The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-12 00:00:00

:~ .., e.g. clals who are the owners aed occupiers of land.-C.lear.) triter with us into a fair discussion. e rigg; , st those re . fll . C.- likg • f; ` uttl eolnproiais, s of burdens, anal those mutual concilia "n% wbith tee interests of all classes demand, and which, hic e h s , unless they are consonant w the interests of all c c'.s. to We do not wish to authorise. I am prep ired to enter h that discussion now, if indeed I have not already too long cc e'Pled the attention of the House. I am prepared to enter iinto it on the clear understanding that in anything I "1--ie ma t eaY that which I think most advantageous secure as ol l tt nn, cal good -the only object of which will be, e ‘,.uca justice for all parties as is possible in an t a u n s ci c eiitso- iiipet.Y--(llear, hear.) lam prepared to express, without t; st . t4tl "n, tuy opinion, that it would be most dangerous to / be ilOto . _ naunity that you should accord those . claims which h- I ";es in a spirit of severe justice, the agricultural interest . bas a right to prefer.-( Hear, hear.)that in a v a otintry lik e this, however we adjust I tax k a u t o i l o v n, i however t ie lli°4 • l we may be to consult the interests of all a w e ilich the grellai!possible to come to any arrangement he n rand. Several "'amount of burden wr'i not fall upon t Ittltig..aestions have been made in this House for the . relief of the stance Which I will briefly allude to. I will, in the first in. to ;nee, take the two remedies, somewhat vague in their na ietteValinh have been suggested by the Gentlemen of the leo, nester school. They have always laid it down as a mar e principle that what was wanted for Employ more was labour labour and more capital.-(Hear.) more " EmP oy will be t ar . nr laid more capital," said they, •• and. le-4,.stincessfully to compete with the foreign You rodacer." or. A ' let .rne remind the House that during the P last four al,e bi ,Le Years, when the owners and occupiers of land h . theer.'"ll e‘lvised to employ more labour and more capi t tal e , dia t i e Zieted on the statute-book two codes of law,h e.. laho °Peration of which was to restrict the employment_ ar t . h ur and to check the distribution of capital.- (He , ear.) a E gar a,„ P l oy more labour," you say; but . before yon reeoet t hat advice, why did you . no . t deal with the settle core,' '---(liear, hear.) The Minister who repealed the oottersai.nWs felt the necessity of of meeting the question. W . e pr ope ltsd that there is a measure upon the subject now in have ireeon, but if the measure were nec s essary it should were repealed. (nea r, het introduced before the corn-laws We have also been told to employ more t ed h e i e a rn i; ,but . M the year 1844 you passed a law. chi rattioaLn°YMent of capital by the channels wh corn-, 4 10.1 with the cultivation of the soil. - Hear hemge' rile Bill of 1844 effectually prevented the farmer that ttie g ac commodation from his banker in order d the sid es t extend his capital. In the year 1848 we called coa an thatch " I I of the House to this law. We showed you epi lee . e P ri nciples upon which this law were founded wereWspereetirr g “ th teus ' We showed " you that the opinions entertained e e issue, " redundancy," and " depreciation n , - vertihk.`,°43' erroneous, and not consistent with e a r r e e e a u l ld co da Iltoiw o Peter c urrency._( Hear, hear.) gi ß vi u n t g firiaerkleatoll went about the country we. e vice to the °Yil whi„ } ,n (l You told them that the great remedy for the W hile in ''''' ° PPreased them was the employment of capital, tahot Mockery y ou dis passed a law which curtailed the Nher..° ll of capital in those very counties and districts Yots o ' i '''' WaS most wanted. -(Hear, hear.) In my opinion coo t* ll ght to have prepared for the great change, and the the ..1:111.tot reform, the repeal of the corn-laws, by placing Yee r 11,,,,Intatliral classes in a just relation with . respe,ctdeto 4rabl -.llcial, banking, and industrial laws. It is 3 yoltf Fable that fritetr.??Ot that which You should bring capital to the land; ver but you have laws of partnership, erships h as crate that object The question of limited partn . the Z e n already under the consideration of the House, and , la r gelu as adopted in the colonies has been opposed by ear that if ( nte One and approved of by Lord Ashburton.. It is kir te e i as re- Yeu put the cultivators of the soil upon bat e ms of com be eof limited partnersh p . th aa P i ion, a C . 9.9 _ littetart:`U woald be beneficial.(Hear, hear.) But did you del We . I.° 40 it?-(Hear, hear.) Year after year you are tad otrieung.opinions upon the prospects and fate of the owners ply.tlhbject? to piers °fiend but have you once given consideration I need reu noth tforward dwell but for a moment upon the tee from ereW for the relief of the r k , 'r°,lll ocbrdg You have had a project brought bear the nouse of Lords for a national rate.-( Hear, ar t ) There is no doubt that the subject is one of the oortdaTeet importance and has had public approbation °t aut e r- ``) it; but have the Ministry ever considered it, / g e it the subject of a Cabinet Council ?-( 1.. ) bp t t n .t going to give an opinion specifically in favoura ,. o r t th it, !)f th e ls a matter of such importance, that I think it worthy .y Jeetioligravest consideration. There are no doubt . great oh. as th. 6 to a national rate, but there is no objection so great .ts Prepo-ae.norrnous injustice , of the land paying more than i 'AY " 4°ll of the t i he ar .) Many of the Action poor -rate.- ( ear, N is 1 , •Ito a n at i onal rate might be met with effect, but e I objeeve Permitted to make one observation-that there is n d l ats '" I° a national rate so great as making a limite th, til lAY for the others. It is unnecessary for me to speak of I, tle ti e Ll e re Which I brought before the House last year, for 1 4.4 ti ` toe opinion of the House was decidedly is favour of iNt -ear ') It was not only recommended by sound policy, , Was'''riot inconsistent with the most selfish legislation. NI gra nte dpon that occasion, if the relief which I proposed Vre7;i--and that relieFwould have taken 2,000,00 r atib iecta l) ! ° PertY, and 1,500,0001. off our distressed fellow,- 'tine ; in Ireland—by drawing on the consolidated l olie:C ed e rY little relief would be given, because the con -1.4341351 r t eji ev f e a a nd Was contributed . by those who were chap fi lo a. I was aware of this , but it is the best course of fiber of the Opposition, when suggesting the remis t,,ite.,,tt49t,. then, to be guided by general principles of jus d - Laee ti` best Way for all classes to be included; an l etee, °Bl Who May be called upon to pay too much can re tattgekthat the burden is too great for them to bear. Other , t llehil l°ll ° have also been made, by which a peculiar class ;O,`e h ti „ . ," o reedf from a peculiar burden without increasing s teen the commuuity • and it was proposed to supply L t ka eien e nY in the revenue by a fixed . duty on tipcorn.- Nes I have no objection to a discussion upon the 1 1 L able t Of a fixed duty on corn, because my views are a e *l letti 1 1 ° .he mi srepresented. I say, as far a I am e h 'lnt, o„e ~,'ePreseriting an agricultural community, that w 1, - "lee -- ""ng mor -11 justice. We cannot admit for a ~`l n scit it , that a axedet that yis . in favour of the agricul- ' Nea t, earest. It is a financial and political arrange- Ntle a r " we are bound as ministers and statesmen to 'ati h ' Whether -as a whole, it will make the best bar mmunity. he o e ta r fc'r o t ra lle co ' • T Nbl Lord at the head of to ker. .tent got up the other night, and . with a sorrow i'ata kon o t e co d u e n n t e enance-as if he admitted that some• gapTiolelght t o for thy landed interest-shrugged ; 1 1 , 6 4.4 1 , 14 re and said What can I do? I don't know that (lie fa r , -1 would do any good for the farmer."-(llear.) But “:„ . e ar.r rl v do not want a 55., or Bs., or 10s. fixed duty. - r t 'l o - 7,Pesfo a • ° ,l inay ask them to join in any settlement C . :. i n , Q .f which like all compositions, will only be paid , wo tr e who name of the ' 1 -Pt 1 ' receive it, to the extent of one-half, and es -Iti etile a „ B ,enee the matter with you, but in the . 'asi moil interest I positively protest against its . being 144 4er-s. a . fi - remedy for the owners and occupiers of bret:.l. AnarrPneierne Zt le for - a fixed duty has already been !)1 R ia 7 i,. t befor: a Right Honourable Friend 111 tlt,,'°. t ;atone R tfe )u at se o b cc y asion he stated that it was eolith; ature of things that the producer of foreign _ t ilts rolel would endeavour to adjust his prices to . those of ; tkk e - j lit h r L in order that the British speculator might no sliced 4 t-.. I' r °Rt. Just at that particular period circunne for it liipeata°taCnered which served to illustrate the theory, the in the months of June and February, 1848, I ° tieC no duty on foreign corn, and that in March and Ltvtaarter-gentlet months there was a duty of 7s, or Bs. per e er u , 1 butthe imports and prices remained the same. r .lh 7 1 1 31 14r iee in January and February was 50s. 2d., and '4l. k l reh to December with the duty added, it w 9 a s s , d (w t ."( Hear, hea r , a a When the duty I„egOtiola-W as Is., the price remained the same. These are . ` i . ekgr a tx_Pon whic any Hon. Gentleman . is at liberty 1 nlotere,,an opinion ; and if I give mine, theit is that h e lna t o y., fixed duty does not raise toteitarer relief ?-- no price. • re f 66 tne times " Why do the farmers come 'other class of traders make rliP'llethe. aPPlicatious.' But I would ask, in reply, tle re‘ i any other description of property or industry is in ki Ite,„. lv ._, l th by the House of Coolmons. , -(Hear, hear.) os - ii, w nelY to be pro os:d by any - stateiman in this yttle., at the same see te P kt : beep, ap plieci t _B . rn of legislation which has for a . applied t o 0 a griculture, should henceforward be r 4. .t the rage, the freeze, the Manufactures, words would be powerless to the tilNers of the Mancheet-e; the indignation, by which . .0:1([1ear, hear.) i t 14,,ortnity with the first pri school would forthwith be am were to be proposed oaed that, in h e1., 4 ,n1e article of nciples of justice an of fair deal th"l`°tWard be b. g ene ral use in manufactures should p roa _ e.. su jected to the same laws which regulated e D eti , l / 4 ,4: tion and sale of tobacco and of malt, what shoals terttoe`: petiti ons would flow into this House-with that eloquent I kea trances would the country brooXl Would be delivered resound- . what vehement 14 tv t f°r ward at ... ered-.--what motions would be I Leel`yerhere estaPbtilibsteeretiyes, an h d e what a l n e d agu la es would ughter.) telivrti;f;ea. heard front those who a are animated by no very ZIA th t ee , !oge towards the agricultural interests the re ihnear,e, oi l ia singular that in a Rouse composed in so large hers;l(l be so h,anded Proprietors, the current of legislation IDeel o - much against land. The observation is, no doubt, 1 1 11 eo 4,2 0 , bat it is likewise exceedingly superficial. It ae °r° l ,,Part"k o etl i ._°l that, owing to various circumstances, and la: l :wag e, . -- `fY to the territorial constitution of this as to t il t . for a ft„,verY c onsiderable proportion of its Members has tibli - ` l °h -- "g thne owners or occupiers of land ; but owing e 111 ?I'Y goVer t at , .apoi t , a _ , of by . party, to which so much of the St Ltilto t _ a no of the public freedom of this country is to hIYa to, those owners and occupiers of land have al :PtOteep.74 divided into two hostile camps. There . was, lite.-1-, (lietinet it '' welch commercial party at all times in this I‘ e00, h ,,• was recruited and invigorated by the . accession „_etiy. --verabl • of handed proprietors, who -ot o - tepti a 0 proportion the interests of oettaereceed their anxiety to support . talists 4 ' , nu, The merchants, manufacturers, and capi . bat 6.. ( I look nr„l.