The Sun. — London, England, 1845-08-06 00:00:00

Melt Lordships to the amendments which had been sent up feorn the Commons on this Bill. They were of a twofold character. One class related to the Bill as it stood before it went down to the Commons. These he approved of with one exception, and some verbal alterations. The other class re ferred to the additional clauses. It would be recollected that the Bill, as it originally stood, only contained eight clauses, but there were twenty additional clauses added to the amend ments. With respect to the first division of the amendments, he agreed to them with the exception he had already referred to, the effect of which would be to fetter the powers of the Commissioners of Bankruptcy, for unless the action was brought before a superior court, and a judgment pronounced, tkey would have no power. He would therefore call upon their Lordships to disagree to the clause. The Noble Lord then proceeded to explain the manner in which the claim was introduced in the Bill, from which it appeared that advantage was taken of the absence of the Attorney-General, to whom the Bill was entrusted in the Lower House, and this clause was thus surreptitiously, as it were, inserted. With re spect to the other class of amendments (continued the Noble Lord), they would be found under the 9th section. The other amendments were merely consequent on that. This gave her Majesty the power of extending the jurisdiction of small courts as to locality, and also to the amount of the debt on which hey cot ld adjudicate. It increased it to 201. The reason of the clause was, that very few of the tribunals at present had reexer to decide on actions of so large an amount, and the con sequence was, that many persons in trade sustained great loss. The clause, however, would entirely put an end to this injury. lie thought it a wise clause, and one not at all inconsistent with the Bill. If it had originated in that House, or had come up from the other House in the shape of a new Bill, their Lord ships, he thought, would not have the least objection to consent to it. As the other clauses were merely conse quential, he should not enter into them. The original Bill, as he had already remarked, consisted of eight clauses. These amendments, containing twenty additional clauses, were grafted on the 8.11. They formed a new system, and gave powers for the establishment of a new kind of tribunal. Now if these c!auies had come before them in a separate form—as a distinct Bill—they would then be in a position to adopt or reject them at once. But coming, as they did, in this supplementary form, there was, he considered, a difficulty in point of form as to the course they should adopt. The question was, should they at once adopt those amendments as they at present stood? He thought They were wise, useful, and called for by the occasion; and as they had been recommended in a clause which had been sent down by their Lordships to the Lower House the session before last, he thought that no difficulty would be felt as to the propriety of agreeing to them. It was now in their Lord ships' power either to agree to these amendments as they stood, or t o reject them on the point of form ; and he was quite sure that they would exercise a sound discretion in the decision to which they would come on the subject. Lord CAMPBELL felt greatly embarrassed in addressing the House in consequence of the course which the Government had pursued with regard to this Bill. He entirely co ncurre d with his Noble and Learned Friend in the propriety of the Commons' amendments. He protested, however, against the course which had been adopted with regard to the subject. The Noble Lord then proceeded to detail the various changes which the subject had from time to time undergone. He con sidered also that to extend the jurisdiction as to locality was a very 2reat power, and that sending up the Bill in the form now before the House, might, if it were allowed to pass unnoticed, be productive at a future time of great confusion. They ought to consider whether it would not be better to extend the county courts than to enlarge the powers of the courts of conscience. He must protest against the course that was recommended to be taken. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the measure was not one of the Government's originating. It was taken up in the other House by a Learned Gentleman, who was not connected with the Government. He was the present Solicitor-General, but at the time he introduced the Bill he had no connexion with the Government, nor had he any expectation of it. It was also introduced in connexion with another measure—the Deodands Abolition Bill. This was the history of the Bill. He considered that parties, before they could make any altera tion in or extend the jurisdiction of the local courts, would have to give a month's notice of their intention. Lord II A DDINGION said that his friends, the Gentlemen n the other House, belonging to Scotland, had supported the Bill, not as Members of the Government, but as Members of the House in their private capacity. Lora WHARNCLIFFE thought that under all the circum stance'', after the explanations of the Noble and Learned Lord, he felt bound to supp , rt him in the course he recommended. Earl FITZ HA RDINGE said it was but right that they should take no course but such as was strictly in accordance with legal practice ; still he thought no time should be lost in carryir g out the provisions of the Bill. Many of the small tradesmen in the principal towns of the kingdom were now suffering greatly. It had been calculated that there was o ing this class of persons, at present, no less a sum than three millions of pounds, ail debts under 201. In Birmingham alone the sum owing to small tradesmen was 100,000 t. :,f(er somr. further conversation, the Commons' amendments with the Lords' amendments thereon were agreed to. IRISH POOR-LAW BILL. Earl ST. GERMANS moved for certain returns respect ing the Ifiih poor-law, which were agreed to. BILL FOR GRANTING LEASES. The Com.nuns' amendments to thi3 Bill were read and agreed to. LANDLORDS AND TENANTS BILL. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented several pe titions against the Landlords and Tenants Bill. SUNDERLAND ELECTION. The NOBLE AlAtaQuis then proceeded to remark upon the Sund-rland election. Great excitement prevailed there, which, to all appearance, would be prolonged till next session, as there appeared no prospect of the writ being at present issued. This was a state of things that ought not to exist. He made these remarks, as he believed the difficulty arose from the Noble Earl (the late Lord Howick) not taking those prompt measures that were required to qualify himself for a seat in that House. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. A message from the House of Commons brought up the Ex eliequer Bills Bill, the Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, the Merchant Seamen's Bill, a Bill for enabling the Eastern Counties Rail way Coniipauy to construct a railway from Ely to Huntingdon, the Lunatic Asvltims (Ireland) Bill and others. ADJOURNMENT - OF THE HOUSE. On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, Their Lordships adjourned until Thursday. HoUSE OF COMMONS, Aug. 5. 111? SPEAK ER took the Chair at Four o'clock. Returns from the Commissioners of Sewers were presented. Mr. WILSON PATTEN brought up the report on Should ham's Divorce Bill, which was read a third time and passed. SUNDAY TRADING. Mr. PLUMP TRE presented petitions from various places, complaining of the inefficiency of the law relating to Sunday fraddig, and praying the House to adopt measures to alter the law. Mr. WYSE presented a petition from Battersea and Chel sea, praying for another representative, in consequence of the increaseof the population of those districts. FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Mr. BRIGHT presented "a petition from the members and of the Free Church of Glasgow, complaining the proprietors of land in Scotland refusing to their land for the building of free churches, particularly the Duke of Buccleuch, and praying the House to grant them such relief as it should think proper. COUNTY RATES BILL. The Lords' amendments to this Bill were agreed to. NEWFOUNDLAND. Mr. PAKINGTON presented a petition from the Legis lative Assembly of Newfoundland, signed by their Speaker, praying for direct steam communication between that colony and England. The Marquis of Westminster's Estate Bill was read a third time and pmssed. The LORD-ADVOCATE moved amendments of the standing orders, No. 23 A and 39 A, for the purpose of assimi lating the regulations for the Scottish railways with those for the English railways. —Ag; eed to. CAM 111 D ,E AND HUNTINGDON RAILWAY. .Mr. WARD moved that the Lords' amendments to the Cambridge and Huntingdon Railway 131/11 be confirmed. The motion was agreed to. _ _ _ _ _ _ On the motion of Mr. DARBY, the Lords' amendments to the Brighton, Lewis, and Hastings ( Hastings, Rye, and Ash. lord Branch) Railway Bill were agreed to. LUNATIC ASYLUMS. Mr. WAKLEY moved that an inquiry be made into the management of public and private lunatic asylums. The motion was agreed to. LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from the Directors of the London and York Railway Company, containing a denial of the allegations exhibited in the petition which was presented yesterday from the Chairman of the Cambridge and Lincoln Company, and which stated that the subscription list of the London and York line was fraudulently made up. The petition which he presented prayed that a lull inquiry might be made into the truth or falsehood of those allegations ; and, in case the allegations should be proved to be false, that the House would give the Dir, &ors of the London and York Company power to prosecute the i,arties who had made those false statements. As the II ,use vs° .1,1 adjourn from to-night until Friday next, he should now - move that during the interim the petition be en grosaco and printed, and then on Friday he would be in a posi tion to found a motion on the subject. Mr. ASTON seconded the motion, and said that the Directors of the London and York Company had spared no expense or trouble, in order to make up a proper subscription list. He felt satisfied, if the matter were fully inquired into, it would be found the list was correctly filled. Mr. HAWES said that the subject seemed to assume some importance. He had presented a petition complaining that the subscription list of the London and York line was fraudulently made up, and new a counter petition was presented. The House was belied to make every inquiry into the matter, and he would not allow the investigation to rest until all the cir cumstances IA ere fully inquired into. He had received the posi tive assurance of the party from whom the petition emanated, that that all the allegations which it contained were true, and could be fully substantiated. For his own sake, and the credit of the House, the inquiry ought to be instituted into the truth or falsehood of the allegations, and he trusted that it would be gone into at an early period in the next session : until that time be would postpone his opinion on the matter. Mr. WARBURTON wanted to know how a petition con taining. such alegations as had been described could be re ceived and acted on, against a Bill in the stage in which the London and York line was . placed. lie had been requested to present a petition which contained similar allegations against the Dublin and Galway project. In answer to the requi sition, he had stated that the whole system of standing orders as regarded railway Bills had been altered, and that the mode of procedure, in his opinion, ought to be by presenting the peti tion, and then moving that a Select Committee be appointed to investigate the matter. Counsel should also be heard before the Committee in support of and against the petition. the Hon. Member had presented a petition, preparatory to moving for a Select Committee, with the view of inquiring into these illegal frauds, and he (Mr. Warburton) thought that in these circumstances it would t.e an injustice if an examination into these, allegations did not take place. At all events, if the Bill were to be left over till next session it should be perfectly understood that the further proceedings should be suspended until the Select Committee which h a d b een moved for should report to the House. Mr. WA K LEY sail that when the petition signed by Mr. Bruce was presented yesterday by the Hon. Member for Lam beth, it was distinctly understood that a specific motion was to be made this afternoon for a Committee to inquire into the allegatipns contained in that petition. But his Hon. Friend said it was too late in the session. Then he (Mr. Wak ley ) said the mischief was already done.