The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-05 00:00:00

Property. This measure is the result of inquiries which I have caused to be made into the practicability of adopting a system of Registration calculated to give security to titles, and to diminish the causes of litigation to which they have hitherto been liable, and to reduce the cost of transfers. " To combine the progress of improvement with the stability of our institutions will, I am confident, be your constant care. 'We may esteem ourselves fortunate that we can pursue, without disturbance, the course of calm and peaceable amelioration ; and we have every cause to be thankful to Almighty God for the measure of tranquillity and happiness which has been vouchsafed to us." The Queen's Speech having been again read by the Clerk at the table, The Earl of EFFINGHAM then rose to move the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. The • Noble Lord said that he could assure their Lordships that he most sincerely begged their indulgence, not only on account of its being the first time that he had ever addressed their Lordships, but on account of the im portance of the subjects alluded to in her Majesty's Speech—subjects which ought to be discussed with calmness and indulgence.—(Hoar, hear, and cheers.) Be congratulated the House on there being a prospect of a termination at last of that contest with which the North of Europe had been convulsed; and he trusted their Lordships would rejoice with him in that pros pect at the cessation of hostilities in the kingdom of Denmark, to produce which cessation the efforts of her Majesty's Government had been unceasingly di rected ; and he trusted that peace would be produced which was so essential to the prosperity of all nations. He felt convinced that their Lordships and the public would be rejoiced to learn that steps had been taken by the Government of the Brazils for the suppression of the slave-trade. It was a subject of great congratulation to consider that, notwith standing the great reductions which had taken place in taxation, our finances were still prosperous. The pros perity of the country was most general, if not universal. There had been a reduction of taxation in the last year in stamps, bricks, and other articles, and yet they had a surplus. In the year 1849 there had been an excess of 10,000,000 L in our exports. That excess had been greatly exceeded during the past year. They found, too, that the number of paupers had decreased, not only in the manufacturing but in the agricultural counties. Perhaps he might be told that this decrease in the agri cultural counties was owing to the increase of employ ment in consequence of the drainage in the agricultural countries; but this he considered a subject of congratu . lation. He might be told that, so far as landowners were concerned, distress existed.—(Hear, hear.) This he was disposed to admit, but he contended that the labouring population was better off than it had been heretofore. With regard to the Papal aggression, he thought their Lordships would admit that there had been no such aggression attempted in Roman Catholic times in this country, and that no Roman Catholic laity would submit to sach an aggression.—(Hear, hear.) The meetings which had been held throughout the country on this subject showed that the heart of the country was sound, add that it would not submit to any aggression. —(Hear, hear.) Some measure, they were assured, would be submitted to Parliament; it was not for him to say what that measure would be, but he trusted that it would be satisfactory to the country; while, at the same time, it would not deprive any of our fellow-subjects of their just rights and privileges. (Hear, hear.) He would afford to the Roman Catholics every facility for developing their religion; but if they could not do that without in stituting an hierarchy with English territorial designa tions, then he was prepared to say that m easures s h ou ld be ta ken to prevent them from infringing on our reli gious and civil liberties. I: had been said that this ap pointment of an hierarchy was intended to be preparatory to the introduction of the canon law, but that law could not be introduced consistently with the supremacy of our own law. The Pope by making these appoint ments had assumed in this country a power which was incompatible with the maintenance of the supremacy of our own Sovereign.—(Hear, heal") He hoped, there fore, that the Government would meet this aggression, and would introduce a measure for that purpose. He was rejoiced to find that measures of law reform were to be introduced, more particularly a measure for the re . gistration of deeds. He, in conclusion, begged to express his satisfaction at the g enerally prosperous state of th e country, and concluded by moving the Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speec h. Lord CREMORNE, in seconding the Address, said that in doing so he felt much in need of that indul gence which was usually extended to those who occu pied the position which he then occupied. He would not, after the able speech of the Noble Earl dilate upon the topics of the' Address, but there were certain portions of the Address upon which he felt it ne cessary to make some observations. The late aggression by the Papal See called particularly for observation, and he entirely concurred with the Noble Earl in all he had said on than subject, and he trusted their Lordships would cordially concur in the measures which might he proposed to prevent the encroachments of the Papal power —measures which would be calculated to resist aggression without infringing on the principles of reli gious liberty; and ha felt that the Roman. Catholic Peers themselves, and the Roman Catholic Members ot the House of Commons, would feel it necessary to follow the example of their Roman Catholic ancestors, and to adopt measures to prevent the encroachments of the Pope upon the liberties of this country.