The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-29 00:00:00

- SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Times wants to know when the debate on the Irish Church is likely to end. The same arguments, or apologies for arguments, have been advanced night after night ; and if there be no sense of shame preventing men from saying over again what has been said a dozen times already, and in some of the dozen probably better than they can hope to say it, the same arguments may be advanced in nights ' still to come in almost infinite series. There is, however, always a compensation somewhere, and it has been fur nished in a quarter where it may have been least expected. The Commons spent another evening in debating Mr. Gladstone's first resolution, but the Lords managed to make any further discussion on the third "i•esolution almost, if not quite, impossible. We should have said " quite," but that we know there is no certain limit to the power of human talkativeness. Lord Derby asked Lord Russell what Mr. Gladstone meant to do with his resolutions, and how he explained a statement in his recent speech at St. James's Hall. Lord Derby had translated the request to place the Irish tem poralities at the disposal of Parliament into a request to suspend them at the pleasure of the House of Commons. The misunderstanding is almost incredible, but it has been sedulously inculcated for some time past upon all who were disposed to accept it, and Lord Derby was misled, with many others. If words have any meaning, placing a piece of patronage at the disposal of Parliament must signify a readiness to consent to any disposition of it that Parliament—in other words, Queen, Lords, and Commons—may advise, and the third resolution does not request or suggest anything more. If the resolution should be adopted, it will be the duty of a constitutional minister advising a constitutional monarch to recommend a gracious reply that the Queen holds her prerogatives over the Irish Church at the dis posal of her Parliament and people. Until Parliament has passed some bill the course of patronage will remain unchanged. When a measure shall have been assented to by both Houses, it will be for the Crown to follow the ad vice of its Ministers. All that the resolution asks for is freedom to propose and discuss a disestablishment of the Irish Church, non obstante jure coronae, and, as Lord Russell expressed himself, the Queen would not be justi fied in suspending a single bishopric or benefice in Ireland unless an Act of Parliament had provided that it should be done. It follows that the alarm felt by Lord Derby and others that the Crown would be placed in a dilemma by being asked by the House of Commons to override Acts of Parliament by a resolution of one branch of the Legislature is terror at a mare's nest ; and it may be hoped plat after its hol lowness has been exposed no attempt will be made to revive a belief in it in the House of Commons. It is only charitable to pass over in silence the rest of Lord Derby's speech. Those who choose to refer to the report may discover to what lengths of imprudence a peer of long experience, but emancipated from the responsibilities of office, can run : we shall be content with the compen sation we have already deduced, that this debate in the Lords must prevent any debate on the third resolution in the Commons, and the most perverse of intellects cannot pretend to misconstrue its purport again. Mr. Gladstone's special dread at present is what he calls an abstract resolution. Do what he will, his proposals of legislation can practically go no further until a new Par liament is called ; but his is a temper to be swayed rather by sentiment than by actualities. So he will persevere with his resolutions, and on the back of them produce a bill, with its three readings, its committee, and interlocu tory•discussions, let whatever else go to the wall. At the end, the bill, if it reaches the Lords, will be .rejected by them to see what a new Parliament may say on the subject. We do not know that any harm would follow all this were it not for the possibility that the practical settle. ment of the question will be postponed by such ill-judged perseverance. The Post observes that the arguments advanced against the practicability of the disestablishment of the Irish Church may be very quickly disposed of. It is absurd to say that if the interests of a nation demand the adoption of a particular course of action no way can be found of giving it practical effect. The-simple question to be de termined is, whether it is expedient that the Irish Church, as an establishment, should cease to exist. Such is the tenour of Mr. Gladstone's first resolution ; and if it be de termined in the affirmative nothing remains but to cast about for the means of effecting that object. The latter part of the problem may need careful and anxious consideration before a satisfactory solution can be attained, but a solution of some sort is not the less indispensable. This matter scarcely comes under the consideration of the committee in the present debate, and we shall not anticipate b) canvassing the considerations which it involves. At pre sent, all the House is called upon to affirm is that a gross injustice is complained of by the Irish people, and that it needs a speedy remedy. Judging by the tone of the de bate, no doubt can exist respecting the reply which will be given by the committee. It seems to be felt upon all hands that the resolution must be met by a direct affirma tive or negative ; and we therefore congratulate the public on the fact that there is no prospect of one of these un satisfactory compromises which please neither one party nor the other. The Daily News commends to the country the speech o: Lord Derby on the Irish Church question. If Lord Derby is right, London, Manchester, and Birmingham had better mind their own business, make money to maintain the. Irish garrison, and leave the affairs of the. Irish Church alone. The Lords will take care of that question. Reso lutions of the House of Commons are mere " wast paper." A statesman supported by a majority of the House of Commons may propose the disestablishment of an alien Church in Ireland, but what then? Upon such a measure " the two Houses of Parliament would be irre concilably at variance. Lord Derby no doubt spoke the sentiments of his party, and is ready to oppose the pre judice of the House of Lords to the deliberate reason of the conntry ; but we believe he would be utterly disap pointed. The majority of the peers would, no doubt, make a good fight for a system which at present acts as a bulwark against the great wave of justice and equality, which threatens to overflow them ; but they would not place themselves in permanent antagonism to the House of Commons and the country, The Herald lays down that if the debate of these two nights has served no direct purpose, has brought out nc new arguments, and thrown no fresh light on a subject already pretty thoroue-hly discussed, it has di s p e lled the doubts which certain Radicals professed to entertain as to the earnestness and constancy of the Conservative party. Though conscious that the cause was prejudged, and defeat inevitable, they have made a gallant fight in defence of their principles, and of that institution which, beyond all others, is bound up with their firmest and most cherished convictions. It was the purpose of the Liberals to dis hearten the Church feeling of the country by the sugges tion that it had no real hold upon the House of Commons, and that the Tory party, though they felt obliged to give their votes to the cause of the Church, had it not suffi ciently at heart to give it an active support. That fiction cannot be repeated. The country knows noiv that the Conservative party is unanimously and heartily in earnest on the subject, and needs nothing but the cordial and vigorous support of the Chnrchmanship and Protestantism of the nation to reverse the snatched decision of a mori bund Parliament, and save the endowments and the status of the national religion. The Standard notes a point which appears to have beer established by the Fenian trials. Henceforth less impor tance will be attached to Queen's evidence, or the betrayal of criminal plots by those who were in the secret of them, participated in their criminality up t o a cer t a i n li m it, a nd then turned round with a treacherous disclosure either to save their own lives or in the hope of rewar d. It is clear that, throughout the recent investigation, the oaths of the approvers were treated with contempt and regarded as worthless, except where they were supported by irrefra gable and disinterested testimony. Men of the Vaughan and Mullany stamp might put the police on the scent but here their utility ceases, and the moment they asked the jury to follow them into the private chambers of conspi racy the jury flatly refused, and preferred to leave the conspirators unpunished to listening to the sweating of individuals whose motives were as mean as their characters were bad, and who came into court, where six human lives were at stake, soddened and bewildered with drunken. 