The Sun. — London, England, 1850-05-18 00:00:00

lion and jobbl , Y : bord -LieuteLa the interests ueat', he last few kis side lye for Marquis of vi , persecution. fre of the ° • elite eocis to b e t " centralisstion ilis Lo t apply tt ) o f surrounded nso_, y estahrillslihrrce,e bre t exp est,. it all th ese do le ad aliniStra the t r eally of to o ffice 0' rd to with regu r_• supposed to p tei aa a P I gera re $ e xpencul to -fourths we manufacture! An d saw lasgew, otryfits ty fagote DP t prosPec of u he felling , t o : the tabledtl the 3titions , an w ith pt ,ii n own of o tc .„ s , vished theircue."o_?. d win th te abolishiblt ion Was 1 li i e and vic' ti t l '; 0s hear.) ohle ,de by th e ta l i psi Majesty goo, ,d that eae 1 00 1(1 *n ix Park wiaeos set' by 5 res '134 vote ege l f 50 1 )sentstive 0_ s t u Irish 51:,1 • e r, Parham be to stF. W e i rc i r e De Id ac 6— to eon be ? i d t . as T e r rngr b a i ii lll . f the temPlittle and. I lle) d le of Ir ei /I mod existence not be„Au' rato ~" with IL•elIle - n t question. loci he extra's r fit ion. g e ? h torO' the gayer No of "tbie Pf,fe,olo be o de on e 01 1 wa • h reg 1 . W i th ;n ot ▪ his OP.`" j e t ~ in w het , ' don w as eV"A is to be le go„,cn 0 oratedo Illy • earoB 3 que st'.n it I not view ,rded the P ‘ ,l sb* question o wn icOuld be n t 1-Lieut ena jro h o es of t be 000dhee at!. os i to OP On the c° pt 0 3ap a d ages Bei esir: e cort otte l f e et , re: n ecessity tip reteatly,. " 4 on ) P 11 1 0 sn BCC eV O Irish P O lO , 'era and c loths' f duty id. ge us , d e r aused by ° l r ish Das uP° l l , O 'TT ed bi do posed the Lor °o s be houl 0 c , The d ei• , i Laotian , ' as in nate' b stan ce hi"r s t; when ° r o of c', Ning a P P ro of 0 1 inion, cod )face that; p d a ken Begi')„, th e d that ff ng o'b,., , / 33, 110114 ' -v l , r iv is of the bad de i fl ietl" he Lor d lie las t te r° A .0 14 _ Meath 1 3 .'„ dear " f ill ) ass COnneeteile w., iStOrY . . i 0 to ess Iris° 000 jects. LeD ,{0 4ord-D e Pri st Hen r Y ot a s hn them. ir d ty had b e a ,0 to 18,P, or, 11 „4 (u € ' n ro Irisb nie id of thei r r ich' hief s ear do; the C O° e lbO' iality Of if A° ed that spr y us', 4 , $ llB What? an al s , 0 $ fain t° l sw o• rd ant D iet1;1000; ti f ibs all kn e bli lthough risstio c t O l,, en bad g i V t to e , atenan" .pt Bb of d the la A yesr n o il on. te d Ki the • 00J, Dub °Ded fr to 03 ,(4 se dulity tb ssionsrotor)", 0'.4 i n ister, ile r • the Y ea lst 4 0 , a poPu ht Sod the B i g:gia ll o It a 03 7 po i Castle 0 60 0, n iquitY; tien e 0 o f °I); thefol l ia of t ij3 go seo non r .80# 3 ber 1° ( 1.1 ,1 ,0 f Dor o va e A fie . 0 p ho , ashe l3 l re ftle o It o 13 7d.re' he sot t ilo peso e'en„hf a king' 1 ..6 1 ;1 fo e )sent _tht/).1 tatellieP A sti °f a ° , eing 0 , on e t 0 ,nci Le f ira ele be w 00 1 e, the ~Pe r o: , r e. . the re p be be rot hecsu led virbf of tics. • o de t he °gpre tO r eC rcO° ll re In lone lif f tp ° r e so 0 ,0 0 3 the Istl e • It 110. it . 10 gildearzed e sq e , or o'ol. a 5e1 ) .,,0 rcl. l4l° IP A o Ici n g t 03 5 0 he t 00 je r ing° ° „ trA: o 4' at t',o yose„ 0 1 of 'h e ir " o rb/ 6 11 0 i nn wool'ci Si ell i ord o joOr f fi ri 1 he t i le r D, O a nd j o ist' e • _b s rr „low was t ended 'of 1s s o t p d id e t a . og l ope' - mist e i t i• be P li 'f Phs• hter., s ig 00 of c,ellOde the b le e sp a ti stle fi • 'erk , ~,° 0 oero t it he len t 1 o j e o.. • ill ; ble d ill to t the f"; t iga', vs ,- s• id inn d a te pa cep a ` 01 of L ° td sa il s of nore 0 t o, yisio ll 'e of ob l )ns s o •eat D or ° Ye' did n e e f ot t fr i l l 0 e xtrs in r a t t y ie 8t " r eectoe ther' t tP d a 0 e r sue ro la o t bl not 0 10 0 men • c ie p) profl ate t i 10 014 00' 815. 0 t be l fig 1 od I t tlf teatotlp attet c bat 081 t t4 l . t °•flight was connected with the netionaity of Ire- Weil W hat was the t rea t ment w hi ch the Marqu i s o f kid esI TY, claruni et venerabile nomen, received—he rho Iyi a j e lsed the first volunteer corps in Ireland in 14 R oman Catholic s were perm i tte d to serve . 44 4 '9 2 the Noble M arqu i s h a d refuse d t h e 1'; 't rank i n the Cabinet because he wou l d to ig l, uP the question of Roman Catholic relief; of that distinguished nobleman by te at ") e that he had left Ireland without having con ::: : 1 : 4 wthase one party party and disliked by the other. What ilea "a treatment of another Lord-Lieutenant, whose 4 0d .80 Olea intentions, public spirit, and great abilities, IIatI7LL to rend er everything that was good or great hoi,sueYlrious with th e name of Anglesea? Was he not 4tcl with obloquy and abuse; and did it not come Neehel the Cloneurry's memoirs th a t s o far from being te a t_ a was disposed to make ever y proper conces an the p e ople? And, to come d own to later times, !tr aat Zad been the treatment given to Lord Clarendon-- "ett t „ h e e weluld be bold to say, in spite of what had ,Por 6 B '" e u by the Hon. Member for Meath, who had a ti r rtah e t , (l the . even tenor . of his way" without looking to t es t a ealgush interests, but to the common weal of the !eke tgenerally—whai, he asked, was the treatment '64 ( 1,9 that Noble Earl? He would not be surprised leionareal attacked and ridiculed by those whose revo- Sl et l i ); scheme s he had buffied ; but when he found him I4: : r ia t ii it e .e ; eo , l ne i e do c ,if o n u ith n ti t ee r e y p, , Nit re 0 Y persons of high station and known respecta . - for having, in the discharge of his e d a t e s e m , is b s e ed three maeistr ates from the (Mr. Bernal Osborne) felt Jots, high nme that such an office as that of Lord ti),aut of Ireland should be abolished.—(Hear.) A ~eeeutenant of Ireland, be ho ever so pure, impar- Z ti,i4interested in his conduct, could not escape de -04,8 tie could only hope, by the frequency of his ~the excellence of his wines, and the extent of d Cts l eit lite o n„ 4 7 to maintain a character for talent an ette, - "r amongst the favoured classes who were made e a c ere of his ne t It was an office where elks °n Solon, Beau Nash before l i :for e ' t lrd the practical experience of a French cook a llit er S e f y sitrA wisdom of a Wellesley.—(Hear, e___ol - f or T. , 11 1 P , would ask who was the responsible Ireland that House? In 1822 the Lord nettant e e • 1 eln ef as in favour of Catholic Emancidation; but 4 som e oecretary, the Home Secretary, and the L re o a rd ; were opp ose d to it. There was no b " ulo mister f or Ireland then in the ]house. The 13 'e l °w ever, w ere a l tere d now. W e now saw a re eGt' Irish Minister in that House. The Right Hon tk i ll 0 414 2 1 who now h e ld that o ffi ce was un d ou b te dl y a ZN y- i f i igh honour an d a b i lity, But what was the 4 - e i 41, 3' Ron. Member asked a question connected ke e l an d of the Irish Solicitor-General he was im him y referred to the English Solicitor-General, and 4 4,, was again referred to the Right lion. Gen- O et ne Home Secretary.—(Laughter.) It was, in 1: 11 (1 ' 0 1, °11 . 1 7 by a kind of Caesarean operation the querist , utf un __ • .. t “ any information from the Solicitor-Go i.relancl•—(Laught.!r.) There was the office of 1411 -t ,eerrtar of Pre y paratory for Irelanschooll fa. E d. Althou gh nglish statesmen, that was said to i le ru st e e ; fur be viewed as a very high and distinguished hi.,4 1(1 4 , 0 it a man b u t l oo k e d i n t o th e e stimates, he that the fortunate higheroccupant of that office was salary th ae an y o f th e Cabinet Ministers -5A 0/ 9u;o/two houses besides, with the usual C l .ai pintete en e ,_ year, ,(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mier as pf 8 g this fact, wo u ld any pers o n t e ll him that the ihke t h eur etery for Ir e l an d wa s an irr e sp o nsible officer? ilrte l ; g e e lion. Baronet the Member for Drogheda was Chief Secretary for Ireland, he (Mr. Osborne) i'ai e ,l 4t h opes that the great Irish difficulty would be ! I llel lii ,aolved. He thought that the Hon. Baronet proposed a series of good and substantial 1'1 16 ,1)0, -3 for Ireland. The Hon. Baronet was well known c l efa Miti cal partisan, who was selected in 1846 to fill 'l ( 4 e e becaus e he had moved the amendment which Q, tr °Yed the late Government. He was the politi le'44llll„ L til a at had rent the . oak, but was now to be sewn and fettered in consequence of the opera -1,411 a ,:en, like Milo, he could do no more, he might, t, ) ltti ti .„llts, palliate his weakness by pleading a desire J ., e ' v erybody.—(Laughter.) But was it not no b o he was asked a question in reference to the !te t : e, he would say he would be obliged to coin- If of W ith the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ? Was ttotia„ 40terious that Bills were introduced into this Oter r , e ,'P e eting Ireland which they never . heard more 41 1 4 1 :' Sae .11rd * ? These Bills were often revived by the t th. the suggestions of the Irish Members. Some -1,:e• a„ L ord-Lieutenant controlled the Chief Secre -0147 dud the Chief Secretary the Lord-Lieu elkilkd sometimes the Under Secretary controlled . b.; 4 1 „i'ere was another mysterious personage to be kh , 0 ; 4 in these performances—namely, the law ad s d Castle, who remained behind the scenes, tli e - 7 the strings by which the decrepid wisdom le wfa mandates of the fantoccini of the k,_ 4 l4,6ere called into operation. He heard something bm, as to the great majority of the Irish people e I ° , °3 for hisshe retention of the office. He, however:, -„," hand an extract from a high It eePer, called toe Nation, which was to t 1 pr o i t The appeal made from Dublin to Ir'nees in favour of the Lord-Lieutenancy t; Sll e e-414 has met with no support, except Rilkenny, Drogheda, and Limerick refase to ;140,4ing to do with it. In the cit of Dublin only " i tet'l lt aets of the Post-office Ward had declared e ."le Gover nmen t Bill, and one meetin of the t j ma, 'ard, at whi c h on l y 12 persons attended.' Some t he r e influenced by pecuniary motives in wishing 1 1 , e ts cen tinuance of this office in Ireland, and some Oeet wer who looked a t the Castle of Dublin as Ma- Ott o :" said to look at Mecca—full of hope and ex- Ceti • * -- (Leughter.) This quest on however, nail %,), Its elf to a D u bi n ques tion.—(Hear, hear.) Al ?e°oo 4l ltages of a port, a healthy situation, and 14 1 . 4 t ° Th ' abitants and the courts of law, were e ° dependent upon the retention of however, felt confident that a L'N" 4 t l oe on the west coast of Ireland, and . 