—(Hear, hear.) The petition presented last night contained allegations of gross fraud. The petition presented that evening denied those alle gations and stated that they were grossly and scan dalously false. He could see no remedy for the evil unless the Committee were to sit some time longer.—( Laughter.) He proposed that they should in vestigate the matters in these petitions, even if they sat from eight in the morning till eight at night, in order that they might at least understand the position in which they were placed before the end of the session. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought they ought to be cautious in granting the inquiry sought for at the public expense. All private Bills were referred to a Select Committee to examine evidence and report upon their merits, and before them ample opportunity was given for examination into all such things. That was the proper tribunal for inquiry Into such allegations.—( Hear, hear.) The promoters of privat Bills often, by compromise, agreed not to oppose each other on the standing orders, or to expose the malpractices of which each other had been guilty. Such a course, as he understood, had been taken by the parties at issue in the pre sent question, and now that one party came forward to oppose the other on the standing orders, he considered the House should be careful what course it took. They ought not to be en couraged in doing that at the public expense which they had an opportunity of doing in Committee. The one party had made an accusation, the other had furnished a denial, and that ought to be considered sufficient, without going further into the subject. The one would stand against the other. Be yond the printing of these he would not advise the Idouse to go. Mr. BROTHERTON agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the course he recommended. The House ought not to be called on to bear the expense of such an in quiry. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he objected to the course recommended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He thought there 9ught to be an immediate inquiry, so as to give the parties who had been charged an opportunity of defending and vindi cating themselves from the defamation in the petition presented last night. The real object of the petition presented by his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hawes) was to effect a stock-jobbing purpose ; but that being defeated, they now wanted the matter put off till next session. All the petitioners of to-night, as given in the petition of the Honourable Member tor the East Riding of York, required was inquiry, that a foundation might be obtained for seeking redress in a court of justice for the allegations urged against the subscribers to the London and York line. He had no doubt the allegations were entirely false, and the House was bound to give reds ess. They were allegations, he had no hesitation in saying, got up for a particular and sinister purpose. Three days, commencing OR to-morrow morning, would be quite sufficient for all the purposes of the inquiry. Mr. B. DENISON said that there appeared to him to be two questions in this matter—the House itself and the parties themselves. —( Hear, hear.) Here there was an attempt to impose upon the House for the purpose of pre venting the progress of a Bill. The question then was whether the House would take up the matter itself, or leave it to the parties to defend themselves. There were two petitions before the House, the one impugning the cha racter of the other petitioners who asked the House either to grant them inquiry or to allow them to vindicate themselves in a court of law. The petitioner (Mr. Bruce) stated that he had employed sixteen or seventeen persons to make inquiries, and that from their discoveries he made out the list which he (Mr. Denison) held in his hand. Now, of the persons named therein, twenty had informed him this day, and stated that they had been called on by " Inquirers," who stated—some that they were sent by the House of Commons—others by the House of Lords—and others by the London and York Company. Now those twenty persons were represented in this list as non existent—( Hear, and a laugh)—although they had all seen inquirers, and assured thorn they were ready to meet their engagements. Perhaps Mr. Bruce himself was imposed upon. But his agents had misrepresented persons of high respectability, who were ready to come forward before a Committee.—( Hear, hear.) For his part, he should persist in the motion of which he gave notice on Friday night.—( Hear. ) Mr, HAWES said that he was willing to move for the Select Committee to inquire into the allegations of Mr. Bruce's petition, notwithstanding the late period of the session, and he would persevere in it, if they should have to sit for forty-eight hours. —( Hear, and a laugh.) Lord NEWARK said that he did not object to the appoint ment of a Select Committee, if it were possible to get through the inquiry at this period of the session. After some desultory conversation, Mr. HAWES moved that the petition of Mr. Bruce, pre sented yesterday, should be referred to a Select Committee, and that the inquiry be gone into at once.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. WARBURTON had heard nothing to alter the opi nions which he had already expressed. He would not object to the Select Committee if the inquiry were to combine Rail way Companies generally. If this inquiry were to be prose cuted at the public expense petitions would be hereafter presented to obstruct the course of public business—in short it wo old be the uniform way of preventing Railway Bills passing through the House. At any rate, if the inquiry went on, the parties who sought for it should be made to pay the expenses of it. Desiring to give the utmost facilities to parties making allege tionshe should yet very much question the policy of the present proceedings. Sir R. PEEL said--I very much doubt, Sir, whether one of the remedies pointed out in the petition actually exists. In the first place, I doubt the policy of the course pointed out even if the House could give the permission sought by the parties who have presented a petition to the House. But, Sir, I am not sure that a person making a false allegation in a petition is a legal offence, for it has been ruled by competent tribunals that a party presenting a petition to the House of Commons is privileged to make allegations against third parties by virtue of the presentation of said petition. You cannot, therefore, prosecute a man for doing that which he is privileged to do. The question is not, however, as to the truth of the allegations or counter-allegations, but we are now dealing with an offence against Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) A party has alleged as a reason why you should not read the Bill a third time, that that Bill has been fraudulently got up—that several frauds exist in the subscription deed, and those allegations they say they are ready to establish. If, Sir, that party can substantiate these allegations, he was perfectly warranted in presenting the peti tion, but if not, I think there is good reason for believing that he has committed an offence against the House, because he was making a statement which might influence the decision of the Legislature. We have read the Bill a third time, and we are now dealing with the question as a Parliamentary offence, and I cannot see that any great evil would result from inquiry. What I would recommend is, that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the allegations contained in this petition—this Committee might, after a short inquiry, repo .t to the House what progress they had made—( Hear, hear)—and whether or not it would be advisable to resume it next session. —(Hear, hear.) Let the House re collect thet there is a positive statement that the allegations contained in a position presented to the House are false and fraudulent. Ido not see how you can pass over such matters without notice. The circumstances of this case are very pecu liar, and I cannot perceive any objection to the appointment of a dommittee with the functions I have mentioned. Mr. WAKLEY thought that a selection might very easily be made, and it was a bounden duty for the House to make an inquiry into these allegations, and he trusted, at least, that the Hon. Member for York would be appointed. There might be no sufficient opportunity for inquiring into these charges to day, but it was incumbent on the House to inquire into the truth or falsehood of these charges, and there might be time for it by Friday. These persons complained that they were seriously injured in their characters and commercial standing by these allegations, and therefore it was but an act of justice to free them from any imputation, or establish the truth of the charges to which they were liable. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not assent to the course proposed by the Hon. Member who presented the peti tion. Neither could he assent to the course proposed by the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), and he thought that he should sufficiently guard himself if he assented to the proposition so far as it went to institute the inquiry, and he trusted, therefore, that a committee of inquiry would be ap pointed. Sir R. INGLIS thought, as the course proposed by the leader on one side was supported by the leader on the other, the best course the House could pursue was to appoint the Committee, and net leave the parties simply to that remedy which was provided by the laws of the country. On the motion being put, Mr. HAWES said that he trusted no gentleman would re fuse to serve on this Committee. But considerable difficulty was experienced in appointing a Committee, several Hon. Members stating objections to serv ing. At length Mr. Hawes, Mr. E. B. Denison, Mr. Baring, Mr. Warburton, Mr. B. Escott, Mr. Hutt, and Lord Clive, were appointed. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY_EVENING, AUGUST 8 1 _ 1845. FIRE AT QUEBEC. Col. DAM ER brought a message from the Queen, stating that her Majesty had given orders for the allowance of 20,0001. for the sufferers by the fire at Quebec INDIAN CORN. Mr. B. ESCOTT said that as some misapprehension existed as to the exact meaning of his notice of motion on yesterday, he begged to say that it related to Maize, or what was com monly called Indian corn. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Mr. WYSE gave notice that on an early day next session he should call attention to the school system, and the state of education in Ireland. OTAHEITE. Mr. HINDLEY gave notice that he would, on Friday next, ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet, relative to the an nexation of Otaheite by the French to the island of Rio ( The remainder of the name was inaudible in the gallery. ) RAILWAY ACCIDENTS. Lord PALMERSTON said he had a question to ask of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and he would state the reason why he asked it. He had received a letter from a friend of his who stated that he had travelled by one of the trains on the Swinden line, and had observed an engine behind. He re• monstrated against this ; but the answer he received was, that it was the constant practice. Now, the question he wanted to ask was, had the Board of Trade any power to prevent this practice ; and, if they had not, whether the Government would bring in a Bill this session to provide a remedy ? He conceived it to be very easily done, and prepared and passed in one day. Sir G. CLERK said that the Board of Trade had no power whatever to remedy the practice complained of ; but they al ways remonstrated, and offered suggestions.