—(Hear hear.) Her Majesty had alluded to agricul tural distress, it was a subject well worthy of their eccea serious consideration.—(Pro tectionist cheers.) He wculd not allude to the causes or remedies for this distress, but would content himself with saying, that so intimately were the interests of all classes bound up together, that it was impossible but that manufacturing prosperity must eventually react on agricultural distress. The Noble Lord then described the deep distress which was suffered by the agricultural claes in Ireland. The recur rence of the potato failure for several years, and the diminished price of agricultural produce, had deeply affected the state of Ireland, and so deep had been the distress occasioned than many proprietors had been petitioners to the Encumbered Estates Commissioners; but that did not prove that Ireland was without capital or resources, for the greater number of purchasers under that Act had been Irishmen, and so convinced was he that,that measure had worked well, that if a similar measure were introduced for England he would support it.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "No, no.") He would no longer detain their Lordships, but would corate , a himself with seconding the Address. Lord STANLEY said that, as a general rule, he had always been of opinion, and he still entertained that opinion, that unless there were something in an Address to her Ma jesty in answer to her Majesty's Speech from the Throne which contained an indication of principle on which it was utterly impossible for the House to agree—or unless it spoke of topics in terms in which it was impossible to concur— it was generally most respectful to the Crown, as it was most convenient to their Lordships, and most convenient for the prompt discharge of public business—that this and the other House ot Parliament should, on such occasions, proceed with the Speech with that respect which was due from the Houses of Parliament, and receive such Speech as a silent indication of the principal measures and topics which were likely to come under the considera tion of Parliament, without expressing any opinion as to the merits of the measures themselves, or the course which Parliament might pursue. And though, for his own part, he was not satisfied with the language of the Speech tom the Throne, inasmuch as there was something which might he more appropriately expressed, and that there were some other matters which might have found a place in the Speech, but which were not there—yet; upon the whole, he would preface what he had to say by a declaration on his own part, and he believed he might say on behalf of the great body of those with whom he bad the honour to act— that it was not his or their intention, by an amendment, to negative or alter the Address to her Majesty. There were some topics of an ordinary and common-place kind. With reference to the suggested amendments of the law they were most important matters in themselves, though most difficult to carry out. and to those amendments in short, and to those alterations, as fully exemplifying the question to which they were intended to apply—as, for instance, the registra tion of deeds connected with the transfer of property—when those measures which involved no question of political or party spirit should be submitted to this and the other House of Parliament, they should meet with that dispassionate and calm consideration and attention which the importance of the subject demanded. With regard' to foreign affairs so far as they had evidence from the language of that part of the Speech, the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had been actively employed.—(A laugh.) In reference to the s'ruggle between Prussia and Denmark, it was satisfac tory to find that the differences between the two countries were likely to be brought to a termination; but how far that state of things was due to the intervention of her Majesty's Government he was at a loss to discover. He felt that the settlement of the differences be tween Denmark and Prussia was owing partly to the expression of opinion of all civilised Europe of the unjustifia ble character of the aggression, more than to the inter ference of an y Governments; partly to the firm attitude taken by Austria, and most of all by the arguments, backed by the representations and unsparing efforts, of Russia. But to whatever ca use the settlement ofthese differences was at tributable, he rej o i ced in the removal of a state of things which at one time threatened to disturb the peace of Europe; he rejoiced that this the only chance of hostile movements was for the present, h eanlndovherihipped permanently, at an end. The Noble Earl, of Brazil Address, had declared, in unison with the Speech, tha t of the taken new and efficient measures for the s uppression z ;o did the atro cious tra ffi c in slaves. Now he (Lord Stanl ey) to hope, not that Brazil would take any new or effici e nt measures for the suppression of the slave trade, but that tlt that Government would give bonii fide force to existin g He believed that no power i n the worlci treaties. h ad done so much to foster and promote that trade, h av i ng within itself a greater power to mitigate the horrors of that trade. He could not help ca l ling attention, that we had, if we thought fit to use it, a more powerful engine for the suppression of this most abo minable traffic. For years we hail employed thousands upon thousands of men to put down the trade, and we had expended much blood in the attempt ; but what was the fact? Our commercial regulations strengthened and effectu ally encouraged the slave traee. There were two topics in the Speech of the deepest interest ; and while he did justice to the ability of the Noble Earl who had addressed their Lordships, he rejoiced to find that an important