11C83. Are we, then, to conclude that it was impossible to have unearthed more of the mystery? Five months have elapsed since the atrocity was perpetrated ; the police have had unstinted means of Pursuing their researches and yet the issue is as we see it. The Telegraph wants a detective force that is a reality and not a sham. The present detectives are, in most cases, not only dullards b u t d unc es, and have worked their way up principally in much the same fashion as the non commissioned officer, regimentally known as " an adju tant's, corporal," works his way up to be sergeant-major--- by bringing as many charges and securing as many oonvic tions as he canwbilein a low grade, by obsequiousness tohis superiors, by sedulous "booing" and" booing," until at last he finds himself in a halcyon state of plain clothes, with a revolver in one pocket and a pair of handcuffs in the other. We do not want these half-educated and more than half. corrupt incapables. We want men—men of lynx-like sharpness, of ferret-like activity, of hull-dog-like tenacity. They are to be had. Many a sharp attorney in this country, whose over-sharpness has led to his being in temporary difficulties—many a gentleman at large now Jiving on his wits— might be quietly, discreetly, and most advantageously utilised when affiliated to a genuine de tective force. Half a dozen shrewd and educated agents such as these would have found out ere this a hundred times more than we at present know about the leaders of the Fenian conspirators. The Star declares that Spain is on the verge of a revolu Lion. No one can tell how soon or in what way the storm may break out, but coining it assuredly is, or all the s i gns I'v ~rl:ieli melt forecast the political inture are delusive. Of the great revolutionists of our time, two, Narvaez and O'Dom o .n, r, dead ; I.:Tarter() is worn out and laid on the shelf • Prim p., in exile, watching doubtless with keen and stead,-eye thc 4,l.ances alli I changes of the situation. The revolution may be simply a political change—it may be a great tempestuous uproot lug of all the old conditions, social, politic a l, and ecclesiastical. if one were to j tul, g e roughly by what Spain has borne, the length of time she has borne it, and the utter failure of all superficial and ad ministrative changes all revolts of generals, all palace revolutions, and Ministerial coups ditat to effect any sub. stantial improvement in her state, one might infer that the revolution, when it does come, will be profound, sweeping, and perhaps even terrible. Bid it may be that some central power of cohesion, some new impulse and opportunity towards co-operation, may bri ng the diffused but arn nenee es a tL a h n Liberalism of 'Spain into an acti ve an d r uling 9f revolu t n ion, ge t rid of despotism without the agency POLICE GRIEVANCES. Mr. Hardy, Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, has just received a deputation from various police forces, at the Home Office, Whitehall, relative to the present unjust workinz, of the Police Acts. Mr. R. Eykyn, M.P., introduced the deputation and explained its object to Mr. Hardy. A memorial setting forth the grievances of the' police was presented to the Home Secretary. In this memorial the depu tation asked that no chief or head constable should have the power to dismiss any officer at his pleasure, but that a police officer should by law be entitled to appeal to the justices in petty sessions ; that no chief con stable of counties or head constable of cities or boroughs shall be allowed to stamp, obliterate, or deface any con stable's testimonial, but give a certificate as to character and qualifications when requested ; that the police super annuation fund shall be so constituted that any police officer, having served a given number of years, can by law claim a pension similar to a soldier, officer of the Poor law Board, or revenue officer ; that any police constable of any county, city, or borough shall be allowed at any time to apply for a higher appointment in any other force when a vacancy occurs, and that the chief constable or watch committee where the constable may be residing shall he compelled to give him a certificate, without malice or ill-feeling, and if he should not obtain the appointment he should not be deprived of his - rank ; that a new and higher scale of pay shall be made. The memorial also prayed for some better security as regards pension, and that, should any officer he injured in the discharge of his duties, so as to render him incapable of performing the same, he should be entitled to a sufficient remu neration for the remainder of his life, and that the police superannuation 'fund in every city, county, and borough be consolidated into one fund, under the control of Government. The chief and head constables present testified to the unsatisfactory working of the Police Acts, while Mr. Inspector Miller, who- was recently dismissed from the Surrey constabulary for simply subscribing to a newspaper, and whose testimonials had been branded and defaced, also supported the prayer contained in the memorial. The Home Secretary, after patiently listen ing to the observations made by the members of the depu tation, intimated that he would give his serious considera tion to the important subjects which had been laid before him. The deputation then withdrew. FALSIFYING A M_IRRIAGE REGISTER. At the Royal Court of Jersey a charge has been pre ferred against the Rev. Abraham Le Sueur, rector of the parish of Grouville, in that island, of wilfully falsifying the parish register and a marriage certificate, and making a false declaration to the superintending registrar of births, marriages, and deaths. The facts of the case are briefly these :—On the 15th of May, 1865, the defendant celebrated a marriage between William Stanbury and Susan Machan, in the parish church of Grouville. The only persons present were the contracting parties, a sister of the bridegroom, and Mr. John Poingdestse, the reader (clerk) of the church, between whom and the rector 'there had for some time previously been a disagreement. At the conclusion of the ceremony the defendant requested the parties to accompany him to the parsonage house to sign the marriage register, as he had not the books in the church. When they reached the house the rector refused to allow Mr. Poingdestre to enter, and shut the door in his face. The books were signed by the newly-married couple, the sister of the bridegroom, and the rector, no other person being present. A marriage certificate was obtained by Stanbury, who, after leaving the parsonage, found that it contained the name of " Peter Henry, x his mark," as one of the attesting witnesses, while no such person was present at the ceremony. It further transpired subsequently that there was a material difference between the copy given to Stanbury and the entry in the register. In the latter the name was entered " John Stansbury," whilst the copy gave the name as " William Stanbury," and in the copy supplied to the iegistrar of births and deaths it was written " William Stansbury." It appeared in evidence that Peter Henry was a servant of the de fendant, employed about his grounds. He deposed that he had been requested by the rector to go into the church and witness the