—He was not surprised at the statement which the Noble Lord had urged in reference to this subject, as the matter had already excited con siderable attention. It had been customary to attach two en gines to the mail trains. This he believed was the regular practice between Euston-square and Camden-town. With re gard to this practice, the Board of Trade had always repre sented to railway companies the extremeimpropriety of this course ; and it had to a great extent been abandoned. He had, however, no doubt but that the Board of Trade would give its best attention to the subject. Should the Noble Lord think its power was not sufficient, some legislative steps should be taken next session ; but if the Noble Lord thought fit, a Bill might be introduced and carried through its various stages in the present session. ECCLESIASTICAL LIVINGS. Viscount CLIVE rose to ask the question of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of the Home Department ,of which he had given notice. It was, whether any communi cation had taken place b e t ween t h e Ri ght H on. Baronet an d the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, as to the formation by them of a scale for augmenting small livings, in which area shall be taken into consideration a s we ll as popu l at i on ; also, when such scale is likely to come into operation, as proposed by Sir J. Graham, during the progress of the Cathedral Churches ( Wales) Bill ( Act 6 and 7 Vic. c. 77), through the House of Commons, in the session of 1R43 ? - Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that as yet, on account of the deficiency of information received, no precise arrangement had been come to on the subject referred to. The commis sioners however were busy in getting up their scale, and as soon as it was completed, he would be able to lay the matter before the House. ACCIDENT ON THE RAIL Mr. WADDINGTON wished to ask the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, if he had re ceived any information of th e fri g htful accident on the Ea%tern Counties Railway, by which one unfortunate man, the stoker, was killed. He had seen the accident after it had occurred, and a most frightful one it was. Mr. WARD said, that as the Right Hon. Baronet was not likely to have had any information upon the subject, he (Mr. Ward) might perhaps be allowed to state the particulars of the unhappy occurrence, and the House would see that no human prudence or foresight could possibly have averted it. Since the opening of the new line to Cambridge, it had been a regu lar matter to send a superintendent of the locomotive depart ment with the train, in order to see that the whole worked pro perly. He had seen the gentleman who accompanied the train yesterday, and he (Mr. Ward) had taken the report of the sad event from his lips. He stated that the engine was run ningath,leyrea aw p a e a s r a f pu e c pu t r l ,e y t steady, and yu a nd,idaagaetr oscillation,th w e he r a at e a a of 28 2 8 miles an hour; nothing, sud in d fact, th e to eu m g a in k e e was struck by the rail where One of the we dges had e° got loose. The engine was forced off th , e d ra ra il w s, in and ti r i an for . upwards o f . a hundred yards on the gravel It was expected that they would have feene en ca ub rflg t es after it. danger by letting off the steam, but unfortunate ly e theoavert any and dete carriagesengine got upon the embankment and was stopped. which followed were thrown upon it in a heap , was unfortunately thrown under the mass and killed s t oker superintendent found himself under the pile of wree . k and within nine inches of the man who was killed. The g uard, ' who was sitting on the second-class carriage, had his leg broken, and was conveyed to the hospital at Cambridge. Not one of the passengers had been injured. After the most stringent examination, he did not find that any blame could be attached to any one con nected with the line, and he could assure the House that every precaution had been taken to prevent any accident of any kind, for before it was opened enormous quantities of dust waggons ran up and down under the inspection of General Pasley, and they had therefore every reason to believe that the works were quite safe. He did not think that any caution had been neg lected, and therefore no blame could be attached to any one connected with the railway. Colonel SIBTHORP asked was it not necessary that her Majesty's Government should take some measures to prevent such accidents, and to prohibit all persons who had the manage ment of the railway in question from carrying on the work until a full inquiry should have been made into the manage ment of their works. He thought, also, it was incumbent on her Majesty's Government to see that there was a proper and ample compensation made by those rich Companies to the un fortunate people who were mutilated in their service, and also to the relatives of those who were slain. The law required coal proprietors to eive such compensation. Mr. GREGORY could bear testimony to the want of suf ficient accommodation, to the delay, and incivility of the Eastern Counties Railway. He thought the Board of Trade should have mere power. Some time ago he presented a me morial to the Board of Trade, complaining of incivility, delay, and want of accommodation. It was signed by twenty-two Members of Parliament, and Lords Exeter and Stradbroke, and had reference to the Eastern Counties Railway. Mr. WARD said that on the Newmarket week there cer tainly had been a great succession of mishaps on the Eastern Counties Railway. Sir. C. BURRELL said he thought that Government ought to hare the power and controul over those railways, so as to make laws to prevent these accidents. Colonel WOOD said that a fixed salary should be paid to the Directors, and one of them should be compelled to reside on the railway.—( Laughter.) He had the greatest respect for the Member for Sheffield, yet he would say that it was im possible for that Hon. Member to attend his duties in that llouse and discharge at the same time those of a railway Di rector. Again, he would say they should fix the salary and limit the number of Directors, and compel ono of them to re side at the station. Mr. P. HOWARD was of opinion that all parties suffering by accident on those railways ought to get compensation. He was aware that on the Carlisle line such was the practice. Mr. WARD said it was only this very morning that his Board had agreed to pay all the expenses of, and every atten tion to, those who had been sufferers by the late accident. MEDICAL BILL. In answer to a question put by Mr. WAKLEY, in reference to the Medical Bill, Sir J. GRAHAM sail that the Bill had, for some time, been in the hands of the printers. IRISH" WORKHOUSES The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer to a question from Mr. Hume, said the Irish workhouses had been built, not by order of the Government, but under the provisions of an Act of Parliament, entitled the Poor Relief Act. However, after those workhouses had been built, it ap peared by the representations of those in whose parishes they had been erected, that they were not worth the sums charged, and that it was soucht to compel them to pay more than the sum o iginally contracted for. A very experienced officer was then sent down to make inquiries, and the result was that the Go vernment had agreed to make a reduction in the original amount demanded. Mr. HUME said he would bring on a motion on the subject, as he conceived it a violation of the rules of the House. Sir D. NORREYS asked a question as to the mode of valuation under the poor-law to be adopted in Ireland in future. Sir T. FRENIANTLE said that a measure had been intro duced into Parliament upon the subject ; but he regretted to say it was reje , tted in the House of Lords. Mr. M J. O'CONNELL hoped that sufficient time would be given to the people of Ireland to consider well whatever means might be proposed to be introduced on this subject next session. COMMUNICATION WITH NEWFOUNDLAND. Mr. PAKINGTON wished to know if the Government were in a position to afford steam communication between St. John's, Newfoundland, and this country? Mr. HOPE said that the Government were aware of the importance of giving such a means of communication to that colony ; but it appeared that great delay would be occasioned by the present steam vessels calling there, even in summer, in consequence of the quantities of floating ice, and in winter it would be out of the question; besides, the present contractors were nut bound to do so. HYDER %BAD. In answer to a question from Mr. HUNIE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that no decision had yet been come to in reference to the prize money obtained at Hyderabad, in Sinde. SILK WORKS BILL. Mr. BRIGHT said that the Bill now before the House on this subject was one purporting to amend a similar Bill of last session, which Bill proved useless, and the present one would prove equally so.—(Laughter.) In fact, there was no man who knew anything at ail of manufactures but must see that it would be an inol•erative measure. Sir JAM ES GRAHAM said that, with respect to the present Bill, he was ready to admit he had no satisfactory in formation, and he was not sanguine that measures interfering with labour would be successful. On the other hand, he be lieved that they generally were found nugatory and ineffica cious ; nevertheless, as the labourers themselves felt a sleep interest in the legislation now contemplated, whether the in. terferenee should prove beneficial or not, he could not think it inexpedient to make an attempt to meet the wishes of the in dustrial classes. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE regretted he was not perfectly informed of the provisions and merits of this Bill, and as he had as yet received no intimation from his constituents to op.. pose it, he was not prepared to express any specific opinion upon it. Mr. P. BORT HWICK wished that some member of the Government would take the responsibility of the Bill upon him, as hitherto it appeared to be disowned by everybody. Mr. GREENE said that the measure had been introduced, in consequence of the recommendations contained in the re port of the Board of Trade. Mr. WARBURTON said, that as he was not inclined to put his conscience into the keeping of the President or Vice- President of the Board of Trade, he should move that the further consideration of the Bill should be postponed till this day three months. Colonel ROLLESTONE defended the Bill, which he con sidered as eminently calculated to obviate some of the hard ships, and even cruelties, imposed by many master manufac turers on their operatives. Mr. HOME supported the amendment of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton), and trusted that the Government would throw in the weight of their opposition to the Bill. Mr. DUNCAN regarded the Bill as most injurious to the manufacturing classes, and fraught with danger to the com munity generally. Mr. VILLIERS thought it most irregular, and even un precedented, to be discussing a measure affecting the interests of trade, in any other mode except before a Committee of the whole House. He therefore supported the amendment of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton) for delay. Mr. FIELDEN opposed the Bill as mischievous and un called for. Mr. EWART said he thought the best course the Govern ment could adopt was to withdraw the Bill. Mr. BROTHERTON concurred in regarding the mea sure as calculated to entail both danger and discontent upon the trade it professed to benefit. Sir J. GRAHAM suggested that further debate on the subject should be postponed until Friday, and in the mean time he would try and meet the wishes of all parties. The debate was then adjourned, on the motion of the Right Hon, Baronet (Sir J. Graham), to Friday next. allusion to the state of foreign affairs. Tam rejoiced to say that we are not now, as we were at the close of last session, looking anxiously to a settlement of a question with France, a question which threatened a rupture of our amicable relations with that country. I ant happy to find that our relations with that country are close and unbroken, and that they are likely to continue so.—( Cheers.) Sir, there is another question to which (though I certainly do not mean to enter into detail) I cannot help adverting for a moment. I mean the question between this country and the United States of America. Without at all interfering with the discretion of the Executive Government, or at all dictating to them any course opposite to that which they may think fit to pursue for the settlement of the question of the Oregon boundary, I still will venture to say to them that the opinion that I gave to the House at an early period of the session, is entirely un shaken by anything I may have heard, or anything I may have read on this subject.