'rd at Cork, w ou ld p rov e much more bens SI t° and e lreland than the best that they ed 0o e, and he was sure that Dublin would . prosper i t l l l 'slie: re , under such circumstances than in . the con- Nee - °' mock court and a party-coloured vicer n oy. b — alde t ' s he hat looked into the Act ,of Unio a n bo a d about the 3 ' that there was not one word in it 41 k i nd e wi It 1 ( 4 14 the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. There b 4(4 t of obligation in it that the Privy Council 4 .. „ hie ° ne extinguished. In his mind, that proviso thselig, - ;',Uient to show that Mr. Pitt had intended to 1 1 , 4 %: e u the office of Lord-Lieutenant. He thought (i 1 P0„ - h glievanc es of Ireland must be redressed, and e tte,l" B healed by a series of remedial measures.— te,,, -e at) They must revise the system of poor all'', The if they wished to have a people and a coudn t4lent +e e Was another thing which they should o s ot r etest slightest hesitation. So long as they left kOky a tant Church in its present state, they could ;D a r.) I,,,peace, prosperity, or justice in Ireland .—( Hear, e7 l e was happy to hear from the Noble Lord 4 s her Majesty's intention to visit Ireland more tb tly f or the future. He hoped that this was a 11 " 'lot merely confined to this House. He wished tap er Majesty would take up her residence there 11:° tie al months. He for one would occasionally 'l4tt objection to this Parliament holding its sit lap D ere•—(llear, hear, from the Irish Mem -017 ea 4 Tietlrable Members must not talk of Ire trak re the y would of the Isle of Wight. They ()fleet that she was a nation of 8,000,000 a Ik b e, tty P h e, and therefore should not he treated a f r k r ,, r , u ltiee. The Roman Catholics of Dublin could t qh lt- tY,w g - ' that the h teful phrase " Protestant ascen q4treatigrat originated in tae Castle of Dublin. He e e , t " Of m il ect no one national sentiment with the exist tr stir - 40 office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He ttiset,t t hat the s pi r i t o f na ti ona li t y wou ld b u rn with a hirm i ght when it ceased to draw its inspirations from 1 i t ,t 7 a tra, of Castle influence.—(Hear, hear.) to pretaZ BRIEN, who was occasionally inaudible_ in yrel v :/, said, he thought that the loss of this office I . l of th would be a very serious one indeed. The li,', 4l alC„" Queen for a week or two would prove but f,"4,(1 o,,'" , PerlSatioll for the injury that would be in -404",t,he country if this Bill passed. The Secretary le h °l :lee ti 9 : Would then be obliged to depend for all his G 0 4 4 8 -- „ 4 from persons coming to his office upon thi,-'sr,e°nnected with Ireland. He thought that the 13; toei.,"t would incur a great risk by proceeding in reL'elie t " e which they had that night proposed. The Hon. 'Bll evt Iticl uded by saying that he would give the l i ly ei,tv„, opposition in his power. ,t4 i ,ef 1 . )," - vs ,' 1 , OLDS trusted, as representative for the ,qe!or n i °9 he might be permitted to plead an ex- I t "' ° wing himself upon the indulgence of the alliti t h e was the habit of the late Mr. O'Connell, the height of his political glory, when addressing n I t s Ittt a T h u lY of his fellow-countrymen, and exultingi 11,„` great of some popular privilege, to say This t ot for Ireland." His Hon. Friend the Mem el might exclaim, " This is a great night k ee l% °cause, although the Noble Lord at the head ej tk s't :iternment bad now introduced this Bill, any tramsrt,o,eraerit it was entitled to must be brought tt 4 s. credit or debit of the Hon. Member for Mona resid e in to deprive the people of Irelan 4,1/44 viceroy, was clearly traceable to the Hon. te„tatel. Montrose. In May, 1823, the Honourable tioti:Ubmitted a similar motion to the onebefore it _ Bpd it , e i but receiving no great support he . w h t tl ieitl e MaY, 1830, he repeated the experiment, tt i ," ti n tile House on his motion for an address. ea't 4 4 , rs were -115 for, and 229 against it.. In th k ° , 4 .),1 1 t ll on there were only four Irishmen patriotic ha t lan /13 te with his Honourable Friend ; but now m en 'logs • Se had, ill of his (Mr. Reynold's) fellow-country tam, pp os , it would seem, increased very much in hi t s`te direction ; for he found that the most tei tt !rial l E"_ e ehes in favour of the motion were made by te ta ai rethren, and that they not only supported it e: a at h ee a b r : ° tee, but with their cheers. His Hon. Friend 1 %4 r ti e, r for Cork, for instance, had followed that ON l e beie k . il i t ,, h .. ° ground as he alleged, of the people of Ire hee,""uutable to the measure; and he had the bold ha le of ;euuld not term it temerity—to assert that the loheerPutilin were especially so. He (Mr. Reynolds) e atl etie, lll %flow the people of Dublin better than his Hon. lie,, tt adi et i``, h e was in a position to give the flattest k - "exit '"" to that statement which the forms of Par- Jtre• would e • inept _remit. Not more than two months ago seepe t. !Y ef elng was held by the high sheriff of the ! eit 4,:uublin on the subject, and a petition was el e _qoei a e l uat meeting condemning the proposition of ha d eee r in the strongest terms; and not a fort- ILY4 ' 'ice ( R of Lord 'Pe e called r 9 eynoldse, in his capacity le ia tabl e a Meeting also, more numerous, more re etio°ll4l4 l'untraboje influential than had eve . r before e~ e th at u In under a roof, when a similar pe -1,heiez......a Which he had presented in the course of the le,"t w a si gted by 10,000 inhabitants, was the result. it a 1 / 1 6 answer to the calumnies ' uttered against ew-citiz mess ,ens by the Hon. Member for Cork. But te le `aare 4',,that petitions had not been sent against the • th e . , eve ow ,_ -,•n at was true. But why?—simply becathe 62° "'I no confidence in the House of Commons , . ''‘ .lll " they were beghaning to think it TH E SUN, a waste of time and paper therefore to petition. They were satisfied that it was the result of a foregone con elusion, end they knew that Whigs and Tories al w ays coalet,ced when Ireland was to be sacrificed to the , princi ple of centralisation. In May, 1844, the Hon. Member for Montrose tried the experiment again; and now the Prime Minister adopted the Hon. Member's plan, end in May, 1850. brought it f,rward. On the last occasion of Ore Hon. Member for Montrose's motion, Mr. Goul burn, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, made a speech which was one of the " curiosities of literature "against the motion. He also voted against it. So did the Noble Lord at the head cf the Government; so did the Right Hon. Memher fur Tamwortb. Where were the Right Hon. Gentlemen at that moment? Where was Mr. Goulburn? Were they absent lest they should embar rass the Prime Minister? Was their absence the re sult of a foregone conclusion? But though absent from the House their opinions still lived in" Hansard," and he would read a few extracts from them for the House. He might be told that they changed as they did on the corn-laws—(Hear, hear)—and that there was no more rascally principle than consistency. It might be so, and his ownview was that it sometimes meant a perseverance in error. Mr. Flume had argued the question on the ground of economy; but Mr. Goulburn said that the proposition was derogatory to the character of Ireland, and fatal to the best interests of that country. Sir Robert Peel said also the rebellions of 1798 and 1803 proved the necessity of a superior direc tion to the vigilance of the executive. Richard Martin, the late Member for Galway, who had himself voted fur the union, said it was positively understood at that period that there should he a permanent Lord-Lieute nant always resident in Ireland ; and in 1844 Lord J. Russell said that such a change would be unsatisfactory to the people of Ireland, and that having had to consider the question on a previous occasion he had come to the conclusion that it was not expedient at that time to carry that project into effec`.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) The Noble Lord had said, in the course of his observations that night, that the Lord-Lieutenant had pacified Ireland, that Ireland was now perfectly tranquil, and that the state of that country was quite satisfactory ; but was not that a reason for retaining rather than abolishing the office ? The Honourable Members for Cork and Middlesex had quoted the his tory of the Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland—but to what purpose ? Was it not a waste of time and trouble to refer to Strafford and his successors an the present question ? The Honourable Member for Middlesex had the advantage, however, of having graduated at the Castle of Dublin ; he had spent four years of his mili tary life within its walls. The House was told that the Castle should be abolished because it was a jobbing es tablishment ; but the Government of this country had already taken good care that there should be no more jobbing there, for they had removed the Boards of Cus toms and Excise, and the head administration of the Post-office to London, so that even a letter carrier could not get appointed except through St. Martin's-le- Grand, nor a distiller recover a wrongfully-seized pun cheon of spirits except through the board in Broad street. It was asked—Why wish a Lord-Lieutenant? Is not Ireland an integral portion of the British empire? It was; but that was all it was. And if it was not bet ter treated than it had been, and than it was now pro osed to be treated, far better would it be that it were 1111 integral portion of the Russian empire. Ireland was deprived of her Parliament in 1800, and consigned to poverty as well as loaded with debt. The national debt of that country at the union was not more than thirty millions, which would have since been paid off if Ireland was left to her own resources. In 1826, how ever, the two Exchequers were amalgamated, and the in cumbrances of England divided with Ireland; and Ire land was saddled with 130 millions of the public debt. That was what this country paid for being an integral portion of the British empire.—(Hear, hear.) If Ire land had not been dragged into a war, with which England alone had no concern, she would have been now free from debt, and her people would not be taunted with being beggars at the doors of the British Parlia ment. In 1826, also, the currency of the two countries was assimilated, and Ireland by that single Act robbed of one-twelfth of her circulating medium, amounting in round numbers to a million of money. That also was what she paid for being an integral portion of the British empire. The next year the pro tecting duties between the countries were repealed. The ten per cent. protection on the linen trade was with drawn, and that branch of occupation was swamped at once by English calicoes. The woollen manufacture followed. But still Ireland had the consolation of being an integral portion of the British empire! The Noble Lord said it was inconvenient to have the Executive of Ireland so distant as Dublin from the seat of Govern ment, but surely the Irish Secretary would have to hold oral communication with other persons on the subject of Irish affairs, and, after all, did it not amount to the same thing in reality? He (Mr. Reynolds) doubted very much whether there were better men of business in London than in Dublin • at all events, he knew that they never meddled with Irish affairs that they did not mismanage them. He could prefer a bill of indictment against the Government in England, with as many counts as would make it reach from that House to Westminster Abbey, if be had time , but he would mention one item— that of savings banks. What ha l been done in respect of these institutions in Ireland? They had passed an Act establishing savings banks all over the United Kingdom, and then they passed another law relieving the trudees from all personal liability.