class—the owners and occupiers of land—sere cow spoken of with something more of respect, and with something less of neglect, than had been the case in the course of the last few years. It was a melancholy satisfaction to those who were owners and occupiers of land—aye, and he would add, " labourers" too — (Cheers)—it was a melancholy satisfaction to them to know that the reasonableness, the extent, and the reality of their claims were acknowledged by her Majesty's Government. Last year her Majesty's Government held that it set's net the distress of the body generally, but the com- Jmste ef tinjitin portion o f t h e owners and occupiers of aticti'hat has 35_ ilieatYt on that occasion, was consoled by the I fiet Met from the CheSPeao and abundanc e of the comforts of life, the people were prosperous. This year they were regarded as an important body. They were no longer to be separated from other classes. And he concurred with the seconder of the Address in the declaration that this, of all classes in this country, of all manufacturers, was most deeply and vitally connected with the country generally, as the manufacturers of human food. They were obliged by the sympathy which was expressed in the Speech for that important, formerly wealthy. and still loyal, though deeply suffering, portion of the country. But he should have re ceived that Speech with more satisfaction—he should have concurred more in the language of the Address, if he had seen held out either in the Speech itself, or by either of those of the Noble Lords, who might be considered as authorised on the part of the Government to do so, any expectation or hope, however feeble, of a diminution of those difficulties. They were told that there was a great and general prosperity in the country—that the manufacturing districts and our com mercial interests, with the general bulk of the people, were prosperous—that the most important interests were pros perous, and that, notwithstanding the reduction of taxa tion, the revenue was in a satisfactory condition, by which he supposed that there was at the disposal of her Majesty's Government a surplus applicable to a reduction of taxation. If it were the fact that all other interests were prosperous—if it were the fact that the most important interest was suffering—if it were possible to do something in the way of remission of taxes, he asked to what was that to be extended? Was it to the relief of those who were enjoying a large amount of prosperity, or those who were suffering under the present state cl things? (Hear.) And yet throughout the speeches of the mover and seconder he found no intimation on the part of the Govern ment whether there should be a relief of taxation or any other mode by which to put forth a single finger to the relief of this class. He would ask her Majesty's Government —the Noble Lord shrunk from the inquiry—to what it was they attributed this long-continued distress ?—(Cheers.) Could any man deny that the distress among owners and occupiers of land was attributable to the system of legisla tion, be it right or be it wrong, or for the gnneral advantage of the community, which had been introduced within the last few years, and which had fallen so heavily upon the agricultural body—he asked, could any one deny that that distress was not temporary, but permanent, and was owing to the course of legislation adopted within the last few years? But if it were owing to legislation, and the Govern ment could give relief, what excuse could they give for obstinately refusing to give that relief? Men called theirs an exceptional case—they were told that the circumstances were exceptional. The year before last it was an excep tional case, because they had a large introductiork of foreign corn. Last year there was a very abundant harvest at home, coincident with abundant harvests abroad. At the time when the corn-laws were repealed the price of wheat was 455., last year 425. They were assured—and it was proved by the supporters of that policy, by the prices of foreign markets, and by everything which they could bring to bear in favour of their argument--that prices would rise to a point which would leave no profit to importers. They were assured that there would be a great rise, and some thought that there would be a reaction under the system of free trade—that they would have high prices in March, whereas the result proved that prices were extremely low. They were, however, told by free-traders, who were the first to demand cheap corn, to hope for the best, for prices which had gone down very low were rising, and the agriculturists might entertain hopes of the future. But what was the fact? The average price was then 425., it went down to 415., to 40s. 395., 385., and at the moment he was addressing their Lordships the average price was 375. 2d.— (Hear. ) While prices varied from 425. to 375. and some pence, they had had poured into the country a continued stream of foreign wheat and wheat flour, amounting to 4,503,000 quarters ; and by recent advices, so far from our finding foreign importers sick of their bargain, " the cry was still they come," and our native markets were swamped with the corn of foreign coun tries.