ceremony of marriage. He did so, un known and unseen by any of the wedding party, having entered bya side door. He stood behind a high pew, from which position he saw and beard all. He csnld neither read nor write, and made his mark in the books in a different room to that in which the other witnesses signed their names. He made a second mark in another book a week afterwards. The rector told him "it was about Stanbury's marriage." The court found the conduct of the defend ant " blamable and reprehensible," fined him £5, and enjoined him to be more careful in future. The Attorney- General, who prosecuted on behalf of the Crown, in very severe terms criticised the judgment of the court, which, he contended, meant nothing, as it failed to state whether the defendant was guilty or not of the charges alleged against him, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVEN sical force. Such is the moral disease which more or less affects the vitality, the stability of European society. In the land question in Ireland, we may remark, in passing, are but too clearly seen symptoms of the same disorder, which we shall in vain seek to cure by the doc trines of political economy which Liberalism alone believes in. It is the duty of every one in his sphere, in such a crisis as we are witnessing in Europe, not to stay his hand if he can do aught to arrest the progress of this impending war of classes. The first need, if European society is smitten with sickness, is to have as accurate a diagnosis as possible of the state of the patient. In the hope of being able to contribute some thing, however slight, towards the formation of such an accurate knowledge, we propose to supply, by the means of various writers of experience, a series of sketches, with the view of giving a picture of the religious and social state of the different countries of Europe. If we can add something to the general stock of knowledge, if we can succeed in putting facts and their consequences in their proper light, or in their due relations—if we can produce a sketch of Catholicism in Europe, however slight, yet accurate, as far as it goes, in facts and statistics, we shall not altogether have failed in our object.—Westminster Gazette. NG, APRIL 29, 1868. level of the brute, he was held up to reproba tion as a Jesuit, or a retrograde, or a fossil, as a man of weak intellect, a deceiver, a hypocrite. The man who never went to church even on Sundays, who never said a prayer, who yielded to every dictate of his passions, who did not believe in the. immortality of the soul, who said there is no God, was 'considered to be free from superannuated prejudices, was regarded as a man of progress and of sound intellect, worthy ,o be the counsellor of the nation. He was called young France. He was allowed to smoke in the presence of ladies, to wear top boots and jockey coats, is l' Anylaise, to make use of immodest language in presence of women, to boast of in fidelity, of the freedom of mankind when freed State Department, testified to this. from the commandments of God and of the Church. Such was the fashion and the result of human respect in those days. Such were the seeds sown over the whole of France by means of the public press. To be virtuous in those days, to go to Church on Sunday, to lead a moral life, to say prayers, fast, abstain from meat in the restaurants or public eating-houses, required the greatest courage, because such a man was looked clown upon as a being of the past, as a being unworthy of liberty, as a man wanting in intelligence, as unworthy of the new school, as a man fit only for the dark ages of that ancient, decrepid, prejudiced, and de graded old France, which believed in God, in the immortality of the soul, in paradise, in hell, which believed in the sacraments of Confession and of Holy Communion, which _ . _ _ believed in the necessity - of doing penance by abstinence, fasting, which believed in the pre cept that Sundays were to be kept holy, that life on earth ►vas only a short pilgrimage—a life of probation to prepare the immortal soul for heaven. All such men were called Jesuits, retrogrades, men to be avoided, fit only to be spit upon, to be despised, to be persecuted, vili fied, to be pointed at, shown up as friends of tyranny and enemies of liberty, progress, and everything that can elevate man in this world. Such was the teaching of the public press ; and as everything printed was taken as Gospel, the journals were considered as true as the Bible, and what was called the intelligent part of France—Paris and its neighbourhood—was subject to a miserable printing machine, type, and ink. That printing machine was looked upon as the only infallible authority ; to con tradict what was printed was looked upon as a crime, as a want of intelligence. Such was the confidence placed in the public press, that the public took their opinions from it ; that means their intelligence was held in slavery by the public press. This kind of slavery was carried so far that nobody dared to arrive at a conclusion before he had been instructed by the journal of his choice. Fashion and human respect did the rest ; the world, the flesh, and the devil triumphed in that way over God, the Church, the King. Vice itself was regulated by law. Religion was insulted and injured because every kind of out-door work was allowed on Sundays, and every kind of amusement was encouraged on that sacred day—such as racing, fairs, shows, reviews, boat races, everything in fact that could tend to keep the people out of Church. Public works, even the paving of streets, and Government buildings, were allowed on Sundays. Such was the state of things, such the liberty under the restoration of the ancient monarchy, when the Church was helplessly tied down by the Concordat, and the KingAiad his hands tied by the charter ; such was the extraordi nary way of understanding liberty in the year 1828, that it was possible for a decree to be issued declaring that the Jesuit fathers were no longer to be allowed to keep a school or college open in Franc e. Those saintl y fathers were expelled by the cry of liberty; the greatest tyranny that the world can place upon mankind was to be substituted in the place of liberty. Education was to be placed entirely in the hands of infidels, men who never went to Church o n Sunday. The present writer was at the time, 1828, at the Jesuit college of St. Anne, near Auray. When the papas and mammas came to take away their sons for the holidays, the boys were struck with the general gloom, in place of the joy which always welcomes the breaking up of a school for the holidays. Every boy exclaimed : what has then happened that our good fathers arc to be exited. Wo oan +.ll son. papa and mamma, that those who exile them will soon have to go into exile themselves. The prophecy was fulfilled in 1830. From. St. Anne's the present writer wasAent to the Uni versity Lycoe of Nantes, wherd there were 800 boys and the requisite number of masters. Out of these 800 boys only about twenty went to their Easter Communion, and not one of the masters. It is true they were made t o g o to Church on a Sunday, but it was worse than mockery ; every kind of ill-conduct was carried on during divine service. Such, then, was the state of France when the King thought i t wa s time to raise some barrier against the flood of iniquity—iniquity supported by the free press and secret societies of every nation. wh e n the royal ordinance was published to curb the licentiousness of the public press, t h e e ntire Press of France and of England cried out against the tyranny of that measure. They were too well aware that if the ordinance had been accepted, religion, as well as public order, would have been saved in France. Everybody knows the hatred entertained by u nworthy Catholics and Protestants against the Christian Kings of France, and against every Catholic King who keeps holy the Sun day, and believes in the divine institution of th e Church. Dissenters of very denomina tion, whatever may be their creed or their nationality, are all leagued together to prefer an y tyrant or power to Catholic Kings. They can write leadinc , articles in newspapers to prove the tyranny of Kings who wish to have