The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-16 00:00:00

P ort to II • whi c.- iled to cese of id, If t • bin I, b t :cou la ) ohla bePh - e 00 k we re d‘ be Of 3ame3 039 9 3i ; g ill t wee , °D Q e e° ;0 'm h o if I( e d oileg 01 iL ion a e 60 0 „f, 1 •ce " 1 011180 or- o f we re or. , ‘ ,I ear , ' ei or 0, co , ot ee' ,oc g 3 ' t ic ! clAbe' fle the t 4 ici oP ~e cacti to ` li p increase ______ of the clergy and the people. Then n ', , O p l r v e the question to be dealt with ? There Roth' Fe believed, only three modes of dealing 1 ' 4 , , the subject. One was the appointment of ett,„",ragali bishops or assistant bishops. In some cases, ‘ ll4 Ps that might be desirable, hut, as a general rule, fr e did cot think it would be satisfactory, because a suf 3;9r 4g o l d u i et h i i , s _hoa was not a diocesan, but one who without e oh had the power of pe.formine; episcopal du di 3 : If the creation of diocesan bishops was thought sera% ,uestion- ' there were only two modes of dealing with the the first was that pursued in the case . of . th d e ilea °f a irinchester. He, however, thought it n, , e - a lto go into the merits of that scheme, because 1 ar f -e nt was not likely to create new bishoprics on . the th en gof t,119 bishopric of Manchester. The question, ee, arose, was it advisable to create new bishoprics u P e ° ° a humbler ) and mere restricted basis? . If that was the onl y Plan, setting aside matters of detail, be would u p s : ask would they open the door to the foundation . . 1 new bishoprics, or would they close it under all cm leutusta s_ Ar , e t l ees? The work of the Church was not done in Chi': ""vos. It was not possible to make all people . good ordiV i aus/ but it was the duty of the Church to bring her ttiet slices home to every man. In many of the rural dis co was the case, but it was impossible it should be a k i liy in, large as and towns, where there was scarcely hi t Personal relation between the clergyman and the . inh f e .. - Pas a t tU r s ' i The best way to make the Church effective co see' s la a Purposes in large towns was to found episcopal rem o ,"°neor other of those towns.—(clear, hear.) . One h e r ° ageinst the foundation of new bishoprics was the 'el' that such Id fritter away the reve nue, pc - a course would liteld , the Church in supporting a few idle persons, in el 4.,,,°fProvidinehard-working small incomes for the . Poi On this point he might refer to the colonial ap t leitth4tneats, The ancient practice was to send men o ; ti ,„__ salaries of 4001. or 5001. a year, and under s d u t ch r nthre i`wa'stslances it was difficult to procure menfitted for o our e ol n c l 4l w ork- The economical view with regard to 1 ° e's we Id have been to say, " De not give 2,000. " 3 0 00/ u to ' „ 4 . a Year to bishops, but husband your resources thee P,arplhhelefo f r the clergy." But it was well known that founding bishoprics in the colonies had ° loee: te h e i n ev e e fi n einl- What had been the effect ? Why, 1 825 , e foundation of the bishopric of Jamaica in en bishoprics were founded, and the cler getbe under them at the foundation alto hi the ° oln 290; but in 1847 they amoun w t e e r d f n o t u o nd e e n d 2 : 0413theelaerrglay12 the bishopric of Tasmania was - of the diocese numbered only 19, but in plac e t;1107 amounted to 43; similar results had taken 14 - i_ i n the rest of the new !bishoprics. Why . not, ti teti f t ado the same principle in England? Thoinl n - - er e , 4l of additional bishops in England would also The biscns,, the number of clergy and communicants. no "t' would form a centre around which congregations be s e e e ts e r gY would spring up in great numbers. When stlen r ; s " .. _ of the formation s of new bishoprics, he meant e zele s i w ,ere presided over by men whose time would be Ile y etY devoted to the ecclesiastical duties of their e,,,,Peti,r.e dioceses. Hein each case a proposed that the qpr f , B " ° P should be appointed in accordance with . Rho -'sed desire of a large number of the inhabitants, eois e l e ll ? u ld subscribe towards maintaining .. him; that the the AT °f the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and also h e! taiesPa'ini4tration of the day, should likewise be o th e td ' and that the whole scheme should be laid before The e ', 11(41 in Council for the sanction of the Crown. zyt -pefteitoeittsitzent of bishops like that of Manchester was with the question. He hoped the Com hsd ee wo uld ' approve of the practical scheme which he In P r r d ° P j °B, d for their consideration.—(Hear, hear.) 'Peer p , 'RUSSELL wished to express a doubt re the StU l e t ee Propriety of adopting the clause moved by lt ' tain t 11 ° 1 1. Gentleman, rather than to argue against Bigh t -P"oh hereafter. He could not think with the g, geth er ~c. Gentleman that we ought to give , t . i . p Ito those re Prospect of creating new bishoprics a like that :` Blanchester or Ripon. It appeared to him that the „" a s a practical plan, and one in accordance with . estietrer:4ent constitution of the bishoprics of this l 'aeli V; Great advantages must arise from creating f t kit och i 'cloaric s in large districts. The bishoprics o ~.,'ish e s ' e e ; st 'r and Ripen, and the division of the arch vlie°4c'e of York, had ' produced great benefit to the Ras t t That the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed d tally 't there should be a kind of dioceses separate :::B,ufti: o t f hose at present exislog. Ha (Lord J. 004.9) thought there were strong objections t / the th e g ps a seat ju a new kind of bishoprics unconnected Parliament, and totally independent of this pre orde r o f bi shops. If funds were to be voted for ( pit , tI P: ?Ile(' of bishops, they would have to be supplied ttties t S ting bishoprics, under the plea that the I tene re °' existing bishops would be dimiaished—the iettr;"'4te effect of which would be that existing l'ani a P ra s wolild be deprived of the means of attending kleub "it/ It would then be said " You have now a t the th e e P °f b ishops having seats in Parliament without oat g. -4 , n8 of attending there. and you have others with -I,iliketih.,,enektihn:arliament. Is it not better to pat them all 44 (1 - same footing? " That would be the argument; a good one or a delusive one, it would be 4 itS ( 3 ; t° beer s uccessful. If, however, you prevented the NRay .Ps from attending Pat liament, you would go a good a i r award s h separati s t) the Church from the State.— kete tt 4a c qq-) It appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) that, ° i f th e /) ° f cresting new bishoprics according to the plan the ocr'ght Hon. Gentleman, it would be much more for Fa roe i l v - 8 1 1 ,i tage of the Church to increase the number of ser4i I s eistricts. There would be great difficulty in t essi e ll g en the affairs of the Church with bishops pos lst o!,s4ltell different pee e. s and occupying such diffe- Ore - ,1",°0s- For instance, if any large subscription - gtg . a t bC s t'' . _ inno r Westmine t er for the purpose of appoint `l',o(lo4l e,,,t ) ,1 that district, you would have a Bishop of Ptst e n u `nalng a seat in Parliament, and a Bishop . . of li: , tid p Inster not holding a seat in Parliament, entirely la qi e cl , e ; a t of the Bishop of London, and exercising n'' 'l th ri t aV n a seParatel , The Right Hon. Gentleman 1410 Pae - "° (Lerd J. Russell) ). had himself introduced an B ‘ xisi eh , ° ° ot this kind—that there were bishops now in I :,ste it - ,; ° who had not a seat in Parliament. The Go "Weft'," had not introduced a system by which twenty 4 veor . would have seats in Parliament, and twenty -4'lstitle'eusulcl lade no - seat!. .The innovation the Go -4 eh. left a junior bishop without a seat to i al thate,getting tst tle I%uring the rlier eriod of his episcopa,e, to tilti tp t isaint ed w . h .ea . t li m e i, .it his diocese, .but with the prospect of a seat in Parliament. It appeared to ; 4 , hae ro „,, t ue Plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman was not ig the - "Y with the titution of the Church; u e 4 .- same tithe, present cons 11 44 1 °tIlid de ,'°e ct / in future such a system might ens ;tr hie; at pre y s e e a n r t s , , ho ' wever, he (Lord J. `-"opal)ti '''"u hot consent to the clauses being read a tete nd Pe. Rltling ue.bsekevNtiN ERS could not gather from the con the arty eehe _a tons of the Noble Lord that there N I Parp oie we on the p art of the . Government for Of li t ole o e „of rendering the episcopacy .of the tirbs gr (t - Ldagland sufficient for the due discharge Di al l t, 84 Important duties. It was the opinion t il i b l it ttal` w -r e s j f a a who had taken as interest in the „_ op, „_ are of the Church, that an inerease of ill th e :aa. absolutely necessary. All who had written e‘dellpBi're.Couftlenc_tiareesre agreed that . the bishops of the in w ittial po P ai nd Ought to be Lhe . s . p e iritual rulers of Drer:iithel,er;mrerealtb. scheme e e t nl a el Lord now op h o t he had himself ap e4B°ereuef t wo or three %ar m s ago. His (Lord John 4Peet W conviction was, the Church of England need stapes her Ai' ,favour and very little justice at the hands ti hAtSt'd Government. Under these cicum he If, Ll his Ilon Friend would take. the r e ense ear spedon his motion.. It:Lora s' fen words from Mr. GLADSTONE, li t ki hot' IIdirtI,S,SELL hoped the Right Hon. , Gentlem e a n ? kni t/ 1 ' 4 81) 0 ,4 1 u° on the motion, as the Government bee di c i h to give their best attention to the subject, ai t ir. jik ti3t wish to negative the . motion. Il d raw h• STONE, under these circumstances, would le k oti ' . ! thotion, e1 4 , 4 °41 " 1 , 4 was accordingly withdrawn. ki s . ° 't--` , e'n 4 , %I\ INERS then moved the following bait r of eaou be it enacted, that the owner otritpreos all i Na l „kid Ina have tithes or portion of tithes / t h e - " e reof V 'aye power to annex the same or any i l at ch eat° the parsonage, vicarage, or curacy . o tau, settl e th u reh or chapel whence the same lie or arise 4e sv r e ' ‘lotir e same in trust for the benefit of such par te4. to the or curacy, any statute or law . what- Th e .. 