—(Hear.) He was bound to say that, as far as the re cent measures were concerned, they had not answered ex pectations. He knew many persons who gave their support to the free-trade measures in corn, in the confident expecta tion that no diminution of the price of wheat or the value of land would occur, who were obliged to confess, from the di minution that had occurred, that the result was beyond or dinary calculation. He would remind the Noble Earl, the Secretary for the Colonies, that even he anticipated a rise in the value of land from free-trade measures—at least from the speech of the Noble Earl at the time -it appeared to him that the Noble Earl had reason to believe that the value of land—at least agricultural land—would not be lowered (we understood) by the operation of the principles of free trade. The Noble Lord who seconded the Address spoke of the benefits that had been derived by the passing of the Encumbered Estates Bill in Ireland, and appeared to think a similar measure might with equal advantage be extended to England. The Noble Lord considered that benefits had arisen from the transference of land from orfh person to another—from the debtor to the creditor; and speaking of the prices that were 'obtained, he considered the Act had worked under " existing circumstances" as well as could be expected. But when the character of these "existing circumstances" was inquired into, it turned out that the low price which the land fetched under the Bill was not to be attributed to the quantity of land poured at once into the market, but it was the depreciation of the value of agricultural produce, through free-trade measures, which had made the land of less value. The Encumbered Estates Act was no doubt a convenience to the nominal proprietor of an estate with heavy encumbrances upon it, for by its operation he could get back the estate unencumbered at the price of about five or six years' purchase. It might also be true that an encumbered estate was purchased by a creditor, as a sort of bad debt; but certainly for Noble Lords to congratulate themselves on the operation of an Act that threw large por tions of land, at prices varying from five to nine years' purchase of the net profits of the rent of the estate, in the hands of new purchasers, was, in his opinion, a very sorry mode of rejoicing indeed. He thought when the En cumbered Estates Bill was passed that Ireland was to be re generatel by the introduction of a new class of capitalists. Bnt the fact as it appeared was, that hardly 1001. of Eng lish money had been expended in the purchase of Irish estates. Consequently all the sacrifices that had taken place had eccurred without adding one shilling to the circulating capital of that part of the United Kingdom. The Encum bered Estates Bill might have afforded means to some of getting out of difficulties, might have worked satisfactorily in some points, and might have performed an operation which the Noble Lord had considered to be so beneficial namely, the substitution of new for ancient proprietors. Now where a person was only the nominal proprietor of an over-encumbered estate, it might be an advantage to have a transfer of the property to solvent hands; but, as a general rule, it was not desirable that landed properties should chage hands in that way. It was not an object to be aimed at by legislation—that of breaking up old connexions between landlord and tenant, and substituting a new class of proprie tors over those who had occupied the land for years. Ile wished to maintain, not to accelerate the fall of the ancient landed proprietary. He firmly believed they formed the best security and stability of the country, and that they best promoted the general content and happiness of the people, and it was therefore no satisfaction to him to be told that the difficulties of the old owners and occupiers of land were so insuperable as only to be overcome by the introduction of a new set of proprietors. He could not view without commis seration those who had been driven from their paternal nnes, and he should be sorry to see such a measure intro duced into England. Although in the Royal Speech the difficulties of landlords, owners, and occupiers of land were only touched upon, he must be allowed to say all classes were in a state of positive suffering. The owner and occu pier at the same time and from the same causes, found their means curtailed and their capitals reduced to nothing. The agricultural labourer was also suffering. lie might be told that great improvements were going on in agriculture, that great works were being effected, and that great employment was just now given. He did not believe, as a general case, that employment was given by the occupiers of the land. He believed it was given by the owners of the land, who, rather than part with their property, were ruining themselves by their efforts to keep up the cultivation of the land, and to pre vent the agricultural labouring class from throwing them selves on the poor-laws. This they did, even though they thereby furnished to the Free-trader an argument in favour of his principles -the Fres-trader pointing out the diminu tion of agricultural pauperism as a proof of the benefits of free trade. In one paragraph of the Royal Speech he could not agree. It was that which expressed a ,confident hope that the prosperous condition of other classes would have an effect in diminishing the difficulties and promoting the inte rests of agriculture. While he received with respect the expressions of her Majesty, he yet hoped the House would not be called upon to share iu those expressions of confi dent hope that the difficulties of the agricultural classes would be materially diminished, or their interests materially promoted by the prosperous condition of other classes of her Majesty's subjects. He did not mean to deny that the pros perous condition of the agricultural was not connected with the prosperous condition of the manufacturing interest. He well knew that the prosperity of the one class bore on the prosperity of the other class; and that particularly those agricultural classes which were sot expressly engaged in growing corn crops obtained advantages by the increased means of consumption possessed by the manufacturing class. But with regard to the growers of corn, and other spe cial kinds of agricultural produce—though prior to 1846 they were directly affected by the prosperous condition of manufacturers, yet it must be recollected that this commu nity of interests had been materially altered and weakened since that period. Before 1846 the agriculturists had com mand of their markets, and they derived an advantage from that cause, and from the prosperity of the manufacturing in terest, and their greater power to consume agricultural pro duce might be exceedingly beneficial to the agriculture of France—a country which exposed the opponents of free-trade to ridicule from the Free-traders for saying that it could ever become an exporting country—to the agriculture of Prussia —to the agriculture of the United States and their boundless continent, but certainly not to the agriculturists of the United Kingdom, as,, it was quite certain that the foreign grower now got a larger share than the British grower of any prosperity the manufacturing interest might enjoy.