—(Question.) It was the question. They insisted on managing their affairs in Downing-street. They insisted on having the custody of the money, and what had they done as to manage ment? Government were informed in 1821 that one bank was insolvent, and instead of telling the depositors of the fact, they kept the bank going on for 20 years, and entailed a loss of 60,0001. on the depositors. This was a specimen of British management of Irish affairs. —(Hear.) He was told that if the office of Lord-Lieu tenant were abolished everything would go on smart smooth in London. He believed it would only be trans ferring the scene of jobbing from Dublin to Downing street. Mr. Stephenson was the great benefactor of Ireland. He had invented a tube—suppose that tube broke one fine morning, why all he should say was, may the Lord have mercy on a country that depended for its security on a metal tube.—(oh.) It was a sub ject too serious for him to joke upon—(Laughter)—and yet it had been made a joke of that night. The Hon. Member for Montrose had cracked sundry jokes on the subject, and had caused much merriment in the House, and from that he inferred the House really treated the measure as a joke. If the measure was carried, he be lieved his Hon. Colleague would have to resign his seat, for he was going against the opinions of those who sent him into that House, or turn Repealer. He had been asked, wby have a chief governor for Ireland when Scotland had no governor? The eases were not paral lel. In the case of Scotland, it was taking a small popu lation and a very poor country into partnership with a rich country. But in the case of Ireland you took a country with a large population and filled with all the elements of wealth. It was said the inhabitants of Dub lin were idle, but he believed the Dublin inhabitants would bear a comparison with the citizens of Cork. It they abolished tee office of Lord-Lieutenant he would make them a present of the Privy Council. But the Noble Lerd said the poor-laws should be maintained. With respect to the visits of her Majesty, he hosed they would be frequent; but would the Noble Lord put that in the Bill ? He paused for an answer.—(Laughter.) He might be told that it would be trammelling her Ma jesty, as it might not always be convenient to go. But then, he said, Ist her Majesty send her excuse, and it would be received kindly. He believed the Noble Lord meant well to Ireland, but he was badly advised. = (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord was inflicting this wound on the country at a period of unparalleled dis tress. There had been a period of famine, and half the population had been lost by forced emigration. While the best and hardiest of her sons were sent to the swamps of America, only the helpless and the feeble were left to till the Irish soil. Where was the difference between this state of things and that which existed in the time of Lord Mountjoy ? Then, again, Scotland had her own religion, and he rejoiced at it. But in Ireland they had forced a religion down the throats of the Irish people. They had reversed the system with respect to Ireland, and then they were told they had no reason to be dis contented. Nothing would do until they had abolished the temporalities of the Church.—(Hear, and cheers.) He had given notice to Irish Members to this effect :—lf the people of Ireland had a voice in the election of Members, Irish Members would not vote in favour of the question. If the people were polled nine- tenths of the population, male and female, would be found to vote against it. Those Honourable Members who supported the Bill were loudly cheered; he was not cheered—he was glad of it. He hoped the House would hear him in solemn and sepul chral silence.—(Laughter.) If he were a Republican, he would go down on his knees and say a pater and ave for the Noble Lord for bringing in this Bill.— (Laughter.) They might as well call a collision be tween a wheelbarrow and en omnibus an earthquake as to call the affair at Ballingarry a rebellion.—(Laughter.) Thanking the House fbr the patience with which they had heard him, if he had any influence with the Noble Lord he would implore him to withdraw the Bill for the present, and to give the Irish people time to recover from their prostration. It was not the time to attack them when they were weak. He believed the Noble Lord would regret to the latest moment of his life that in this case be had listened to the advice of the Hon. Member for Montrose. Instead of abolishing the office of Lord-Lieutenant, he thought it would be more ad visable to bestow larger powers on him, to strengthen his hands, so that he might exercise his position and powers for the benefit of the Irish people.—(Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI said the motion before the House was for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the aboli tion of the office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State. He had been surprised that during the interesting and prolonged discussion that had taken place no observations had been made upon the second object of the Bill. It was unnecessary for him to refer at any length to the first object of the proposed measure, because the subject had received a great deal of attention from Honourable Members connected with the sister kingdom, who were well qualified to give an opinion upon it. He would have been prepared, so far as his vote was concerned, to have deferred to the feelings of the Irish Members with respect to the office of Lord-Lieutenant—(Hear)—but he regretted to say that upon this, as on every occasion, nothing was mores difficult to ascertain than what was the feeling of the Irish Members. II he had been an Irish Member himself, b e confessed that he would not have he sitated as to the J.lllO of conduct he should take. He thought that, as a measure merely of high policy, it would at all tittles have been very doubtful whether the course now proposed by the Government with re gard to this office should be adopted; but he consi dered that at the present moment it was unnecessarily unhappy.—(Hear.) He could not pretend . . to say that he had given any deep consideration to this ques tion; but he had an idea from what he had heard that there were great political and economical reasons for the abolition of the office, and until he heard the speech of the First Lord of the Wreasary hs had supposed that to bo the case.—(Hear, hear.) That impression, however, had been removed by the Noble Lord's address. It ap peared to him that no one could more successfully have demolished the proposition presented to the House than the Noble Lord had himself done.—(A. laugh.) The Noble Lord said that great political considerations influ enced him in proposing to abolish the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. " Ireland," said the Noble Lord, "is ex tremely tranquil, particularly well governed by an indi vidual who fills the office of Lord-Lieutenant, and who is universally acknowledged to be one of the most skil ful governors who have occupied that post; and there fore I mean to remove the individual and to abolish the office."—(Laughter.) That was the great political rea son assigned by the Noble Lord, who then proceeded to give some moral reasons for the course he proposed to take. The Noble Lord said that the expenditure of pri vate families iu Ireland was much more considerable than was desirable in a moral sense; that they spent a groat deal of money in going to Dublin to pay their court; and he therefore proposed that in future they should not go to Dublin to pay their court, but that they should come to London.—(A. laugh.) That was the moral and economical reason. The Noble Lord gave a third reason, which was neither a political nor moral reason, but a loyal reason. The Noble Lord said that nothing could be more gratifying to her Majesty than her visit to Ireland last year, and that nothing could be more remarkable than the loyalty of her gejesty's subjects in that country, and therefore the Noble Lord said, " I will put an end to all the circumstances and causes of this satisfactory conclusion, and because her Majesty was gratified and the leople were loyal, I will take care that when the Queen visits Ireland again she shall not visit it under the same circumstances."—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had been most ably supported by several Hon. Gentleman who had followed him. The Hon. Member for Cork had called attention to the Lord Deputies of the time of the Plantagenets, and had formed an argument from their conduct against the possible conduct of Lords-Lieutenant in the present day. The Hon. Gentleman said that the Lord Deputies were strangers to Ireland, that they were of a different race from the people, and that there was no sympathy be tween them and the great mass of the population. But the Plantagenet Kings of England were of a different race from the people, and possibly there could be no great community of feeling between them and the na tion ; yet every one knew that the reigns of the Plan tagenet Kings, although they were foreigners, were ex tremely conducive to the glory and prosperity of this realm.