4 ln' , ne contrary thereof in any wise notwith 1 Ta el shi e 440 Nou, w as agreed to. lioct fur cry Loan then moved the following clause, ISe it ' i s fr om qiect to inhibit the Ecclesiastical Commis it ,1 )4 vvh; el' al ling with any property of the class in ereini_selttr4" should come under their direction, "And 8 4 01 1 - , ll ,„ ° efor e - " a nd d enacted that the provisions of the ' 4 141'10 of recited Acts relating to the sale, transfer, or i t sht r 'ot e 4Y lands, tithes, or other hereditaments, o ieharg, B '' e n,,d to authorise the sale of any tithes or kee t P/ o r to ll ' 'jell of tithes belonging to the see of any t' 4 ' (Ife c :ally - d a e a tin Y Chapter, or in the possession or enj0y ,,,84 'of ' c anon, prebendary, or other dignitary, seV,stoe ofanl. eethedral, collegiate church, or i E n the 8i 'ae E cclesiastical Commissioners for ng tap r q ~ ti f orage..... r 41 tEl r 'sid that the Noble Lord confounded %NV h eel • ft le i r '„ 4 tion and tale. lie was favourable to t- a l 11 : - 44 l e h Bl- n", e , al nuiposes; but alienation was not a Atf aate e -e said/ The Commissioners had no power 444 , t, rtt f whurch property. k 44 ,,°rd it . „,words from Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Goulburn, Ithiel; Qojjalronor, the clause was withdrawn. 4 Ape iv te a ") RN then moved the following clauses, tae„_ it to: 111151,44,0 t efer:creed and enacted jeer!! tot t i it declared I tetir°Vin 8 whie that the arrange to peculiar or exempt ecclesiastical 0.. o t i ion, „ t h the said Commissioners are under_ tt ..Boris t o ' the said first-recited Act empowered and al i t soo tt el tl Y of t P e r e ° P r re in any scheme for . carrying may e, atb e taeadeti co mmendations therein recited, e l tr! releti, 4rld Proposed in any scheme or schemes -41 4 ° 4 - ',er re at ig to such arrangements solely, or also to s ay '' ‘ B ,ted Am?' or thing contained in any or either of 4 „ n be i t ', 4 Or this Act. I.oeil/41ohnetleo heclered and enacted, that in the case of i si e e N 'til tl y e . °4 whichWh il o rY w shall no longer be . held by the _ e . 44 Of te elled at the time of the passing of the kti the Act i n ti p ,..o e ,,,sam e .4..... possessions thereof, the provi- Ng tar ,'"issie uer .'" Which relate to the transfer to the cle an ", a eti ntleve enei : t or the estates of any archdeaconry either of the modes therein pr h o . - ZOect)tilittYclot'fitts°;°bt_heindlsannexing from any such arc eliNe x 'tod held with cure of souls, shall be gni % :hoe, with authorise authorise such transfer and such sect, Of th e __the consent of the bishop of the pat the tig_rehdeacon ossession of the arch eetb4tie belle co p ':2, o r if the archdeaconry be then ye tat ?ti ) , 1 it d eolar " of the bishop only. t i e 4 r . j i l l 4 4 ts: 4otp Bl t s- a t in n egd tioedthaerid enacted that the powers and , alteration of the boundaries of 44 3 "ty' s r I teld ill the'a Act passed in the session of ‘ ili ttte, oci tlgo, itrit seventh and eighth years of her tl itt t e l . 4l4l c a e u i le t t s e p ulc d ' An Act to explain and emend th, :et 4, w r e ef pOn ro d An better Provision for the fia„ ,little 4,‘eXisqu'eus Parishes,' may ae to any such attre 4 cout,in ttotWithetanding the limitation in 14 the pat s y exercised at any tme within gof this Act s and as to every such district hereafter to be constituted within five years from the date of the licence of the minister first licensed thereto, and this notwithstanding that any such dis trict may have become a new parish by virtue of the provisions of the Act under which such district was con stituted." Mr. S. HERBERT then moved 19 clauses, having re ference to the holding benefices with the cure of souls by deans, canons reldentlary, the residence of the same, the augmentation of canonries, the establishment of pas toral colleges, &c. He did not intend that all the re solutions which he proposed should be applicable to every dean and chapter, but he would give them a choice in selecting those by which they were to be re gulated. It had been an evil which had been felt in the Church for some time throughout England, that every day the number of small cures was increasing. The number of these small cures not exceeding 1501. a year was increasing. It was of great importance that they should have men of elevated minds in the ministry, and if a lower class of persons were encouraged to enter the Church as in other countries, they would be doing a great injury to the cause of religion and morality. He had in making these propositions adhered strictly to the provisions of the old statutes. It had been asked, if that were the case, why should he go to the House of Commons to carry out his viewe ? He had consulted legal authority upon his propositions, and he hal lea - ned that the statutes in question were so old that their pro visions could not be brought into vigour. 'The Noble Lord might toll him that his clauses were a Bill in them selves, and ought to be brought in as a separate mea sure; but the Noble Lord knew very well the difficulty a private Member laboured under in bringing in a mea sure of that importance. He therefore :rusted the Go vernment would give every fair consideration to his clauses, and he would then conclude by moving the first of them. Sir G. GREY said the Hon. Gentleman himself had anticipated the objections which might be made to his chases. That Bill had come down from the House of Lords with a certain number of clauses; but the Hon. Member proposed to add no less than 19 to it. These clauses might be very important, and the Hon. Gentle man asked them to agree to them, and add them to a Bill which had no connexion whatsoever with the same. No doubt these clauses ought to be the subject of a separate Bill, and no doubt were deserving of separate and distinct consideration. It was quite clear that many of the clauses could not be adopted in their pre sent state, however worthy of consideration, and, there fore, he trusted the Hon- Gentleman had only introduce I them in order that they might be fully considered by the House. ➢ir. GLADSTONE would wish to hoer a more defi nite assurance from the _Government of their opinion upon those clauses that had been given. It had been said that a certain reform had taken place in the Church i❑ 1840. He denied that it was any reform. Excepting the case of the archdeacons, hovvever, they had not effected any practical reform. The objection, then was, that there were large emoluments to large bodies of men with no duties. Well, they had re duced the number of the men, but they had not made any proportionate reduction in the emo luments with respect to the duties for those who re mained. Thus the evil had remained.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to say bow immense was the difficulty of calling the attention of Parliament to the subject, and putting a plan of reform into a practicable shape. The queition could not be brought on except at the close of the session, and it was then difficult to get the House to give their mind to the consideration of the practical de tails of the proposed reform. The only objection to the series of clauses proposed by his Right Hun. Friend was, that the rights of patronage would be affected; but then tl.at objection was more apparent than real. The reform that had taken place in 1840 was no reform at all. The system was, in tact, made more absurd and anGmalous than before. The real salutary principle of annexing duties to these high preferments had been recognised but had not becin fully acted upon, and until that prin ciple was fully carried out—until those anomalies had been rectificd—they woukl not have carefully attended to the interests of the Church, and to the noble princip:es on which our cathedral establishmants were founded. AGLIONBY pointed out one part in which he considered the clauses wt.uld not be sufficiently operative. Mr. J. STUART considered the reasons assigned by the Government for not alopting the additions were meagre, alight, and unsatisfactory. The reaso❑ assigned, that the clauses might be embodied in a separate Act, was not a valid argument for rejecting them. They were essential fur the interests of the Church, and ought to be adopted. Sir B. HALL considered that the propositions of the Hon. Gentleman would go far to effect the desirable ob ject of making the Church more useful and respected. There was a scheme fur dividing populous parishes pro mised by Government, and this scheme was so good and so essential that the Government ought to have given it attention before this. He wished t) know whether Go vernment intended to propose a scheme early in the e 1- suing session for dividing certain large parishes, and also whether a scheme of a similar sort had no been prepared this session, but not brought forward. He hoped the Government would say why. He cordially thanked the Right 11,-)n. Gentleman for the additional clauses which he had brought forward. Mr. P. WOOD said the — Hon. Member for Montrose had fairly stated his wish that deans and canonries should be abolished, but he hoped Government had no such intention or wish. The deans and canonries were formerly collegiate bodies, but in course of time they had lost their duties, and had dwindled down into mere offices of large emolument. Now, he hoped the Government would take this circumstance into consideration, and be induced to acknowledge the expediency of joining duties to those offices, so that they should no longer be mere sinecures. He hoped Government would bring forward some scheme which would do away with the present abuses of the cathedral and canonry system. When Go vernment were about this reform, it would be a good opportunity to take into consideration the increase of the episcopate. Indeed the whole question might then be fully and completely considered. Mr. HUME would recommend those Hon. Gentlemen who wished to re-establish these large collegiate and ca thedral institutions to recollect the different circum stances of the country now to what they were when these institutions were established. He was sure if ca thedral establishments were re-established in all their magnitude and grandeur that the interests of the Church would suffer, and he further declared that be was cer tain the people would not endure them. He recommen3ed the abolition of all sinecures in the Church Establish ment as the best means of securing the interests of the Church. Mr. HENLEY did not think the clauses, as proposed, would effect the objects which their proposer and sup porters appeared to consider to be so desirable. The operation of such a set of clauses would really effect that which the Hon. Member for Montrose wished to see— namely, the abolition of these bodies altogether. Such, at least, would be the effect of these clauses as he read them. He regretted that a measure of this great import ance had not been introduced in a separate Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that the Hon. Member for Oxford, when he found fault with the Bill of 1840, had nut recollected the object of the Ecclesiastical Com mission, which was to provide for spiritual de,titution by funds obtained from a diminution of the canonries. He doubted very much whether the scheme proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member f)r Wilts would be found to answer its purpose. The Right Hon. Gen tleman proposed that a clergyman holding a canonry should not hold a living, except within the cathedral city. That might answer in populous places, like West minster; but ho doubted whether it would answer throughout the country generally. Mr. S. HERBERT, in answer to the remark of the Hon. Member for Montrose, denied that his plan was to restore all the old cathedral establishments quite the contrary. He was glad he had called the attention of the House to the subject. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clauses ... 84 Against them ... ... 104 Majority against them .. ••• —2O The Bill was then ordered to be reported. The report on the resolution for a monument to Sir R. Peel was brought np and agreed to. The Militia Ballots Suspension Bill, the Loan Sock tiesi Bill, and the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Bill, were read a third time and passed. The Poor Relief Bill, as amended, was considered and ordered to be read a third time on Friday, at twelve o'clock. Court of Chancery. Turnpike Roads (Ireland). Police and Improvement (Scotland). Swansea Municipal Corporation. Reading Cattle Market. Bohan Improvement. Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Railway Junction. Cambridge Regulation, Improvement, Markets, and Fairs. East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway. South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment, York and North Midland Railway. Montrose Harbour. South Walas Railway (Capital). Dublin and Drogheda Railway. Snaith and Cowiek Union of the Townships, &c. Croydon and Reigate Turnpike Road. Stourbridge Union Rates. Swansea Dock Company. Victoria Len;lon Dock. Pontypridi Gaslight and Coke Company. York, Newcastle and Bernick Railway Arrangements, &c. Norwich Water Works. Eastern Union Railway. London City Improvements. North Staffordshire Railway (Extension of Time). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway Amend ment, &c. South Staffordshire Railway. Kent Waterworks. Southampton Waterworks. Waterford and Kilkenny Railway. Great Northrn Railway Deviations, &c. Herons) ke and Ramat- bridge Turnpike Road. Ulvers'one, Millthorpe, and Lancaster Turnpike Road. Tyne Navigation. Tewkesbury- and Severn-bridge Thad and Amendment. 11Ionrnouihshire Turnpike Raads. Reading Union Waterworks. Cardiff Waterworks. Edinburgh Slaughterhouses Removal. Garstaug and Heiring Syke Turnpike 112 a I. Prussian Ministers' Residence. Brigstocke's (or Player's) Estate. Cathrow's (or Briand's) E,tate. Fleetwood's Estate; and. Cautley's Divorce. The Lords Commissioners were the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, and Lord Eddisbury. Their Lordships then adjoured during pleasure. Their Lordships resumed shortly &ter Five o'clock. The LORD CHANCELLOR (Baron Truro) took his seat on the; Woolsack. - VESTRIES AND VESTRY CLERKS BILL. Lord BIi3OUGHAII moved the second reading of this Bill.—Agreed to. year 1847. Under those circumstances, he believed he was justified in repeating an assurance which had-bt,en made to him on good authority—namely, that that agi tation was a failure. In confirmation of that stated:eat, he alight reret to the reports of the factory inspectorA; and he hoped he should not be told that those reports could not be relied on because they had been written by Government officers. For his part, he believed that if any accusation had ever been made against these gen tlemen, who stool so high fur intelligsecaAnd character, it was not that they heti been too subservient to the millowners, but, in their zaal to proteCt the rights of the operatives, they had sometimes been disposed to forget the just claims of those by whona 'the operatives were employed. Ha found 'Mr. Leonard Horner writing thus:— "The plan which you have recently brought forward for putting an end to that system, if not uu'versally ap proved, has been received with great satisfaction by a large majority of all those interested in the question, so far as I have had an opportunity of judging from per sonal inquiries and from the opluions given to me by the five sub-inspectors in my district as the result of their inquirie;. The merit of the plan chiefly dwelt upon is, that by limitation of the factory day to 12 hours, from six o'clock to six, out of which the hour and a half for meals must be given, it will secure a uniformity in the hours of is ork in all mills, an far as concerns the employment of young persons and wom , :n. It is an early stopping in the evening that the workpeople chiefly value; and if the free evening hours from six to nine be secureil, the great object sought for by the Ten Hours Act will be attained; for then the factory-workers will be in what may be called the normal state of the ope ratives in the generality of trades, and will, like them, have leisure for domestic arrangements, for improving themselves by attending evening; sc hools, with opportu nities for healthful and reasonable recreations. The in tended general stepping of the mills at two o'clock on Saturdays has given especial satisfaction; and it will prove, I doubt not, a great source of comfort and advan ta,c,e to the workpeople and their families." Captain Kineard said— The Bills of Exchange Bill passed through Committee, as did al,o the Stock-in-trade Bill, and the Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c., Bill. POPULA.TION BILL. On the question that the Population Bill be read a third time, Mr. NEWDEGATE wished to know whether any arrangement had been made for the provision of a better occupation abstract than had hitherto been given. In the last abstract the whole proprietary body were to tally omitted, and not one London proprietor was named? "It is my be:ief that the proposed Government measure will produce generally the most satisfectory settlement of the question that could have been devised; for, ex cepting in the woollen districts, the increase of which, as I have already shown, will bo peculiarly affected by the proposed measure, and among the owners of other mills that aro worked by relays, and who must naturally be averse to the change, my own observations, as well as the information of the sale inspectors, lead me to believe that the proposed Government measure will be hailed by the mass with great satisfaction." Then Mr. Saunders stated— " The evils which leave resulted from the state in whic'n the law has unhappily been so long left, have been, it is hoped, sufficient to insure a legislative decision on the subject during the present session of Parliament; and I have the satisfaction of stating that the principle on which the Bill now lecf ire Parliament has been framed, has given great and general satisfaction. There are partial obVvtimas, some of which may, in the pro gress of the Bill through Parliament, be rem )ved; but it is earnestly to be desired nothing may interfere to delay carrying the main features of the Bill into enact." Then these gentlemen united, including Mr. Hewitt, from whom he had not quoted, added "The Bill now heore Parliament for defining the dura tion of the factory working day contains valuable provisions and we anticipaae considerable assistance from it in our efforts to obtain a uniform observance of the law. The abridgment of the working day within the ordinary limits of twelve hours, including the prescribed intervals for meals, and the curtailment of the afternoon labour of Saturdays, appear to us a very advantageous arrange ment. We hope that this amending Bill is calculated to allay the excitement which has existed for so long a period in the manufacturing districts, by removing many serious impediments to the full tic eernplishment of the objects of the Legailature in limiting the hours f the labour of young persons and women employed in factories." Those were the opinions of the factory inspectors, and he trusted they would have due weight with their Lord • Ships. Some amendments had been proposed in the Bill to which her Majesty's Government could not con sent ; far in their opinion it would be unfair in an ar rangem ut of that kind to deprive the mil , o ?mere of the very small advantage which was held out to them in the measure. If their Lordships should determine on defeating that arrangement he was sorry to say that it would be impossi , ole for her Majesty's Government to take any further charge of the Bill. Ho could not deny that they would then feel it their duty to abandon the measure. They all know what great attention the Noble Duke opposite had paid to the promotion of the interests of the agricultural classes, and he would venture to say that there was no point to which the Noble Duke had paid more atten ion, or upon which he deserved greater credit for his persevering ex ertions, than the maintenance of a harmonious feeling between the different classes engaged in agriculture— the landowners, the tenant-farmers, and the labourers. Now, he entreated the Noble Duke to adopt a similar prin ciple in dealing with the present subject, and to weigh very seriously the consequences which would occur if they were to abandon that Bill, and to give up the only oppor tunity they could hope to have of getting the groat majo:ity of the millowners cheerfully to eJ-operate with them in carrying out the regulations of the Factory Act. He be lieved that by rjecting the measure they would a,•ld enormoudy to the agitation at present being carried on, and that they would create a source of interminable dis putes between the millowners and the factory operatives. fie believed that they would bo opening in this country those perplexing questions the rights of capital and the rights of labour, and would be doing more than they could do by any other measure to array the labourer and the capitalist in opposition to each other. The in terests of those two classes might be fairly considered as identical, and any measure which could place them in a