there was a ',balance in hand of 6/. 7s. 4d. During the past year about twelve new annual subscribers had been added to the list, but about the same number would be erased. The committee expressed regret that, considering the large number of persons connected with:coffeeland eating houses so few had enrolled themselves among the suppoi ters , of the a ssoc i ation. Among the efforts of the committee to add to th e f unds of the institution was an excursion to Southend in July 1849, which produced a profit of 25/. 4s. _d. The b a ll and concert at the Eagle Tavern, in January last, yielded a profit of 431. The annual dinner in May was the means of adding nearly 100/. to the funds. The financial sta tement show e d a tota l amout o f rece i pts o f 417/. Cs., d. The report h av i ng been received and adopted, the meeting proceeded to consider the applicati ,n of a subscriber to be elected a pensione r , and to elect officers for the ensuing year. A vote of tkanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. Ohs b no fewer than seven persons met their deaths by drowning in the Thames, between Battersea and London-bridge 3. COUNTY COURTS BILL. Lord BROUGHAM reported this Bill after one sitting of the Select Committee, and he had great satisfaction in doing so. The Committee had sat three hours, and had fully discussed the Bill. He had the honour of being chairman of the Committee, and the Bill had been as fully discussed as if it had been before the Committee for the three months, and he had to tender his thanks to all the parties concerned for the facilities they had afforded. Tha report was then brought up. LOSS OF THE ORION. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved for a copy of the contract entered into between the Post-office and the steam-company for the conveyance of the mails between Greenock and Belfast. That contract had done away with the sailing of the packets between Port Patrick and Donaghadee, and it the packets had been continued between those ports the time of the sailing of the packet would have been identical with that of the loss of the Orion, and all the passengers might have been saved by the packet which would then ha►e lift Port Patrick. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said there was no objection on the part of the Post-office authorities to produce the contract in queston, but he must observe, notwithstanding what had fallen from the Noble Mar tbat the present system had worked exceedingly well, and no complaints had been made, and he believed, moreover, that even if the route between Port Patrick and Donaghadt e were restored by the Admiralty, the Post-office would make but very little use of it. The Earl of EGLINTON expressed his preference for the old route. The motion was then agreed to. Petitions were presented in favour of the Ten flours Bill by the Bishop of SALISBURY, from Ashton-under- Lyne and other places ; by the Bishop of OXFORD, from places in the west riding of Yorkshire. The Duke of RICHMOND also presented several petitions to the same effect, and reminded the House that in another place 1,209 petitions had been presented, signed by 248,746 factory workers, in favour of a real, efficient Te❑ Hours Act. He would not now occupy the time c f the House, as he would have an opportunity of speaking on the subject by and by, but he thought it im portant to remind them that the factory workers were extremely eager and anxious for the maintenance of the Act of 1847 in all its integrity. The Earl of RODEN presented a retition against in terference with the property of the Established Church in Ireland; also, a petition from Huddersfield, against the admission of Jews to Parliament. FACTORY BILL. Earl GR ANVILLE then moved that the House re solve itself into Committee on this Bill. It would not be necessary for him to go at any considerable length into a discussion of the great question how far it as possible to promote the moral and physical advantage of the fac tory operatives by legislative cractment. Ho entertained strong opinions on the subject, but luckily it would not be necessary to develop them, the object of the Bill being merely to obviate what the Government be lieved to be the spirit of the existing law, and certain inconvenie noes which were found to arise from certain portions of it. Their Lordships would remember that the main provisions which regulated the labour of young persons and women in factories, were to be found in the Act which passed in 1833. Considerable modafica tions were introduced into that Act in 1844, and amongst others, the 26th clause, which was the origin of the Bill now before them. In 1847 another Act of Par liament was obtained, making no difference in the pro visions of the former, with the exception of altering the hours of labour from twelve to ten. The 26th clause of the Act of 1844 was intended to prevent the system of relays and shifts. In the first instance it had that effect, but some millowners thought it not sufficiently stringent for that purpose. The difference between relays and shifts was this; under the relay system, a fresh set of persons were put on and kept at continual labour; under the shift system, the same persons were employed for a certain dumber of hours, and then sent out, but came back again, and