---(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Cork also complained of the practical inutility of the present sys tem, contending that so long as a Lord-Lieutenant was maintained in Ireland no spirit of self-reliance would be excited among the Irish people, because in any difficulty they could communicate with the Lord-Lieutenant and obtain his advice. But if, as had been suggested, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland was invested with some of the duties of the Lord-Lieutenant, might not the people communicate with him by every post ; and how, then, would the spirit of self-reliance be developed more suc cessfully by a Lord Chancellor than by a Lord-Lieute nant? The Hon. Member for Middlesex (Mr. Osborne), in a very able speech, had supported the motion be fore the House on the assumption that the Government of Ireland, under the viceregal sys tem, had been a government of corruption and mis rule. He (Mr. Disraeli) could, however, refer to periods in the history of this country at which he could make out as good a case against the Parliament and the Government as the Hon. Gentleman could establish against the authorities of Dublin Castle. He (Mr. Disraeli) might refer to old stories about back stairs influence—(A laugh)—which, for so long a period, and in so unconstitutional a manner, influenced the Administration, even in comparatively recent periods; but would this bear legitimately and fairly upon the question before them? They knew that the institutions of a country took their character from the spirit of the age in which they flourished, and, no doubt, the Castle of Dublin had been the seat of as much corruption as the spirit of the country would bear.—(A laugh.) The public spirit of Ireland, however, had greatly improved since that time; and, as they could not now have the illegitimate influences he had referred to acting upon the Government of England, so they might possibly have a Lord-Lieutenant governing Ireland with as much purity and as little corruption as any one could desire. If statements published in newspapers against the con duct of a court were to be received as evidence of its character, he might remind the House that even our own Court—the purest in the world—had not been free from libels ; and, before the accession of our present Sovereign, how disgraceful had been the libels upon Majesty itself, which yet did not for a moment shake the loyalty of the people. He (Mr. Disraeli) would not vote against the motion for leave to introduce this Bill, be cause he thought it would be an act of discourtesy to any Minister; but he wished, before he sat down, to say a few words upon the second object of the measure. That object was of extreme importance. It might or might not be necessary and politic to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, but it was perfectly consistent to accede to the abolition of that office, and yet not to ac cedeeto the proposition for appointing a fourth Secretary of State. He hoped the House would see how im portant it was, in discussing this question, to separate these two points. It was only within a recent period, comparatively speaking, that a third Secretary of State had been appointed in this country, and that Secretary had had a province allotted to him the duties of which, by the legislation now passing through that House, and by the principles of gorernment that appeared to be very popular in the House, would pro bably be very materially diminished—he alluded to the Colonial Secretary. Night after night they were told the colonies ought to govern themselves; and the result of such a policy would be that the duties of the Colonial Secretary must be proportionately decreased. The third Secretary of State was a comparative novelty in our ad ministrative system, and yet Parliament was now crudely and suddenly called upon to appoint a fourth Secretary of State. This would give rise to an immense increase of patronage. Sir William Wyndham said of Secretaries of State, "These great officers never appear except with an equipage of clerks."—(Hear.) When the appoint ment of a third Secretary of State was proposed consi derable objection was made to the measure, which, it was argued by the advocates of the proposal, would not add materially, if at all, to the expenditure of the coun try. What had been the result? The annual expense iu the office of the third Secretary of State now amounted to nearly 80,0001. per annum; and they were asked to consent to the appointment of a fourth Secretary, without any member of the Cabinet appearing to have a clear conception of what his duties were to be.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord had given them no very clear information upon that point. All he had told them was, that the Lord-Lieutenant had to fulfil a great many duties which the new Secretary of State would not be required to discharge.—(" Hear," and a laugh.) He (Mr. Disraeli) could not agree to the ap pointment of a fourth Secretary, with his equipage of clerks, unless they had much more precise and satisfac tory information on the subject from the Government. For his own part, he did not see why Ireland should not be placed under the control of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Scotland was under the Home Secretary; so was Wales. As there was so much anxiety that there should be a similarity between the two coun tries, why should not Ireland also be placed under the Home Secretary ?—(Hear, hear.) It might be necessary for the administration of the office that he should have greater subordinate assistance; let him have it; hut let us hesitate and inquire before agreeing to the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State and a great increase of patronage, when it was very doubtful whether there was sufficient work for the existing three—when we were taking the administration of the colonies out of the hands of the Colonial Secretary.—(Hear, hear.) The ever-to-be-lamented Lord G. Bentinck, who was always very jealous of the increase of patronage, and who thought that a Whig Administration had a peculiar talent for multiplying offices—(Hear, hear) —once said —and the statement was never contradicted, and the ac curacy of his statements could seldom be impugned— (Hear, hear)—that the Irish famine was in one sense a godsend, for it had given the Whig Government 16,500 places.—(Hear, hear.) The House had now proposed to it what might not be very objectionable—he (Mr. Disraeli) would give no decided opinion that night—but it was at least a somewhat fantastical reform. No one doubted that Ireland might be as well governed as it had been—much better, in his opinion—without this operation—(Hear)—yet, under this shadow .and colour, there was to be appointed another officer of State of the highest class and the greatest salary, whose appoint ment must lead to an equipage of clerks, whose united salaries would probably in the first year quintuple that of their chief.—(Hear.) But he knew it was in vain in that House to expect to make any successful appeal. In a House of financial reformers economy was a subject that was never considered.—(" Hear," from the Opposi tion.) In good days—in the days of that good man whose words he had quoted, Sir W. Wyndham or Mr. Pulteney, if a Minister bad brought forward a Bill like this,a place Bill might have been brought forward in answer, and perhaps carried. In old days, if the Go vernment was increasing places, and in a manner scarcely to excite public attention proposing to constitute an office which, if it followed the precedent of the last Se cretaryship of State, would entail upon the country probably an increased expenditure of not less than 100,000 L a year, those who called attention to the fact might have had some chance of sympathy out of doors, and success within; but in a liberal age it was impossi ble.—(Hear, hear.) In the present day, if one were to establish a case, however urgent, and her Majesty's Ministers were to appeal to those gentlemen who always opposed them, except when they were in danger, there would not be the slightest chance of carrying . a motion. —(Hear, hear.) Why, the House had just listened to their earnest supporter, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, who came there in his paraphernalia—(Laughter)—to add weight and importance to the great authority he lent to the Government; and h e said, that if ho had time he really would impeach the Government; that they ought to be called over the coals on the savings banks question; L hut the ord Mayor of Dublin, if their existence was at stake, would immediately rote for them.—(Hear.) But what was the real state of the country ? Her Majesty's Ministers themselves, who took a favourable view of it, said that the country was not ruined, but only the middle classes. Was not that enough to make Parliament pause before appointing a most expensive, and, as far as any data had been placed before it, unnecessary officer, with a very great and necessarily increasing establishment? On that (the Opposition) side of the House, they knew that, as tar as their constituents were concerned, they were not justified in acceding to ail' proposition the ob ject of which was to increase public expenditure.— (Hear, hoar.) That great portion, .the greatest portion of the ruined middle class, which they represented, could not look upon the institution of a new office like this without very considerable alarm.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ministers might say that there would not be any great increase of expenditure, that an expensive office was being abolished and the funds transferred to the payment of the new officers; but, though the Noble Lord bad not opened the subject with remarkable frank ness—firanknosa had not that night been the forte of the LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1850. Noble Lord—(Hear, hear)—yet he had told the House of pensions and supentnnuations to officers that could net be removed; and that was but a fraction of the expendi ture which the Noble Lord shadowed out. He offered to Ireland the gracious boon of an annual visit from a be loved Sovereign, but he reminded the House that there must necessarily be an annual vote in addition to the civil list. [Lord J. ItussELL—" Not an annual visit, nor an annual vote."] [Oh then, already the visit was net an nual." [Lord J. itussELL—" I did net say it was to be an nual."] He had no intention to misrepresent the Noble Lord, but several gentlemen had so understood him. But an occasional visit, perhaps sudden, perhaps delayed, would be more expensive than an annual one, re,zilarly pre pared for. It might be assumed that the whole expen diture of the Office of the Secretary of State for Ireland would be an additional expenditure; was it justifiable in our present domestic state? Let those well consider it who represented the ruined middle class, whether they lived in those bold towns of the north that two or three years ago were to rule England—(•' Hear, hear," from .ho Opposition benches)—or in those forlorn counties which they (the Opposition) represented.—(Hear.) Mr. Disraeli continued:—l am not aware, from anything which has happened to-day, that our external circum stances are such as to justify increased expenditure.