•lebas. heyalways.b el ieyed that such bias in u favour of trade, Is „+ v ere e, 14 ' ri . tt had a decided three ( xi ,7"0 navigation, and that the fact was really so ot te "Y the number of enactments-not always very I tita 8- son th • th e , to te. , here subjects, which have been placed upon arn Ab„° 4 lll4 uook by the Ministers in question. I forew . bittiehi7res and I forewarn this House, that the time is aks % ?le t o g Wfieri the agricultural interest will no longer tkatte , et a et the strain which is put upon its energy : I nk e4 Pital h . lation And di o not at y your present system of legis . one TheyVriiL . eit is the owners and occupiers of land a dr ub` you if you continue in your infatuated policy. them th c llk. qint will ba sacrificed, and they will be the first Of „ It fate .... t ,°,,ther interests also, be assured of it, will share he, t o ,kktlear, hear.) Consider the question, I entreat tia t vot ;n`"e Spirit of equity. I do not ask you to record lej,,, itta favou r of any specific measure. It is not my kii h m. teekTa independent private Member, to propose any oph'ieteriark_re•••-•(Heat., bear, and ironical cheers from the 1)!- '4lft "endlea.) The . t . f the Hon. Members o o l : p , remind ..._•o.aminatrecauhpeionso 1 sentiment in the writings it ketr -l en ° . !trl oi.ia ' I ~.. author, who has said that " Grace is beauty tril„th gC,ktiear.) Sir, justice is truth in action.-Hear.) `n t -- u'd la • - •• • but to reduce ee 4e , o tteti ,, . ter animate an opposition , Ve t „' ko hl t ," 11 ,,1a the office of a Minister; and that office I 94:, 111 . %et a a:al-Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Go a - go - lk;hee ). I I maintained that this l II the M. have a ways ILdth Pee er ter-ori b to be adjusted by the Minister by who, from his 1, s e feeli t loo, can never be supposed to look with ad a3Y, / a n ge on the lof E 1 d -(Hear, hear.) Again ith tio , net „. land England.-(Hear, an • Pe ta boh a i , unk it was incumbent on me, or on those thi e 'Lie to he the honour to act, to bring forward any tip, tfotoirsnro on this subject, but I have a right to ask lete---(lloar`u Jonse to a Specific cmclusion on the ques t° e - Y - yet; " e ar) I have a right to aek you to de tot,-ohietier .rtote that it is the duty of the Government 4 '6 Ita tt' to lee measures'. I have thus briefly sketched . tote° Gnat., indoPt. theta if they find it impossible to do ti °lto an ,. :4i liabl e to objection. Ido not ask you r o tioline-iu,-1, . to about distinctive duties or countervailing tii, kih %Zit relive burdens of taxation- about These, to la ws Settlement, or of partnership. l o ~..end for isq.u.estns of the highest importance. What 1 , to r ea l e,eisal oo ',,n_at_the House and the country are already th e ,n ; oer it .'e.olthaecient information on . all these . subjects deer, sad 4 a esi t IA to legislate in a deliberate spirit upon ti o , s 7a eta the M. call upon this House to-night to do, is to pi g til . ..o r/ear ,_ inisterrahall act with respect to these ques- Ode,,,_° row , n ar.) g ear after year, the Chief Minister ap pe red a t *" 011 Wnen peaking upon these subjects, has te e , 'tad to 2 a manner, and a temper, which always ° f I: l tiil ed thetuP • to .imply that in his inward heart he d i ll. this .!_oinatme to which the owners and occupiers justice are subjected. I ask the House now THE SUN, to make such a manifestation of (pinion as rill compel him to aet upon that which I believe to be his own conviction.-- (Hear, hear.) I ask the House to declare, in the face of the country, that it is not to be tolerated that, in a condi tion of general prosperty, there should be one suffering class whose grievances create no sympathy, and to whose earnest entreaties for redress no friendly attention is to be paid. I ask this House, in the name of common justice, and of common humanity, to place on solemn record the expres sion of their opinion, that it is the duty of the administra tion to terminate at once a state of things so anomalous and so deplorable. I could wish the Noble Lord at the head of the Government to undertake the management of this great question himself. lam actuated by no factious motives. (Hear, hear.) I do not bring to the consideration of this question any thing of that fervid passion which distinguishes the proceedings of less deliberate societies or of meetinge, where my own name is sometimes mentioned as that of one who is not sufficiently ardent in his efforts to obtain redress for the suffering classes. Ido not think that for this reproach there is any warrant in truth, but I can make much allowance for the feelings of worthy men, who without any fault of their own find themselves in a position of the greatest perplexity and the deepest suffering. Whether my policy has been right or wrong, of this I am in my heart convinced, that under circumstances of difficulty and of danger, I have taken that course with respect to the agricultural interests which is the result of long thought, observation, and pain, and I ask you to adopt in their regard a policy which justice does not disapprove, and which policy most emphatically recommends. If I make no further appeal to the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, I entreat you and him to believe that it is from no hostile feeling, but because I have twice already appealed to him in vain. But I now appeal to the House of Commons. True, it has been called a " Free-trade House of Commons;" but I appeal to it with confidence, neverthe less, because have the utmost confidence in the cause I ad vocate, and the most unbounded reliance on the spirit of in tegrity which, notwithstanding that I differ from many of its Members, I believe to animate the bosoms of all.—(Loud cheers.) This House has now at its disposal an opportunity not lightly to be discarded—a golden occasion for which we will not easily find a parallel in the records of any Par liament in this country. It may perform a great of fice, and fulfil an august duty. It may step in at this auspicious moment, and do that which the Minister shrinks from doing—terminate the bitter controversy of years, and bring back what the great Lord Clarendon calla " the good old temper of the people of England." ( Hear, hear.) It may terminate that unhappy controversy between town and country which has been the fruitful source of jealousies and animosities, and which good men of all parties cannot but deplore ; it may build up again upon their ancient basis the defences of the land of England—that in terest to which we owe so much of our power and freedom —that interest which has fulfilled the union of those two qualities, for combining which a Roman Emperor was deified, imperium et libertas, and all this it may do, not by favour, not by privilege, not by sectarian arrangements, not by class legislation—(Hear, hear)—but by asserting the principles of political justice and obeying the dictates of social equity.— (Enthusiastic cheering.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Hon. Member who had just resumed his seat had offered at least one piece of advice of which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would most cheerfully avail himself. The Honourable Gentleman had advised that the important question of agricultural distress should be approached in a calm, rational, and temperate spirit, and there was so much of propriety and of good sense in the advice that he for one would not hesitate to accept it. In justice to himself, however, he would take leave to say that he did not think that there bad ever been anything in his conduct, so far at all events as it referred to this question, which renderel it necessary that such an admonition should be given. He could say, in all sincerity, that he had on all occasions endeavoured to consider this question with becoming composure, and with an unaffected anxiety to take that course with reference to it which he believed to be re commended by considerations of justice and of honour.— (Hear, hear.) He would endeavour to act in the same _ _ spirit now, for he had not the least doubt that that calm, temperate, and impartial discussion for which the Hon Gentleman appeared to be so solicitous, would inevitably lead to the rejection of his proposal.—(Cheers, and laughter.) Indeed, he was at a loss to imagine on what plea of com mon sense or of common justice that proposal could be sup ported. On former occasions the Hon. Member had so far obliged the House as to submit to their consideration pro positions which, whatever might be their faults in other re spects, were, at all events, clear, definite, and intelligible; but he had sedulously avoided pursuing any such course on the present occasion. His speech was a jumble of all imaginable topics, but he did not call upon the House to adopt any particular measure with respect to any one of them, or even to exrress an opinion on any one of them. There was scarcely a question which had bean the subject of political discussion luring the last five years, whether national taxation, local taxation, acts of settlement, or acts of currency, that he had not huddled together into the hodge-podge of his speech, and he did not con descend to describe the course of policy which he would wish the Legislature to adopt with reference to any one of them. He could not tell with what sentiments the Hon. Member's speech had been received by those who sat in hia immediate vicinity; but to him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) it appeared to be vague and inconclusive. it embodied no distinct proposition that he could comprehend, and it led to no practical conclusion. Having already inti mated to the House his intention of making, on Friday night, the official statement of the financial measures of the session, it was not to be expected that he should, in replying to the arguments of the Hon. Gentleman, anticipate the discussion which was to take place on that evening.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, he wished it to be understood that in the remarks he was about to make, he did not mean to deal with the question otherwise than upon general grounds, nor did he in tend to speak of any of the measures which he would feel it his duty to propose to the' House on Friday evening —(Hear, hear.) He had to complain that the Hon. Member had mis conceived certain observations which had fallen from him on a former occasion on the subject of national finance. The first occasion on which he had had to meet the Hon. Mem ber on this subject was in 1849, and what was the proposition which the Hon. Gentleman then brought before the House? It was no other than this, that not only the agricultural in terest, but the whole community, was in a state of the deepest distress, and, indeed of absolute ruin. He said that, whether he went into the marts of commerce or the fields of agriculture, the same overwhelming cr y o f di stress greeted h i s ear from all sides. His (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) answer was, that so far as commerce and manufactures were concerned, the Hon. Gentleman was decidedly labouring under a singu lar infatuation, and that the facts were not as he (no doubt with the best intention) had represented them; and that, with regard to agricultural distress, it was, in some respects, exaggerated, and, in another respect, premature. What he had stated on the subject was this, that in 1847 the average price of corn was 695. 9d. a quarter—that, during the year 1848, it had fallen down only to 50s. 6d., which was the average price during 1846, 1845, and 1844,—and that these facts and figures proved that it was impossible that the de clination in the price could have been occasioned by recent legislation on the subject of the corn-laws. For this reason, he said that the statement of ruin to the agricultural interest was, to say the least of it, premature, because no circum stances connected with the repeal of the corn-laws had yet taken place which could possibly have produced a state of things such as the Member had described. Moreover, by a reference to a volume which he now held in his hand, he had proved to the Hon. Member that the price of meat was acteally higher in 1848 than it had been in 1844, and that the agriculturists must have been in a better position in consequence. These explanations he had made for the satisfaction cf the Hon. Member, and in order to show that his alarm was in some respect exagge rated, and in some respect premature, but he had never de nied the existence of a certain amount of agricultural dis tress. He had never concealed from the House his convic tion that it was impossible for such a change to be intro duced, as that involved in the repeal of the corn-laws, without occasioning a certain amount of distress and suffer ing to the agricultural classes.