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman on that occasion raid that the Go vernment of this country were prepared to maintain their rights: Ida n t question his logic—l do not propose to ask him for an explanation of the mode in which he proposes to maintain those rights. lam glad to see—regretting, as I do, the loss of the distinguished man who was Minister to our country from the United St a t es ; ye t, m i ng l e d with that regret, I rejoice to see that another distinguished man, who was here some years ago, has replaced Mr. Everett as our Minister from that country. I trust that they will act with discretion and moderation in determining the question between the two Governments, without, at the same time, losing sight of the essential interests of either country, and with these few words—and lam glad they are so few—l leave the sub ject of our foreign affairs. And now to come to what has been done in the course of the session with re-pest to our domestic policy. My opinion on this subject is, that we ought not to be altogether disappointed at the result of the session, not that there has been much done which gives great prospect for the future, but while we. on the one hand, congratulate ourselves on the progress that has been made, and especially in the statement of opinions; still, on the other hand, much has been left neglected, much that relates to principle is left uncertain ; and that much remains undone which is clearly wanted to serve the interests of the country, there cannot be a doubt. Now, Sir, I shall take in the first instance that which has so often been brought before our attention in this House, during this session, and which will, I have no doubt, occupy us during the next and future sessions—l mean the unhappy state of Ireland. Sir, in adverting to this subject, I cannot but in the first place rejoice that those opinions which were heard from Gentlemen who sat opposite some years ago, have been in a great degree abandoned—( Hear, hear ) — and that e ven language that we heard from one of the Ministers of the Crown has been, since he came into office, revoked. I rejoice that the Government is so far renouncing former erroneous opinions that they are ready to commence a new course, and I have reason to congratulate the House on what has been already done for Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) But, Sir, let it not be forgotten that, many years ago, when the Government of the lately deceased Earl Grey was divided on this subject, not only did those who are opposed to us now oppose the appro. priation clause, which I still think would have been at that time a fair and moderate compromise to the Church of Ireland, they not only opposed that Church—l do not say that that was unnatural considering their views on this subject—but they always denied to the Irish those rights which had been ex tended to the English and to the Scotch. With regard to their electoral and municipal rights, Sir, a gentleman holding a dis tinguished situation in office there, who had been raised to a higher office on the Bench of Ireland, and who has but lately died ; I mean Chief Baron Wolfe. He expressed his opinion that there was no legal reason why the same rights ought not to be granted to Ireland, and his language expressed the indig nation he felt at the degradation of his country. He stated that he thought these privileges were a matter of common right, belonging to the United Kingdom ; that, therefore, popular elections and corporate rights were due to the Irish people, and that some strong reason of necessity must be argued before a people can be refused those rights. He stated further that if refused it could only be on the ground that Irish families were unst to be subjects of a free kingdom. The whole of those Gentlemen opposed these just claims with one t e t x o c n e m p , t , io tt n h — re t g he ar Ea d to of olrt S. Germans.. la t nd,onone of T w her hte e h w t e h r o e s e e tr qu whehoweers e opposed to us were inclined to raise in this country both a national and religious feeling, to assist them against the claims of the people of Ireland. Sir, that course of policy they, since their accession the Irishssiontoo oughtffice,have atbo have ando equalned.l ig It is now admitteditis now them that admitted that, both as regards electoral rights, the right of voting for Members of this House, and municipal corporate rights, they ought to have the same rights as England and Scotland. This is in principle a great deal, but let us examine a little how far their measures have been consistent with their professions, and what have been their great objects for effecting the re conciliation of Ireland,—for reconciling the people of Eng-- gland, and inducing the subjects of both countries to join in amity at home, and in defence of their empire against foreign enemies. On this subject they have hardly done what they professed to do. With regard to municipal righ's, and the rights of e'ecting representatives to serve in Parliament, no Bill has been introduced, and it is notorious that the number of electors, in many of the Irish counties, has dimi nished in a great decree. That was a grievance that required the attention of Parliament.—( Hear, hear. ) But has the attention of Parliament been called to it?—( Hear, hear.) With respect to another subject on which they proposed to legislate, and on which they made elaborate inquiries, for the purpose of calling attention to it—l allude to the subject of the relations between landlords and tenants. Now, I stated my opinion that issuing a Commission on the relations of landlords and tenants might be a wise measure, but that I could not be en abled to say it was a wise measure, until I could sce the re sult.—( Hear.) It was evident that considerable evils attended the issuing of that Commision. It was, in the first place, calculated to excite great hopes—it was calculated to make the poor tenants believe that some great benefit was to attend the inquiry ; something to relieve the scarcity of food, and fix security of tenure, which they had ever felt to be the greatest misfortune of their lives. In the next place it was very likely, unless accompanied with great care, to excite in the country itself considerable enmity on the part of the tenants against their landlords, by making them believe that they had a Govern ment which would take their part against the landlords. In this respect the objection was very great, for the saying of his lamented friend Mr. Drummond was a correct one, " that pro perty had its duties as well as its rights." But that evil might be remedied if the Government had explained the general nature of the remedy which they wished to introduce. I sup pose that some remedy was in the contemplation of the Govern ment, but it appears after all that they brought forward, as the result of thot Commission, a Bill which I must say is one of the most extraordinary measures which was ever brought before the consideration of this House. The plan of interposing between landlords and tenants in the manner devised by the Bill is most impracticable. But the Bill has never arrived at this House, and I suppose, therefore, it has been given up and abandoned. I suppose that the universal cry among the Irish generally has induced Government to abandon it. Why, then, what further measure had they introduced? They had produced a Bill for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and a Bill for the academical education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, which was pointed out in the speech from the throne. Sir, I do not wish to go over the arguments on this subject. I think the endowment of Maynooth a good plan, but I think the ob servation that was made on it by a gentleman who has written well on the subject of Ireland, is a perfectly just one. He says that there are two objections to the endowment of Maynooth ; one is, that the grant was a trivial measure—that the boon was altogether too small ; and the other is, that it will tend to the endowment of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Sir, one argument confutes the other : if the Government intend that the measure should lead to an endowment of the Roman Catholic Church, that, Sir, would be an intelligible line of policy ; and wi'hout discussing the propriety of endowing the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, it would be a perfectly intelligible policy to introduce this measure, as it would re ceive the consent of the hierarchy of that Church. But the present measure had not had that consent, because it was not intended to lead to that endowment. The members of the Government had carefully declared that such was not their intention ; and considering the great clamour that has been raised in this country—considering the deep feeling which has been aroused, I would ask, has an adequate result been obtained? If the Ministry do not mean to proceed further—if they have no measure in contem plation for next session, then surely they were unwise in pro voking that clamour. But with regard to another measure—l mean that of academical education—it appears to me that though the Government does not love much to hear c esnsel within doors, yet they do take counsel from necessity out of doors, and that such a necessity prompted this measure The First Lord of the Treasury told us in a speech, which I for one was sorry to hear, on the subject of the Maynooth Bill—he told us that its object was as much to break off a confederacy that existed in Ireland for the purposes of carrying repeal, and of dividing the Roman Catholic clergy, by propounding a measure which would satisfy at lea t one portion of them. It appears then that this Association was a chief instrument in procuring this Bill. It was not for its merits given —it was not because it improved the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, but because it would break up the Repeal Association. Well, that Bill and its course through this House produced the greatest excitation in England, and considerable opposition was raised, not by those only opposed to the Roman Catholic faith, bet by those also who held that Goverment should only assist in secular matters, and that religion should be supported altogether upon the volun tary principle. In order to soothe this clamouring party the Government again in May introduced a measure, which they supported by the very arguments that in the former instance had been used in that House and out of doors against any Government support to religious establshments. But I must beg to impress upon this Horace that these measures have been both late and imperfect. In the first place they are late. And, in saying this, I allude to the measures of the Government now in existence, and think that the observation is applicable to the ministry, whether they were in opposition, or whether as now they exercise the functions of Government, and I would more particularly allude to the claims of the Roman Catholics. Many years ago, when the present First Lord of the Treasury was Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Grattan had, under the authority of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of Ireland, pledged his word that if the claims of the Roman Catholics were conceded, no prelate of that Church should be appointed whose views were opposed to those of the Government, and that if any Roman Catholic prelate of that country, either by his writings or proceedings, should be instrumental in excit ing any disaffection to the Crown, that his benefice should be estreated, and himself reprobated by the church. This was a great concession. But the Ministers of the day did not take advantage of it, and serious were the consequences which had flowed from the neglect of the power which had then been accorded to it, of removing any prelate of the Irish Church wh o should promote or be a party to promoting ba political ettre mo fpt t hoi wasrs trmleolaui made, and agitation. odpoa s eNd Noble Lord, that LBsoourmdph) But the wro, opportunity had e been lost, and cannot now be recovered. In 1825, another i s s io s n till sh a ouL lem be alwtmohdotaehutdlernde Governmentnfnowtosr which io t ea h fhi the d htheCatholic priests eompf t ofproposed s daye t t the e ; r eb ß f an o ts m e ida a Roman o Catholicaccede three years t Church, o at ttee r r that hs but oa deqvou Governmentneei dune titofoonr those h h a de werebp great ro e evnai provision perceived,oneo t i t ou e rf d ethhm t e h e e anßn_od t m r w u ath e nheo principlescnwgae though rheo theltihc Government f ve C rn h m u e rc n h t y p e r t ta t e h tp e t r e e s wast that a t an s e explicit g d s e h c e la a r l a d t i o b n e the most in 1825, the same declaration was made to the Roman Catholic of prelates , theTheßoman Catholics, obje h c t hy e n making was to th e obviateh blame a t m e e for the very o e u ae t s r pn a p g ree e n s eon w ft h s c i c pa h ft h t t t l at hey et g Er d ema e ta n no measure?