— (Elear.) I should fay, as far as one can form an opinion, coat we should treasure up all that we have ; rather curtail our domestic expenditure, rather prepare for coming storms, rather await the hour when increased ex penditure may be a necessity, but a necessity to maintain our national honour and our national satety.—(Hear.) Whether I look at our position at home or abroad, I cannot justify to myself a vote that will greatly increase the public expenditure of the country.—(Hear.) What will the Committee on Salaries say to this ? Does the Noble Lord mean to refer the f airth Secretary of State to it? Perhaps he thinks from experience that it is a safe tribunal; but " the galled jade may wince,"—even the patience of a Parliamentary Committee, managed by a Minister, may he exhausted in a moment of do mestic disaster and foreign peril.—(Hear, hear.) But I know it is almost presumptuous on our part to make these observations. I know it is impossible to induce this House by a vote to sanction the disapprobation which even they probably feel. We cannot endanger the exist ence of the present Government. That is impossible; we know it. We have numbers 'in this House not contemptible ; we havo a party in the country, I believe tolerably numerous ; but "we have no practical men among us," and we feel it. Give us practical men, and we could govern the country. Give us a Chancellor of the Exchequer who would break down four times ;before Easter in nis budget, and we might form an Adminis tration—(Laughter)—give us a " practical man" like that, and even the defunct Tory party might subsist. —(Laughter.) Give us a " practical Secretary for the Colonies, that finds only three insurrections iu her Majesty's dominions at the same time; with such a " practical" Secretary of State we could do wonders.— (Renewed laughter.) But, above all, give us " a prac tical man" for our Secretary for Foreign Affairs ; let him deprive our Sovereign of all her allies—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—with such " a practical man " wo might form a Ministry.—(Laughter and much cheering.) Mr. HUME considered that the Hon. Member had not formed a corect impressson of the Bill. The House cught to be jealous of any appointment of a new depart ment, but the Hon. Member forgot there was a Secre tary for Ireland with a large establishment, which the Bill would materially lessen, and the only difference was, that the new Secretary would, with great propriety, have a seat in the Cabinet. If Ireland became in coarse of time as quiet as - Scotland, her affairs might bema neged by the Secretary for the Home Department. The great object he had in view when he desired the abolition of the Viceroyalty was, that Ireland should be better managed, and that justice should proceed di rect from the centre instead of being governed by a sort of indirect colonial authority. He thanked the Noble Lord for having introduced a measure which was a step towards redressing the grievances of Ireland, but he trusted all the institutions under which England had become so prosperous would be extended to that un fortunate country also. Since he first sat in the House, one of the first objects to which ho had directed his attention was the state of Ireland ; and he had never failed to urge her condition and to advise prac tical measures of relief.—(Hear, hear.) He was sorry that the great injustice which was at the bottom of all her evils was not removed. Till the dominancy of the Established Church, which bad created two hostile classes in Ireland, had been put down justice would not be done. The Castle of Dublin had been the means of encouraging discord and faction. He had often said, if he was au Irishman he would bo a rebel:—(Laughter.) Certainly . he would have never ceased in his endeavours to remove her oppressions. The unfortunate state of Ireland for the last 50 years had been caused by the administration of which Dublin Castle was the centre, and he hailed this measure as the first step to remove a focus of faction, which, by promoting discord, had so long prevented the prosperity of the country.—(Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER cer tainly did not wish to follow the Hon. Member for Buck inghamshire into the very wide topics he had broached, for if the House came to a general discussion on Irish questions they would not come to that practical con clusion to which his Noble Friend had invited them, of allowing the Bill to be introduced, so that it might be printed, and sending it to circulate in Ireland, that parties there might see its provisions, with which it was desirable to acquaint them as speedily as pos sible. He rose merely tor the purpose of correcting any impressioa which the speech of the Hon. Member (Mr. Disraeli) might have made as to the expense of the proposal—which had not been in any way introduced by his Noble Friend on the ground of economy, but in the belief that it would tend to the good government of Ireland. The lively imagination of the Honourable Gentleman, which they all so much admired, had how ever led him into the strangest notions on the subject of economy, for, if he had paid the slightest attention to the estimates on the table, he would have seen that the result of the measure must tend to a great saving of money as well as to a great improvement in adminstration. The Honourable Gentleman's position was, that the sustitu tion of a Chief Secretary's office for that of Lord-Lieu tenant would cost 100,0001. ; but in that assertion his imagination had soared beyond the limits within which he usually confined it. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) believed there would not be much difference between the expenses of the Secretary for the Colonies or of the Home Secretary, and those of the new Secre tary for Ireland. Now, the expenses of the Home Secre tary's office were in round numbers 26,0001., while the cost of the Colonial Secretary's office, including postage , which amounted to a considerable sum , wa s 37,0004 per annum. The expenses of the office of Lord-Lieute nant and of the present establishment were — sa lar y of Lord-Lieutenant, 20,0001. per annum; salaries of house hold, 6,0001.; expenses of Irish-office, 22,5001.; in all, 48,5001. a year, not to speak of many incidental ex penses. So that even if the new office cost as much as that of the Colonial Secretary there would be a saving of 10,0001. a year; while if, as he believed, it would not exceed the expenses of the Home Secretaryship, they would effect a saving of 22,5004—(Hkar, hear.) He hoped that, as the question had now been fully and fairly discussed, leave would be given to his Noble Friend to introduce the Bill. Mr. LAWLESS denied that the question had been fully discussed at all. Neither the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth nor the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goulburn) was in his place, and the people of Ireland attached the utmost importance to their opinions on this question. He moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL believed that though the Irish Members in favour of the Bill might Rot be in the majority in the House, they had the immense mass of their fellow -countrymen with them. The Hon. Mem ber for Buckingham had assailed the measure for the caabloileidtiothneoirf ish Administration the offieeofLord- theL,i,eut enant, but it would be seen, by a refer ence to Hansard, that in 1844 he worst Executive in the world." He had always thought that the existence of such an office as that of Lord-Lieutenant brought great blame upon the adminstration of affairs in Ireland, and he thought that that blame had often been greatly aggravated by the semi-diplomatic character which that administration was made to bear. He conceived that the true principle for the government of Ireland was to proceed according to the mode of government estab lished for Great Britain. It had been justly observed by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, on a former occasion, that in modern times any civil system which would not bear discussion was doomed. Now, adopting that opinion, he came to the conclusion that the Lord- Lieutenancy of Ireland was doomed. Colonel SIBTHORP said this was another job. The change, instead of lessening, would increase expense. It was another measure of dangerous reform, and he should therefore cordially support the Hon. Member for Meath; further, he felt convinced that the visits of the Queen to Ireland under the present system would be more advantageous than under the proposed plan. Colonel DUNNE observed that in the Speech from the Throne at the opening of the session there was no reference to this measure, whi ch he tho ught extraordi nary. He could not help also observin g that the Noble Lord in his speech had a bandoned th e argument of economy. The motion for t he ad j ourn ment of the de order to give everybs t The e he I i Housersthoughtlrish x t Member me ought e divided, an t o beopportun i ty w hewhe n agreed there h etr of being h ea rd. to, , in appeared— _ For the adjournment l9 Against it Majority against the adjournment —194 Mr. M. O'CONNELL thereupon moved that the House do now adjourn. The O'GORMAN MAHON , althou gh he was pre paredcould (as not wseuuppnodretrstthoeodp)resteonvto tinti e o ag o a n i . nst the Bill, let He trusted his Hon. Friend would withdraw it, or else he would place him under the necessity of retiring from the House without voting, for he would not be a party to factious opposition to the introduction of this Bill.—(Hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL reminded the House that there were several gentlemen whose opinions were valued in Ireland who had not yet had an opportunity of delivering them. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the opinion of the House had been very clearly expressed against the adjournment. His object in proposing that the Bill should be brought in tonight was that the Bill might go to Ireland in a printed shape, that time might be had for its considera tion, and then that the House should come to the dis cussion of the Bill on the second reading, after opportu nity had been given to the constituents of lion. Members to express their opinions upon it. But if Hon. Gentle men persisted in their motions for adjournment he (Lord J. Russell) should not lose the opportunity which those Hon. Gentlemen, he thought, gave him of showing the nature of the opposition which was offered to the intro duction of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The people of Ire land would see that if a very considerable time were not given them before the second reading was moved for con sidering the details of the Bill, it was not the fault of the Government, but of those Hon. Llembers.—(Hear, hear.) With this declaration he would not object to the adjournment of the House but if HO. Gentlemen moved the adjournment he (Lord J. Russell) would close with that motion, and would accept it.