—(Hear, hear.) Experience had convinced him that it would be most unreasonable to expect that any branch of industry which had been accus tomed to lean on the crutches of protection, could have those crutches knocked from under it without experiencing some difficulty and distress; but at the same time he believed that before long it would revive and stand in a stronger po sition than before. To these opinions he still adhered. He might be mistaken in his views, but he had never attempted to conceal from the House his honest convictions.—(Cheers.) No man could foresee w ith accuracy at what time or to what extent the temporary difficulty and distress consequent on the repeal of the corn-laws would fall upon the agricul tural classes, for they all knew that it must very much depend upon the seasons and the pro ductiveness or unproductiveness of the harvest. It • must depend also to some extent on the demand for agri cultural produce by the manufacturing classes. The demand from the great seats of industry had always happythatmarket;was to that demand had been during the last few years, great.unprece bdeernthlyad e himself to was o f bealarmed pihn to that n suffered il theextenth.gMreeanate; than the facts of the case warranted. There was n o thi ng still oio a in the importation returns to create dismay; for, of wheat re referring to them, he f o und that the importation of and flour d ur i ng t h e s i x mon th s ending the sth of April last, was less by on e h a lf th an th e importation of the same arti cles during the six months ending the sth of April, 1849. (Hear, hear.) Tuis was a most significant fact. It certainly indicated a great falling off in the supply of foreign corn. And while on this subject, he would take occa , ioa to ob serve, that the event had proved that those who bad antici pated vast supplies of foreign corn from certain countries were wholly mistaken as to the precise quarters from which those supplies w ere to come. It was expected that there would be an immense influx from the United States, and that the American corn would be sold here for 355. or 365. a quar ter, but no such result had been realised, nor anything like it. The supply had, in fact, come from countries from which no supply whatever had been anticipated. There had been considerable importations from France, but the present state of agricultural affairs in that country was anomalous, and strictly exceptional. The price of corn in France in the month of March last was lower than it had been for the pre ceding thirty years. The importations from that country into England in the year 1849 was 740,000 quarters ; in 1850 it was 1,100,000 quarters; but the misery which prevailed amongst the agricultural interests in France at the present moment proved how inefficient were protective laws and a large foreign importation to secure prosperity to a people. The French newspapers teemed with the most deplorable statements of distress amongst the agricultural classes in France. He held in his hand an influential French journal in which it was stated that the depreciation in the price of corn still continued, and that there was every prospect of the agricultural classes being more severely depressed than ever. So much for prohibitory laws and large exportations The solution of the difficulty in which the English agriculturists were involved appeared to be that there was a large produce of corn in 1849, and that the depreciation in price was occa sioned by the badness of the quality—not more there one half of what came to the flail being fit for the market. This was certainly so in many counties. As far as he was him self concerned, he had never expressed a wish that the price of food should be high in this country. He had always said that he believed it to be for the interest of the great body of the people, and especially for that of all classes who were engaged in industry, that the price of food and meat should be as low as the world could afford. The recent change in the price of meat was not to be attributed to the small in crease in the importation of foreign cattle, an increase which in the year 1850 only amounted to 6,000 oxen and 11,000 sheep. It was rather to be attributed to increased home production—(Hear, hear)—and it should be remembered that there was more than a corresponding falling off in the quantity of imported provisions. The fact was, that the diminished price of meat was owing to the in creased production of the article in this country.—(Hear;) The returns during the last few years of the number of cattle brought to the Newcastle and Glasgow markets established this fact beyond controversy.—( Hear, hear.) He believed no foreign beef whatever had been brought into Newcastle or Glasgow. The quantity of beasts slaughtered in Glasgow in 1848 was 19,788 ; in 1849, 22,882; in 1850, 26,200. The number of sheep s l aughtered in t h ose y e ars was—in 1848, 69,290; in 1849, 8'3,480. and in 1850, 96,104. That showed a very increased demand, which must have proved highly beneficial to the agriculturist. He (the Chan- LONDON, cellor of the Exchequer) was happy to state that that de mand was apparently inc. easi: , g in a:I the manuf , cturing towns. He did not see how it was possible, with the im provements that had taken place in agriculture, and the rearing of cattle, that a f a ll i n p r i ces could be avoided. The Hon. Gentleman dirt not, in referring to the agriculturists, seem inclined to dwell much on that topic, as it was noticed in the Speech from the Throne. The Hon. Gentleman said he would deal only with the owners and occupiers of land, and ignored altogether the fact of the improved state of the agricultural labourers, as shown by the diminished burden thrown on the ratepayers for the relief of the poor. Though the Honourable Gentleman was disposed to pass that bv, as a circumstance too iusignificant to notice, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought it of such im portance that he refreshed his memory on the subject by the perusal of a speech made by the Noble Lord (March) one of the Members for West Sussex, who stated that the whole question of protection turned on the condition of the agricultural labourer, and disclaimed it altogether as one in which the landlord was interested. Hon. Gentlemen opposite might now be willing enough to omit that view of the subject altogether.--(" Hear, hear, • from the Free-traders, and loud cries of " No" from the Opposition.) It was now admitted on all hands that throughout the length and breadth of the land, with the exception, perhaps, of some small districts, the agricultural labourers were in a prosperous state, and that even where the reduction of wages had taken place, that reduction had not been commensurate with the advantages derived from the reduction in the price of food, comfort, and luxuries. He had seen a few days ago, an admission made by a gentleman once a M em b er o f that House, now chairman of the Protection Society, an d w h o was i n the h abit of delivering Protectionist speeches in different parts of the country—Mr. G. Frederick Young. At a great agricultural meeting, held in the autumn of last year, that gentleman said he was ready to admit the truth of the remark, that the mass of the peo ple were now enjoying an extraordinary degree of material prosperity. He also observed, that since the repeal of the corn-laws wages had been reduced, but not to an amount equivalent to the reduction that had taken place in the price of articles of food. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) set great store by that admission, for he had always con tended that that would be the result of free trade. Now, this chairman and champion of the Protectionist Society ad mitted it to be the fact. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) would now show, from the poor-law returns, the reduction that had been made in the expenditure incurred for the relief of the poor. This he considered an important point, for those expenses were charged as one of the extra ordinary burdens pressing upon agriculture.— (Hear.) It was no slight matter for consideration that, by recent legislation, not only was the amount paid for the relief of the poor diminished, but also the number of the persons in the workhouses. In the year ending Lady-day last, as com pared with Lady-day, 1849, there had been a diminution in the expenditure incurred for the relief the poor of no less a sum than 397,0001. In the year ending Michaelmas last, which embraced a portion of the same time, there was a re duction in the expenditure, as compared with Michaelmas, 1849, of no less than 405,000/. Again, the number relieved on the Ist of January last year, was 6 per cent. lower than that of the preceding year. The Ist of January, 1850, as compared with the Ist of January, 1849, showed a diminu tion of 15 per cent. On the Ist of July, 1850, as compared with the Ist of Jaly, 1849, there was a diminution of more than 15V 2 per cent.; and comparing the number receiving relief on the Ist January, 1851, with that of the Ist of Ja nuary, 1850, there was a further diminution of 14fr per cent. For the last two years there had been a reduction of at least 15 per cent. of the number of able-bodied persons re ceiving relief throughout England, If Honourable Gentle men would refer to the return from which he quoted they would find that there were only two counties in England, neither of them exclusively agricultural, in which there had not been a reduction in the number of able-bodied poor. It was impossible, then, not to admit that a great boon had been conferred on agricultural labourers by a reduction in the price of food, while the reduction in the charges on the poors'-rate must have proved a direct benefit to the owners and occupiers of land.—( Hear, hear.) He was bound to say that a similar reduction had taken place in Ireland ; and, considering the extremity of suffering to which that country had been redueed some time ago, the improvement was the more remarkable. In the year ending September, 1848, the number of persons receiving out-door relief was 1,419,000; in the year ending September, Is-19, only 1,210,000, and last year only a little more than one-fourth of that num ber, namely, 370,600.—(Hear, hear.) A more gratifying proof of the improvement of the condition of the people could not be conceived than that.—(Hear.) But the Hon. Gentle man said, that even with the benefit which the labourers de rived from cheap food, still they were not so well off as for merly He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would soon show how much the Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and to what extent the labourer was benefited. Taking the wa, es of an ordinary labourer during the war at 155., and the pre sent wages at 101. and supposing that a labourer with a wife and three children would require about ten loaves for their weekly sustenance, the result would be, taking into ac count the difference of price since the war, that at the end of the week the man with 15s. a week would have a surplus of 2s. 6d., while the man with 10s. a week would have a surplus of ss. 10d Again, taking the average price of a quarter of corn, during the war, at 80s.—the price which the corn-law of 1815 pre fessed to secure—and taking the average price of last year at 405., then it is obvious that the labourer obtaining 15s. a-week, under the system of high prices, would be in a"much less favourable position than the person now receiving only 10s. a-week. in fact, there could be no doubt but the fall in the price of provisions was far more than enough to compensate the labourer, even though his wages were reduced so low as ss. a-week. He hoped the House would permit him to state the fall that had taken place in the price of some other articles of general consumption among the poor. In doing so, he would not go back to such a remote time as that of the war, but only so far back as the year 1840. In that year the price of best flour was 35., now it was selling at Is. 10d.; second flour was then 25., now only Is. Bd.; best sugari9d. per lb. in 1840, now only sid. ; treacle sd. in 1840, 3id. at present; coffee 2s. 4d., now Is. Bd. ; candles 6id., now 4id. ; tea from ss. to Cs., now from 3s. to ss. There was hardly an item which the poor man used that had not been reduced one-third or one-half in price. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not believe that the distress of the agricultural interest was so great or so universal as the Honourable Gentleman had depicted it. In many parts of the country there were no such complaints as those which the Honourable Gentleman had noticed. In Scotland there was great competition for farms, and where corn rents were given rents were rising rather than falling. In Northumberland there was con siderable difficulty in letting farms, but in Cumberland there was great competition for them. In fact, there was no ground whatever for the allegation so frequently made, that tenants could not pay rents at present prices, and that nothing bat ruin awaited the farmer under the existing system. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought the language generally held forth at agricultural meetings was much to be deprecated; it was calculated to do material injury to the farmers, but more especially to the land lords; and if any bad feelings were excited by such language against the Legislature, it would recoil upon the agriculturists themselves, and the landlords would be the first to suffer. He had waited to hear the proposal which the .Honourable Gentleman had to make, but he carefully abstained from making any intelligible pro position. The Hon. Gentleman referred to the tithe, but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that, since the Tithe Commutation Act, it was clearly understood that the tithe formed simply a part of the rent, and he was somewhat astonished at the pains the Hon. Gentleman took to mystify a subject so clearly understood by everybody. With respect to the cultivation of tobacco, it was true, as the Ron. Gentle man stated, that it was cultivated here twenty years ago, but only to a small extent, and not with great success, though raised under cover of high protection, for it had to pay no duty at all, while foreign tobacco paid 4s. It was calculated on a most hazardous and gambling system, and with loss to all the parties engaged in the occupation. The Hon. Gentleman said the subject had never been inquired into. A Committee sat upon the subject in 1828, and their opinion was that it was perfectly impossible that it could be cultivated with advantage in this country, unless the growers re:eived an enormous protection. If that protec tion were given. it would afford an unlimited opportunity of fraud. Mr. H.,skisson, who drew up the report, was of opinion that the most advantageous course would be to prohibit the growth of tobacco in Ireland as well as in England, in order to protect a revenue amounting to about 4,500,0001. The whole of the tobacco consumed would only cost about half a million, and it would be very unwise, for the sake of that small benefit, to sacrifice a revenue of 4,500,0001., which in some way or an other must be exacted from the community at large, and probably in no small proportion from the agriculturists themselves. The Hon. Gentleman also referred to the sub ject of making sugar - from beet root. The farmers were at U • a. 4, so liberty to make sugar from beetroot if they pleased, by paying a certainduty—they might manufacture on conditions similar to those imposed on France. The Honourable Gentleman next referred to the excise duties, namely, the hop duty, the malt duty, and the duty on spirits, and remarked that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was inconsistent as a free-trader in not removing all the excise duties laid on the agricu tural produce of this country, more particularly the malt duty. His notions of free trade, however, were not such as to lead him to believe it possible to go on with outs s ! h l t shouldtuiall should possible s os l r eifabvilslueee such on i n f n a o r tc a ht revenue oa e sr a ea s3 cw ' t taxes. His idea, however, was, that the taxes manner e a hroapshuatrodp opts oerascsspspaoyws only,i s t i t b h andlersan—sl. little i h t ta that t they duties Hon. Gentleman seemed to forget the most importa ß n leu t ts p e r vt i h n e; - Ciple of taxation, in stating that those excise duties fell upon the agricultural interest. It was the man who drank tea and beer who paid the duties on them; and, as the consumers were not confined to the agricultural interest, it would not be either wise or prudent to sacrifice a revenue of 5,500,0001, for the sake of the small advantage that would accrue to that interest by the remission of the tax. But the argument applicable to the malt was also applicable to spirits, and if the duty should be remitted on the one, there could; be no reason for retaining it upon the other. The Honourable Gentleman was desirous to have duties amounting to 15,000,000/. or 16 ,000,000/. removed, but he left that material topic without suggesting any mode in which the same amount of revenue could he more conveniently raised. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had listened with some anxiety to the Hon. Gen tleman when he promised to tell the House what he was going to propose, but the Hon. Gentleman had left the House in complete ignorance on the subject. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the local rates, and stated that 7,000,C031. out of 12,000,000/. were paid by the landed pro. prietors. The Honourable Gentleman's fallacy on this point arose from his confounding all the owners of real property with those who were merely owners of land. The parties entitled to relief (if any relief was due) were the producers of agricultural produce; but .when they talked of taking off a large portion of the burdens on the owners of land, they meant in effect to relieve those who had no pre tencea to relief. The Hon. Gentleman had said that agricul tural land paid 7-12ths of the whole amount charged upon real property. The Hon. Gentleman was entirely mistaken. nwere this c countryont i nua 1 l t y a d c h ceasedangin g to . be A agr g ic re u a l! tural land, and had b ecome land conn ected with houses, t &c.—(Hear, hear.) There was a tim e , no amount The pr o o p f o r land tit; n s r d a o i u l r i ,: t a , d w s, h c e a n n b a y is' far the greatest amount of real property in this country was land. It was not so now. The proportion of burthena which land bears to the property of the country is diminishing year by year, and therefore the relief year after year extended to real property goes less and less to land. In the year 1815 (which was the last assessment of the real property-tax ), the whole value of real property in England amounted to 53,000,000/. The land was assessed at 34,000,000/. In the year 1849 the whole amount of pro perty assessed to the property-tax was 94,000,0001., the land being assessed at only 42,009,000/. That was to say, in 1815 land was 64 per cent. of the whole of the real property of the country, whilst in 1849 it was only 44 p er cent . Therefore, of 1001. devoted to the relief of real property, 561. went to the relief of real property, not consisting of agricul tural land, and 44/. to agricultural land. The facts of the case prov,ed that the owners of land ware only a part and parcel of the general community of this country, whose lot . was cast with th e commun i ty at l arge. B u t that portion of the community cou ld not b e b ene fi te d by a ny special legis lation of the nature suggested by the Hon. Gentleman. They must consider how they could best benefit the coin- r . WEDNESDAY EVENING, !nullity at large, for in such benefit the occupiers and culti vators of larel would receive a full nod cluiple• o share. The Hon. Gentleman said it had been recommendtd that the farmer should employ lucre labour upon his land, but that impediments to the employment of such additional labour were created by the law of settlement. Well, he (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) seas very glad to Lear the !lon. Gentleman say so, because it would appear that the Lion. Gentleman was of opinion that the law of settlement ought 'to be amended. But was it not well known that the Hon. Gentlemen sitting near the Hon. Member for Buckingham shire were the parties who had opposed an a'teration of that. law? He hoped than that when his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) Right Hon. Friend (the President of the Poor-law Board) brought in a Bill for the amendment of the law of settlement, he should have the support of " the country gentlemen." As to the difficulties which were formerly alleged to exist in the way of obtaini ng ca pit a i, for the improvement of agricultural land, no such excuse certainly could be alleged in these days, when capital was so plentiful as almost to tempt people to embark in dangerous speculations. He would not follow the Hon. Gentleman's argument about partnership. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that joint-stock companies were the best means of duly cultivating the land. Many joint stock companies, no doubt, combined great intellect ; but he confessed that he should be uncommonly sorry to let a farm of his to the management of a joint-stock company, and he believed that the Hon. Gentlemen who sat near the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire entertained similar views. The Hon. Gentleman then talked of a national rate for the support of the poor. The Hog. Member for Sontersetehire had some practical knowledge of the subject, and he re membered him saying that it would be the greatest possible misfortune and evil to have this country con verted into a great national hospital.—(Hear, hear.) But all these were very unimportant parts of the proposition of the Honourable Gentleman, because, if he meant anything at all by his motion, he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) supposed that the Hon. Gentleman meant that re lief was to be obtained from what he called the unjust burthens upon agriculture, the customs' duties upon tobacco, and the excise upon malt and spirits: Now, did the Hon. Gentleman propose to abolish the largest portiOn of those duties ? He wished to be informed upon that point, because the leader of the party opposite in the other House had said distinctly that he thought the malt-tax was a bad tax to have repealed, and that he was not prepared to support a repeal of it. How did the Hon. Gentleman propose to sup ply the deficiency of the revenue which would be occasioned by the repeal of that Vex? He remembered the time when the Hon. Gentleman was not so chary oftis suggestions. He remembered that the Hon. Gentleman, at a public meeting in Buckinghamshire, before the year 1849, stated that the mode of relief which he should propose was the raising of an additional sum of 5,000,0001. upon the land-tax. The Hon. Gentleman, it appeared, had aban-. Boned that proposition now. In 1849, the Hon. Gentle man came forward with a distinct proposition for the remedy of the evils under which he repre sented the agriculturist interest to be suffering. The Hon. Gentleman proposed an increase of 7,000,000/. upon the in come-tax, for the purpose of supplying the deficiency in the revenue. That propositio n , if carr i ed out, would have con siderably increased the charges upon the owners and occu piers of land. No wonder, then, that he had abandoned that proposal. Well, then, how did he now prepare to meet the difficulty? The Hon. Gentleman must propose to re impose all, or some of those duties which had been recently repealed. How else could he supply the deficiency in the revenue? But the Hon. Gentleman was entirely silent upon that subject. And would the House permit such a retograde step to he taken, when the benefits already reaped from the repeal of the duties on corn, &c., were greater than could have been anticipated by some who supported their repeal? It was all very well for the Hon. Gentleman to speak of taking off the burthens upon agriculture, but before he did so, it was his duty to point out sonic equivalent substitute. An increased income-tax he could not propose. There was not, he (the Chancellor of the Exche quer) contended, any alternative left to the Hon. Gentleman but the re-imposition of all or some of the duties which had been recently repealed. Before such a retrograde step was taken, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought the House would pause. The Hon. Gentleman had selected 1849 as the test to which he would refer. The Hon. Gen tleman had to make them a present of the general prosperity of the country, because it would have been utterly impossible for him to deny it. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would in the first place state very shortly the result of the legislation of thedast few years in a financial point of view. The revenue in 1841 was 48,084,0001., in 1850 it was 5 9 ,810,000/. ; and now as to the amount of relief from taxation. Hon. Gentlemen would no doubt admit, that year by year a considerable reduction had been made in the amount of taxes levied upon the country. In 1843, taxes to the amount of 411,0001. were taken of? ; in 1844, 458,000/. ; in 1845, 4,535,000/. ; in 1846, 1,551,0001. ; in 1847, 344,000/ . ; i n 1848, 535,0001. ; in 1849, 388,01301. ; and in 1850,1,289,0001. ; the total amount of taxes repealed or reduced since the year 1841 was 10,763,000/. The taxes imposed during the same i period amounted to 5,656, 0 00/., leaving a balance in favour of the public of 5,107,000/.. and, .in the face of that remis sion of taxes, there had been au increase in the revenue of 4,726,0001. That, he thought, proved the beneficial ten dency of the recent legislation. In the years which he had referred to we had passed through a famine, wars, and con tinental disturbances, which had disturbed our trade regu lations. We had also, during the same period, alarms of disturbance from the sister country. A similar period had scarcely elapsed in the history of this country. It would be 'a perfect waste of time in him to attempt to prove the general state of the manufacturing and commercial districts of this country. With the exception of the evil which had arisen from high prices of cotton, and some temporary de pression in the iron trade, he believed that the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country never were in a state of more steady and sound prosperity.— (Hear, hear.) He would not appeal to the increased importation of con sumable articles to prove the existence of general abundance. He would take shortly the test to which the Hon. Gentleman himself referred—viz., exports. In 1848, the declared value of exports was 48,946,000/.; in 1849, 58,848,000/. ; and in 1850, 65,756,000/. But he did not think it was right, to start at 1848 in making the comparison. As he had previ ously stated, the exports of that year were in his opinion diminished by the disturbances on the continent. His Hon. Friend the Member for Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate) had dissented from that view, and said that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was altogether wrong, that the continental disturbances had interrupted continental manufactures, and an increased demand would therefore come to our markets. But he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would not take advantage of that position. It was his duty to state that which he believed to be the truth. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) believed that the exports of 1848 were dimi nished by the disturbed state of the continent. He would, therefore, go farther back, and take a year to which the Hon. Gentleman referred in his comparisons, namely, 1841. The declared value of exports in the year 1841 was 51,217,000/. The declared value of exports in 1846 was 57,786,000/. In the year 1848 the exports fell to 52,000,0001. In the year 1849 they had risen to 63,596,000/. ; and the total exports in the present year would be upwards of 70,000,0001.—(Cheers.) Well, then, compare such results with the exports of several years ago. He did not think that any man could deny the truth of his position, namely, that after three years of an almost unparalleled crisis, capi tal was so abundant that capitalists were tempted to enter upon hazardous speculations with the view of turning their money to account. And if it were also true that the work ing classes in the manufacturing and agricultural districts were well employed, well fed, and attended to, surely it re quired some boldness to assert that o ur past leg i slat i on h a d been ruinous and mischievous.--(Hear, hear.) Was it pos sible for the country generally to be i n a state of prosper i ty without the agricultural interest participating in that pros perity? Must not that interest be benefited by the increased demand which manufacturing and commercial prosperity would create for agricultural produce? There had been an increased demand for that produce in Glasgow, Liverpool and other towns. Nobody, i n d ee d, cou ld d en y that there was at the present moment a great deman d f or a ll the produce of agricultural districts. All t h e agr i cu l tura l produce that had been imported into the country had been consumed ; but he never could beli eve that with that great demand which now existed for the agricultural produce of our own country, and the great increase of our manufacturing and commercial prosperity, the agricultural interest could not help profiting by the general happiness and abundance of the country at large. He believed i t was true t h at no protected interest ever lost its protection without suffering for a time, however certain was th e ultimate improvement to be derived by that interest from the abandonment of its monopoly. He would take th© case of silk,"as it was familiar to every one. It was said that some silk manufac turers were reduced , to ruin in co nsequence of the change brought on that interest by le g i s l ation some years ago, when protection was • taken from them. If it was true, as the Henourable Gentleman alleged, that the present legislation of this country was based upon p ro t ec ti on t o agri culture, it was based upon protection to manufactures just as much. - (Hear, hear.) Protection had been taken away from manufactures, and they had prospered in spite of the loss of that protection. Why, then, should not agriculture also ultimately prosper though dep r i ved of that protection which it once enjoyed in common with other branches of in dustry which had prospered after the loss of their protection ? The agricultural interest was the l ast sufferer, because it only few supplied ears sied our home markets ago, and already our was the last that enjoyed protection. P rotect i on h a d b een into ion ownbtaukte catered Ititakewr manufacturerse a c y l s f u ro cc m e s s s i f l u k l i onlyy competition with other parties, aof whom they were much afraid when they, enjoy e d protection. On loolting at the silk returns f or th e l as t th ree years, he found that the declared value expor t e d o f t h e ar ticle called " stuffs " was in 1848, 238,0001b5. ; in 1849, 396,0001b5. ; and in 1850, i 48/,0 . 001b5. Of ot h er s ilk ar ticles, in 1848, 96,0001bs ; n 1850, 106,0 001 b 5. Of mixed 213,0001b5. ; and in articles, bme e 5 been 3 in s 00 deprived lB d 4 1 bBs, of lsA6p,srooot protection, o.dn there were 10,0 00 Ib s. ex ported the g i love trade, which had ; in l 8 ported in 1848; in 1849, 15,0001b5. ; and in 1850, 31,0001b5. Gloves, unquestionably, were but an unimportant article; but it was a proof of the utter fallacy of the position that it was impossible for a trade to prosper which had been de prived of protecting duties. 11 , e would now take th e case o f an article of agricultural produce. He took an active part in the removal of the duty on the importation of wool iu the year d 842. He was not successful at that time, but in a year or two afterwards that duty was removed. No little apprehension was expressed by thou producers of wool in this country of the mischievous effect upon our wool trade. But what had been the result of the removal of protection? The demand for British wool bad increased at home and abroad. the British agricul turist of the The exportation of British wool was, in the year 1848, 3,900,0001b5. ; in the year 1849, 11,200,000Ibs.; and in the year 1853, 12,000,0001b5. ; that was to say . th e distressed exportation trebled statein three years. agriculture, N Wrist could not compete with the foreigner on British soil? Were they not rather proofs that the agricultural interest of V o e r re th th a re th t this country must eventually be benefited by the abolition of protection? and that eventual triumph for the agricultural interest must be attained, as be believed, h by a glorious ap plication of capital, a n d i n dustry, and skill in the cultivation of the land; and he was happy and proud to say that such application was manifest throughout the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was by so doing that the manufacturers of this country met and beat the world after the peace of 1815. He believed that by a similar course the agriculturist might do so now. The most befitting language in which lie could ad dress the agriculturists of this country, both with reference to their own situation and that of the country at large, would be that of a Noble Lord of acknowledged talent, looked up to by gentlemen on the other side of the House, than which nothing could be better. expressed, m ore forcible, or of more universal applicpon. He alluded to the speech which had been accused of inconsistency, but in which he himself saw none—a speech addressed by Lord Stanley to the Agricultural Association of Bury, i n which he gave sound ad v i ce t o th e agriculturists of th a t di strict, and which m i g ht b e very we ll applied to the country at large. On that occasion, ho said that he believed that we were far from being arrived at that extent of capital which, being permanently sunk in the soil, has led to an artificial fertility. Nor are we in a condition when we can say we have arrived at its natural felicity. With regard to the cul tivated state of the land, the Noble Lord then said, " I have seen land in such a state of absolute neglect, that I have stared with astonishment when I have asked and been told what was the amount of rent-the landlord was nominally paying. I h ave seen lands paying--I don 't say th© head . - 12, 1851. landlord-30s. and 2'. per acre, when I firmly believe, that at pre: nt prices? He referred to the average prices between if it would feed a sarlw, that is the only two-footed or four- 1835 and 1850. The average price in 1835 was 395., and last footed animal it would feed. I have seen lands which, six year 405.; but all the other articles of produce were higher years ago, were i n an apparently as hopeless a state, and which in 1835 than they were at present but the low price in at this moment exhibit an aspect of fertility contrasting, ie a 1835 was the consequence of good harvests, and last year manner as remarkable as it was gratifying their former the low price w,s t tpn result of the large imports of foreign condition ; and though I will not say this ieereaed fertility eroduc o . The Hon. Member wes next understood to sa that. has been obtained without a cons id era bl e expen di ture — a l- the exchange at the present time was against them-; and though I will not say that for the first two or three years having referred to the admis,iou of agricultural distress, lie the outlay of the tenants, men undoubtedly of science, and , said that it was the duty of her Majesty's Ministers, with a ability, and capital, has been repaid —yet sure I aut that out- large surplus, to apply relief to those classes where it was de lay is in course of permanent, and certain, and nut very gra- Oared to be most needed. dual or slow return." What he (the Chancellor of the Mr. BROWNE explained a former statement made by Exchequer) would say to the agriculturists would be the him, and to which reference had been made by the Hon. language of the _Noble Lord, simply altering it so as to apply Member for Buckingham. What he had alluded to was not to the whole body of the agriculturists of Eegland, that the freight alone of corn from the United States he refer which he had addressed to the farmers of that district. red to other expenses of transmitting corn - its loss of With those prospects before us, this spirit whi c h I see weight, the interest on capital, insurance, stowage, metage, among you, with the spirit which I see among the leading cartage, and he was sure that his statement was correct proprietors, and among those who are using their high situa- I that he had underrated the cost. He hoped when the Hon. tion for the purpose of showing the way to improvement, I Gentleman again quoted him, he would do so correctly. He cannot despair, but, on the contrary, I look with confidence on congratulated Hon. Gentlemen opposite on the success of that the successful issue of this system, an d I pray you not to re- po li cy wh i ch had killed Chartism—that it enabled country lax in your efforts—let them continue, let landlords pull to- gentlemen to enjoy their comforts with peace and dignity, getter in one joint endeavour for our common welfare, and we and to sleep easy on their beds. He congratulated them on shall never despair of the permanent prosperity of the agri- the state in which they were. —(Laughter.) culture of England." Such, he believed, was not the language The Marquis on GRAN BY moved the adjournment of the of despair, but of encouragement to those whom be then debate. addressed, and which it was proper to address to the Mr. DISRAELI appealed to Hon. Gentlemen who had whole agricultural body of England. As all other motions on the paper for Thursday to postpone them for the bodies from whom proteotion had been removed had suf- purpose of permitting this debate to be proceeded with. It fered, so were that body suffering; but they would would be very convenient it this were done, as there was a revive, and their future prosperity would be more sure and probability of bringing the dedate to a termination on that permanent than any which they had before experienced. night.