—w. t n ep a e a s e t u d i or . le T — h aw e n h n ti y whoatmh ee were the g th ra e n g d rar m al very men, who during the whole course of their lives had been the great opponents of civil and religious liberty, were the very men, who under a different phase of circumstances, and when credit was to be obtained by the granting of that which was irresistible, at once turned round on all their supporters, and passed that measure against which such an outcry had been lately made. Their plea was the choice of two alternatives—the prosecution of their designs, or the risk of a civil war. They chose the former evil, and the concession of the Catholic claims was the consequence. Another measure to which he had to allude, was that of Muni cipal Reform. In 1836, the King of this country, by the advice of his AliMsters, caused a Bill to be introduced for this pur pose, with the hope that Parliament would sanction so great an improvement of the social condition of Ireland, and agree to the reform of municipal corporations, so that they might be conformed to those of E ng l an d an d S c otland. I did really hope that this resolution would have been unanimously passed through this House, and with the consent of the whole of the Members. The question then is, whether you will grant equal rights to Ireland ? If you would have but attended to the speeches of Mr. O'Connell, you would have seen what the policy of the ccuntry is. In the whole of those addresses there is but one feeling evident, and that in as exhibited in the c r y o f j us ti ce to Ireland. To this cry there has bs ea no reply. The Irish people conceive that they have a right to participate in the ad vanta.tes enjoyed by Englishmen ; and this, and this alone it is, which has prompted the cry of repeal. During the whole of the monster meetings, of which so much complaint has been made, what was the general feeling among the whole of those who took the most active part in those proceedings? Not re peal—not assessment—not ecclesiastical jurisdiction—but a long complaint of the inequality between the two countries. After some further observations on the policy pursued towards Ire land, the Noble Lord adverted to the measures affecting the agri cultural interest, and after alluding to the tenacity with which the Ministers had formerly adhered to their opinions, continued— But your course has been altered, not only with respect to the letter of the Act of Parliament, but with regard to the lan guage held by a Minister of the Crown. Sir, the Ministers of the Crown have held language which is inconsistent with the maintenance of their own Act, and have given an assurance to the agricultural interest that the maintenance of their law would be like the sliding scale itself, descending from 20s. to ls.—an assurance that it would "grow small by degrees and beautifully less."—( A laugh. ) So that, in the present year, there is far less security for the maintenance of the corn-laws than in any preceding one. We had a confession from the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment that the sliding scale would, of itself, cause consider able evils, and that it was necessary to prop it up by a fixed duty, with regard to some part of the corn that came into this country, and that as corn from Canada was generally intro duced in the months of May, June, and July, when corn from foreign countries would not come in, waiting for a diminution of duties, it would be necessary to have a Canada Corn Act, in order to make the sliding scale bearable by the people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) This was a distinct confession that the sliding scale was, in itself, insufficient. You were, as I said, obliged to prop it up with the Canada Corn Act, which has become a bugbear to all the farmers of this country, and which, as has been justly said, was not calculated to do much good, and more than counterbalances any ad vantages it may possess by the harm which it does to the sound principles of free trade. But the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government took away another argument from the sliding scale ; because whereas the advo cates for protection relied on this—that the labouring classes would be lasers by the admission of foreign corn, inasmuch as, with a reduction in its price, the wages of labour would diminish in proportion ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said this was not the case, and that the low price of corn and bread was an ad vantage to the labouring classes. And that which the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government stated as his belief, the Right Hon. Gentleman who sits near him ( Sir J. Graham) proved by details, viz., that cheap corn not only gave greater and better wages to the labouring classes, but that with cheap corn there was less crime arid less mortality. Is not the case of the present Corn Laws greatly weakened by this admission ?—( Hear, hear.) But let u, look at the founds.- tions upon which you propose they should rest. Can anybody have heard what has been passing for the last ten days without feeling the misery of the uncertainty of the law respecting corn ?—( Hear, hear. ) Can anybody who entertains a doubt as to whether the next fortnight will bring a good harvest or a miserable deficiency, and not wish that the labouring classes of this country should be provided with food from every quarter whence it can be procured ?—( Hear, hear.) I maintain that it is the duty of this House to provide for any contingency. But what is it you do ? I freely admit that whether there be a small fixed duty or a complete free trade in corn, it must always be a matter of deep anxiety whether or not the harvest will turn out favourable or unfavourable-- that if there were not at the present moment complete free trade in corn, so long as there exists a doubt as to whether there will be an abundant or a short harvest, it is impossible there should not be very considerable speculation—it is impos sible there should not be a rise in the price of grain, foreign and domestic, to a considerable extent, and there will be danger to the currency and to the subsistence of the people. —( Hear.) I admit these things, but these are consequences for which the Legislature is not responsible. If there was a fixed duty or a free trade in corn we might be sure of such supplies as could be obtained from other countries—the fixed duty would in such ease only diminish the price at which the merchant abroad would sell the corn. But at all events, ac cording to such a scheme, the plan would be uniform—there would be no longer any doubt or contingency as to the price at which foreign corn would be admitted. But, as the matter stands at present, by the uncertainty of the seasons and the difficulty of foreign supply, you, by your legislative wisdom, add another new and artificial incumbrance to this complicated question, for by the variation in price during at least ten weeks from Is. to 20s. per quarter, you double the amount of speculation—you double the hazard to which the people of this country are exposed—you double the difficulty of supplying them with that article which ranks first among the necessaries of life. Is it wise to continue such a law—is it wise in those who advocate the principles of free-trade—is it wise in a Prime Minister who boasts that he has done more than any former Minister for a long period of years to promote free-trade s'oc trines—is it wise in him to rest on a law which he must own to be defective not only in respect to all the principles of po litical economy, but with respect to the principles en which commercial transactions should be governed? We have a Gen tleman averring that he did not think the law would be permanent—a Gentleman who constantly supports the present Government, and especially the sliding scale, but yet avowing publicly that he did not think the law would last, and that he thought two years would pos. sibly see the end of it. When people hear this language used by the supporters of the Government, not by one of those agriculturists who might, in a moment of irritation, say that the Ministers would not support the corn-laws, but by one of their steady supporters—when, I say, such language has been used by such a person, what can the farmers think but that the law will be abandoned? Well, then, if it is to be aban doned, let us not continue in our present state of miserable uncertainty.—(Hear, hear.) Let us begin next session early, and let us begin with the consideration of the corn-laws. The farmers must feel that if there be a necessity for a large pro tection against the introduction of foreign corn, it is necessary that that protection should be kept up—especially necessary in dealing with their landlords—and that they should not find, at the end of two years, that this law should be swept away, and the whole system connected with it. However such uncer tainty may suit the interests of parties, it cannot suit the farmers.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite impossible that any one can wish the continuance of a system which entails such evils upon the country, and that they would prefer the adoption of the measure proposed by his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton rather than be kept in such uncertainty—a feeling that the Corn-laws would be kept up until their aboli tion was forced upon the Government. I say, therefore, with respect to this subject, that while you have done much to make an approach to free trade, there is still upon these main articles, timber, sugar, and above all, corn, a keeping up of restriction, contrary to every sound pt inciple, and which it is impossible, according to your own theory, that you can adhere to. At this very moment, with respect to corn, the supply in this country is unusually small, and I would, therefore, move for an amount of the quantity of corn now in bond. I say again that the quantity in bond is unusually small, and let it not be forgotten that it is in consequence of our own laws; and when the Government refer, as they sometimes have' done, with great satisfaction, to the decline of speculation in the foreign corn trade, let them remember that want of speculation may prove a national misfortune, and that corn-laws may in this way prove injurious, not only to the speculators but to the country at large. It is some advantage to have a supply got together in our warehouses, on which the country can rely in ease of any sudden and unforseen failure of the harvest.- -( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then went on to re mark upon the various measures which had been proposed by former Whig Governments, and which the Members of the present Government opposed, upon principles which they have advocated and supported ; in particular he alluded to the Bill introduced by the late Government on the subject of education. The state of the population in the rural districts, and in many of the towns, too, was deplorable, in a moral and intellectual point of view. The Noble Lord adverted to reports which had been published respecting the demoralized condition of the popu lation, which showed that many beings could not read or write —had never been at church or chapel, and had never even heard the name of God or of Jesus Christ mentioned in their lives. The first time they heard of any religion was, when the chaplain of the gaol instructed them. A great clamour had been raised against the formation of normal schools, and against the mode in which the Committee of the Privy Council appointed to superintend the progress of education had been ap pointed, but the very same principles which the Home Secretary and the Prime :Minister then opposed, they now supported, and the constitution of the present Privy Council Board on this subject was not different in any important particulars from that which he (Lord J. Russell) proposed. He thought that sums should be advanced from the public funds so as to make charitable endowments really available, and he was really very glad to see that the Government had this year proposed votes to carry out this laudable object. Provision should be like wise made for the maintenance of schoolmasters, for, at pre sent, it was almost impossible to get any competent person to remain more than ten years in the profession. Marks of honour and gain should be held out to them, for the trust con fided to their care was a most important one—nothing less than forming the minds of the rising generation. The Right Hon. Baronet at the nead of the Government spoke in the broadest and most lucid manner of the distinctions between creeds when speaking of the Irish Academical Education ques tion, but the Right Hon Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department drew the most acute and subtle distinc tion between the tests in the Presbyterian universities. Why, it is very difficult for the House—even willing as the House is--( Hear, hear)—to give its constant concurrence with measures so inconstant and so variable—( Hear, and laughter)— and by diminished majorities it has shown some reluctance to be so forced on.—( Hear, hear.) The House, Sir, has shown a degree of dislike to being forced to vote one day for one set of principles, and the next for a set directly opposite.(—Hear, and laughter.) Is it then too much to ask her Majesty's Ministers, before the next session, whether it begin in Decem ber or in January, to consider in their Cabinet meetings what their principles are to be ?—(Cheers)—for instance, in re spect to the Established Church, to the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and to the administration of Academic Tests.