—(Hear.) Colonel DUNNE denied that the Noble Lord had any right to charge the Irish Members with offering a fac tious opposition to the Bill. He had not given them time to consider the measure and express their senti ments upon it. The custom was, when organic changes were to be proposed, to give notice of them in the Queen's Speech. The details of the Bill were wholly indifferent to the Irish people. The question with them was not whether a fourth Secretary of State or any other officer was to be appointed, but whether the Lord-Lieu tenancy was to be taken away from them. The Bill had been brought in by surprise —(A laugh)—and the mode in which the Noble Lord now proceeded had more the appearance of an order or mandate from a despot than any thing else. After a few words from Mr. REYNOLDS in support of the motion, and Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL against it, Lord NAAS put it to Hon. Members opposite whether the course they were pursuing was either creditable to themselves or likely to be beneficial to the public.— (Hear, bear.) He had intended to express his opini,ns to-night ; but, being anxious that the Bill should go to Ireland and be discussed during the Whitsuntide holidays, he should reserve what he had to say respecting the Bill until the second reading.—(Hear, hear.) The motion for leave to bring in a Bill was never refused, except under very extraordinary circum stanoes.—(Hear.) It had been said that this Bill had been brought in by surprise, but the House would re member that almost before Easter. [Several Hon. Members—" Before Easter."]—yes, before Easter, the Noble Lord at the head of the Government gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill providing not only for the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, but also for the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State. —(Hear.) He had heard that proposal very much dis cussed in Ireland during the Easter recess, and it was therefore hardly fair to say that sufficient notice had not been given of the intention of the Government to pro pose this measure.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. TAYLOR was also anxious to address the House on the introduction of this Bill, and he should vote against the introduction of the Bill. But he could not support the motion for adjournment. After a few words from Mr. LAWLESS, Mr. M. O'CONNELL consented to withdraw his motion. _ _ _ The House then divided on the motion that leave be given to bring in the Bill, when the numbers were— For the motion ... ... ... 170 Against it ... ... ... ... 17 Majority ~. ... ... ... —153 Leave was accordingly given to bring in the Bill. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. On the motion that the House go into Committee of Supply, Mr. HUME objected to their doing so at that late hour (one o'clock). Lord J. RUSSELL hoped the House would not ob ject to going into Committes merely for the purpose of taking such votes as the exigencies of public business required. Sir L. O'BRIEN hoped the Noble Lord would perse vere in going on with the public business, were it only out of consideration for those gentlemen who came from a long distance, and who otherwise would be detained in town in consequence of the session being protracted until the summer was nearly over. Mr. HUME would always object to voting money after twelve o'clock. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was very desirable that a few votes should be taken that night, to enable them to carry on the public ser►ice. Colonel SIBTITIORP would support the Hon. Mem ber for Montrose. Many things in the estimates re quired to be strictly looked after, and, among others, ho wished for some information about the sum expended on royal palaces. He read in the Times—a paper which he much respected, though differing from it in many matters—that they should be satisfied with the statement given in a return, that no more than 22,000/. had been expended last year on the palaces. Was, that, however, a true return? be believed it was not.—(Hear, hear.) It was, no doubt, the sum expended in virtue of the votes of that House; but there had beau a large sum ex pended besides,—►iz., the amount supplied by the Woods and Forests. This was not included; and therefore he denounced it as an underhand proceeding. The House then went into Committee, when the fol lowing votes were agreed to:-36,0001. (on account) for charges for civil contingencies; 50,0001. (on account) towards defraying the expenses of stationery. printing, Sce., and 50,0001. (on account) towards defraying the charges for works in the hulling of the two Houses of Parliament. Mr. OSBORNE asked in what manner the latter sum was to be applied? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that certain charges were outstanding which it was de- sirable should be paid forthwith. He had not the slightest wish to avoid a discussion on the subject, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman would put off the motion of which he had given notice relating to it till Friday next, when he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should be glad that the discussion should take place, as much misapprehension at present prevailed respecting this matter. The House then resumed. BRITISH NAVAL FORCE AT GREECE. Mr. COBDEN moved for a return of the British naval force in the Bay of Salamis and the other waters of Greece on the Ist day of March, Ist day of April, and Ist day of May, giving the names of the vessels, with the numbers of their crews and their complement of guns. As the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had told the House that the affairs with Greece were finished, and that the British fleet hsd been dis persed, he (Mr. Cobden) could not see why the First Lord of the Admiralty shou►id make any objection to granting this return. It was a fair argument, on a ques tion of economy, to inquire wl nit was the amount of torce which had been put in requiuition to settle that really trifling and contemptible chap ate. Sir F. BARING said he had already stated to the Hon. Gentleman privately what he mast state to the House if the Hon. Gentleman persisted in his motion— that, consistently with his duty to the public service, he could not give the informatioa which the Hon. Gentle man required. It was one of the questions hardly agree able to discuss in that House, and he must take upon himself the responsibility he i3.ad never yet heard re fused to a public servant, to state that he did not think it consistent with the public service, and for other grave reasons, to give the information of the amount of force on a particular station at so late a period as was now moved for. Mr. BRIGHT said the Right Hon. Geatleman was making a great deal of a very little. The House had a right to know on this occasion where the ships were, what they were doing. and their number. It was be cause the House was allowed to know so little upon these matters connected with the foreign policy of the country, which were managed by some hocus pocua at the Horse Guards, that the country was sometimes on the verge of great difficulties. Mr. HUME could not understand why the informa tion should be refused. Mr. COBDEN wanted the return as the record of a fact which had no reference to our relations with France, but to show what amount of force in these days diplo macy brought to bear to collect 70,0001. or 80,0001. It was of no use, however, to divide the House, as he be lieved there was a majority on the Treasury bench. The motion was then rejected without a division. Mr. HAYTER brought in the Lord-Lieutenant (Ire land) Bill, which was read a first time and ordered to be printed. The House then adjourned, at Two o'clock. COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDNT.) COWES, MAY 17. ROYAL YACHT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE. ELECTION OF VICE-COMMODORE:At the annual meeting of the members of the Royal Yacht Squadron, on Friday last, C. R. M. Talbot, Esq., M.P., was elected Vice-Commodore, in the place of Sir Bellingham Gra ham, Bart., who has resigned. The following gentlemen were elected members:— Lord Londeaborough schooner, Novice, 79 tons. Henry C. Godden, cutter Osprey, 44 tons. William Smith, schooner Dolphin, 217 tons. Colonel W. Markham, schooner Merlin, 104 tons. G. W. Bateson, cutter Nautilus, 40 tons. Major H. Brown, cutter Plover, 35 tons. Viscount Clifden, schooner-180 tons. Douglas Dickenson, schooner Hawk, 33 tons. The Royal Yacht Squadron Regatta was ordered to take place as follows: — Aug. 15. For the Royal Yacht Squadron cup, value 100 guineas, by yachts of the bquadron; course, round the island. 17th. For her Majesty's cup. 20th. Prince Albert's cup. 2lit. Royal Yacht Squadron dinner. 23d. Royal Yacht Squadron ball. The following yachts ars cruizing at and about the station :—Schooner Claymore, A. Campbell, Esq.; cut ter Talisman, Captain Smith, R.E.; Osprey, H. C. Godden, Esq.; Gondola, W. H. Woodhouse, Esq. YACHTS FITTING OUT.—Urania, Lord Rodney, and Constance, Marquis Conyngham. SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY MORNING.—The United States mail steamer Hermann, Captain Crabtree, arrived here this morning from Bremen en route to New York, for which place she is to sail on Monday next. She brings no news. The steamer Atalanta arrived this morning with a cargo of French merchandise for transhipm ent by the Her mann. The cotton sales at the Havre market were yester day extremely dull, amounting to 224 bales, but without any variation in prices from last quotations. [ADVERTISEMENT.] --A lady cured of Asthma after twenty years' suffering by the use of Holloway's wholesale agent for the sale of Holloway's Pills in New South Wales alludes, in a letter to Professor Holloway, to several ex traordinary cures of asthma effected in that colony by the use of these invaluable pills, and to one case in particulaa, that of a lady residing near a bill named the " Razorback," who, after having for twenty years been affected with great difficulty of breathing, and unable in consequence to bear the slightest ex ertion, at last used this remedy, and is now, to use her own expression, able to run up to the top of that high hill.