hostile attitude towards each other would inflict on both of them incalculable injury. —(Hear.) The Earl of HARR° WI3Y said he did not mean to enter upon that occasion into any of these general questions of political economy which were involved in the subject, 'rho only point they had then to consider was, to what extent th e i r interterenco with the hours of labour in facto r i es s h ou ld go ? Ile believed that the parties interested in that measure were moat anxious that it should not be altogether defeated, however much they might wish for certain alterations in its cleaile. lie had risen for the purpose of proposing that in the enuan ration of parties who should not be employed at any hour but between six in the morning and .ix in the evening children should be included. He could not conceive why that proposal should not be adopted, as the protection of children was the main object of their legislation upon that subject. Under the employed at an earlier hour than s ix in the morning or Young' persons a n d females could not be Bill as it stood at a liter hour than six in the evening; and the result of their passing the measure in that shape would be to give a stimulus to master menufaeturers to make use of the labour of children before and after the hours fixed for the labour of females and young persona. New, under such an arrangement, children might throught tray be detained for two or t h ree hours after ther mothers or young relati ves could have left the mills ; and in that case th ose children might have to tra- T ve h l e childrenhem home alone in e uldthan ~, dark be andb reduced dreary to a nights. orse position than any i n which they had heretofore been placed. He hop e d that their Lordships would adopt the emend went which he proposed, and by that means prevent the harsher class of millowners from employ. ing children at hours when their kinder and more considerable competitors could Lever wish to compel them to work. Under those circumstances he begged leave to move in the tenth line that before the words " young person," the words " no child " shall be inserted. Mr. C. LEWIS said the census would not be taken till the latter end of March next, and there would be ample time to prepare a proper scheme for making the abstract. After a few remarks from Mr. HENLEY, The Bill was read a third time, and passed. The Population (Ireland) Bill was also read a third e and passed. The Upton-cum-Chalvey Marriages Validity Bill passed through Committee. The Highway Rates Bill was read a second time. The Public-houses (Scotland) Bill was ordered to be read a second time that day six months. Mr. SOTHERON pestponed the Friendly Socities Bill until next Friday. The Cruelty to Animals (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. The Committee on the Engines for Taking Fish (Ire land) Bill was postponed till this day. MARRIAGES BILL. Mr. S. WORTLEY moved that this Bill do pass. Mr. GOULBURN was not disposed to offer any fur ,her opposition to it. The Bill then passed. The House adjourned at a Quarter past One. Earl GRANVILLE said he felt compelled to oppose the amendment of the Noble Earl, because the object of that measure was merely to remedy an error in a former Act of Parliament, and ho did not think that in endeavouring to accomplish that. object they ought to attempt to deal with an' entirely different portion of the question. I n hi s op i n i on it would b e a great hard ship to millowners to prevent them from employing children except at the hours stated by the Noble Lord, for the result of that arrangement would be practically to impose a complete limiwien in the use of adult labour. Lord KINNAIRD supported the amendment, which he though t i n no way i ncons i s tent with the general objects of the Bill. Lord STANLEY said he wished to state the reasons why he could not support that amendment. H e con curred in the observations of the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Granville), that the object of that Bill w as t o re assert a principle which had been defeated by a technical error in the Bills of 1844 and 1847; and it was on that account that he should refuse his assent to the proposal then under their Lordships' consideration, while he was prepared to support the amendment of which his Noble Friend the Noble Duke near him (the Duke of Rich mond) had given notice. There was a broad distinction between the case of young pi rsons and women. and the, case of children. He should first, however, observe that his Noble Friend on the cross-benches (the Earl of Ilarrowby) and the Noble Lord who had just spoken seemed to have confounded two things entirely distinct —namely, the system of relays and the system of shifts. The great objection to the system of shifts was, that under its operation, young persons and women, sl thongh not worked more than tea hours a day, would be practically deprived of tte benefits intended for them by the Acts of 1844 and 1847, inasmuch as they would be kept waiting about the mills d ur i ng several hours, which could be productive to them n e ith er of profit nor of amusement. But in the case of child r en no such evil could arise, because children could not be worked more than six hou rs and a half each da y , and those children who had bi en worked before dinner could not bo worked after dinner , while those children who were to be worked after dinner could not be worked before it. his Noble Friend seemed to think that the relay system was en abuse. But he (Lord Stanley) had never heard it talked of as all abuse; on the contrary, the relay system had been contemplated in the Acts of 1844 and 1847; nay more, it had been . provided for in ,t a 9 r g ti o dellt relatives. the case of children, because unless it was adopted the whole work of the mills should be !tipped taot,tthhleeexpi ration, not of tenwaloisrts,asibduet. c.ifTs.hiex honoiyurrseaasnodriawhliaielhf. For ore set of children one c of the day was set aside; and for the other set of children the remaining half of the day his Noble Friend ball advanced in favour of his proposal lone, without Id compelled afford 1847. facto riescgna s t t t „ h r aa to t t e leaveirc u m children tsi t,e r c i might ov t 13 but a very weak argument for introducing n . very liesvy adcli sole restriction on the p-.vvcr of employing labour Lictorie.q 110 did not ICA POsf! such a resttmtion, which h - a - d . never been contempl.qcd in the A( f 1844 •:,nd motion of and, ho repnate•, that 11 . , should, therefore, give h,: vote against that smendment. 14 , ,rd HARNOLIFFE, who was almost inaudible in the gallery, was understood to support the the Noble Earl (flarrowby). lie contended that the THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY l6, 1850. (erred to en important meeting of delegates from Lanca shire, Yorkshire, and other places, who had resolved- to petition the !loute of Lords in favour of the proposition contained in the amendment. He contended that the manufacturers would adopt the relay system now in s'e ad of the shift system. He announced his iatimtion of dividing the Cjusmit.tee on his amendment. The Bishop of OXFORD said there was one view of rho case which he wished to present to the Noble Lord (Lori Stanley), which he seemed to have overlooked. It was said that the whole of the important principle of legislation by which they wore to be gelded was a desire to keep faith with the working-classes. The Noble Lord's objectien to that amendment was that it would infringe the compact entered into with the working classes. Now he (the ashop of Oxford) thought it was all the other way. Technically speaking that was a new boon which they were about to bestow; but, taking many things into consideration, it was not so; for that Act crave 1 new evil, for childron, and philosophical statesmanship re quired that when an evil was inflicted upon any par ticular class an attempt should be made to produce a counterbalancing good. They were now creating a new condition with the various terms of their own agree ment. The highest principle—that of keeping faith with the operatives—required that they should introduce a coutiterbalancing change. When thy !Awned to be keeping their compact they were violating it in the most important particular. When they were creating a new evil they ought to preserve their compact by introducing into it the means of counteracting its effects. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— Contents Non contents ... Majority ... On our return to the gallery, The Duke of RICHMOND was moving the amend. merit of which he had given notice. He had heard with some considerable astonishment that it was the invention of the Government to give up the Bill if he carried his amendment. But ho could relieve his Noble Friends from all difficulty on that subject, for ho would take charge of the Bill himself--(Heir, hear)—in their Lordships' House, and he would get his Noble Friend Lord J. Manners, to do the same by it in the House of Commons.—(Elear, hear.) He would tell their Lord ships not to be alarmed lest the Bill might be lon for want of some person to take charge of it.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure their Lordships that ho was actuated by no party or political motives in bring ing for ward the amendment of which he had giv..m notice. But he could not but feel that a great portion of their subjects, the operatives employed in factories, came before them to ask, not any favour of their Lordships, but to maintain inviolable the provisions of the Act of 1847.—(Rear.) He asked their Lordships to make no change; he did not ask them to sanction any interference in the hours of labour, excepting as they were intended to be regulated by st, stute. He asked them to advocate no principle; hut he called upon them to do in their public capacity that which in their private capacities they would not for a single instant hesitate to perform.—(Hear.) He asked them not to break faith with a large p irtion of their follow.country mon—(Hear, hoar)—the factory operatives, who , , after a struggle of between 20 and .10 years, obtained a Ten Hours Act, which they considered the great charter of their liberties. The operatives told them that the Act of Parliament they had intended to give had certain pro visions; and it was not until after a certain decision had ... 