the Sunday, at least, respected; but they have not a word of blame against the real tyrant of Poland where religion is trampled down and exiled into Siberia; of Italy, where every kind of spoliation and corruption is the order of the d a y ; of Ireland, where the restoration of the ancient Church is called a destruction. Tithes and church land revenues are considered right things in the hands of Ministers engaged in the affairs of the world. It is wrong to ask what they do with the money of the poor ; but, the loaves and fishes are considered bad in the hands of priests and monks, although they are the fathers of the poor,, and consider charity the first of virtues. The natural result of such a state was, as we all know, that the Kings of France were again sent into exile ; the flood of iniquity was too strong for them to overcome. France was delivered over to the hands of the impious, to perjurers and traitors. Next week we will consider the desolate period dating from the Revolution of 1830 up to the republic of 1848. —Corre,spondent of Westminster Gazette. The illumination of Rome on the 18th was car ried out on a magnificent scale. There has been no dis play to match it in Rome since the'Pope's return from Gaeta, says the Roman correspondent of the Pall-Mall. The Pope visited the principal points of the display in the afternoon, but saw little of the illumination itself, as this bad hardly begun when he returned to the Vatican. The streets were densely thronged with the population. [AnysfinsEt4Rwr.]—Dyspepsia(lndigestion), Constipation, De bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and livei complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and accelerated by thugs of every description, but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta, Arabica, Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, such as—cough, asthma, also diarrheas, htemorrhoids, liver com plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and cars, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, ttability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitatiop, heartburn, head-• ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, -Stronehitis; scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach and between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few :—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 63,413.—" Rome, July 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other remedies, he has unlined hivaselt entirely to DutEarry's Revalenta Arabic& Food, of which he consumes a Ilateful at every meal. it has produced a sur prisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food. too highly."—From the " Gazette du Midi, July 25' "'Cure "No: 46,270 Mr Janice Roberts, dull - wet merchant, of Fritnlel; -SiCrrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of - Jiver • derangement, and partial deafness Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart do Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of Many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,83; "Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness. asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sickness and vomitings—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, withou' authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached.— In tins at ls. 14d.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4s. 53.,; 5 lbs. Ils. ; 121b5., 225.; 24 lbs., 403.— BARRY DU BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadilly; sad at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, and 298, Oggrd-street; M s %Md.; and lkll r.ciarg and 91malistli. PROGRESS OF IMPEACHMENT. April 4.—The attendance this day in the Senate Chamber has been less than usual, and the vacancies more than ever filled by uegroes. The Managers continued the examination of reporters on the speech at St. Louis, Sept. 8, 1866, of which copies, includ ing newspaper reports, were put in in evidence. The next object was to show that after the passage of ;he Tenure-of-Office Act the form of the old com- mission was 'changed by the President in con formity, and Robert S. Chew, chief clerk of the The change consisted iu striking out the words " during th e pleasure of the President for the time being," in- serting instead " subject to the conditions prescribed by law." Mr. Chew produced the record of a search Lrough the archives of the State Depart►nent, showing that an acting appointment of a head of a department, except in the temporary absence of the Secretary, had never been made, and only one re- ['md by the;Presideut of such art official while the Senate was in session, that of Timothy Pickerivg, Secretary of State, 12th May, 1800, and then John Marshall on the same day was appointed in his place. General Butler alleged that President Adams in this case had beforehand consulted the Senate, and the removal was with their advice and consent. Mr. Creasy was recalled, and a letter in the archives . of the Treasury produced from Andrew Johnson to Secretary M'Culloch, dated 14th August, 1867 "Sir,—ln compliance with the requirements of the eighth suction of the Act of Congress of the 2d of March, 1867, entitled An Act to regulate the Tenure of certain Civil Offices,' you are hereby notified that on the 12th inst. the Hon Edwin M. Stanton was suspended from his office as Secretary of War, and General U. S. Grant authorised and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim. — I am, Sir, very respectfully, " ANDREW JOHNSON." This was tendered to show the President's assertion that he suf erseded Mr. Stanton under-the Constitu tion indefinitely and at his pleasure, was false. After several of the President's messages to Con- gress had been put in evidence, Butler said the case for the Managers was substantially closed, reserving the right to add if necessary some cumulative testimony. Then the President's counsel moved to adjourn until April 9, giving the d e f ence three clear working days to prepare. Little oral testimony would be offered, but time was necessary to arrange documentary evidence. Not withstanding the objection of Senators Sumner and Cameron the motion was carried by 37 to 10, and the Court adjourned till April 9. April 9.—Another great d a y in this great trial ; for the defence was now to open, and Mr. Curtis, with all the powers of his oratory, was to announce the position assumed by the President. The day was brilliantly fine, and again the galleries of the Chamber were bright with gay colon's and spark ling with diamonds. The front rows were occu pied by ladies, who eagerly pressed for conspicuous places, not so much the better to observe the Sena torial stage upon which the Impeachment scene was being enacted, as to hand dawn their own sweet faces to posterity, for this was the day and the event chosen by the photographer to represent this great historical episode. After the usual Procla mation the Managers were asked by the Chief Jus tice if they wished to introduce further testimony, to which hir. Butler replied by calling two wit nesses. W. A. Wood, a Federal soldier, testified that the President refused, at au interview in 1866, to give him a Government place, as his influence was cast for Congress, and those the President em. ployed, Andrew Johnson asserted, must stand by him ; Foster Blodgett, appointed postmaster at Augusta, Maine, in 1865, and suspended in January last without the Senate being notified of the cause, as required by the Tenure-of-Office Act, as proved by certificates of officers of the Senate, showing that no reason for the suspension had been sent to the Chamber. Butler closed the prosecution with a letter from General Thomas, accepting the ap pointment of Secretary of War ad interim, and announced that the Managers rested their case on the evidence they had submitted. Then arose Judge B. R. Curtis, senior counsel for the Pre sident, and bowing to the Chief Justice, he turned to the Senators and said—" I am here to speak to the Senate of the United States sitting in its judi cial capacity as a Court of Impeachment, presided over by the Chief Justice of the United States." WA may hpruk nhaorvn 1-10-. Mr Curtis, micirocmpri Mr. Chase as " Mr. Chief Justice," the