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand London. LIR NORTH LONDON SCHOOL OF DRAWING. — We have seen with great pleasure a letter from the Hon. Colonel Phipps, in reply to a communication soliciting Prince Albert's patronage of the suburban artisan schools of draw ing. Colonel Phipps says—" I have, by his Royal High ness's commands, made some inquiry into the working of these schools, and his Royal Highness was much pleased to hear that the attendance at them has already become larger than was expected at the time you wrote your letter. His Royal Highness being convinced that such instruction will he highly beneficial to the artisans, has commanded me to state that he willingly grants his patronage to this artisan art school; and I am further directed to enclose to you the accompanying cheque for 25/., as a donation from the Prince to the lands for its support.— The Builder. THE ROYAL ACADENIY. (SECOND NOTICE.) Another visit to the galleries appropriated to the Members and Associates of the Royal Academy, with the rest of the miscellaneous exhibitors, has enabled us to afford that attention to many of the productions not yet noticed by ourselves, which was impracticable on a first attendance and on its first commemoration. Several of the more remarkable paintings in the pre sent collection are from the hands of the younger competitors for popularity. Our previous allusions, therefore, having been almost exclusively directed to the works emanating from artists of matured reputa tion, several of the most striking pictures of the pre sent season have remained unnoticed. Hence we are the more solicitous to revert to a subject for the due estimation of which one inspection would be as inadequate as a single criticism would befor the purposes of a correct and judicious discrimination. "low it has occurred that the more celebrated among the exhibitors are far from being the most successful is very easy of explanation. A variety of circumstances have this year conspired to abstract materially from the energetic endeavours, and consequently from the customary triumphs, of the principal Academicians. Several of these circum stances we have already enumerated. One of the most brilliant amongst the number of the Royal Aca demicians has, as we have already intimated, been re moved by death. Another has permitted his genius to assume more than ever a garb of eetravagant ec centricities. And the demise of Mr. Etty appears to be not more lamentably irreparable than the extinction of' Mr. Turner's common sense and the abdication of his sober judgment before the usurping influence of a diseased and prurient imagination. Vainly, more over, do we look for these inimitable bijoux of art in the composition of which Mr. Mulready seems to have allied the humorous exactitude of the Dutch school with the gorgeous colouring of the Venetian ; or for those masterly embodiments of the poetry of Revela tion in the execution of which Mr. Herbert combines a sympathy at once for the primitive and classic hardness of Masaccio and Cimabue, and for the emotional force and elevated sentiment of Da Vinci and Fre Bartolomeo. Other occupations, occupations of a more national character, have in this manner led to the impoverishment of the walls of the exhibition. In the labours, again, of Edwin Landseer and of Daniel Maclise, we find additional cause for disappointment the former scarcely compensating by his two small pictures fur the mal-success :of his large and crudely rendered " Dialogue at Waterloo"; the latter hardly empower • ing us to forgive his temporary withdrawal from the loftier regions of artistic emulation by his surprisingly ingenious realisation of a scene from the " Vicar of Wakefield." Other evidences of indifferent success on the part of the Royal Academicians themselves have been already particularised. In our present recurrence to the exhibition we shall endeavour to enumerate some of the more prominent works in the collection not yet specified. Foremost among all the pictures in the gallery, to our thinking, in point of genius, is the grand picture of " Aholibah" (486), by E. Armitage. In concep tion as well as in execution, in colouring as well as in sentiment, the painting is complete and characteristic. It is altogether real in conveying to us a sense of an tiquity. In every detail it speaks of the east. In every line and tint it breathes the warmth and the langour of voluptuousness. The artist has taxed his ability to the very uttermost to the production of a work typical of the infamous but beautiful Aholibah, the concubine in whose history Ezekiel dimly and darkly prophesied the sins and the ex piations of Jerusalem. Nor can we think with some who have made exceptions to the composition, that its prevailingi suggestions are those of a disgusting sensuality—remembering that, with the crimes of the sister of Aholla, w e associate their terrible and tremendqus punishment ; the Deity crying aloud to her, towards the close of his anathemas, "And thou shalt be filled with drunken ness and sorrow, with the cup of grief and sadness, with the cup of thy sister Samaria." The picture is altogether an extraordinary indication of the genius of Mr. Armitage. Among the associates several have this season achieved great things, their works tending inevitably to the enhancement of their reputation. Of these perhaps the most remarkable is the representation of " The messenger announcing to Job the irruption of the Sabeans " (389), by P. F. Poole. The mere selection of this sublime incident from the most sublime poem ever penned is characteristic of the artist. It explains at once the sense of his own innate power for the re presentation of the tragic, the confidence felt by him in his capacities, and the height and the amplitude of his ambition. The effect of the whole picture is sombre and appalling—the interior of the dwelling being shaded with those ghastly hues of green and yellow for which Mr. Poole invariably betrays such an evident partiality. The first messenger is announcing the irruption of the Sa beans, and lo 1 while he is yet speaking, there comes also another. An awful and premonitory dread of the four calamities, the destruction of his herds, and of his flocks, and of his camels, and of his offspring, appears to have already descended upon the bead of the patriarch. His whole aspect is that of horror ; and the suddenness of the announcement is indicated most adroitly by the serving boy in the foreground (a figure wonderfully painted), who is pouring wine from a stone jar into a flagon. Even through the first emotion of dismay depicted upon the countenance of Job we can yet recognize the dawn of that majestic resignation which is intimated in his affect ing history—" Then Job rose up and rent his gar meats, and having shaven his head fell down upon the ground and worshipped, and said, Naked came I out of my mother's womb and naked shall I return thi ther; the Lord gave and the Lord bath taken away ; as it hath pleased the Lord so it is done ; blessed be the name of the Lord." Without being of a kind calculated to acquire so large a popularity as his great picture of " Solomon Eagle," this noble painting of the messengers appearing to Job will not fail to raise Mr. Poole's high repute still higher in the estima tion of all judicious and discerning critics. Like most of his previous productions, the composition of the picture appears to be somewhat too scattered; yet, in spite of this blemish, and of Mr. Poole's mo notonous mannerism as a colourist, the work under consideration is one worthy of his strong and earnest genius. For the large promise afforded by his con tributions to the present collection F. R. Pickersgill deserves an early and, in many respects, a most eulo gistic notice, two of his productions being in their respective departments eminently meritorious one scriptural, the other mythological. The former, " Sampson Betrayed" (16), one of the largest works in the gallery, portrays the deception of Delilah with great power, and with a sort of breathless animation. The group of females in the right-hand corner, though scarcely connected in any way with the occurrence depicted, is perhaps the most felicitous part of the composition. The other production alluded to, " Pluto carrying away Proserpine" (264), is altogether a most exquisite de lineation of the rape of Ceres' daughter. The golden chariot thundering across the meadows of Enna, the night-black steeds of Pluto, the tawny form of that divinity himself contrasted with the lovely fairness of Persephone, the panic of the attendant virgins, the half-repellant, half-supplicatory attitude of Cyane are all rendered with exceeding beauty of shape, contrast, and colouring. The abruptness of the abduction— roganda non rapienda full—is indicated most felici tously by the dropping of the flowers over the chariot of Dis. Mr. Pickersgill in this one effusion alone has revealed powers such as fill us in his regard with a multitude of brilliant anticipations. May those anticipations be duly realised. Another as sociate, almost unapproached as an illustrator of mythology, W. E. Frost, contributes two exquisite works of this character to the exhibition. One suggested by a passage in Milton's Penseroso, portrays "A n . dromeda" (304), surrounded by the sea nymphs and prior to the approach of the sea monster. The other, a more e laborate , composition depicts the " Disarming of Cupid (14 as the st ory i s t o ld i n the last of the sonnets of Shakspere. 'Without being blind to the numerous beauties and merits of the last mentioned production, we must acknowledge our pre f eren ce for the smallerof Mr. Frost's present ,con tributions, "Andromeda, displaying, as it does, in the happiest manner, the m ore agreea bl e character istics of his genius. A recollection of his previous a chievements alone precludes us from saying that Mr. Frost has surpassed even h i msel f th i s season. Yet with a remembrance of his " Una," of his " Syrens," and of his " Sabri na ," we may say th a t h e h as at t h e least fully sustained his reputation. Mr. Cope's scene from " K ing L ear " (39) canno t f a il t o attract atten tion, although we are far from thinking it a work worthy of an artist so highly distinguished. "Cross ing the Brook" (395), a title already, if we recollect rightly, imortalized by one of the masterpieces of Turner, has been selected this year as the name of one of the most charming landscapes ever painted by J. Linnell. The picture at once arrests no tice and extorts admiration. It is a pro duction worthy of a countryman of Gainsborougb. A large painting, by 'l'. Cross, represents " The Burial of the two Sons of Edward IV. in the Tower, 1483," and although abounding in a variety of ex pression, all tending to emphasise that dismal event in our nation's history, it will scarcely be regarded as satisfactory by those who had their hopes inspired by the picture of the death of the Lion-hearted Richard. One of the most palnrul productions we have ever gazed upon is that by J. E. Millais ( 518 ) , in which, taking the suggestion from Zechariah, the artist has represented