under this system, although they began work at half-past five in the morning, they would still be Lund at work at half-past eight. The supporters were all of opinion that this interpretation of the clause was illegal. The decisions of local magistrates were very various; and it was thought by some a fit subject for legis lative enactment; but it was thought by the millowners and operatives that it would be more satisfactory to have recourse to a court of law. The question came before the Court of Exchequer, and Baron Parke, in delivering judgment, stated the deliberate judgment of the Court to be, that whatever might have been the intention of the Legislature to prevent relays and shifts, the words of the Act were not sufficient for that purpose. Upon this being known, the system of relays and shifts became more general, and the attention of Lord Ashley was na turally called to it. In mentioning the name of that Noble Lord, he must be permitted to say that, however he might stop short of his views on some points, and however diametrically opposed he might be to them on others, it was impossible for him or any other Member of their Lordships House to deny that, considering the labour, the toil, and the sacrifice of what most public men thought objects of a laudable ambition, the opinions and views of the Noble Lord were entitled to a gr( at weight and authority.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord brought a Bill into the House of Commons explanatory of what were considered the motives of the Legislature. He found that the clause by which he sought to carry out his views would be ineffectua', and introduced a second and a third, and although the clause was raid attention to for three consecutive days, and was drawn up in consultation with four of the most eminent mem bers of the legal profession, the Noble Lord with his ac customed candour admitted that it would not accomplish his object. The matter was then taken in hand by the Government, and his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home-office paid a great deal of attention to the subject, and was in communication with a great many millowners, and with the delegates of the factory ope ratives, and the result was the present Bill, which met the exigencies of the case, was in accordance with the spirit of the existing law, and which, while it would prevent its evasion, would be on the whole agreeabl e t o th e ma j or i ty of millowners introduction, and gaveLuorpd the AshleyA shley consented Bill into the hands of the Government. B y t h e present law the tote abour of young persons and wo men was restr i cted i to ten hours on the five first working days, and eight hours on Saturday, but the limits during which the work was to be performed were from half past five in the morning to half-past eight during the first five days, and till half-past four on Saturday. The proposal of the Government was to limit the range from fifteen to twelve hours on common days. He believed that that which the operatives were most anxious to obtain was the half-holiday on Saturdays, so that after dinner on that day they might have a reasonable time for making their markets, and for their physical or mental improve ment. Now, he certainly thought that it would be un fair to the millowners to place on them all those restric tions without giving them any corresponding advantage. It was, therefore, proposed by that Bill that, while the duration of labour should be extended to ten hours and a half during the first five days of the week, an addition of halt' an hour should be made to the half holiday on Saturday; and he believed that such a measure would be practically a Ten Hours Bill. That measure had received the appproval of a great majority of the House of Commons. But the Noble Duke opposite (the Duke of Richmond) might ask how had the proposal been received in the country, and might tell them that it was very distasteful to the operatives in the manufacturing districts. Now, it was true that the agitation against the measure had been vigorously conducted, but it should be remembered that that agita tion had been headed by one gentleman who had par ticular experience in agitating factory operatives, and assisted by another who was held in great regard by those operatives, while it had received encouragement in the shape of advice and money frills political arties in London, and while ab )ve all, th 3 persons so ag toting had been able to raise the plausible cry that it was the intention of the Legislature to deprive the operatives of the boon which had been promised to them in the LITERATURE. THE PALLADIUM No. I. An ingenious periodical under this title has just been issued from the press, in the form of a monthly , publication. Like ninny ofitspredecessors and con temporaries, its appearance is simultaneously made at London and Edinburgh. Its abilities evidence the judicious fusion of the intellects of the two countries. The selection, moreover, of the subjects of critici,m for the initial num; er demands our fullest commen dation, according as those subjects do so fully and entirely with the spirit of the age and with the pre dilections of our generation. After a sententious introduction in the form of a sonnet, celebrating the establishment of the Palladium, we have