—( Hear.) If they do not, however permanent and fixed may be their majority in this House, they cannot expect that the people will go on, in quiet acquiesence with the acts of their represeetatives.—(Cheers.) I find that the people of this country, however various may be the occupations in which they are engaged—whether in large manufactories, or in labour more domestic—in foreign com merce, or in the busy trades of towns, hold each individually a peculiar set of political opinions, and whether these be different or not from those of the Ministers, if he sees that those of the Government are fixed and founded upon principle, he bows to them. But if he finds them always changing. he cannot have any other feeling than contempt.—( Hear, hear.) There fore it is, at the end of the session I put in nay prayer, that we may have from the Government an avowal of one set of opi nions to which we may acquiesce, or from which we may at once dissent.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever those opinions and principles might be, it would still be for the Opposition to say how far they would carry on or relax their opposi sition.—( Hear, hear.) But if at present any man were asked —" Are you a supporter of the Government ?" and he should say " Yes ;" let him be then asked, " But what do you think of the new colleges in Ireland ?" Most probably he would answer, " That he liked the principle very well—the Romish Bishops were a set of bigots, and he saw no necessity for tests." What, then, will be his answer in the next month, when he finds these very principles abandoned, and the obnoxious test adopted ?—(Cheers. ) I think, then, that we might know what the opinions of Ministers were, at longer intervals than from month to month. We ought to know them at least from session to session. —(Cheers.) Before I sit down I wish to refer to circumstances which I believe to be interesting in this country.. We are told that her Majesty is about to leave this country for some weeks to visit Germany. Now, in former reigns, there was a custom, for wir Sovereigns, having German possessions, to leave this country for short periods. But in all those cases a Council of Regency was appointed. In the time of George I. Lords Justices were appointed. But now we hear that her Majesty is about to go to Germany for some weeks without any such provision for carrying on the functions of the Crown. Sir, I think this is without precedent—(Hear, hear)—and hope her Majesty's Ministers do not intend to de. part from the constitutional example--; Hear, hear.) I cannot sit dowis without making one reference to the state of Ireland -( Hear, hear.) There is no deubt that her Majesty, having vi-ited Scotland, would wish to visit Ireland also. The people of all parts of her dominions are loyal and attached.— ( Hear, hear.) But when an address of invitation was presented to her Majesty by the mayor of Dublin, the answer put into her Majesty's mouth was studiously ambiguous, implying a doubt as to the disposition of the people.—( Hear, hear.) You, remember, Sir, that a similar doubt as to the reception of the Sovereign was raied, when King William IV. intended to visit the city of London—and you remember the result.— (Cheers.) I trust that it was not on the s ane grounds the visit of the Queen to Ireland has been postponed.— (Cheers. ) I think that her Majesty might rely upon a most cordial recep tion in Ireland, if her Ministers would govern that country with a regard to the interests of the people. With these ob servations I would conclude, having already trespassed long upon the House, but I have an example of a different kind. I have read a speech delivered in another place, of which the object was to show that measures had been delayed and postponed, when the unscrupulous opposition of the party was the cause of the delay and the postponement. But now it is impossible to say that Ministers, with a large majority, have not abandoned and postponed measures to which no fac tious opposition was offered.—( Hear, hear,) I do not deny that many of those measures were such as could not have been further proceeded with. But I think that the executive part of the Government ought to have well considered the measures which were brought forward by them, and not leave themselves exposed to the necessity of withdrawing and postponing them from time to time.—(Hear, hear.) No complaint can be made of the House in this session. There never was shown in any session so much labour—so much attention to public in terest, apart from all party and personal influence—as in the present session. I may instance the inquiries respecting rail ways.—( Cheers.) I must say that no House ever exceeded the present in its regard to the public interest, as you. Sir, —(to the Speaker)—must well know.--( Cheers and laughter. ) The Noble Lord concluded by moving, according to his motion, for returns relating to the amount of Bills passed, &c., during the session. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who was throughout his speech painfully indistinct, was understood to say that he was not pre pared to offer any opposition to the motion. But, however the House might think that it was not his duty to follow the Noble Lord, yet, as the Noble Lord had thought it his duty to refer to domestic matters which were in his (Sir James Graham's) department, he felt that the House would permit him to offer a few observations.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord had asked what course her Majesty's Ministers intended to follow, and had said that several measures of importance had been abandoned. He trusted, however, that the abandonment of the Physic and Surgery Bill was no proof of incompetency—(A laugh)—for he could appeal to the Honourable Members for Fins bury and Lambeth if there was any more difficult question to deal with.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had consulted the most eminent persons in each department interested in that Bill, and he had no doubt that if the House would give him time he would succeed in producing a satisfactory measure.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had next adverted to our foreign policy, and had congratulated the House and the country on the favourable appearance of our relations with France, as compared with that which they presented at the close of lost session. He agreed with the Noble Lord in that congratulation; and with respect to America, he thought there was no prospect that the relations of amity which were so im portant to the interests of both countries would not be main tained.--( Hear.) 'The Noble Lord, in passing from foreign to domestic relations, adverted to tae administration of Irish affairs. In doing so the Noble Lord adverted to an ex pression of his (Sir James Graham's) which he bad frequently explained, but he hoped the House would do him the justice to admit that the whole of his conduct in respect to Ireland was in consonance with his explanation. With respect to the elective franchise, it was shown that in cities and towns the elective franchise did exist. In counties, a great deal of doubt existed as to the legal interpretation of what constituted a franchise in Ireland They had removed those doubts, and they had introduced a system which had en larged the basis of the franchise in that country. The Noble Lord next proceeded to refer to the Land'ords and Tenants Commission. The Noble Lord, however, did not blame the Commission, but he censured the Government for not giving effect to the report of that Commission. He ( Sir J. Graham) would beg the House to remember that the evidence given before that Committee was not presented until after the commencement of the present session of Parliament, and that it was most voluminous. It was admitted that in Ireland and Eng land different customs prevailed with regard to the outlay on pro perty held by tenants. In Ireland a great hardship existed, where the tenant was liable to be ejected without possessing aay claim for compensation. He adhered to the opinion of the Government that the same security should be given to the tenants in both countries for compensation for outlay made before they were ejected from their holdings. The object of the Bill was to give to the tenant that which would do him ample justice. The principle of the Bill he adhered to, and he felt confident a better principle could not be exercised. The Noble Lord then adverted to the Maynooth Bill, and the Colleges Bill. He thought, after the discussion which had been entered into on these questions, he would at least have not touched on that point. He did not think that references to political differences would be prodhctive of any benefit. It was, however, a measure which he did not hesitate conscientiously to support. The Noble Lord then alluded to the Appropriation Clause ; he charged the Government with bringing before the House the question as to how to arrive at religious equality in Ireland. Whether they should endow the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, or whether they should abolish the Protestant Establishment. He could not see at any time anything that would induce him to support the abolition of the Protestant Establishment in Ireland. It would give a terrible shock to the possessors of property in Ireland, and would create something like violence in that country. He at the same time thought it necessary to state that he had no insuperable objection to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy in that country, but he thought that, under the present circum stances, that a general endowment of that country would not be advisable. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of national education. Though the Government had not been very successful in that system, it could not be denied that the system had done an immensity of service. He was happy to say, that in the working classes of this country there was an astonishing progressive decrease of crime.—( Hear; hear.) But to return to the question of finance, the Noble Lord had alluded to the continuation of the income-tax, and contended that it was an increase of the taxes of the country when consi dered in conjunction with the reduction of the duty upon the raw material of cotton. Now, in justice to the Government, it ought to be remembere 1 that from the necessities of the case, the time of the Government was occupied from so early a period as the sth of April in discussing the policy of continuing the income-tax ; and, therefore, at this late period of the session it was rather out of time to introduce that subject. Then, with regard to the timber duties; when the present Government came into office, they found the duties on timber to be such that they felt warranted in removing the duties on colonial timber, and that those on Baltic timber should be greatly re duced.—( Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to sugar, here again the Noble Lord did not agree with the measures of the Government ; but still it had been found that these measures had worked favorably for the people, for it appeared that the result of the Government measures was that there had been an increase of the consump tion of that article to the amount of 40,000 tons, or 20 per cent.—(Hear, hear)—and that increased consumption had been owing to the reduction in the price of sugar, which amounted to about I id. per lb. Well, then, in respect to corn, there were at this moment 450.000 quarters of corn in bond ; and in the year 1839, when the Noble Lord was in office, let him ask what was the position of the country. At that time there were only 50,000 quarters of corn in bond, and only 2,400,0001. in bullion in the Bank of England, while at this moment the amount of bullion in the Bank exceeded 6,000,0A1. Well, then, that was scarcely any proof of the No ble Lord's statement in reference to the sliding.scale. which he said had been " growing small by degrees, and beau tifully less."—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fortunately for the Government, at present the supply of home-grown corn in bond had greatly increased, and the average price, during the time the present Government was in office, varied from 495. 11d. to 545.—( Hear, hear ) On those grounds, then, he did hope that the apprehensions expr e ssed by the N o ble L or d would not be realised ; and that, at this very late period of the ses sion, no change in the existing law would be expected to be made.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, there was one other topic mentioned by the Noble Lord to which he would wish to allude—namely, that of the expected visit of her Majesty to Ireland. An address had been presented to her Majesty by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, praying that her Majesty would state when it was likely she would pay a visit to her loyal subjects ; and it would appear, from the reception the deputation had met with, that some doubt was implied as to the reception her Majesty would meet with at her landing on the Irish shores. But the Noble Lord must have misconceived the purport of the answer given by her Majesty to the Dublin Corporation ; for that answer im plied a conviction th a t h er M a j esty woul be received with all the loyalty and enthusiasm she could wish, whenever she should please to land on the shores of Ireland.