invariable habit of the President's Counsel as well as of the Democratic Senators, while the Managers studiously call the Chief Justice "Mr. President," being imitated in this by the Republican Senators. The President's party proclaim the Chamber a Court, the Con gressional party a Senate, and even the absurd dis tinction is seen when the Chief Justice orders the Sergeant-at-Arms to make proclamation, as Mr. Chase says to the Court, the Sergeant-at-Arms shouts that the " Senate," &c. The importance of the trial, the oath to do impartial justice, was touched upon by the eloquent counsel who closed the opening portion of his address by the statement that the only appeal the defence would make would be to conscience and reason, their at guments being based solely on questions of law and fact. First, he demolished the Managers' position that the Se nate was not essentially a Court, and then pro ceeded to deal with the charges, which he summed up in four or five propositions, showing that the Managers' real ground was the violation of the Constitution by the President, and failing to sustain this, the case must fail. The first eight Articles alleged the violation of the Tenure-of-Office A:t and the Constitution in the removal of Mr. Stanton, while he maintained that case was not within the scope and provisions of the Act ; the de scription of his office and its tenure mate rially differing from the cases described in the Act Stanton was appointed by President Lincoln, in 1862, to hold office during the term for which that President was elected, and not for the subsequent term to which he might be elected. The case was of a Secretary holding under the law of 1789, which implies a power in the President, though not ex pressly to remove, by directing what a President shall do after such a removal. The Constitution does not forbid this exercise unsanctioned by the Senate and Congress in passing that law affirmed )3T implication this power to the President. The necessity for Stanton's removal was shown in 'the correspondence, and the circumstances attending his suspension. Then he discussed the duty of a Presi dent to assume judicial functions at times, although technically such power is solely vested in the Su preme Court. The highest patriotism might require him to test the validity and binding force of a law, and it was his right to disregard Acts manifestly un constitutional, and above all in defence of that Con stitution. Suppose, be said, " a law is passed that he shall not be Commander-in-Chief ; that is a plain case of an infraction of that provision of the Con stitution which has confided to him that command in order that the head of all the military power of the country shall be its highest civil magistrate, and the law may always be superior to arms." Th e considerations influencing the President were enu merated, and all authorities and law-writers were examined to show how they supported the Presi dent's power of removal from 1789 to 1867, every Congress recognizing that power as established, after full debate, by the first Congress held in 1789. To apply the Tenure-of -Office Act to Stanton would not be in agreement with the Contract by the Senate in confirming his appointment, which was to hold the office during the pleasure of the Presi dent. All the. Articles, except two, were founded on the alleged unlawful removal of Mr. Stanton by the President while the Senate was in session. But instead of being removed, he remained in the War- Office, and at the present time acted as Secretary of War, an d it could not be asserted northa tl t rit su a c t i l i a ttempt to remove was removal ; attempt justified Impeachment. After showing that the President could not be impeached for an attempt to procure a judicial decision on a disputed point, lie took up General Butler's admission quot ing his opening speech, stating that in itself the removal was not perhaps an impeachable offence if made with the foregoing motive, and unaccompa nied by a defiant Message to the Senate, being pre cisely the view lately expressed by the Pall Mall Gazette. These are the words of the counsel : " So that it seems that it is, after 411 7 not the removal of Mr. Stanton, but the manner in which the President com municated the fact of that removal after it was made, for which the President is to be impeached. That manner is hero called ' The defiant m e ssage of the 21st of February ., I have read that message, as you have all read it. If you can find anything in it but what is decorous to the Senate and to all concerned, your tastes are different from mine. But whether it be a point of manners, well or ill con ceived, one thing seems to be quite clear—that the Pre sident is not impeached here because ho entertained an opinion that the law was unconstitutional. He is not impeached here because he acted on that opinion and re ' moved Mr. Stanton. But ho is impeached here beca use the house of Representatives considers that this honour able body was addressed by a defiant message when it should have been addressed in the terms which the boa- ourablo Manager has dictated." The position taken by the President was similar to that of individuals in the courts who set up Pk" with regard to a law they are charged with break ing, alleging it to be unconstitutional—that it doss not apply to them—but if constitutional and ap plicable, they can maintain that they had not in fringed it. The President was justified in choosing his own occasion for testing the Act, and not pre judiced by recognizing it in unimportant matters. The change in the form of commission merely acknowledges the power of removal as existing somewhere by virtue of the law, without defining that where. Supposing the law to be constitutiona l and the President bound to act under it, still if it does not embrace Mr. Stanton, the case not being within that law, the charges affecting that law must be without foundation. The theory that Mr. John son was only acting President serving out Mr. Lin coln's time was simply absurd. There was no more propriety in assuming this than there would be in saying that one sovereign that succeeds another sove reign by death holds a part of his predecessor's term. After speaking for three hours, Mr. Curtis, at three begged permission to defer the re maining portion of his argument, pleading great fatigue, and the Court adjourned. April 10.—If General Butler emptied the House with a voice like the rasping of .a hundred saws, combined with the rumbling of artillery over a bridge, the oratory of Mr. Curtis seems also to have worn out patient, long-enduring, and muc h " suffering Washington. With the novelty went the attendance, and on this day, while the spectators had materially dwindled down, Mr. Colfax wa s followed by scarcely:a score of Representatives. ti t s Curtis recommenced his argument on the consti 4 tionality of the Reconstruction Act, and the consi deration whether Mr. Stanton's case came within the provisions of that Act. Of its three sections, the two first refer to removals and suspensions dur ing the Senate's recess, and the third to vacanci es by death or resignation, the prescribed penalties being solely for violations of the third section. After claiming to have shown that Stanton's re moval was outside this act, Mr. Curtis considero the charge wherein the appointment of Genera l Thomas to the Secretaryship of War ad interim wa s alleged in violation of the Constitution. Se veral Congressional Acts were cited authorising ad in terim appointments in Cabinet officers, and th e practice he declared to have been uniforni of filling up vacancies as they occurred' _Chen he came to the alleged conspira c y between the President and General Thomas. r o is was charged as a violation of the Conspiracy M t ' In the first place, that Act did not refer to the dis trict of Columbia ; next, employing an agent t '° 4 support an alleged r i g ht c ould not be pronoun ce ' a conspiracy, and the private right which n o one disputed was much stronger in a public case. T he order to Thomas was that of a superior to a military subordinate, and such instructions could not be COw strued into plotting. It would be shown that neither directly nor indirectly had the