58 ... -33 been come to in the Court of Exchequer that a flaw had been discovered in the Act of 1844, of which a fir( manufacturers sought to t Bic advantage. That very censurable system—the shift system—had been then introdueeo. Ha would ti,k the 1.:;oble Lords opposite, if the decision of the Court hal been in favour of the operatives, would coy one venture to propose the repeal of that law for the diminution of labour waiah they hal given the opera tives?—(Hear.) He would ask them, as upright, ho nourable, honest men, could they take advantage of their osva hobos?—(Hear.) it was said that a certain com promise was to be entered into with the millowners. But that was not doing justice to the operzitives. He would ask, had there been anything in their conduct : 11 since , n ehr t e l y t i t ) aeie them P tryc s a t e i o ni n vd g e tid)ohofet theth the justice oo t A i uo C n c E e e t s o N which with. f lB4 7 :g a hral they aimu h le nec,nth,hoaawwndoistucshl showed themselves ogn die entitle d?i themselves worthy of it. Ile would not put that ques tion as one of expediency, he would put it on the ground cf keeping faith with a great body of these men, humble indeed in station, but honest and loyal, and most worthy the boon they had given. He would not, then, tres pass on their Lardships by reading any extracts from the reports of inspectors or others, but all the information 1 which they had showed that the system had worked well—that the social and moral condition ef the opera fee add his wife and children was much improved. Instead of going to the beer-houses, as they used for merly atter their long day's labour in the factory, they now were found working in their little gtrdens. The medical gentlemen told them that the health of the ope ratives was much improved. When every thing was going on in a most satisfactory manner, he would ask where was the cause of any change? The operatives told them that they were much happier than before; that their wives were much more cheerful, and their children much better brought up. In moving that amendment, the effe et of which was to limit the hours of labour in factories to tea hours per diem, to lessen the number of hours per week by two hours, and carry out really the Bill of 1847, he was by no means desirous of attacking the manufacturers of this country. He thought in a pecuniary point of view they would not be losers. They would find that the waste work would be very much diminished. Ia the great towns of this country an attempt was made to abuse them through the means of reckless demagogues. They ought to show the great towns of this country, the inhabi!aerts of the manufacturing districts, and the public at large, that they were ready to hold the scales of justice with a steady hand for the humblest as well as the most opulent—the most lowly as well as the highest in the land.—(Hear.) Knowing that there were several Noble Lards more conversant with the subject, and who no doubt wished to address their Lordship, he should say no more on the present occasion. The question having been put, Earl GrRANVILLE thought the case had not been stated fairly. The Noble Lord had laid great stress on the as3,ertion that the Bill as it stood would deprive the operatives cf the benefits of the Act of 1847, but he could not agree to that assertion. He opposed the amendment. The Bishop of RIPON raid he had formerly been a fallow-labourer of Lord Ashley in favour of aT. it El ears Bill, and that Noble Lord must pardon him if he continued still in favour of such a measure.—( Rear, hear.) It aught to be a great encouragement to all those who supported the former Bill that the prognos tications which had been uttered as to the evil conse quences which would follow its passing had been f dsi tied, while the benefits of it had exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its supporters.—(Hear, hear.) in almost every parish in his diocese meetings of opera tives bad been held in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, at which not one voice had been raised against it.— (Hear, hear.) The Right. Rev. Prelate here re ferred to a re port of Mr. Homer to show the beneficial effects, physical as well as moral, of the Ten Hours Bill. He could of his own knowledge speak of the effect it had had in educational matters, for in the parish of Leeds 100 night schools had been opened for the factory children. —(Hear, hear.) He denied there was any necessity for a compromise on this question, and maintained that the object cf the Ten Hours Act was to protect the opera tive against the relay system.—(Hear, hear.) If the present Bill passed it would very much shako the faith of the onpratives in the honour and integrity of the Legislature.—(hear, hear.) Lord WODEIIOUSE thought their Lordships would act very unwisely if they refused to pass this Bill, and for that reason he should vote against the amendment. Lord FEVERSHAM assured the Noble Lord who had just spoken that if he went to the manufacturing dis tricts of Yorkshire and Lancashire be would find the fe , ,lings of the operatives to be very much against this measure, and in favour of n Ten Hours Bill. There could be no doubt of the feelings of the operatives on the subject. The Ten Hours Committee of Leeds peti• tioned that the addition of two hours and a half per week to the hours of labour would be grossly unjust, and would create the greatest discontent. A petition from the operatives of Bradford prayed for an efficient Ten Hours Bill, and stated that the present Bill was not just, and would not be acceptable. He sincerely hoped their Lordships would not deprive the operatives of the mistake s Lt, g roh e rt e a ed s nws hhhi benefits opotlsuoe, rbossofut wfi suppose ahpt oeho h rneseeeevyt necessary theda h heesea a stne d otaacceaarrl ehaly d ds utewheeasfrtheci, for allusion anr v faanfead e t tstdi d hstarameoecl from hsehodi o hatdeee m t oyaeAl t settlement ot it t hehbTt h he : eettiannt A da c um t l o mou frri moral al 1846. t oinlim provementl had been tried in Pennsylvania, and had been found l i t v r o e° Inl c i. o b n e i d n e g c conduce of the to operative.the He e been t. aha the It tap mp m woe a o rns r t de a Earl GREY had no intention of addressing their when r the Bill was in that of the Factories Act. It was not until 1 eat B ndpo 4 : 4 it on—hfee votedaiti prh t i le d em ga t c, c h i ofeh e onsi n ri. se a lso now supported this measure iHswti because. i oo t a ao s in a o dh m deci o dolrBue4glt Bd: r sa io. e orin l di ou, operatives i c t adr: t oneo a i rda n rt w ke t i r y s e w e e t o r e continue t i n e a d e to wo makea working o f n o c r e sa tti4oinfi.ed T in h t e h f a a t etory machi ne ry, compel certain time. Besides, if they adopted the amendment, they would put an end to legislation daring this session, and thus leave unsettled a question which must bo source of great discontent for the next few months. As to tlle inspectors, they all agreed this would be a compro mise far the benefit of the working classes. Lord STANLEY observed that there were two argu ments in favour of this Bill —the first was, that if the amendment was adopted the Bill would be abandoned; the second was, that a concession and a compromise had been made. Both the Noble Earls had threatened to abandon the Bill if this amendment were tulop'>cd. Now, he hP i ;::,eti to call their attention to the re3o!o - of the committee of the cotton-laVory workers of Lancashire, agce(tl to on May 4th, 1850, whol they A , :e! tlat they preferred the all being thrown out , 11;04eihcr than to Lave tr-Bailie erlop:e3. els,. referred to ie3elutions of the same effect, also adopted at a ia,-.e:ing in Lancashire, and stated that he could cite half-a-dozn others, where the same opinion was ex pressed as to the Ten Hours Dill, that there should be present Bill would be imperfect in its operation without no surrender and no compromise.—(Hear.) But then such a clause, as that proposed. Without it children it was said that there had been a compromise. By might be kept two hours and a half at work in factories whom, he asked, was that compromise entered into? after their parents had gone home. He thought the chil- i IVhere was the evidence of the manufacturers hatin cl:en would gladly consent to that limitation, and to the demanded a n y concgss i op ? I t was a concession on theg final sz tt.em e nt of the question es proposed by the Bid, part of the Government, not made in public, but in pri- The Duke of IIICIIMOND wished to know, if such a va , e, and between unknown parties,—(Hear, hear.) The propozidon as that of the Noble Earl was t.f so much im- operatives were almost unanimously against it, and as pot - mune and so touch desired, why it had not been in I to the millowners. he had presented a petition a short the original B. 11? He was in favour of the principle of time back, signed by 271 millowners, 40 alone of whom his Noble Friend's anaehdment, but ho did not wish to employed 30,003 hands, and so far were they from pray hamper the Bill with additional difficultlts. ing for this Bill, that they prayed that the principle of The E'trl of HARROWBY briefly replied. He re- the Ten Hours Bill might not he departed from.—(hear.) They had, too, the petitions of niedieal men, showing that the health of the operative 3 had been improved by the Ten hours Bill, and that it would be de' ericrated if interfered with; and he called the attention of the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Manchester) to a petition signed by 34 clergymen of the town of Manchester, who declared that no enactment of' modern times had con ferred greet r advantages upon the operatives as re garded their moral and social condition. The petition of these clergymen was entitled to their respectful atten tion, and tended to show that the proposed measure would not ho a satisfactory settlement of Ois great question.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishop of MANCHESTER said he was not pre pared to take the same course with the Noble Lord who had just sat down. Ile admitted that the petition of the clergy of Manchester was entitled to the greatest atten tion; but he was obliged to say that a large number of the manufacturers were not indifferent to this question. He was prepared to say that a large number of the operatives were anxious that whatever was done should be done in accordance with the wishes of their employers, used he thought this measure was nearer to a lair compromise than any Bill that had been proposed. He could say that a change most gratif; leg had taken place in the manufacturing districts, and this he admitted was the consequence of the Ten Hours Act. —(Hear, hear.) But what was asked for? Two hours a week.