—(Hear.) He appealed to the Hon. Member for Essex With regard to the House at large and the motion now be- whose motion stood first on the list.—(Hear.) fore it, he could but repeat what he had sail before, that he Sir E. BUXTON said he was very unwilling to give way could but view the motion in one view, and that was, that unless some other day could be fixed for bringing forward his there was but one mode of carrying out the proposal motion. He trusted that the Noble Lord would, in order to which it contained, namely, by re-imposing some of have this debate continued, fix a day when his motion might those taxes which had recently been removed. Ile called be brought forward, and in that case he would postpone his upon the House to negative that motion. He had quoted motion. last session the speech of Mr. Huskisson upon which that Lord J. RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Gentleman op policy had been founded, which had been followed from posite had made a reasonable request that the House should that time, and which had received a fuller development as be enabled to go on with this debate on Thursday, as it would a consequence of the measure passed by Sir Robert Peel. be very inconvenient to have it interposed by another very That Policy he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had sup- important question. He could not think, however, it was ported when out of office, and her Majesty's present Govern- very reasonable to ask him to make a day for the lion. Baro ment had endeavoured to carry it out ever since their acces- net, as the Government was required to bring forward the sion to power. Gratefully had they to acknowledge the estimates on Mondays and Fridays. He thought, it would support which that great statesman had always afforded to be better for the Hon. Baronet to bring forward the question them in the carrying out of that policy. It was upon such to which he referred on a motion day. an occasion as the present that they felt more deeply the loss Colonel SIBTHORP thought the Government was shrink of the support which the Right Hon. Gentleman had always jag, but the time was coming when the Noble Lord and the given to those views. It was with unequal powers and with Free-traders would be ejected.--( Hear, and laughter.) less right that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) now The motion that the debate be adjourned to Thursday neat urged the House to reject a motion like the present. He was then agreed to. called upon those who had concurred with the Right Hon. SUNDAY TRADING. Gentleman in proposing those measures, and he called upon Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved for leave to bring in a Bill to the majority of the House, whether on one side or the other, prevent unnecessary trading on Sunday within the metro who had always supported their measures, to stand by them politan police district and the city of London and the liber now, for he firmly believed that after trial and experience ties thereof. they would be found to be as beneficial to the agricultural Mr. B. WALL opposed the motion. He objected to such interest as they had been to every other clast of the commu- a Bill being brought in at so late an hour in the evening. nity, from one end of the land to the other.—(Cheers.) Lord D. STUART supported the motion. Mr. HODGSON hoped that as Cumberland, in which he Mr. W. WILLIAMS replied. resided, had been referred to, the House would allow him to The question having been put, a division was called for. make one or two remarks, and extend to him the kindness it The numbers were— usually afforded to a Member who had grievances or dis- Ayes ... 70 tresses of his constituents to state.—(H ear , h ear. ) I n the Noes ... 19 city which he represented (Carlisle) the cotton manufacture Majority in favour of the motion for had been carried on to a considerable extent, partly for ex- leave to bring in the Bill ... —5l portation and partly for home consumption ; but the de- The Bill was accordingly brought in and read a first time. mend had wholly ceased, and the operatives were out of Mr. WILLIAMS moved that it be read a second time this employ.—(Hear, hear.) There were hundreds who wanted day fortnight. the bare means of subsistence, and hundreds more who earned Mr. ANSTEY asked, on behalf of those who were most a very scanty maintenance by occasional work.—(Hear, interested in the measure, to have it postponed for a longer hear.) So great was the distress, that the mayor called period. a meeting of the inhabitants last week to see what could It was finally settled that the second reading should be be done, and a public subscription had been entered into taken on Wednesday, the 4th March. to support those operatives by charity.— (Hear, hear.) The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the lie (Mr. Hodgson) was afraid ho could not give a House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. much better account of the state of the agricultural interest. He knew of many farms in Cumberland being relet this Candlemas; but every one had been let at a very considerable reduction of rent. A friend of his, who had a farm let at 600/. a year, was glad to get a tenant at 3.lol.—(Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated the rate of wages of agricultural labourers in Cumber land as averaging about 12s. Now, though there might be some isolated spots where es much as that might be paid, the average rate he knew was not more more than Bs. or 9s. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under stood to intimate that he spoke of the northern districts of the country generally. Mr. HODGSON—WeII, things did not appear much more prosperous in the neighbouring county. He had with him a recent number of the Newcastle Courant, in which he found forty-one advertisements of farms to be let.—(Hear, hear.) If that was the ease in a county quoted by the Right Ron. Gentleman as as au instance of agricultural prosperity, it was difficult to give him credit for his statements in respect to other parts of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Time lion. Member for Birmingham attributed the existing dist' ess to the currency laws; others, ascribed it to the excited state of the continent, and said that when the people there' be came tranquil prices would rise here. Ile (Mr. Hodgson) believed that the great remedy for our distress was a reduc tion of taxation.—( Hear, hear.) But he could not see much chance of that, if the Noble Lord at the head of the Go vernment would maintain such extravagant fancies as the African slave squadron—(Hear, hear)—and fill up places which Committees recommended to be abolished.--(Hear, hear.) Let him take in hand to reduce the penson list.-- ( Hear, hear.) A list of persons receiving pensions from the State had just been issued; and although he (Mr. Hodgson) was considered to hold rather Conservative opinions, it al most tempted him to beeome a Radical.—(Hear, hear.) lie felt that it was monstrous to think there should be persons eating the bread of idleness, while there was starvation among his constituents.—(Hear, hear.) He should feel it his duty to vote for every reduction of taxation that might be proposed, provided it did not appear to be injurious to the public service, or to endanger the public honour.—(Hear.) Mr. G. BERKELEY thought it was rather bold to charge the llon. Member (Mr. Disraeli) with not asking anything by his motion. Even at the time of the famine in Ireland, Ministers called Parliament together without having a pro position to make to them ; and in other instances they had come down to ask the opinion of the House, without having one of their own to suggest.--(Hear.) The Government re luctantly admitted agricultural distress, and required that interest to look for its amelioration to the better situation of the manufacturing classes; but why were the agriculturists to be told to wait upon the prosperity of the manufacturing classes? Would the Government have proposed the con verse to the Member for the West Riding, or for Manchester? (Hear, hear.) True, provisions were cheap, but they were not purchased from the home producer, and the reliance of the two interests on each oth er had been destroyed. The Honourable Member for Birmingham (Mr. Muntz) truly stated that the manufacturers were eating up the farmers, and the same idea applied to the agricultural labourers ; they were purchasing cheap provisions, but at the sacrifice of their masters.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Berkeley) did not believe the account of the flourishing state of the glove trade.—(llear, hear.) Why was no answer given to the inquiry about the riot in Suffolk? Since the question had been put, he had had information that the riot did take place, and that the fact was well known in London. Fifty police men were unable to quell the disturbance; the military were called out; the house was gutted. The union inmates rose upon the officers and drove them away; the union-house was too full for any restraint to be put upon them. It was with the greatest difficulty the riot was quelled. Would any one say the Government were ignorant of that ? Might it not be fairly inferred that it was kept back that the debate might go off smoothly? In other places, in England and in Ire land, there were union-houses so full, that riots were threatened in a hundred different parts. It was said .that pauperism had decreased, and the testimony of the Hon. Member for Dorset had been given as to the labourers there; but in that county it had been thought necessary to propose to increase the salary of the gaoler. In Gloucestershire the num ber of paupers and of commitments had decreased, but that was because free trade and the reduction of wages had driven the able-bodied men to emigrate. The dietaries of th e pr i sons were bettor than th ose o f th workhouses, and tempted paupers to commit workhouse offences. In Gloucestershire there bad been no general benefit arising from cheaper food.—(Hear.) How much longer were the agriculturists to suffer under the experiment" that had already been tried for five years? The Royal Speech disposed of, the charge that the out cry was for the sake of rents. He held that the greatest boon that could be conferred on the country would be a dis solution of Parliament. He was quite convinced that if that were to occur there were not many of its present Members who would be again returned. Look at the country in which point of view they would. they found not hi ng b u t a feeling o f di strus t and Ydissatisfaction prevailing. If the present state of things was to continue, how would the agri cultural labourers be able to earn those wages wherewith to purchase those cheap provisions of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was so ready to boast? Unless the present motion was supported, or unless Ministers were forced into some •great measure of redress, the country would be speedily plunged into a state of disunion, discontent, and confusion. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the V tes and Proceedings of the House of Commons ) TUESDAY, FEB. SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION. Motion made, and Question put, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prevent unnecessary Trading on Sunday, within the Metropolitan Police District and City of London and Liberties thereof." The House divided: MAJORITY—AYES, 70. Adderley, C. B. elrenfell, Charles W. Pigott, Francis Baines, M. T. Grey, Sir G. Pinney, W. . Beresford, William Hall, Sir B. Plumptre, J. P. Llandford, Marquis Ilatchell, John Scott, F. Brotherton, J. Hawes, B. . Sumer, IL K. Bruce, C. L. C. Heald, James Sibthorp, Colonel Banbury, E. 11. Hildyard, R. C. Sidney, Alderman Buxton, Sir E. llindleyCharles Somerville, Sir W. Clive, H. B. Hodgson, W. N. Spooner, It. CobLohl, J. C. Holland, Robert Stanton, W. S. Cockburn, Sir A. Howard, E. G. Stuart, Lord Dudley Cowper, W. F. Lennox, Lon: A. Thompson, Colonel Craig, Sir W. G. Lewis, G. C. Tollemache, John Cubitt, William Matheson, Colonel Watley, T. Deedes, W. Wattle, Fox Walpole, S. IL Dod, J. W. Miles, William Westhead, J. B. Duncan, George Mulgrave, Earl of Williams, John Duneult, John Mulling's, J. It. Wilson, James Dundas, Sir David Na as , L or d Wilson, Matthew Dunne, Colonel Napier, Joseph WyIJ, James Elliot, J. E. Noel, Gerald J. Fairer, James Paget, Lord C. Floyer, John Patten, J. W. Freestun, Colonel Pelham, A. D. Frewen, C. U. Peto, Samuel TELLERS. Williams, W. Kershaw; James MINORITY—NOES, 19. Bass, M. T. Mackenzie, W. F. Taylor, Thomas E. Blacksll, S. W. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Thornely, Thomas Brooke, Sir Arthur Mostyn, E. M. L. Wawn, J. T. Fagan, James O'Connell, M. J. Forster, Matthew Romilly, Colonel Greene, John Russell.F. C. IL Hamilton, J. H. Scho'acid, W. Ilayter, W. G. Sullivan, Michael TELLEP.B. Wall, C. B. Anstey, T. C. PARLIAMEN TARP BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons..) NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The undernamed Bills are appointed to be read a second time on Monday, Feb. 17 : Chorley Waterworks. Manchester Parish Highways. Warrington and Altrincham Junction Railway. Commercial Docks Improvement. Great North of Scotland Railway. TO THU SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD REFORM ASSOCIATION. Sir,—On Monday the debate was resumed on Eccle siastical Titles. With the exception of the speech of Lord Ashley, it went to prove that the House IX Com mons, like language, is for the concealment of ideas. If the people of England feel any interest in the subject, they must take it up out of doors, or submit to wade, through a dull farce by drilled actors, ending in disap pointment. - The debate was finally adjourned till Wednesday. The first motion for adjournment led to a division of 364 to 59 against adjourning; which may in some degree be taken as a measure of the final strength. So that the Government have no want of strength in the House; and the only explanation of the meagre and frivolous Bill by which they reply to the summons of the French Ge neral in Rome, is, that there is Puseyism in their camp. No man seems to doubt that the Prime Minister would do more if he could; and his looks confirm it. After this division, the moment was chosen for moving for leave to bring in a Bill for removing restrictions upon Roman Catholics; which it was whispered in the House was for the encouragement of monastic orders and a nasty celibacy, for that is the appropriate term for celibacy enforced upon masses of men. A respected Catholic Member rose and declared that the English Catholics did not want the Bill. The consequence of all which was, that leave was given for this day six months, by a majority of 175 to 35. On Tuesday the Member for Buckinghamshire made his motion on the still-beginning, never-ending subject of the Distress of the Owners and Occupiers of Land. They were distressed when they lived on the commer cial classes, and they are distressed when they have ceased to live on them; and the only chance left to try, appareatly, is the effect which might be produced on them by a good round indemnity given at their expense to those who suffered by them before. But there were points about the present motion de manding the attention of the commercial classes and the public. It was introduced by the declaration, that all idea of the restoration of what is called Protection was given up for one or two years, till the dissolution of Par liament; and then, it would appear, it is to be taken up with renewed hope and vigour. The declaration at the same time did not preclude hits by the way, at Free Trade being the restriction of British industry, and the enormity of one class desiring to live upon the injury of another. The danger from all this, is that the friends of commercial freedom will be lulled into security, while the other side will virtually carry on their operations without relaxation. Nothing is clearer, than that in this position of affairs, the Lague ought to " keep their powder dry." Mr. G. SANDERS (who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery) said he believed that if the policy of free trade was to be reversed it should a be reversed by the feeling out of doors, and it was idle to expect its reversal through any vote of that House. Her Majesty had admitted in her gracious Speech from the Throne that the agricultural interests in this country were in a state of distress; and that admission had saved much needless discussion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer might under these circumstances have avoided the statistical details into which he had entered with a view to show that a state of comparative prosperity prevailed in some parts of the country. The existence of general distress among the agricultural body was a fact universally admitted. Then there arose the question what had been the cause of that distress. In the year 1848 they had been told that the agri cultural distress at that period had been owing to a deficient harvest; in the year 1850 they had been told that the agri- SCOTTISH SOCIETY.—A meeting of the members of cultural distress had been owing to the abundant harvest of this society was held yesterday afternoon at the Freemasons' the year 1849 ; while in the present vear the distress continued Tavern, Great Queen-street, Lord Drumlanrig in the chair, after the deficient harvest of' 1850. It was pretty clear, for the purpose of taking into consideration the affairs of the therefore, that the evil was not to be traced solely to the society, and of determining upon the propriety of continuing character of the preceding harvest. They had last year the annual Scottish file at Holland-park. Mr. Fox Maule been told by her Majesty's Ministers that the imports of corn regretted deeply that the affairs of the society were in so from foreign countries could not continue under the low ruinous a condition, and that there had been so much prim for agricultural produce which had then prevailed. division of opinion among the members. That there was But the result had falsified that prediction, and the importa- any loss attending the gatherings of the society in 184 . 11 tions had since continued, while the price s had not been and 1850 he attributed entirely to mismanagement, and, o t r his a raised. We had received large importations of corn from being the care, he did not think that they ought _f . ___ France in the course of the last year; and, although the moment to debate upon the propriety of continuin t g e taln e e Right Honourable Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchea I most attractive Scottish gatherings. But, in orde t r , that t_ 4 ' n. quer had said at that time that those importations could not 1 arrangements might be satisfactorily carried aoriultoh con' be g corn be continued, he was himself at present compelled to admit ' sidered that it was necessary to reform the in that they had been still greater during the present year. mittee, and he eloquently appealed to all their sup- During the last twelve months we had received large impor- ; the society, as Scotsmen and friends, to forgetand e nthusiastically ' tations of corn from all the great corn-producing countries posed grievances and to unite earnestly a li the members of h utmost to enable the of the world. He had on a former occasion expressed his ;in forwarding, by every means, the objects of the society. belief that, under a system of free trade the price of wheat in ; He was ready to pledge himself to this country would rule from about 355. to about 40s. a quarter; society to merit the high °nag.? Patr hibition , which it enjoyed, and in he hoped they would while the bight Hon. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex- ; this, the year of the Great EL could do. The Right Hon. chequer) had stated that, in his opinion, it would rule at ; show the world what Scotsmen between 40s. and 50s. a quarter; but he (Mr. Sanders)That the society should continue believed that all recent experience had confirmed the accu- ; to hold their annual fe Gentleman then moved/ at Holland Perk. Cluny BPPlter 'Ortolan, seconded the motion, and ex racy of his estimate. He still thought that from 355. to 405.; son, chief of the clan a quarter would be the ruling price under the free-trade I pressed his heargid, Mr. Fox Maul e . Th e motion was c oncurrence ea with all that h a d b een sa i d b y system. But hht e believed that the agri cu l tura l i nterest in I his Rig Pion. i this country could not c on ti nue t o pro d uce wheat at that ; then carriedo price. It would be imp oss ibl e f or t h e B ritish producer of was then formed. Mr. C. R. M'K euz i e was appointed hono animously. A committ ee o f management corn to compete with th e f ore i gner, un l ess there were a re- , rary se cretary of the society. A comm i ttee was nominated rote duction in his rent, or in hi s taxes, or i n the price of labour. ; to dra w up a series of new rules fo r th e soc i ety, and a finance pintges. of thanks to th e N o bl e Time elms among the agr i cu l tura l b ody which had most com mittee was suffered, or which alone h a d su ff ere d , was the class of tenant - ; Chairman concluded b p apo appointed. roc . A eeu o . farmers ; and he would tell Hon. Gentlemen around him, that , The num er of pensions charged upon the civil under the free-trade system they might depend upon it l list between June 20,1849, and June 20, 1850, is twelve, and that rents must come down. The price of labour had notof amounting to a total of 1,2001. hitherto been much reduced; but he believed thatm was to 1 r AD VERTISEMENT.j—THF. EAIIL OF ALDBORoUcII I the agriculturists had been employing labour which a labourers AND liouolvAr's PILLS.—An astounding cure by this nairacnloes them unprofitable, and that they had given workto medicine, aster every other means had failed. See extract from his rather than have to support those labourers in . the work- . Lordship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn,lB4o. oreigu countries Professor house. He should remind the House that f Holloway —Sir : I beg to acquaint you that your pills have cf -1 h value of did not reciprocate our free-trade Po lic y ; ant te had e fe m et i ect en a t cure of a disorder in my liver amid stomach which all the mos; our imports from France, America, and otherarta which countries, we sent bee -n n ableat t the t faculty,. lm a y t , h notoln home even ald the over t t r h s o o r 'ltin ls eo lt t, a h or ad iiot become greater than the value of the exports advocated rmenbad. (Signed) ~ ALpnoaouen' '' waters wond ar othil pills will , Ma to them; The American President had, strongly . encouraging native agriculture. . in his Message the policy of . cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also flollowars Ointment) at Professor HollOWay's Establishmrmnt, 244, Strand and HO/4 lied how it was possible to have g 1 agricultural produce , by au madiotae vendors throughput the clviil3( 4 world. The debate was finally adjourned. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, AN OLD REFORMER. London, Feb. 12, 1851. • — • : rsl .ft" . "`-,_ . n '' '. ' 1, - '4 . .. _— , .......,:„ tjt,,. (LI i *THE LONDON GAZETTE, F W.O , ,d %,. .., K5 ~.. 