the youthful Saviour in the shop of Joseph the carpenter. The expression portrayed on the face of the Virgin Mother is to the last degree agonizing. Sundry grotesque and hu morous contributions to the gallery were p ar ti cu .. larised in our previous notice of the Royal Academy. One other we must refer to for the purp ose of' con demning it—A. Solomons " Too Truthful" (525) being in our estimation too gross to be pleasant. Another repulsive picture, though repulsive for a very different reason, is that of "Beatrice Cenci," seeking protection from the Count, her father. W. Maddox, the artist, could scarcely have chosen a subject more unutterably loathsome. From such productions it is truly delightful to turn to such themes of beauty and innocence as that embodied on canvass by R. Tait (538) ; or to the realisation of Alfred Tennyson's dream of the " Mermaids," by J. G. Naish (191) ; or to Frank Stone's sketch (135) of the same poet's; ; lovely creation, " The Gardener's Daughter." Smaller effusions of thi s s a me c h arac t er , illustrating the latest ideas conjured up by the mind of genius, find their place in the collection. Instance this " Little Emily" (341), by Miss Clara Cause, and the " News of Battle" (490), by T. J. Barker, the first from Dickens's "David Copperfield," the second from Aytoun'e "Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers." R. Redgrave, thougE, as ever, eminently successful, is scarcely equal to himself in his picture of " Griselda, dressed by the Court Ladies in her bridal clothes, in her fathers cottage" (233), the subject being scarcely in his peculiar department. Curiously enough, there is another embellishment of the same rem, by another Associate, "Griseld e " b e i ng t hi s time represented ( 312 ) as setting down her water pot on the threshold, and A. Elmore being the illus trator. Mr. Elmore has a less pretentious contribu tion, more to our liking (525), " The Queen of the Da.," suggested by the " Decameron." It breath es the very spirit of Boccaccio. Much might . be said, very much in commendation of several et the por traits scattered through the principal apartment, the collection for this season in that department of art being unusually fruitful, and here and there pecu liarly meritorious. Notwithstanding the amusement derived from Mr. Grant's portrait of the " Duke of Devonshire" (73), the picture in its present effect is must agreeable, and the likeness of his Grace deci dedly felicitous. The portrait of Mr. Brotherton, by P. Westcott (60), presents all but the identity of the Hon. Member for Salford ; that of Sir Charles Trevelyan (86), by E. U. Eddis, is characterised by much intellectual force of expression, and that of Viscount Hardinge (188) by a most admirable truthfulness. Two other portraits, large and full length, are deserving of particular attention, representing as they do men eminently distin guished as citizens of the British metropolis. Mr. Knight, the Royal Academician, has de picted " Sir James Duke, Bart., M.P., late Lord Mayor of the City of London" (182), and the por trait would doubtless have been more deserving of commendation had a less scrupulous and engrossing regard been paid to the depicting the official robes worn by him on the opening of the Coal Ex change. The other portrait (240) of a distinguished citizen is from the hand of Mr. Brigatocke, a meritorious and very promising artist, and represents the "Portrait of James Harmer, Esq., of Ingress Abbey, Kent : painted at the request of his numerous friends." In all essential respects this noble picture is perhaps the finest portrait in the gallery. Those who FCC qualified to express an opinion must pre nounce the likeness to be wonderfully successful, and the manner in which the various accessories are in- troduced bespeaks the utmost good taste and skill on the part of the artist. The dogs are marvellously well painted, being in no way dis paraged in a room adorned by the brush of Landseer. It may be observed, moreover, that in drawing and in colour, the whole picture is admirable for its correctness. The piece of plate in the back ground, a present to Mr. Harmer from his fellow citizens and friends, forms a sumptuous and appro priate decoration. How far appropriate may be seen by a perusal of the inscription, which runs as fol lows : PRESENTED TO JAMES HARMER, ESQ., With a Service of Plato, by numerous Citizens and Friends, on his retirement from the office of Alderman of London,—as a testimony of the high regard which his estimable qualities, both public and private, have acquired for him during a long and useful life, as an able, just, and merciful magistrate ; a kind, sincere, and generous friend and neighbour ; a firm and dis interested patriot,—the foe of every abuse, and the steady supporter of the rights of mankind. Before passing on to the consideration of other por traits, it may be observed, as a significant and cha racteristic addition to this very masterly production, that Mr. Harmer is represented as holding in his hand some papers, inscribed "Amendment of the Criminal Code,"—a task in happy accordance with the marked benevolence of his countenance, and truly indicative of the pervading goodness of his heart. Mr. Sant's Portrait of the " Duchess of Marl borough" (297) assumes a melancholy interest in con sequence of her Grace's recent departure. The full length portrait of " 11. R. 11. the Duke d'Aumale" (282), by V. Mottez, portrays the Prince in a strange fantastic blue velvet hunting dress, that transforms him into one of the gauntest figures imaginable. "11. Guizot" (388), by F. R. Say, is the portrait of a great man, as might be recognized by a glance at that grand forehead and that thoughtful countenance. We say this with a full appreciation of M. Guizot's genius, but, at the same time, without one feeling of sym pathy with him as an European statesman. Although so many productions have been particularised in our present and in our previous notice of the Royal Academy, many others, pencil-noted in our catalogue, Are still left unenumerated, and among these one or two in the octagon apartment. COURT CIRCULAR. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Queen yesterday. The Princess de Joinville also paid a visit to her Majesty at Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horseback yesterday, attended by Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Gordon. _ _ Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, the Princess Helena, and the Princess Louise, took their accustomed exercise yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace. His Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningea visited his Royal Highness Prince Albert yesterday, at Buckingham Palace. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty the Queen of the Belgians yesterday at Buckingham Palace. The Countess de Neuilly, the Prince and Princess de Joinville and the Duke d'Aumale also visited the Queen of the Belgians yes terday His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester on Thursday, at Gloucester-house. A deputation from the promoters of the Governor and Company of Copper Mines Bill, consisting of Mr. William Gladstone, Mr. Josh. Hoare, Mr. Alex ander Beattie, Mr. W. Gilber tson, Mr. Youn g , soli citor, and Mr. Clabon, age nt for the Bill, had an in terview with the Right Hon. H. Labouchere yester day, at the office of the Board of Trade. A deputation respecting the Birkenhead D oc k s , headed by Mr. El lis, had an interview with Lord Seymour yesterday, at the office of her Majesty's Commissioners of Woods and Forests. Mr. Hi g h a m and Mr. Tidd Pratt had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Re venue, Mr. Pressly, and Mr. Timm, had also an inter view yesterday with the Right H on . B arone t, a t hi s official residence in Downing-street. Dispatches wer e sen t o ff l ast even i ng f rom th e Colo nial-office for the Governors of the North American Colonies. The Duke of Norfolk left town yesterday for Arundel. The Marchioness of Lansdowne left town yesterday for Richmond. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, MAY 17. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The share market was firm to-day, but there was no material alteration in prices. The transac tions were as follow : Great Western, Quarters, 13 %—Ditto, New 17/. Shares, 8 dis.—York and North Midland, 16%. LIVERPOOL, MAY 17. STOCK EICUANGE.—The transactions to-day were as fol low :—London and North-Western, 101 1 / 1 Ditto, New Quarters, V. Es. 9d.—Ditto, Fifths, 3 ,4 die.—Ditto, Quarters (C), c. p.—Midland, 32%—Ditto, Halves,. 281. 6s. South-Eastern and Dover, 13%—Ditto (No. 4 ), Redgi.s -3— tered, MANCHESTER, Bier 17. STOCK EICHANGE.—Our share market was firm to-. day, and a fair amount of business has been done. The transactions were as follow :—London .and North - Western, 102—Ditto, New Quarters. V dis.—Ditto, Manchester and Birmingham, Quarters (C) , ,ze P .—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 13—Ditto, Quart ers (No. 1), 7%—Di tto, Preference, 6 15-16—North Staffordshire, 10% dis.—Lanca shire and Yorkshire , F ifths, 10 5-16 dis.—Great Northern, 15 1 dis.—South-Eas tern and Dover, 131 4—Ditto, Consol. (No. 4 ) , 4 CREMOSNE GARDE NS.—This delightf u l suburban place of amusement, which . last season, f rom th e mu ltipli c ity of its enterta inments, received the patronage of thousands, is announced to open on I . \ hit Mo n d ay , un d er t h e superin tendence of Mr. T. B. Simpson, of the Albion Hotel, Great Russ ell. street. During the recess some striking improve ments have been made in th e arrangement o f th e gar d ens , by the addition of a number of valuable paintings, groupings of statuary, and the public love of novelty provided for by the engagement of several leading artistes, both native and foreign, amongst whom we may mention Herr Deulin, with a powerful corps (1' ballet, and an orchestra of 50 performers, conducted by Messrs. Borini and R. Hughes, of her Ma jesty's Theatre. SHANNON COMMISSION.—From a return made to an order of the House of Commons by the Shannon Commis sioners, it appears that the total advances made as loans to certain counties in Ireland, in the years 1840 to 1849 incln sive, amount to 313,881/. 12s. sd. 221,272/. 6s. 4d, principal and interest, has been repaid, and 92,609/. Os. Id., which is repayable by instalments, remains outstanding. A return of the sums remitted by individuals to the paymaster of civil services (Ireland) up to the 31st of December, 1849, in ra payment of advances as loans, shows a total, principal and interest, of 9,052/. 2s. 5d ; of which 4,0961. 15s. sd. was a contribution from the Right Hon. Lord Monteagle to the works at runes bland.