President empowers`; Thomas to use force or threats. As to the charg e of attempting to procure insubordination in th e army, the Managers had not only failed to prove i t ' but had disproved it by the testimony of their wit ness, General Emory, who confessed that he, all not the President, introduced the subject. PO ° would be furnished showing the reason why t he President sent for Emory, which would effectually demolish the 9th Article. He then went on to eeh" sider the President's speeches, and ridiculed the ids t of impeaching and removing from office a Presi dent on such a charge. Evidence would be tendered n' reports by competent reporters produced Whaicha materially change these speeches from what ha generally been accepted. Having discussed the legal bearing of each Article, he took up the general sub ject of Impeachment, and explained what were really impeachable offences. Then he contrasted the acts and motives of the President with these; showing that Andrew Johnson had not render' himself liable to such a trial, having always be eti o influenced by the noble motive of preserving th Constitution and liberties of the country, conclud ing with these words : " It must be unnecessary for me to say anything (3°,1; corning the importance of this case, not only no w, but' I the future. It must be apparent to any one in anY concerned, or in connection with this trial, that it is, 233 r will be, the most conspicuous instance that ever has boon °cc can ever be expected to be found of Amorican justic e, u 0 of American injustice —of that justice which Mr. Burg' says is the great standing policy of all civilized S tate of that injustice which is certain to bo condemned, W41c .,1 makes ever the wisest man mad ; and which, in the gS-d and unalterable order of God's providence, is sure to re turn to plague the inventor." Adjutant-General Thomas was then called, au in full uniform came forward to give his testime °l ' detailing the history of his appointment as Se er f; tary-of-War ad interim. Butler objected to tt'o question whether the President advised Thom as . use force in dispossessing Stanton, and after ch s.. . cussion the objection was over-ruled by 42 to V I On resuming his evidence Thomas gave a detaile; account of his interview with Mr. Stanton af t Stanton had procured his arrest by the Civil Cour; Thomas described Stanton as then being 0° the most familiar and affectionate terms, putting u`„, arm round his neck and running his fingers throng' his hair, after which he treated him to some whisll,; George Washington Karsener, one of Stante li og spies, had suggested the expression about " s, out," and not the witness Thomas. After er°s 3 examination by Mr. Butler, the General retire and the day's proceedings closed. COURSE OF EXCHANGE—Last Evening. Amsterdam Short ... 11 17 ... 11 PI Ditto Rotterdam..._..... — ... 11 19 ... 12 ,„ Antwerp — ... 25 35 ... 25 74 Brussels ' ... 25 35 ... 25 n j . Ramburgh — ... 13 94 ... 13 ‘ , l `,‘ Paris Short ... 25 124 25 : 4 „`., Ditto 3 Ms. ... 2" , 274 •... 2' " 0 " Marseilles ... ... 25 30 .. . 25 0 Frankfort-on-the-Main . 120} VOL, Vienna •• ••• ••• "..' ••• 11 824 ... 11 9 2 Trieste — ... 11 85 ... 11 9 ," Petersburg - ... 324 ... 22 ;-1 Berlin ... .. 6 264 -. 6 21* 481 Madrid — ... 484 ... - - 19 Cadiz 3 ° Leghorn — ••• 43 k 49 ... 28 20 ..:. 28 Milan " Genoa — ... 28 20 ... Naples Pa •—lermo ... 28 20 ... 28 .'„' Messina - ••• 28 2 0 ... 2851 ' Lisbon Oporto 511 i ... 51 4 ... _.... Births. tb e DUFF—On the 26th inst. at at The Elms, Sunderlavn ti , $. wife of Commander Geo . . Graham Duff, it.N.7 Durham, of a daughter. ,sCI t LAIRD—On the 27th inst , r' Park-road south, Birk e the wife of Henry St. Laird, Esq., of a son. hire , MATHEw—On the 27th inst., at Wenn, Carna rvons the wife of E. W. Mathew, Esq., of a son and heir. Marriages. BANNISTER —MARCHANT 011 the 28th inst., at a• Abbotts, Kensington, William, eldest son of T. 133 ,%ter ter, Esq., of Litlfleld, SussexAo Mary, second day,' of the late T. Marchaut, Esq. , r cht, RADCLIFFE JAMES— oft the 23d inst., at L illesh all 0 1 -i o f Salop, Thomas, eldest son of John Radcliffe, k :s4. lsfe Liverpool, to Catherine, youngest daughter of ftw,, Thomas James, Esq., of Cheswell Grange, Newt' Shropshire. Deaths. , (le o. AOLEN—On the 26th inst., at Upper Easton, /3, i s ti, - A glen, Eeq., of Shepton Mallet; Somerset, ag ed 6 1 h tat BADAUT—On the 27th inst., at R o upell-park, 8t 036 Francois J. Badart, Esq., aged 61. ~-, m toOt Jornisorr—On the 27th inst., at Canterbury-roacl, i-'l.-- Robert Johnson, aged 49. t 11 01)t. Tbaturt—On the 25th inst., at Dame Court, Th ane ' Jackett Tomlin, Esq...e. London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.S. I 101113 : 6 , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tae Sue 0010 e, "-",t/ of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the o°- Midtllepa....WedllelidaY, April 29, 1868._ LAW AND POLICE. SETTING FIRE TO LEvirra.—At the Mansion House Police-court, Ann Jones, a young woman who had been charged with throwing lighted paper into letter-boxes in the City, was sent to the lunatic asylum of the City of London Union, she having been certified to be of unsound mind by the surgeon of Newgate. ROBBERY WITH VIOLENCE.-At Worship-street Police court, Richard Segar was charged with having been' con cerned, with three others not yet apprehended, in steal ing, with violence, a silver watch, value £9, from the person of Mr. Somerset Job Hyams, the vestry-clerk of Christ Church, Middlesex. Mr. Graves appeared for the prisoner. The prosecutor deposed that about half-past ten o'clock on the night of Wednesday last he was proceeding along the Whitechapel-road, when the prisoner and three others placed themselves across the pavement and sur rounded him. He came up and desired to be allowed to pass, when one of them seized his chain, dragged his watch from his pocket, and give him a blow in the pit of his stomach which almost brought him to the ground. They then ran off together down St. Mary-street, and succeeded in effecting Their escape. Information having been given to the police, together with a description of the assailants, the prisoner was apprehended, and in answer to the charge he declared that he knew nothing about the matter. He was tonveyed to the Spital-square Station, where he was placed among seven other men, and on the prosecutor being brought in he was immediately picked out. The accused was committed for trial. THE ATTEMPT TO MURDER A BOT.—At the Thames Police-court,Timothy Keefe, an Irish cripplc,was charged on remand with feloniously shooting Edward White with intent, &c. The wounded boy was brought from the Lon don Hospital for the first time to give evidence. He was pale and weak, and is not yet out of danger. He stated that on the 13th of last February he was living with his parents at No. 2, Harebrain•court, Royal Mint-street, Whitechapel. He was called by the prisoner, who lived at No. 4, opposite. As soon as he reached the room of the prisoner the latter went to a box, from which he took a pistol and did something as if loading it under the bed clothes. He then put it behind his back, and suddenly wheeled about and presented it at his breast and fired. He felt that he was shot directly, and he saw blood running from a wound on the breast, where a bullet had entered. The boy's mother said she heard the report of a pistol in Keefe's dwelling on the 13th of February, and saw her son leaving the house with a bullet wound in his breast and streaming with blood. The surgeon stated that when he first saw the injured boy but little hopes could be given of his recovery. The pri soner, in defence, said he did not know the pistol was loaded when he presented it at the boy White. Mr. Benson reminded the prisoner that the prosecutor had seen him doing something to the pistol, as if loading it, before he fired. The accused was committed for trial. The San Joaquim Gazette sass that a Mr. Mitchell, of Paradise Valley, has 4,700 acres of grain gro w i ng i n one field. Her Majesty the Queen will be graciously pleased to receive an address unanimously signed by the arch bishops and bishops of the Irish provinces of the United Church of England and Ireland immediately after her return to Windsor. FENIANISM IN NEW ZEALAND.