—(Hear, hear.) Was he to be told that all the advantages that had been gained would be lost by the tvo additional hours of labour? No, ho did not think t so operatives would reject all these advantages if two hours' additional labour were imposed upon them. He believed the working classes would accept this measure, would soon be reconciled to it, and therefore he would vote for it. The Earl of GALLOWAY was unwilling to forego the practical benefit to be obtained by this Bill, but if he c.tuld gain the other two hours for the operatives, he would willingly supp )rt any practical propesi;i-gin that could confer it upon them. The ashop of OXFORD said they had to consider whether this Bill was or not a breach of the compact en tcrod into with the operatives in 1847. In his judgment it was a breach of that compact, and thf refore he could not vote for it. It was a breach of a compact for a small —a very small advantage, to the millowner.—(leer.) It was said the factory labourer was better off than the agricultural labourer, bnt it was not grown-up labourers they were legislating for now, but for women and ehil dren.—(llt ar.) They had as yet heard nothing to show that the operatives were parties to this alteration of the law. The contrary he believed to be the fact. The work iota classes should be taught to look to that House as the ultimate appeal between class and class, where they would find inflexible integrity.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose to effer a few words for the consideration of the Committee before proceeding to the vote upon the amendment of the Noble Duke. La the first place he must observe, in reference to what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelate who had last addressed them, that if the Right Rev. Prelate had listened to the course of this.debate it would have been impossible for him t 3 have contended that every one on that and the other side of the House had let slip an avowal that he was an enemy of the Ten Hours Bill. It so happened that the two last speakers on his ride of the House, instead of letting it slip, did more than let it clip that they were friends of the Ten Hours Bill. The Bishop of OXFORD explained that what he had .aid was, that the objection was to t`►e principle of legit:- lative interference. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would accept the explanation of the Right Rev. Prelate. The two Noble Peers to whom he h2d referred stated distinctly that they were friends to that interference.—(Hear, hear.) He contended that the advantages of the present mea sure vvas that it united both the enemies and the friends of the principle. Those who were the enemies of in terference rejoiced to see it definf d, and not liable to evasion. He was sure the Right Rev. Prelate would agree s ith him that among the friends of the operatives Lord Ashley stood conspicuous. That Noble Lord, who, by his exertions for the last seventeen years, and his sacrifice of time tied con nexion, had proved himself their tree friend, had, after exerting his great abilities and great knowledge of the subject in the preparation of clauses t) be introduced into this very Bill for the purpose of giving security to the operatives, had openly proclaimel that he found it impossible to give that security by law. He found that which all would find who had consid rea the subject, that it was one thing to interf-re by statute and another thing to carry it into effect. A mode had beers devised by means oc, ho would not call it a cons- premise, as that word was objected to, but by means of a happy understanding which now, for the first time existed, if not between all, at least between a very largo number of the masters and operatives, by which the interests of both might be con sulted, aua roasans had been assigned, which he hoped the Right Rev. Prclste had seen—(llear, bear.) The Right Rev. Prelate asserted that a compact had been violated. He denied that any such compact had been mane. He maintained that it was not only the unfet tered right, but the duty of the Legislature to set right any misunderstanding which might have occurred in passing an enactment; and knowing as he did the acute ness of the Right Rev. Prelate, and his knowledge of every branch of the trade of this country, he certainly had heard his statement with no little surprise. Half an hour might be very little fir the op( - rative to give up, but it might be everything for the mAnurautur r to gain.—(Hear, hear.) Did the Right Rev. Prelate know that four-fifths of the capital of a manufacturer was invested, not in wages he paid to the operatives, but in the machinery which he employed, and that it that machinery stood still for half an hour, or even for a quarter of an hour, he would lose infinitely more than he would gain for the work of all his opera tives in an hour?—(Hear, hear.) The whole question lay in this—whether the manufacturer who had been invited to invest his capital on the faith cf the existing law should be compelled, without positive proof of its necessity, to make such a sacrifice? fie contended that Parliament was perfectly free to legislate on this question. It was now proposed that it should legislate on an impar tisl view of the interests of both parties, and pals an Act, which, wbile it relieved the operatives from a low which had enabled the masters to introduce a system of shifts and relays, conferred on them an inestimable boon ; for what greater boon could be given them, V al the provision that they should commence at six o'clock and end at six o'clock—thus assuring to them- the possession of the whole evening. and which secured to them half the Saturday, which Wits most valuable for every purpose of recreation and instruction. It Noble Lords who opposed the Bill would look to the report, and see the effect of the law as it now stood, they would perceive that all its beneficial effects would he enhanced by the proposed alteration. The beneficial operation of the law consisted chiefly in affording facili ties to the operwives to pass the Evening in receiving instructions and cultivating their garden allotments It was upon these grounds that Mr. Horner, who, he sup ix sec!, must not be tegarded as a man totally ignorant of the subject, and incapable of forming an opinion, said on the 17 th of June that the plan recently brought for ward, if not unisersally approved 0 1 , had been received with great satisfaction by a large majority of all those interested in the question. He would say no more than that he in his conscience believed that this Bill afforded a better opportunity than had hitherto been presented of bringing this difficult question, if not entirely to a close, ;at least to a state in which the parties would he better able to understand each other. Seventeen years bad passed away, during which every firm of difficulty had presented itself in the way of reconciling l the conflicti ng i n terests of capital and labour. —(Hear, hear.) He would not say whether, if the amendment should be carried, the Bill would pass into a law or not. He believed it would not, for it was not unconstitutional for him to augur that the other House of Parliament would refuse to adopt the opinionof their Lordships. It was, however, unnecessary for the pur pose of his argument to enter into this speculation, for whether it passed or not it mattered but little if' it did not succeed in enlisting the sympathies of both parties. —(llc.ar, hear.) They might depend upon it, that pro hibit as they might, when they came to act upon the avowed system of interference, if they created in every place where that interference was to be exercised a pro portionate opposition, their enactments would vanish into air, and they would be unable, by all the clauses they could invent, to enforce the regulations which they desired. Such interferences, when they succeeded at all, could only succeed by meeting with a certain degree of approbation and concurrence from all parties interested. Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —l3 The Bill then passed through Committ, e The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and their Lordships adjourned. COFFEE AND EATING-HOUSE KEEPERS ASSOCIA TION.—The general annual meeting of the subscribers and friends to the association was held yesterday evening, at the Freemasons' Tavern, for the general transaction of business; Mr. Thomas: Sherwood in the', chair. After the usual pre. liininaries the committee's report was read, which stated, with much gratification, that the amount of donations and sub scriptions received during the past year exceeded the arnourt received in either of the two preceding years by about 10/., and also that the funded property had been increased by 2001. The interest upon the sums previously invested, amounting for the year to about 83/., had also been added ; thus making the funded property of the assocition, in the hands of the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt,2,44 , and there was a balance in hand of 6/. 7s. 4d. During the past year about twelve new annual subscribers had been added to the list, but about the same number would be erased. The committee expressed regret that, cousidering the large number of persons connected with:coffeeland eating houses so few had enrolled themselves among the supporters of the association. Among the efforts of the committee to add to the funds of the i nst it u ti on was an excurcrc , n to Southend, in July, 1849, w hi c h p ro duced a profit of 25/. 4s. ,d. The ball and concert at the Eagle Tavern, in January last, yielded a profit of 43/. The annual dinner in May was the means of adding nearly 1.00/. to the funds. The financial statement showed a total amout of receipts of 417/. 6s. 7d. The repeat having been received and adopted, the meeting proceeded to consider the applicati n of a subscriber to be eie,ted a pensioner, and to elect cilicers for the ensuing- year. A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. On Sunday no fewer limn seven persons met their deaths by drowning in the Thames, between Battersea and London-bodges. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15. Their Lordships met at Half-past Four o'clock. Lord TRURO (heretofore Sir Thomas Wilde) took the oaths and his seat. The Noble and Learned Lord was introduced by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Redesdale, and Lord Brougham. ROYAL CO lIMISSION. The Royal assent was then given by commission to the following Bills: Pirates lead Money Repeal Act Commencement. Ti 1-s of Religious Congregations. Judgments (Ireland). Drainage and Improvement of Land Advances. Sheriff of Westmoreland Appointment. General Board of Health. PETITIONS. Lord STANLEY presented petitions in favour of re stricting labour in f Ict , ,ries to ten hours. The Earl of EGLIN lON presented petitions to the same effect. The Earl of FEVEIZSLIAM presented 'Nations to ;he am° Effect. COUNTY COURTS BILL. Lord BROUGl3.llllreiorted this Bill after one sitting of the Select Committee, and he bad great satisfaction in doing so. The Committee had sat three hours, and had fully discussed the Bill. He had the honour of being chairman of the Committee, and the Bill had been as fully discussed as if it had been before the Committee for the three months, and he had to tender his thanks to all the parties concerned for the facilities they had afforded. The report was' then brought up. LOSS OF THE ORION. Tho Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved for a copy of the contract entered int) between the Post-Dice and the steam-company for the conveyamte of the mails between Greenock and Belfast. That contract had done away with the sailing of the packets between Port Patrick and Donaghadee, and it the packets had been continued between those ports the time of the sailing cf the packet would have been identical with that of the loss of the Orion, and all the passengers might have been saved by the packet which would then have lift Port Patrick. „.. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said there was no objection on the part of the Post-office authorities to produce the contract in question ' but he must observe, notwithstanding what had fallen from the Noble Mar quis, that the present system had worked exceedingly well, and n'r complaints had been made, and be believed, moreover, that even if the route between Port Patrick and Donaghacb e were restored by the Admiralty, the Post-office would inctke but very little use of it. _ _ The Earl of EGLINTON expressed his preference ''or the old route. The motion was then agreed to. Petitions were presented in favour of the Ten Hours Bill by the Bishop of SALISBURY, from Athton- und , nr- Lyn() and other places ; by the Bishop of OXFORD, from places in the west riding of Yorkshire. The Duke of RICHMOND also presented several petitions to the same effect, and reminded the House that in another plc ce 1,209 petitions had been presented, signed by 248,746 factory workers, in favour of a real, efficient Ten Hours Act. He would not now occupy the time of the House, as he would have an opportunity of speaking on the subj , ct by and by, but he thought it ha portent to remind them that the factory workers were extremely esger and anxious for the maintenance of the Act of 1847 in all its integrity. The Earl of RODEN presented a reition against in terference with the property of the Established Church in Ireland; also, a peti(ion from Huddersfield, against the admission of Jews to Parliament. FACTORY BILL. Earl GRANVILLE then moved that the House re solve itself into Committee on this Bill. It would not be necessary for him to go at any considerable length into a discussion of the great question how far it eras possible to promote the moral and physical advantage of the fac tory operatives by legislative enactment. He entertained strong opinions on the subject, but luckily it would not be necessary to develop them, the object of the Bill being merely to obviate what the Government be lieved to be the spirit of the existing law, and certain inconveniences which were found to arise from certain portions of it. Their Icirdships would remember that the main provisions which regulated the labour of young parsons and women in fsetories, were to be found in the Act which passed in 1833. Considerable modifica tions were introduced into that Act in 1844, and amongst others, the 26th clause, which was the origin of the Bill now before them. In 1847 another Act of Par- liament was obtained, making no difference in the pro visions of the former, with the exception of altering the hours of labour from twelve to ten. The 26th clause of the Act of 1844 was intended to prevent the system of relays and shifts. In the first instance it had that cffeet, but some millowners thought it not sufficiently stringent for that purpose. The difference between relays and shifts was this; under the relay system, a fresh set of persons were put on and kept at continual labour; under the shift system, the same persons were employed for a certain dumber of hours, and then sent out, but came back again, and under this system, although they began work at half-past five in the morning, they would still be f.iund at work at half-past eight. The supporters were all of opinion that this interpretation of the clause was illegal. The decisions of local magistrates were very various; and it was thought by some a fit subject for legis lative enactment; but it was thought by the millowners and operatives that it would be more satisfactory to have receurse to a court of law. The question came before the Court i f Exchequer, and Baron Parke, in delivering judgment, stated the deliberate judgment of the Court to be, that whatever might have been the intention of the Legislature to prevent relays and shifts, the words of the Act were not sufficient for that purpose. Upon this being known, the system of relays and shifts became more general, and the attention of Lord Ashley was na turally called to it. In mentioning the name of that Noble Lord, he must be permitted to say that, however he might stop short of his views on acme points, and however diametrically opposed he might be to them on others, it was impossible for him or any other Member of their Lordships' House to deny that, considering the labour, the toil, and the sacrifice of what most public men thought objects of a laudable ambition, the opinions and views of the Noble Lord were entitled to a great weight and authority.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord brought a Bill into the House of Commons explanatory of what wore considered the motives of the Legislature. He found that the clause by which he sought to carry out his views would be ineffectual, and introduced a second wed a third, and although the clause was paid attention to for three consecutive days, and was drawn up in consultation with four of the most eminent mem bers of the legal profession, the Noble Lord with his ac customed candour admitted that it would not accomplish his object. The matter was then taken in hand by the Government, and his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home-office paid a great deal of attention to the subject, and was in communication with a great many mdlowners, and with the delegates of the factory. ope ratives, and the result was the present Bill, w hi c h met t h e . exigencies of the case, was accordance with the spirit of the existing law, and which, while it would prevent its eva.ien, would be on the whole agreeable to the majority of the millowners and factory-workers. Lord Ashley consented to its introduction, and gave up the Bill into the hands of the Government. By the present law the labour of young persons and women was restricted to ten hours on the five first working days, and eight hours on Saturday, but the 141144 during which the work was to be performed were from half past five in the morning to half-past eight during the first five days, and till half-past four on Saturday. The proposal of the Government was to limit the range from fifteen to twelve hours on common days. Ho believed that that which the operatives were most anxious to obtain was the half-holiday on Saturdays, so that after dinner on that day they might have a reasonable time for making their markets, and for their physical or mental improve ment. Now, he certainly thought that it would be un fair to the millowners to place on them all those reetrics tions without givieg them any corresponding advantage. It was, therefore, proposed by that Bill that, while the duration of labour should he extended to ten hours a Thatme a measuresur e and a h a lf during the first five days of the week, an addition of h a lf an h our s h ou ld be m a d e t o th e half holid ay on Saturday; an d h e b e li eve d t h at such hadwould received e practically ired thea p a p ' o e t n , al hi of ou a rs a ß re i a ll t . majority of the House of Commons. But the Noble Duke opposite (the Duke of Richmond) might ask how had the proposal been received in the country, and might tell them that it was very chsta3`eful to the operatives in the n-inuf?eturing disteiets Now, it was ‘h,db true . that l the agitation against the .. mea . er y conducted, but it should be remembered'rt a that t v , ; l e a e, f orous agita tion had been healed by one r.ntiri titular exeerionce in agitetin gra. factory par d assisted by another who wit ' l O r p o e g ‘ rega'd atives " n b h ose eperetivee, while it had ree . eiviel g eneeero rnen - t in the of adv and menev fr . m no';ti u r , l ‘P' art es iu London, and while ab t - a " . g hal been able to raise . the plausible cry that it' le as the intention cf the . Legislature to deprive the operatives of the boon which .had been promised to them in the LITERATURE. THE PALLADIUM. No. I. An ingenious periodical under this title has just been issued from the press, in the form of a monthly publication. Like many of its predecessors and con- I temporaries, its appearance is simultaneously made at London and Edinburgh. Its abilities evidence the judicious fusion of the intellects of the two countries. The selection, moreover, of the subjects of criticism for the initial number demands our fullest commen dation, according as those subjects do so fully and entirely with the spirit of the age and with the pre dilections of our generation. After a sententious introduction in the form of a sonnet, celebrating the establishment of the Palladium, we have a shrewd and admirable estimate of Carlyle's "Latter Day Pamphlets," those eccentric effusions which have already pasted periodically under our own scrutiny. Toe critic of the Palladium so far agrees with ourselves in:objecting to Mr. Carlyle, that he can pull down