—( Hear. ) Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that, as an Irish Member, he wished to express his most sincere thanks to the Noble Lord for the manner in which he had spoken of the affairs of Ire land. He did also believe that from what he had already seen of the disposition of the Government towards his country, that a friendly disposition had been evinced in regard to it.--( Hear, hear.) But he would wish to know what steps were intended to be taken in reference to a most important measure—he meant the landlord and tenant question.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the Church question, the Noble Lord had quoted a very able writer on the subject. This man took one view of the question, and another clerical writer of considerable eminence took another. He had no hesi tation, however, in saying that they must either endow the Catholic Church or the destruction of the Protestant Church would be the inevitable result. Whatever course they should ado(t must be come to soon, and if i did not suit her Majesty s Government to grapple with theset difficulties the most fatal consequences would sooner or later ensue. With regard to the Landlord :and Tenant Com mission he must say that the Bill introduced in the other House, based on that report, was a mockery. If they were not prepared to bring forward a measure in conformity with the report of the Commission, they should not have issued it at all. They raised hopes only to blast them. He was sure that not one of the five Commissioners had been consulted on this Bill. In all its details it showed its paternity. The schedules contained eleven separate columns, and there was a marked similarity between it and other Bills which came from the same hand, which at once showed its author. The simili tude between it and the Registration Bill of the same Noble Lord was very marked. The same ostensible privileges were held out on the one side, and the same restrictions and fetters en those privileges which characterised the Registration Bill were equally discernible on the other. He did not speak of the Noble Lord in a party spirit, but it mast be evident that he was totally unfit to legislate on these matters. He was glad that the Commission had recognised the right of the tenant to com pensation, but of what use would this recognition be, when the Bill which was pretended to be introduced on their recommen dations, was fettered with such restrictions. He hoped the Government would take this Bill as well as the County Franchise into consideration during the recess, and would in troduce measures on these questions of the same liberal cha racter as the Maynooth Bill. If they did so, he trusted that if not at the end of next session, this House would, before very long, be able to congratulate itself on setting at rest these mat ters which, as they stood at present, were a subject of odium to the Government and a disgrace to the country. Mr. PLUMPTRE thought that the Government had dis played an assiduity this session with regard to the measures they brought forward which entitled them to the greatest credit. He could not, however, help saying that, with regard to certain measures, it wasvery badly exercised. When the Right Hon. Ba ronet at the commencement of the session announced his inten tion of proposing an additional grant to Maynooth, he expressed his dissatisfaction at the measure, and throughout its progress in that House he had strongly and systematically opposed it. And now when, he was sorry to say, it had become an Act of Parliament, and when, at the close of the session, he had had an opportunity of observing its effect in Ireland, he felt no less dissatisfaction, no less opposition to it. And he would ask the House what had been the fruits of this measure? Had it proved satisfactory in Ireland ? Had it conciliated the animosities of the Roman Catholic populating in that country? And how had it been carried through this House? Why 152 usual eupperters of the Government had, on its second reading, been found in the minority, while only 150 voted with the Government. The measure he regarded as a disgrace to the statute book ; and though he had not hitherto committed him self by giving any notice of a specific motion on the subject, he now gave notice that at the earliest opportunity next session he would do what in him lay to remove from the statute book what he and the entire country with him regarded as a most obnoxious aid unnecessary measure. Mr. MOFFATT said he must beg the indulgence of the House, to whts.e customs he was comparatively a stranger, while he adverted to two topics which had hitherto escaped notice during the progress of the debate. In the first place, he wished to make a few observations in reference to the alterations in the sugar duties. The Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Graham) had said that there was thirty per - - , cent. increase in consequence of the reduetiers d but by the official returns it rather appeared, that th irt y' . three per cent. had been the actual inorease. The iliminutil in the revenue might have been entirely saved by taking a ll' curse—by opening the markets of the world to our producet. The course taken on the s ubject of su gar h a d been a shot d sighted one. The distinction between free grown sugar e . e. slave-grown sugar had been perfectly futile,, yet these we the great obstacles to carrying out the policy he recommend; By the false policy they had pursued, they had also lost ti!, soul° benefit of a reciprocal treaty with Spain, that Ther e have been of the greatest advantage to this country. Is as another point on which he would remark—it was in ference to India. The increase of trade with that country ha t not been at all commensurate with the opportnaities they hi " had. The high duties on imports, both from India and Chine' had operated most injuriously against extending our co i l; merce in those regions of the globe.—( Hear, hear.) could not, therefore, give his assent to the principles on whit, the Government had conducted the commercial affairs of tb country during the past year.—( Hear.) Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought that what the g ee t ; Gentleman (Mr. Plumptre) had stated respecting the coils i t of Kent was very interesting. He had stated that the h e ,.. • crop was blighted, and therefore it was clear they could not de pend pend on that county this year for a supply of food.—( l-I ", r t But wi,en that Hon. Gentleman expressed his surprise t ha t the Noble Lord (J. Russell) should be alarmed at the subje c t of the harvest, he (Mr. Villiers) thought he 7 °. inconsistent. It was a most important question --" f most important that could engage the attention ~ the Government and the House. It had been shown that they e depended on accident for a supply of food. —( Hear, hear.) real questian was to put bread, the staple article of food to ' people, on a proper footing. He wanted, then, to know th single Act of this session that would be of the least effect if tb el sc anty ha 1 a bad harvest ?—( Hear, hear. ) Let there be a supply of the means of subsistence, and where would b e the use or service of all the measures of the session ? He tho u gf the data of the Hon. Gentleman must be very exclusive if 11 could show how any of the business of the present session ye°, operate in saving the country from the calamity of a bad bevel', If the harvest was not a favourable one, what would ben'', f the great public works of which they had heard so o°.„ during the present session ? Why were many of them discs' , tinued last session ? Simply because the means of the cou n l i i were not in so prosperous a state as at the present gnome; Then there was not a great surplus of capital as now, when hi t capital of the country had very much increased. But if t 0 prosperity should cease, thousands would be ruined—Pe_ A r l° lo who had engaged in these public works would be exP° s `' re e great suffering. If that was to happen this year, there De lo was a time when it would be more fatal t o th e i n terests of l' ee country.—( Hear, hear.) He said, then, that the exPer i t il t e of time past showed that the House ought no t to ser' a ce , without adopting some measure to avert the consequen, which, in the event of a deficient harvest, might ensue* 4 ( Hear, hear,) They had now the experience of the failure 7. the corn-laws, which ought to indicate how mischievous it of , to continue them. Both abundance and cheapness had (scarf; and had each produced their own evils, augmented as they we___ by restrictive imposts. They ought, then, to have better " - f curity that they would have plenty before they could judgeh the utility of the law. Having, then, this experience of e l ; s failure of the law, when the measures of the Government in direct opposition to the wants of the people, there n e- et was a time when there was less excuse to continue this 1 1 1te than at the present moment. They (the f l ee trade inte rest ) had declared their faith in wholesome competitionin, even' T e e they gave every encouragement to rival works. When a great _A of railway had been projected, if the Government encour a g e d some rival work—some rival line for the purpose of eheeP e to ing the transit of the people from one part of the coupl e d another, and of giving relief to the community, he es br, them, then, why they maintained protection and monol o g and upheld it in every way in their power ? They told there 0 0, it was necessary to protect the public from undue cornpeti t t i i be that the parties might not abuse the power w ith which were invested, but that it might be used in the most efS° lo4 0 way. Look at the state of the country since protectior. e o first established ; it had been consta n tly s ubj ec t e d to a deu ei t i e . supply, to high prices, and to scarcity ; and the Hon. Ge e or man said that there was a constant increa se of necessitto that it was only reasonable to ask the Mi n i s t er s, under n e circumstances, to give the means of satisfyi n g the wants 0170, increasing population. As Parliament was a b ou t to sepal to it was right that the Gove r n men t s h ou ld s t a t e h o w the er e l e of the people were to be s u ppli e d. Th a t ques ti on ought ~t ai e answered. They told the Government that they could is cheap food for the people, if the objectionable inlrr e f were removed. They had ships in all the roarkei'eape the world, they had enterprise, they had every I n ere of obtaining an ample supply.—(Hear, he ar .) Call thq.°lll chants and manufacturers to their bar, and ask them if t hil a ite not so, and they would tell them that th e y wou ld give sec" for a cheap and efficient, instead of deficient and dear, sull e , of food to the people, if they would open their ports for,i t hee s ception. That was their c a s e. Th e G overnmen t be", te d pursuing a most dange rous course o f l a t e. Th ey wer e ve e r ! ) . to promote the doct r i nes o f pro t ect i on, b ut t h e i r con d uc t latt e te , had exposed the hollowness and the mere pretensions of r o wer tion. They had d one everyt hi ng they could to show the P u d e that no reliance could be placed on it. They had become m itt' enlightened, and it was now dangerous to tamper or trifle e l d i r them. In 1841 an d 1842 t h ey h eard a great dea l a b o ut the to f tress in the co un t ry b e i ng cause d b y mach i nery, b y the wel;eet. money, and by the overwork of the people. They were, : hoe d brought to beli eve th at t h e di stress of that per i o d was P r h i n ery by other than the re a l cause . B ut now t h ere was more mach re . re. than at that period, th ere was more pro d uct i on, and ' P I on spect to money it never was so plentiful, and yet six w ai ting hostile tariffs had been adopted for the purpose of P the free interchange of commodities. Friend Mr. M. GIBSON was glad th a t hi s Hon. • a las its brought that part of the Noble Lord's speech which, m° o f the msdiately related to the corn laws under the attention °, 0 ( House. The Noble Lord called attention to the en h i ect do ost civil and religious liberty in Ireland; but he ventured to kt , whether there was so great an infraction of civil r n i : g c " tet i practised upon the people of that country as was 4 ' 141 the upon the people of England by those who su pported. - corn-law monop o ly. They were injuring the n sights of their fello w - su bjects—the right of selling their lab in the best mar k et, and the right to get a full reward for th. industry. Th ere f ore, even as a ques tion of c i v il lib ert y ti ß e ; did contend that th e quest i on o f th e corn -la w was not secona'' any question of civil or religious equality in Ireland. At pre" sent the corn trade was a mere matter of gambling, and, the re : o fore, when a bad harvest came, they were obliged the send their agents all over the country, scrambling up corn they could lay their hands upon and invading stacks corn which had been provided f o r th e su p p l y o f other co % tries.