—New Zealand advices to March 8, brought on Tuesday by the Atrato, mention that Fenian tendencies were being shown in the colony. The Duke of Edinburgh was at that time ex pected to reach Auckland on the 21st of this month. DREADFUL DEATH OF A POINTSMAN.—A points man, named Robert Hall, who was employed at the Lan cashire and Yorkshire Railway Station, Great Howard street, Liverpool, was lately in the act of signalling a pilot engine, when a passenger trkin advance'd from the opposite direction, ran over the poor fellow, and orushed him to death. WILLS ANI) BEQUESTS.—The will, dated- the 11th of September, 1867, of George John Barclay, late of Mitcham, Esq., who died on the 10th ult., was proved on the 16th inst., by Fanny Barclay, widow, the relict, and Alfred Austin, Esq., two of the executors. The personal property is sworn under £l4,ooo.—The will, dated the 13th}, of February, 1868, of Edward Jesse, late of Belgrave .place, Brighton, J.P. for Middlesex and Westminster, who died on the 28th ult., in his 89th year, was proved at the principal registry on the 24th inst., by Jane Carolina Jesse, widow, the relict, the sole executrix, The personal property is sworn POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE WAR OF CLASSES. Nothing is more useful than at certain periods to take stock of life—to enter, as it were, into a mental " retreat." In the spiri tual ife the Church enjoins periodical " re treats " as the best—indeed, the only sure— means for growth in holiness. What is good for the individual, what is salutary in spiritual life, cannot be wrong for society at large. In an epoch like ours, when the first principles of religion and the essential order of Chris tian society are being called in question, would it not be well for the Catholic world to go into a sort of spiritual retreat ? In the Syllabus of eighty-two condemned propositions, Pope Pius IX. has - provided Christendom with a most complete, close and searching means of self examination by which it ma); discover whether, and how far, it has sinned against law, order, justice and religion. But modern society has set up certain defi nite principles which, not being Christian, lead in their results to the adoption of the very errors condemned in the Syllabus. We are not now speaking of the theological prin ciples of modern society, for they have been abundantly discussed and condemned, but of the social, political, and economical maxims by which the World is now governed, and which are producing visibly in most countries of Europe, but especially in France and Austria, a conflict of interests, a war of classes, which threatens at no distant period a violent disrup tion of society. The evil lies in this : that in society, as it has now constituted itself, there is no recognised basis, no common ground of agreement on which conflicting interests may meet, where men, representing the most op posite and divergent claims, may learn the secret of union, of happiness—love of one another, self-denial, mutual abnegation. But in the absence of such a common ground, supplied only by motives higher than those dictated by self-interest, society falls back on the disintegrating principle—the principle of barbarism—self-love. The individual is all-in all, society nothing. This setting up of indivi dual interests, of class interests, against the interests of society at large—this internal war is what in France and Germany is called the social question. This conflict of interests, how ever, is simply the natural consequence of the severance of social and political life from re ligion. Under the Government-of no higher law than his own interest the individual is bent upon the attainment of purely selfish aims. For this end he co-operates with those whose immediate interests are identical with his own; in a word, with his own class. Hence the most reckless selfishness becomes the law of the various classes of society, and the result is an antagonism fatal to social order and to the existence of civilization. many is in no small meas ure due to the su p reme The spread of socialis m in France and Ger many and reckless selfishness of the bourgeoisie, of the great manufacturers, traders, and capital ists ; in their hands are concentrated immense wealth and political power, whilst the vast mass of the producers is unprotected and in a state bordering on abject and helpless poverty. The Governments of Europe are falling more and more into the hands of this selfish and sensual , moneyed class, and i ts flatterers and worship pers—the astute and utterly unprincipled pro fessional classes. Professors, doctors, lawyers, newspaper writers, speculators on the Bourse, in the pay or under the protection of the moneyed and of the Jews, fill the Chambers and classes, for m the Cabinets of Europe. In this section of society which is the strong hold of Liberalism, the denial of the Christian faith is being completed by the rejection of the laws of Christian civilization, and by the substitution in their stead of the principles of the political economists of the day--principles condemned by reason and experience as well as by the Syllabus. The consequence of this ab sorption of power by the moneyed and mercan tile class is that the whole course of legisla tion in most European countries is directed with persistent and unerring aim against the interests of the producing classes, against the emancipation of the slaves of the labour market. But the worm trodden under foot will turn at last. The labouring classes, under skilled and unscrupulous leaders, are banding together in trade unions, in co-operative associations, in political leagues, in secret societies. The force and opportunities and material resources which to-day are at the command of organized • social ism will render, when it comes, the conflict be tween the classes one of life and death. But bureaucratic Liberalism, triumphant for the only itself last thirty or fo r ty years, has • lf to blame. Has it not proscribed Chi-isti . •an edu cation, and made the village schoolmaster the enemy of the priest ? Has it not attacked the most sacred bond of society by the introduction of civil marriage ? and has it not created and supported throughout the whole of Europe a press whose incessant aim has been to make religion ridiculous, contemptible, hated ? It has succeeded but too well. A e neration of a mans the working-classes—the rt . g of the great cities—has grown up under this evil influence. Material aims, sensual lf • se -gratification have been held up before them as the sole purpose of life—the law of existence. Baulked in promised share of life's enjoyments, condemned to ill-remunerative toil, too commonly to de privations bordering on starvation in the sight of the wealth of their t mas ers—wealth which every instinct of their nature has been sedu lously taught to covet—is it to be wondered at that the last appeal of their baulked appetites should be to physical force ? Terrible will be the day of their revenge. On the other hand, the Liberalism of the moneyed middle classes has formed for itself a school of political economy, formed on the principles of Adam Smith—principles which are not those of the Gospel; and which, in their operation, are oblivious of the rights common to all, the right to live, the right to earn by the sweat of the brow bread sufficient to increase and multiply the human family and Christian race. The Gospel made all mein brothers ; political economy makes all men enemies. The charity of the Gospel is the uniting principle —the principle of civilization ; the self-love of political economy is the prin ciple—the n disinteg rati principle of destruction. The effects of this principle we are now witnessing in Europe in the collision between labour and capital, in the war between the classes, in Com munism and Liberalism. Liberalism sees its danger, and has uttered a cry of terror. Those in possession of wealth and power, of the Par liaments and Governments of Europe, see sud denly the no longer disorganized masses arrayed against them. They are in dread, like Actaeon by his own dogs, of being devoured by their off spring. Liberalism, in its fear and madness, turns