a shrewd and admirable estimate of Carlyle's "Latter Day Pamphlets," those eccentric effusions which have already passed periodically under our own scrutiny. Tee critic of th e Palladium so far agrees with ourselves in:oljecting to Mr. Carlyle, that he can pull down vigorously enough, but that he lacks the capa bility cf building up again afterwards, and that con sequ(ntly his labours as a political censor are rather barren and unsatisfactory. lie can show the faults of the existing system plainly enough, but he fails altogether in suggesting any plan for tbeir emen dation. Th e narrat i ve o f the "Invasion of Nepaul," coming next, is particularly well-timed, considering the recent arrival of the Napaulese Ambassador. After this chapter from our oriental history, we have an earnest and eloquent panegyric on Gilfillan's " Literary Portraits "—the encomium upon that author being energetic even to the extent sometimes of being impassioned.' The writer of the article is manifestly of a congenial temperament with the subject of his eulogium—ready to descend at will into the abysses of contemplation, or to soar into the regions of enthusiasm. The following passage is a noble, and, in :many respects, a correct and beautiful commendation pronounced over the head of George Gilfillan by a critic who is not afraid to warm into eloquence:— " Here is an author who has written con mere of ,hirty-six characters; from Hall to Keats, from Dawson o Bailey, from Moore to Milton, from Cobbett to Shel ley, from Pollok to Hood, from Jeffrey to Byron, from Brougham to Coleridge, from Bulwer to Carlyle. Here is a clergyman who regards ' Cain not only as Byron's noblest production, but as one of the finest poems in this or any language. It is such a work as Milton, had he been miserable, would have written.' Here is a critic boldly renouncing his infallibility, 'Rosamond Gray, that beautiful story of Lamb's, on which we once, w• regret to say, presumptuously passed an unfavourable opinion, but which has since commended itself to our heart of hearts.' Here is a poet believing that 'scientific, culture is sure to beget scientific calm,' and preaching from the fulness of the belief. Here is the laborious student, standing side by side with the poet, and 'so listening to the melodies of nature, to the march of the eternal hours, to the severe music of continuous thought, to the rush of his own advancing soul, that he cannot complacently lend an ear to the minstrelsies, however sweet, of men however gifted.' Here is the essayist, writing in five golden lines the noblest recipe of history, ' a history formiog a transcript, as if is the shorthand of a superior being, of the lc aling events of the age; solemn in spirit, subdued in tone, grave and testamentary in lan guage, profound in insight, judicial in impartiality, and final as a Median law in effect.' Here is the keen censor who will resist the temptation of a great guilty corpse, and feeling that 'mere criticism over such dread dust is impertinent, mere panegyric impossible,' turn from it sighing. Here is the genial sympathiser who can place ' the Psalm of Life' among those odes by which ' the children of Israel might have tuned their march across the wilderness,' and listen to Tennyson's ' Two Voices' till ' Death seems the one thing lovely in the universe.' Here is an orthodox divine who proclaims that ' a powerful cause of our recent refined scepticism may be found in the narrow, bigoted, and unworthy notions of Christianity which prevail, in the obstinacy with which they are retained, and in the contrast thus presented to the liberal and fluent motion of the general age.' Here is a man, reverend , and i grown, who,', seeing ' that never yet there was an age with so many young, ardent, and gifted spirits,' can look without jealousy on the youth he has left, and apostrophise the intent Her cules,' that young mind of tne time,' with attesting love and hope, and pride and prophecy. Here is a Celt who speaks Scotch, and thinhs British, and asks 'at' his Ca ledonian soul questions which it answers from either side the Tweed. Here is a philosopher, the friend of Carlyle, the panegyrist of Emerson, ' sitting, and in his right mind,' at the feet of Christ. Here is a man, burn ing in zeal, adamantine in faith, but who steps out to spiritual combat with the difficulties of the day, crying, 'lt will not do now to skulk from the field under a flight of nicknames. It will nut do to call our opponents miscreants and :mon sters. While we state their doubts let us pity the pain and sorrow, amounting almost to distraction and despair, which attended them; and let us inquire, if we have no difficulties, may it not be because we have never thought at all.' Here is the speculative enthusiast who can yet turn from the ideal to the real, with eyes in which ' a meek and humble disciple of Jesus,' is that noble moral poem sublimer far than the ' Paradise Lost.' Ay, this is the true ' Paradise Regained.' Here is a (trained theologian, who, looking at the religious authorship of the day," which represents the Deity as a dreadful king of furies, whose dominion is overshadowed by ven geance, whose music is the cries of victims, and whose glory requires to be illustrated by the ruin of his crea tion —that authorship which ' would