1 FOREIGN-OFFICE, FEB. il, Ma , ':' ,r(Ft NOTIFICATION. ' . . O ' '' , . , jesty's Prin c i pa l S ecretary of State for Foreign ' N , V P. It is hereby not i f i ed that Viscount Palmersten, IA -4 M ' s -k , ow received from Si r S trat f ord Canning, her aj . - VI-0= ~„-tk bassador at Con s t ant i nople, a dispatch, enclosing an ~ .. ri notification from the Ottoman Minister for Foreign A j sirs, dated the 18th of January last, of the blockade .of all the ports id Samos, by the naval forces of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan. Such blockade to commence twenty days after the said 18th of January. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, FEB.. 3. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon James Meek, Esq., late Comptroller of the Victualling and Transport Services in the Admiralty. ADMIRALTY, Fxn. 8. Erratum in Gazette of 26th January, 1849, page 247—For boats of Victory under Lieutenant Purcell, read under. Lieu tenant St. Clair and Mr. Purcell. CROWN OFFICE, FEB. I . MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN TIIIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. Borough of New Windsor—The Right Honourable John Hatchell, of Merrion-square, in the city of Dublin, Attorney- General for Ireland. WHITEHALL, FEB. I. The Lord Chancellor has appointed John Watkins Jones, of Beaumaria, in the county of Anglesea, Gent., to be a Master I Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, FEB. I. The Lord Chancellor has appointed John Trig6nwell King, of Blandford, in the county of Dorset, Gent., to be a Master • Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, Fan. t . The Lord Chancellor has appointed Francis Parker, of the city of Chester, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the ' High Court of Chancery. . 41 - BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. George Johnstone, pubiican, Newbury, Berkshire. Edward Hodges, surgeon, Swinford, Leicestershire. BANKRUPTS. John Barugh, oilman, High Holborn, to surrender Feb. 21 and March 24, at t we l ve , a t th e ,Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee; Treherne and White, Buck lerab ury. William Leighton Wood, pianoforte maker, Charles-street, Drury-lane, Feb. 21, at half-past eleven, and March 28, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Canaan, official as signee, Birchin-lane ; Wright and Bonner, London-street, Fenchurch-street. Edwin Bliss, brushmaker, Barbican, Feb. 21 and March 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman- street-buildings; Baylis and Drew, Red cross-street, Cripplegate. Richard Brickwood Coltman, Court milliner, Regent street, Feb. 21, at one, and April 5, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Norcutt, Queen-square, Bloomsbury. John Murrelis, barge owner, Colchester, Feb. 21, at two, and March 25, at one, at th e C ourt of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane, Lombard-street; Wire and Child, St. Swithin's-lane; Barnes, Colchester. Henry Durham Stevenson, merchant, Bishopwearmouth, Durham, Feb. 20, at eleven, and March 20, at one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District Court. Waklev, official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Wright, Sunderland; Maples and Pearse, Old Jewry. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. Thomas Scotcher, pianoforte manufacturer, Drummond street, Euston-square. Edward Kenealy, barrister-at-law, South-square, Gray's Inn. Edward Torbock Gedge, milliner and florist, Upper bancan. place, City-road. Samuel Perkins, baker, Wellington-street, Newington. Thomas Penn, solicitor's clerk, Caroline-place, Chelsea. John Warne, cheesemonger, Little Earl-street, Compton street, Seven-dials. Thomas William Tottingham Prescott, Belgrave-street South, Pimlico. George Richard Glenie, jun., bar- man, Bell and Mackerel public-house, Mile-end-road. Watson Leman, paper stainer, Pleasant-place, Hen and Chicken-lane, Lock's -fields, Kent-road. Elisha Bennett, butcher, Culmstock-place, Bridge-road, Bat tcrsea. Adam Young, Tcnison-street, York-road, Lambeth. Henry John Louis Augarde, stockbroker, Addlestone, near Chertsey. Rowland Wilder, butcher. Edgeware-road. Edward Davie-, lime burner, Trefonnen, Oswestry. George Hurst, jun., music master, Ramsgate. Sarah Lacy, tobacconist, Marlborough-street, Greenwich. William Ogden, beer-seller, Hulme, Manchester. Rees Thomas, farmer, Penybank,Mothvey, Carmarthenshire. Thomas Dalton, joiner, Broughton-road, Salford. David Calder, inspector of railway w or k s , N ewar k- upon- T rent. Abraham Allen, builder, Chester. John Bennett, book keeper, Toxteth.park, Liverpool. Samuel Davies, innkeeper, Merthyr, Glamorganehire. Joseph William Jackson, farmer, Scampton, near Lincoln. Warro Squire Bradley, Lieutenant, R.N. , Weston. super-Mare. William Pattinson, mercer, Chester. William Garner, traveller, Liverpool. Thomas Garner, joiner, Liverpool. William Coiling Hobson, agent, Manchester. Richard Lambert. mercer, Chesterfield, Derbyshire. Henry Owen, civil engineer, Liverpool. James Padley, sawyer, Manchester. George Trout, dealer in boots and shoes, Bath. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Mr. Petley, Master-Commander of the Lightning steam tender, has been appointed to succeed Mr. Cook in command of th'e Admiralty yacht, Black Eagle, as we anticipated on Saturday last; and M r . H. W. Allen, Master of 1842, and additional of the Black Eagle, has been appointed Master- Commander of the Lightning steam-tender, vice Petley. Mr. Frederick W. Paul, Master of 1841, has been appointed to the Monarch, 84, at Sheerness, instead of to the command of the Lightning. Arrogant, 46, screw-frigate, Captain Robinson, arrived in Plymouth Sound on Monday, bound for Lisbon. Bloodhound steam-tender to the Sampson, was taken out of dock, at Devonport, on Monday morning. Calliope, 26, Captain Sir J. E. Home, Bart., was mustered and inspected on Monday by the Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Sir William Gage, G.C.H. On the Admiral leaving, she manned yards and saluted—an unusual circumstance at Devonport. The last intelligence from the hospital is that the patients from the Calliope are progressing favourably. Herald surveying -vessel, Captain Kellett, C. 8., left Ilono lulu, Oct. 27, for Hang-Kong, on h er way t o E ng l an d to be paid off. She has been in commission in the Pacific since February, 1845. Sprightly steam-tender, Master-Commander Allen, arrived at Portsmouth yesterday morning from Chatham. She is ordered to Plymouth with some spare boiler-tubes for the Encounter. Vixen steam-sloop, has been docked at Portsmouth, to be repaired. Woodlark surveying -vessel, has put in at Bridlington, bound to the Orkneys. PORTSMOUTH, TUESDAY.—A court-martial, comprising Rear-Admiral H. Prescott, C. 8., President ; Captain H. D. Chads, C. 8., of the Excellent; Captain W. H. Henderson, C. 8., of the Blenheim; Captain F. P. Blackwood, C. 8., of the Victory; and Commander Matthias, of the Britannia, assembled on board the Victory flag-ship in this harbour, this morning, to try George Faulkner, a boatswain of her Majesty's ship Britannia, 120, doing duty on board the re ceiving hulk Topaze, for a breach of discipline in having absented himself from his ship without leave on the let inst. The Court having heard the evidence in support of the charge, and what the prisoner had to allege in defence, were of opinion the charge had been fully proved, and sentenced the prisoner to be dismissed from her Majesty's service. The Birkenhead iron steam-frigate was commissioned to day by Mr. Robert Salmond, Master commanding. She is to have a complement of 151. WooLwren, FEB. 11.—Four of the engineers on check have been at work on board the Cyclops steam-vessel for several days, and as her engines are generally in good condition, the repairs of the minor articles will soon be ac complished, and this tine frigate re-commissioned for active service. Captain Peter M'Quhae (1835) visited Woolwich dockyard :o-day._ The Cornwall, hired convict-ship, went down the river on Saturday afternoon, having 220 male convicts on board. She will take in e.O additional convicts at Ports mouth and Portland, to make up her number to 300. These convicts will all be taken to and landed at Gibral tar, to be employed upon the works at that fortress, and 300 convicts who have been at work there for a considerable period will be conveyed in the Cornwall to Van Diemen's Laud, where they will receive tickets of leave on the usual conditions. PEMBROKE DOCKYARD, F.EB. 10.—Captain Biddulph has been appointed to succeed Captain Forteseue in the command of the detachment of the Royal Artillery sta tioned at the fortified barracks on the heights at Pembroke Dock. No fewer than 70 boys are now under examination as to their acquirementF, prior to the selection for admistion as ap. prentices to the dockyard. Out of this large number only tour will be admitted this year. The Coast-guard station, it is rumoured, will be removed to Angle from Pembroke, the latter place being already suffi ciently guarded by the Pembroke dock station. The captain-superintendent of the dockyard, Sir Thomas Paslev, has been spending a few days with the Earl of C.iwdor, at tha seat of that nobleman, Btackpole-court. The mechanics of the dockyard are competing for the pre mium offered by the Duke of Northumberland of 100 guineas for the best model of a lifeboat. Several models have been constructed. construction Th eco tr contractors, o t r h s B e lessrs fortress. c on t k h s e o n ita a c r k e severe commands weather. oprockceedtihnoguwgh their hth ei e r operations h eve bee n reta r ded by tbelateSeavn the rock is situated at a short distance Within the entire entrance of the haven. Hi rn ia Npt riioms T e • r not l f 7 t G h .tleA tenant candidates 8R iR i E n t 0... RLPRESENTAT/ON OF the representation of the southern place in this town to-day, in the —NEWARK, TUESDAY. s a il ' re e°s perso ns tothe TlaNst'oe can didates presence o s d u iv p i l s ) i l o y n tb o e ff a viga:ta i t i ns r: lY : - s ikn suppos g ed °ntio t mT o didates eresente k Bromley—Lord Newar. , eldest son of Earl the ; and concourse of at least Lord Newark was nominated by Mr. Rolleston, terest. , who formerly represented the division, and the nomination was s econded by Mr. Pegg Burnell. Both gentlemen spoke in the highest terms of the capacity of the Noble Lord, and regretted that any differences should have arisen between landlord and tenant upon such a question as the Mr. 13arrow, w election of a representative. Mr. Barrow was put in no mination by Mr. It. Millward, and seconded by Mr. George Storer, principally on the ground that the Honourable Can. didate had fought manfully to protect the interests of British producers. Lord Newark then made a profession of his political principles, and he was followed. by Mr. Barrow. Both avowed a strong adherence to a system of protection, intimating that they would support a reduction of the malt duty, and endeavour to reduce the national expenditure to the lowest limits, consistently with- the ' requirements of the State. The show of hands was considerably in favour of Mr. Barrow, whereupon a poll was demanded on the part of Lord Newark. The polling was appointed to take place on Friday next. The proceedings were gum and good humoured throughout. the e In the e nts QueenHigh-Sheriff of f t a t e t r THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. Majesty a docume nt, Windsor Castle, to present to her __ of Eglad, assuringhe__Yes b t y erday, three Ro mansigned Majesty, that the new contemplated Roman Pontilt; i n thi s country, were purely of a spi r it ua l character, and that their allegiance to t he person an d t h rone of their Sovereign had unde r g one no diminution. It was a e, that immediately after th e d ocument in question had been presented to the Queen, a d eputation from the three curious circumstance , Dissenting denominations, al so h ad an audience of her Majesty, preparatory to laying au a d dress before her, represent i ng the Papal aggression as an encroachment on the r ights of the Crown, and calling on he r M a j esty to v i n di cate her royal prerogative by crushi ng at once the assumption of the Pope. After being thus engaged in work so directly op posite, two of the Roman Catholic noblemen, and the depu-• tation from the three Dissenting denominations, met in the greatest concord, in an adjoining apartment, previous to par taking of a dejeuner provided for the occasion.—Adrertiser. r.,~,1 _. ~::,.;, . ~ , FEBRUARY