round upon those who, like Bishop Ket teler, of Mayence, suggest a means of reconci liation between the suffering and the moneyed classes—between those who legislate solely in their own interests, and the victims of this short-sighted policy, and impute their inter position to a hatred of the party now in power in Europe, and to a desire to see it swept away even by a triumphant Communism. But Catholic thinkers and writers, bishops or laymen, who oppose the false doctrines of political economy, are not on that account to be denounced as advocates of Communism. Communism, equally with Liberalism, is con demned by the Syllabus. What Catholics are working for, as far as they are working at all in the matter, is not for the triumph of Com munism, hut for the overthrow of Liberalism with its false political economy and anti-social principles. Opposed only by the doctrines of Liberalism, the triumph of Communism is ine vitable in Europe. Catholicism, alone with its social, political, and religious principles, is able to cope with the two opposing and destructive forces—Liberalism and Commun ism ; and to find a middle term, a basis solid and broad enough for permanent agreement. But the misfortune is that both Liberalism and its natural offspring, Communism, have lost faith in Christianity. Liberalism believes only in political economy, and Com:anthem in phy- FRANCE UNDER THE RESTORA7ION. In the turmoil of the great Revolution of 1792 the sanctity of religion was destroyed in France. France was launched into a new arena into a system of equality repugnant to Vie national character. A new kind of noblesse had been created—men whose talents had only been formed in camps and on battle-fields. These men had adopted the revolutionary spirit, their cry was- 7 -death to every priest, and to every man or woman consecrated to God. The institute of the Sisters of Charity charged with the care of the sick and wounded in the hos- pitals was the only remnant left of those great religious corporations which had constituted until then, by their virtue and by, their• learn ing, the chief glory of France. There was no longer to be a master nor a servant. The word master to this day is only used in those pro vinces which did not abandon their religion. Then a tyrant sprang up—a tyrant whose iron will was to be obeyed by all the nations of the earth. The fashion, the human respect of those days, was to obey the orders Of that tyrant, although the lives of every son of France had to be sacrificed on the altar of ambition, of vain glory. Relig ion was described as an in vention of man to keep mankind in abject subjection ; obedience to the Ten Command.. ments, the Commandments of the Church, was the vilest, of slaveries. The most infamous caricatures, the vilest stories, were invented and published to pervert public opinion. France by such means was brought down to so 'low a grade of morality that no kind of religion was left in the governmental circles. The pride of the tyrant had reached its climax ; he could exclaim—" You see there is no God, for I alone am obeyed." - It was seated on that pinnacle of pride, supported by the world, by fashion, and by human respe c t, that he dared attack the only moral power left upon the earth—the Pope at Rome. " The Pope shall bend to my pride ; my iron will shall be universal." But what is the will of man against those words of Christ, " The gates of hell shall not prevail against thee." The rage of the tyrant boiled over at the resistance of that rock, represented by an aged, feeble old man. It was the only rock left standing upon which liberty, morality, charity, and honesty could rest. " Bring me that rock," cried out the tyrant in his rage ; "my iron will shall be obeyed." The Pope was conveyed to Fontainebleau, as Peter, in days of old, was taken to prison and put in chains. In spite of its extreme horrors there was a certain honesty in the great Re , iolution ; the Church property was not confiscated as in England for the benefit of a few favoured fami lies, but was put up to the hammer and knocked down to the highest bidder, and its proceeds were carried to the general balance-sheet of the nation. The great. Revolution ended by placing re ligion in the hands of the civil power, and in obtaining the apparent sanction of Rome to such a result by a species of fraud—the tack ing on to the Concordat of 1802 the organic articles which were in reality condemned by the Pope. The Church in France, however, was obliged to accept a measure such as the positio n o f a mas t er ' able, indeed, e placed practically with his servants, but without powerfalilt of enforcing obedience. The ed, toanyfitn ind Church might tell the people the law of God and of the Church, forbid servile work on Sun- days, but it could not hinder the civil authority from repairing on a Sunday the pavement be fore the church door. The Church might ex pound to the people the Ten Commandments, forbid swearing and profane and impious lan guage, but it could not prevent the civil autho rity from employing men in the habit of swear ing and making use of impious language on Sundays, within hearine, even of those attend ing divine service. Such was the way liberty was understood in 1815, when the ancient Kings were restored to their throne. They found France completely changed, upset, and ruined ; there was not a public road in repair ; the mail coaches could not travel more than five miles an hour ; public opinion had adopted the most strange ideas of liberty and equality ; men felt that they were • out of the hands of the tyrant, that they were no longer subject to the iron will of one man, that they had recovered liberty; of speech, liberty of printing and pub lishing whatever they liked. It is true the sons of France had been decimated, shot down by cannon's mouth ; there was scarcely an able bodied man left. An eloquent writer at the time exclaimed — " Rejoice, ye mothers of France, the butcher of your sons has disap peared ifrom among us." With the resto ration of the ancient Kings every liberty was restored. But what use did the nation make of that liberty ? The public press gave a double meaning to every act of the Government, in order to bias public opinion against the royal authority. The King was powerless •he had accepted a charter which chained his l i ands in the same way as the Concordat chained the hands of the Church. The King was called a Jesuit, because he attended church on Sun days. The priest was represented as a man trying, by recovery of the tithes, to rob the people ; as a tyrant, because he wished to pre vent the people from working on Sundays. The bishops and religious orders were repre sented as the teachers of antiquated, retro grading ideas, propagated solely with the object of getting back their monasteries and landed estates, confiscated by the Revolution. The King was called a Jesuit. The word Jesuit meant at the time everything vile and degrad ing; it was made the watchword of every secret society. It had, in a sense, the same mean ing as the calumnies taught in England; such as that priests forbid the reading of the Bible, adore images, are not Englishmen because they recognize a foreign King—the Pope at Rom e . In France the word Jesuit meant torture, in quisition ; a man with a double face, with a double meaning i a man who knew how to in sinuate himself into the secrets and privacy of every family. Just as in England, the priest is represented also as a lover of persecution, of the inquisition, as a traitor to his country. In France the word Jesuit served as a weapon to frighten those who went to church on Sun days; as a weapon against those who still re tained some respect for Church authority. It was a name of reprobation bestowed on Chris tian writers, who raised complaints against the Concordat, because it had chained the hands of the clergy, against the charter which had chained in the same way the hands of the King. If a man entered a church to pray even on Sunday, he was pointed at and called a Jesuit. If he was known to say his morning and evening prayers he was put down as a Jesuit. If he visited the poor or the sick, or gave alms, he was a Jesuit. In a word, if he did any adieu that ram man above the