sacrifice all the re cords of creation to the arbitrary interpretation of • Hebrew particle,' or 'to prove Christianity the moat excellent of the sciences, raves like a maniac against all science, and cares less for sun, moon, and stars, than for a farthing candle glimmering in the corner of a coeven tick,' cries out in indignant reprobation, ' This, indeed, thank God, is not religion.' Here is one who has been on the heights, and into the depths of doubt, and every where finds them peopled by men and brothers; who has dived into the mines of disbelief, whore the eye of the indv:eller has lost capacity for sunshire—has stood on that mount of confusion where the sight is blinded with bare light, and with the calm clear voice of sym pathy, lays bare the hearts of their inhabitants—the sceptic of the eighteenth and the sceptic of the nine teenth centuries. Here is a comprehensive believer in God and in man, who asks in hope, and hails in love every human effort to solve the great problems of tie earth —who feels that ' to believe in man is an indispen sable requisite to a proper con ce pti on of the Deity'— but looks for their highest resolution to that ' unearthly advent, for which the weary world and wearier church are beginning to pant with unutterable groanings.' Here is the metaphysician, theologian, philosopher, censor, student, poet, and critic, walking forth in his vocation, with this maxim on Ma lips, his forehead, and his phy lacteries—' LOVE, AND YOU WILL UNDERSTAND."' Although differing diametrically from Mr. Gilfillan in many of his opinions we gladly give insertion: to this recognition of his finer qualities, having been our selves among the very first to acknowledge_his genius and to welcome his advent. After a paper on the " Scottish Educational Question," we find a transle • tion from the German of Wilhelm Hauff, of " The Minister of Finance," which, with one or two other contributions and miscellaneous notices, make up an excellent first number of the Palladium. LIEUT. GALE AND HIS BALLOON AGAIN ! All London poured forth its denizens yesterdir along the banks of the Thames, to witness the transit from Lambeth to Cremorne-gardens of the Royal Cremorne, now re-christened Royal Normandy 1351. loon, in the Citizen steamer A (or Mercer), Captain Cud well, who had the honour of conveying his Royal Highness Prince Albert to the Coal-Exchange. The sight was a most exciting one. The balloon was in flated at the London gas-works, and at five o'clock was launched from the wharf on to the steamer, hav ing in the car the Gallant Lieutenant (who, from his recent unexpected trip across the Channel, was an object of extreme interest to the spectators), Mr. Goulston, Mr. Van Buren, and Mr. Dean. The boat was tastefully decorated with flags, and accompanied by Lewis's celebrated brass band, led by Mr. Chap man. The first grand effort was the partial ascent from the steamer over Vauxhall-bridge, and descent again into the steamer, in the performance of which the venturous occupants of the car narrowly escaped a ducking. After same trouble, amid the vociferous remonstrances and instructions of Mr. Gale, the balloon was again on the deck of the steamer, pursuing its steady passage along the Thames, and acting as a foresail to the vessel, the engine remaining passive unless for steering purposes all through the voyage. Having played at leap frog, as it were, with Battersea-bridge, the next task was the invasion of the gardens, one of no ordinary difficulty, the ornamental entrance and large trees presenting obstacles to a triumphant undamaged entrée into the gardens. Nor were these obstacles surmounted without slight injury to the bal!om and material damage to the entrance. The car struck one of the lamp-posts, and bent it as if it were a sugar cane. The Lieutenant then threw out some ballast, and obtained an ascending power, at the expense of an entanglement amongst the branches of the lofty trees on the Cremorne-lane side of the grounds. Eventually a landing was effected amid the cheers of the multitude, whose exclamations were accompan ied by the band playing " Rule Britannia." On board the boat were Mr. Simpson, the director of th e gar dens;.t Mr. Burney, the superintendent of the artist,Steam and bo a a t number Company; of Mr. gentlemen E e" connected o nn a e n c d t :d i' City the literary world The arrangements adopted b . y Mr. Burney were admirable , and too m uch pra is e cannot be awarded to that gentleman for his activity*, p o liteness, and perseverance. 1 , . he gallant aeronaut ascended about half - past t en o clock, discharging a shower of fireworks from the car. The gardens were greatly thronged. PANORAMA OF CONST ANTINOPLF.—His Excellency the Turkish Ambassador and suite honoured with a visit yesterday the panorama of the Dardanelles, Constanti nop l e , and the Bosphorus, now being painted I f y Mr. Allom, at the gallery adjoining the Polytechnic Institution. his Excel. lency expressed himself highly delighted with the fidelity and beauty of the portion of the work which has been com pleted. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S PAPERS.—W e are informed, on good authority, that the late Sir Robert Peel has left his papers io Lord Mahon arid Mr. Edward Cardwell, Liverpool s4l ion. i i ef ;' ; o r 1110 A