vi gorous l y enoug h , b ut that he lacks the capa bility of building up again afterwards, and that con s( qurntly his labours as a political censor are rather barren and unsatisfactory. He can show the faults of the existing system plainly enough, but he tails altogether in suggesting any plan for their emen dation. The narrative of the " Invasion of Nepaul," coming next, is particularly well-timed, considering the recent arrival of the Napaulese Ambassador. After this chapter from our oriental history, we have an earnest and eloquent panegyric on Gilfillan's Literary Portraits "—the encomium upon that author being energetic even to the extent sometimes of being impassioned. The writer of the article is manifestly of a congenial temperament with the subjsct of his eulogium—ready to descend at will into the abysses of contemplation, or to soar into the regions of enthusiasm. The following passage is a nobly', and, in :rnlny respects, a correct and beautiful commendation pronounced over the.head of George Gilfillan by a critic who is not afraid to warm into eloquence:— " Here is an author who has written con amore of :hirty-six characters; from Hall to Keats, from Dawson :o Bailey, from Moore to Milton, from Cobbett to Shel ey, fees Pollok to Hood, from Jeffrey to Byron, frora Brougham to Coleridge, from Bulwer to Carlyle. Here is a clergyman who regards Cain not only as Byron's noblest production, but as one of the finest poems in this or any language. It is such a work as Milton, had be been miserable, would have written.' Here is a critic boldly renouncing his infallibility, 'Rosamond Gray, that beauti'ul story of Lamb's, on which we once, Is e regret to say, presumptuously passed an unfavourable opinion, but which has since commended itself to our heart of hearts.' Here is a poet believing that scientifio culture is sure to beget scientific (aim,' and preaching from the fulness of the belief. Here is the laborious student, standing side by side with the poet, and ' so listening to the melodies of nature, to the march of the eternal hours, to the severe music of continuous thought, to the rush of his own advancing soul, that he cannot complacently lend an ear to the minstrelsies, however sweet, of men however gifted.' Here is the essayist, writing in five golden lines the noble et recipe of history, a history f ;raring a transcript, as if in the shorthand of a superior being of the haiing events of the age; solemn in spirit, sub,iued in tone, grave and testamentary in lan guage, prolcuad in insight, judicial in impartiality, and final as a Median law in effect.' Here is the keen censor who will resist the temptation of a great guilty corpse, and feeling that 'mere criticism over such dread dust is impertinent, mere panegyric impossible,' turn from it sighing. Here is the genial eympathiser who can place the Psalm of Life' among those odes by which the children of Israel might have tuned their =arch across the wildernez.4,' and listen to Tennyson's Two Voices' till Death seems the one thing lovely in the universe.' Here is an orthodox divine who proclaims that a powerful cause of our recent refined scepticism may be found in the narrow, bigoted, and unworthy notions of Christianity which pi-cull!, in the obstinacy with which they aro retained, and in the contrast thus presented to the liberal and fluent motion of the general age.' Here is a man, reverend and i grown, who,• steing that never yet there was an age with so many young, arden', and gifted spirits,' can look without jealousy on the youth he has left, and apostrophise the infant Her cules,' that young mind of the time,' with attesting love and hope, and pride and prophecy. Here is a Celt who Lpuaks Scotch, and thinks British, and asks et' his Ca ledonian soul questions which it answers from ticher silo the Twz:cd. Here is a philosopher, the friend of Carlyle, the panegyrist of Eme - son, 'sitting, and in his right mind,' ut the feet of Christ. Here is a man, burn ing in zeal, adamantine in faith, but who steps out to spiritual combat with the difficulties of the day, crying, It will not do now to skulk from the field under a flight of nicknames. It will not do to call our opponents miscreants and 'mon sters. While we state their cleats let us pity the pain and sorrow, amounting almost to distraction and despair, which attende; them; and let us ieprire, if st e base no difficulties, may it not be because ice have never thought ct all.' Here is the speculative enthusiast who can yet turn from the ideal to the real, with ryes in which a meek and bumble disciple of Jesus,' is that ruble moral poem sublimer far than the Paradise Lost.' Ay, this is the true 'Paradise Regained.' Here is a trained theologian, who, looking at the religious authorship of the day," which represents the Deity as a dreadful king of furies, whose dominion is overshadowed by ven geance, whose music is the cries of victims, and whose glory requires to be illustrated by the ruin of his crea tion'---that authorship which would sacrifice all the records of creation to the arbitrary interpretation of a Hebrew particle,' or 'to prove Christianity the most excellent of the sciences, raves like a maniac against all science, and cares less for sun, moon, and stars, than for a farthing candle glimmering in the corner of a conven ticle,' cries out in indignant reprobation, ' 'This, indeed, thank God, is net religion.' Hero is one who hes been on the heights, rind into the depths of doubt, and every where finds them peopled by men and brothers; who has dived into the mines of disbelief, where the eye of the indv:eller has lost capacity for sunshire—has stood on that mount of confusion where the sight is blinded with bare light, and with the calm clear voice of sym pathy, lays here the hearts of their inhabitants—the sceptic of the eighteenth and the sceptic of the nine teenth centuries. Here is a comprehensive believer in God and in man, who asks in hope, and hails in love every human cff,rt to solve the great problems of tl:e earth —who feels that to believe in man is an indispen sable requisite to a proper conception of the Deity'— hut looks f,r their highest resolution te that unearthly aeive nt, for which the weary world and wearier church are beginnirg to pant with unutterable groanings.' Here is the metaphysician, theologian, philosopher, censor, student, poet, and critic, walking forth in his vet ation, wira this maxim en his lips, his forehead, and his phy lacteries—' Lova, AND YOU WILL UNDERSTAND.' Although differing diametrically from Mr. Gilfillan in many of his opinions we gladly give insertion to this recognition of his firer qudities, having been our selves among the very first to acknowledge his genius and to welcome his advent. After a paper on the " Scottish Educational Question," we find a tramla • tien from the German of Wilhelm I - huff, of " The Minister of Finance," which, with one or two other contributions and miscellaneous notices, make up au excellent first number of the Palladium. LIEUT. GALE AND HIS BALLOON AGAIN! All Londcn poured forth its denizens yesterday along the banks of the Thames, to witness the transit from Lambeth to Cremorne-gardens of the Royal Cremorne, now re-christened Royal Normandy Ba loon, in the Citizen steamer A (or Mercer), Captain Cud well, who had the honour of conveying his Royal Highness Prince Albert to the Coal-Exchange. The sight was a most exciting one. The balloon was in flated at the London gas-works, and at five o'clock was Munched from the wharf on to the steamer, hav ing in the car the Gallant Lieutenant (who, from his recent unexpected trip across th e Ch anne l, was an object of extreme interest to the spectators), Mr. Goulston, Mr. Van Buren, and Mr. Dean. The boat was tastefully decorated with flags, and accompanied by Lewis's celebrated brass band, led by Mr. Chap man. The first grand effort was the partial ascent from the steamer over Vauxhall-bridge, and descent again into the steamer, in the performance of which the venturous occupants of the car narrowly escaped a ducking. After some trouble, amid the vociferous remonstrances and instructions of Mr. Gale, the balloon was again on the deck of the steamer, pursuing its steady passage along the Thames, and acting as a foresail to the vessel, the engine remaining passive unless for steering purposes all through the voyage. Having played at leap frog, as it were, with Battersea-bridge, the next task was the invasion of the gardens, one of no ordinary difficulty, the ornamental entrance and large trees presenting obstacles to a triumphant undamaged entree into the gardens. Nor were these obstacles surmounted without slight injury to the balloon and material damage to the entrance. The car struck one of the lamp-posts, and bent it as if it were a sugar cane. The Lieutenant then threw out some ballast, and obtained an ascending power, at the expense of an entanglement amongst the branches of the lofty trees on the Cremorne-lane side of the grounds. Eventually a landing was effected amid the cheers of the multitude, whose exclamations were accompanied by the hand playing " Rule Britannia." On_ board the boat were Mr. Simpson, the director of the gt.tr dens • Mr. Burney, the superint endent of the city Steam ' •hoat Company; Mr. Ebenezer Landells, the artist, and a number of gentlemen connected with the literary world The arrangements adopted by Mr. Burney were admirable, and too much praise cannot be awarded to that gentleman for his activity, politeness, gallant aeronaut o'clock, l-le discharging a ascended about ar. and perseverance.hal fpast ten shower of fireworks from the car. The gardens were greatly thronged. PANORAMA OF CONSTANTINOPLF.—IIis Excellency the Turkish Ambassador and suite hcnoured with a visit yesterday tile panorama of the Darlanelle:4, Constantinople, NMI the 'Bosphorus, now being painted icy Mr. Ailotn, at the gallery adjoining the Polytechnic Institution. His Excel expressed hi mse lf hi g hly delighted with the fidelity and beauty of the portion of the work which has been com pleted. SIP. ROBERT PEEL'S PAPERS We fire informed, on good authority, that the late Sir Robert Peel has left his papers io Lord Mahon rind Mr. Edward Cardwell, BLF.— Liverpool Albion. ------ c is t 3 Wit ROO of r e " 3f t to de 6. The lesiA s. coroe 3 in tbe 8 ° f. 0 slat (grs to the or re: Merest of the s were dean , rite l'" o' tbe, A 6 , r e 0 er; to i l; 51eliP3 060 'a iiroe , 00"' 0 ° PI" if