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, had they free US, they would have their m erc h an t s an d cap it a ti s t s k e eping s tec ol upon hand, and whenever a time of scarcity arrived there se! ) be ample supplies to fall back upon.--( Hear, and ebe er h s i a . In his opinion there could b e no thi ng more h um iliating , n . seeing the landed gentlemen of this country support the e°r i g law principle because it serve d th e i r own i nterest , a nd urgo that it was indispensably necessary for the best interests State.—(Cheers.) It w as no th ing b e t ter t h an a direct le tt , nopoly, and it w as , i n f ac t, mean , s h a bb y, an d enJ , ualy He was neither f or a fi xe d d uty nor a s lidi ng sca l e, an d heeee hoped that no ti me wou ld b e l ost i n sett i ng the corn trade :j o t Mr. DARIsY said that the Hon. Gentleman who ba d a il l . spoken would f org i ve hi m if h e retorted the c h arg e 01 tey seminating false intelli g e nce , f or never i n hi s li fe d id he PC " of the prophecies of the Anti-Corn-law League verified. , h oe Mr. SHELL agreed w ith th e H on. G entleman behind ;01 that the corn-laws was a question of the first importance,, the to Ireland it was parti cu l ar l y so • but at that late hour o f The night he should no t en t er at length into that topic* no etl Academic Bill for Ireland, he believed, had been P re r; if with the best intentions, but the idea had not been 1 0 3 47 r e e carried out ; and then, with regard to the registry, that had her getting " Small by degrees, and beautifully less ;" and i°,,P t l i er of this he had only to refer the House to Tipperary an° " - d in counties. He wished to see the 40s. freeholds perpetuate fee, and the holders of these entitled to a vote. t he Mr. SHERIDAN drew the attention of the House t° 0 petition of Richard an d J ames K eynes, grocers, resid je,,tee Shaftesbury, presented on the 2d o f A ugust l ast, respectie°.ele. seizure of tobacco by th e E xc i se , b y w hi c h t h ey h a d been„-ed, jeeted to trouble and exp ense . Th e t o b acco, i t h a d been 5 ,' gips was not genuine, but th ese grocers , hi s (M r. Sheridan's/fa. stituents, were not aware of any adulteration, and b : it ie O I means of detecting it. T w o of th e mos t ce l e b rate d chelnis - 0 the day had declared that it was impossible for them to alis' e t certain whether there was saccharine matter in tobacco. ~_„d the officers of Customs, after half a n h our ' s i nspec tion, deelece'w on their oaths that it was adulterated. The Hon. M ee ' t ee concluded by moving for a Select Committee to inquire into matter. bad • Mr. CARDWELL thought the Honourable Gentleman to been unfortunately induced, by zeal for his constituents, e. magnify the case he had laid before the House, and valt -r r s, pared to prove that the conduct of the Custom-house ow — t he and the proceeding of the Excise, were fully warranted bY ffwe circumstances of She case. He, therefore, regretted that the d e r Member had felt it to be hi s d u t y t o b r i ng t h e ma tter o : 11 the attention of the House and to follow it up with a ni°" P• r d, Mr. HUME was glad the su bj ec t h a d b een brought forsee_„4 for he thought that the p rocee di ngs o f b ot h t h e Custom the Excise often inflicted injustice upon the public. bir• After a few words from M r . Sh er id an, M r . C a rdwell , t he Hume, Mr. Hawes, Dr. Bowring, and the Chancellor 01 Exchequer, the motion was withdrawn. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. a , Sir R. PEEL moved that the House do, at its rising , journ till Friday.— Agreed to. LONDON AND YORK COMMITTEE. the On the motion of Mr. HAWES l eave was given "" to. Committee on the London an d Y or k R a il way Bill to sit „ 0 1 morrow (this day), and ever y d ay un til t h e prorofff" - Parliament. f an The remaining orders of the d a y were t h en di spo sed °- I the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. S tich DEATH FROM EATING MUSHROOMS.—The f Express contains the rep or t o f an inquest h e ld on the hodY,t Mr. John Carr, bootmak er , o f t h at town, w h o di e d on Satu rt 7 3 morning last from eati ng mus h rooms . Th e m edical pea tee giving evidence, said th a t " mus h rooms s h ou ld n ever be e a re when the underneath part was black, but only when tbeyss, of a light colour." Th e ver di c t was —" Di e d from 0 15 ° 91 occasioned by eating mushrooms." • co. BIBTHS. On the 2d inst., at North Brixton the lady of James W. Winstanley, Esq., barrister-at-law Of a daughter. „ On the 31st ult , at Hastings, Airs. Charles Burfield,iLl"" of a daughter. • Er tit On the let i ns t., a t H arr i ngwor th Vi ca rage, North Hants' the Rev. F. H. M. Blaydee, M.A., of a so n ' grs• 0 n the 2 d : u i l o n i g e f s i r i t a s t . On the 2d inst., at Bloomsbury Rectory, the Hon' Ref' On the 2d inst., at Stretton Rectory, the lady of the J soP li :, sr :i . f n n a . C s a o m n• bridge-terrace, Mrs. Algernon Gre- On the 3d inst., at North-end, Hampstead, Mrs. 0 Tatham, of a daughter. On the 3d inst., the lady of W. Millman, Esq. , of a s T l cl:ors On the 4th inst., a t U pper Cl ap t on ,lMrs. H. Borne daughter. don-bri d g e, On the 4th i ns t., i n Ki ng Willi am -street, Lon the wife of H ug h P . F u ll er, o f a son . _-------"--- t 0 0 1 nine t t li li et e e2 2 id d li i no n si s lti t .a:s a: t)r C isc a h m M a b i A . e d r , li w it el l l E N D ew . Church, Jos e p h Ch bte; Bonham, 1 : 1 ;_a t i: ) , Esq., surgeon, of Hounslow, to Emma, eldest daug C. R. Preston, Esq., late of Blackmore Priory, Isses• t o Frances j a mEess'EqslL:zola'fubßrectellii, f°P e i d et e 'e s al‘' t di Ci d' a l diiri'ge hsFe3r:tfr DIED On the 15th of April on board . the ship Lintin , nc il i.., bio ~ passage from Bombay to St. Helena, Charles M e llers , -n's Lieutenant, sth Regiment P. N. L. 1., aged 30. n t Wil liani On the 22d of May, at Sierra eone, ;ensLella ~ Watts Wilson, R.N., on board her Majestys lliP.L ii • V iv tier On the 25th of May, at Bhooj India, ens i g n - 3 Soames, 11.E.1.C.5., aged 21 ' Oa the 2d inst., in Loudon, Major-General Elrington, an late of the 47th Regent. On the Ist inst., at Newport, near Barnstaple, Bart. second daughter of the late Sir G. H. Freeling, Gertrude, `_YOUNG 01 London: Printed and Published by MURDO „ 112/ No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sac s Ofßeal No , of Strand. in the Precinct of the Savoy , in the. Cowl + Middlesex, Wednesday, August 6,1845• . , , ° i ~ ~. 1~ ~ fa , h, rti z 1 • 1 1 1 , 1 , , t* o-40, 4.41 , 41 CASE OF' LIEUTENANT HOLLIS. Mr. ESCOTT moved for copies of all letters and other documents which had passed to and from the Court of Di rectors of the East India Company and Lieutenant NV. Hollis, and to and from the said Court and the Board of Control, relative to the dismissal of that, officer from the East India Company's service. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman said that he would not attempt to justify the language used by Lieutenant Hollis, and which led to his dismissal, but that language was drawn from him by irritating conduct on the part of his superior officer. Utter ruin had been brought upon him by the sentence which he had now been four years suffering under. He did not think the Court. which passed the sentence upon Mr. Hollis was legally constituted, and, at all events, he had been a long time suffering, and he trusted the Court would think it right to replace him in the position which he had formerly filled with such credit to himself and advantage to the country. Lieute nant Hollis was a man of good family and kind disposition, and surely a rash word should not for ever be allowed to operate to his detriment. Lord JOCELYN had no objection to the production of the correspondence sought for, and the Honourable Gentleman would be enabled to see by it what moderation had been exer cised by the Court of Directors towards Lieutenant Hollis. That officer had been guilty of one of the gravest offences known against military disciplinc—he broke through his arrest, and used language which one gentle man should not use towards another. The Court of Directors had, notwithstanding the sentence of the court-martial, allowed Lieutenant Hollis 501. a year, within a few pounds of half pay allowance. He trusted the House would show no sympathy with an officer who had acted in a manner inconsistent with the interests of the public service. There could be no doubt but the tribunal that tried him was by the 4th Geo. 4, c. 81, qua lified to do so. He would not trespass further on the attention of the House. Mr. HOGG said he would take no notice of the taunts that had been thrown out by the Hon. and Learned Gentle man against the East India Company. He thought the Noble Lerd had answered the complaint of the Hon. Gentleman, and he would not occupy the time of the House unnecessarily. REVIEW CF THE SESSION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose amidst some slight con fusion at the bar from Members entering the House. He said, Sir,—l am very glad that the notice which I have upon the paper will offer no interruption to the other business, and I am perfectly satisfied that the other notices should have been got through before I proceed to lay the few observat ions I have to make before the House. Sir, I shall take this opportunity, one of the last of the session, to consider how we have performed the duties which we were called on to perform by her Majesty at the commencement of the session ; and, in doing so, I shall refer to these subjects with a view to measure the progress that has theb een m m ade—to poirtout passed —and a ich sk ar t e he found to H b n e use to consider the prospect before them, rather than with the view in m easures that have i sse insisted on, on other occasions, namely, of proving . that the Ministers of the Crown are incompetent for the functions with which they have been entrusted. The latter is not my intention. If it were not my purpose to deviate from the previous practice to which I have referred—if it were my purpose to found charges of incompetency en the fact that measures had been delayed till a late period of the session, that they were only sent from one House to another as late as the let of July, when no time was left to consider them properly ; that many mea sures were brought forward in the beginning and given up at the end; if I were inclined to found a charge against minis ters I should find ample materials for my purpose. ( Hear, hear.) One Bill alone—the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite on Physic and Surgery—would form a subject for lengthened comment-4 Hear, hear.) He was accustomed to lay great blame upon me for bringing forward the Poor.law, and afterwards making amendments is compliance with the suggestions and objections of Members of the House. It is not the custom of the pre sen t G overnm ent to listen to objections from th e M em b ers o f t h e H ouse ; b u t they had from time to time alt ere d measures to o b v i ate t h e ob jections of certain classes, and so with respect to this mea sure. The Right Honourable G ent l eman h a d altered i t to meet the views of the members of the C o ll ege o f S urgeons; t h en t h e general practitioners had objections to urge, and the Bill was a second time altered ; the physicians and surgeons were also considered and the Bill was alt ere d aga i n, and b :fore i t was brought into this House it was put into at least a dozen shapes. I have done enough to show, witho u t go i ng f urther, t h at I could found a charge of incompetence, and no t on thi s Bill alone. But, Sir , I consider that there are other questions that are far more important than the executive mo d e i n w hi c h the legislation is carrie d on with respect to mere d e t a il s . It i s a question of graver consideration how the great interests of the country have been affected by the measu res w hi c h have been brought before the House , and in what position the coun try stands in relation to these measures. In referring to these subjects, I shall take, in the first place, in some measure, the order of the Queen's speech with regard to these measures. The speech at the commencement of this session opened by an ~._