— (Hear, hear.) The free-trade in corn measure was a measare which dissolved the close connexion of interests which heretofore bound up the prosperity o f th e manu f actur i ng with the prosperity of the agricultural interest. He main tained his opinions as to the impolicy of the Act of 1846 un altered. He did no t l oo k f or any important increase of pros perity to the agricultal interests under the existing law; and under the existing financial system he did not share the hope that the prosperity of other cl asses wou ld react on the agricultural class. He believed that the present prices were the permanent effects of recent legislation. He believed the prosperity of a material portion of the country had been di minished, that with reduced capital there was no less ability to bear the enormous taxation and debt which no other country could bear, and which was only borne by this country through the operation of that protection which was formerly given by the country to the products of its own in dustry.—( Hear, hear.) There wasa far more ser i ous top i c to deal with—a topic which he felt it was hardly possible to overrate its importance. It was impossible not to feel that by recent m easures—he would not say a r ecent measure—of the head of the Roman Catholic Church, there had been an agthgiaress a lo g n_ on the supremacy of the insolent gression had been rendered moreand -- t n h g a t aggressive, dangerous, and unconstitutional, he wo u ld not say an insidious, but he would say an iannsudlti p loffen sive by the manner in which the recent Papal proceedings i had been car r ied i n t o e ffe c t.— (Hear, hear.) It was impos sible to cond emn t h e recen t P a pal measures n stronger i terms than had been used by the Noble Lord who held the responsible post of principal adviser of the Crown. The Noble L or d, i n a letter which had obta i ne d muc h celebrity as a public document, and which had produced no inferior effect on the public mind, described the aggression as " an assumption of power, a pretension to supremacy over the realm of England, and a c l a i m to sole and undivided sway, d e g p l rights of ce our o fb theis hop s nation, and as clear which is inconsistent with th e Q ueen ' s supremacy, with the r; gssye,rtaenddevwein in thtßhoemsapnircitautahlnilnin times." When the Noble Lord penned these sentences, and when he sent them forth as the deliberate opinion of the head of her Majesty's Government, when it was announced to the Protestant country of England that the Queen's had been insulted —th e rel i g i ous opinions of t: uri ec r o e u ni n a tr e y y threatened—the rights of th e bi s h ops and clergy of Established Church invad e d, t h e N oble Lord could not have the written, much less published th ese sentences, without being aware of the flame which would be kindled throughout the nation. The generous, spontaneous, universal Pro testant feeling that broke forth from one end of the country to another—he regretted that in some instances unjustifiably intemperate language was used—was not directed against the persons or the religion of the Roman Catholics, but against that insolent assumption of power in this country by a foreign prelate, which had been denounced in the strongest terms by the Prime Minister. But when the Noble Lord made this appeal to the United Kingdom of Great Britain —when he called forth this manifestation of Protestant feeling from all parts of the country, the Noble Lord could hardly have taken such a course without calculating on the struggle on which he and the country were about to enter. — (Hear, hear.) They were not about to enter into the ques tion of the expediency of the adaption of this or the other system of religion (as we understood)—they were not deal ing with a single act, but with a s uccess i on o f aggressive acts on the part of the Court of Rome which the Noble Lord had so suitably characterised. They were protesting against the interference, the unauthorized interference, of a foreign power in the domestic affairs of this country. This was no question of religious controversy.—(Hear.) He hoped neither in that or the other House would the question be treated as a question of the comparative purity of the doctrines of this or that church.—(Hear.) God forbid, he said, that, on account of their religious principles, any portion of their Roman Ca tholic fellow-subjects shonld be deprived of their religious freedom—(Hear)—or be stripped of a single jot of those civil rights which had been conferred on them. If it were to be so, he for one could not " Share the triumph and partake the gale." These were not his views. —(Cheers.) But the question was, shall Roman Catholic prelates—shall the heal of the Roman Catholic Church—be permitted to exercise in this country, unfettered and unchecked by law, a dangerous and mischievous interference, not in mere name and title, but in substantial reality, with the government of the country? That was she question they asked with reference to the great struggle on which they were about to enter. If the Noble Lord's letter meant anything, it meant this, the vindication of the rights of the clergy, the vindication of the undi vided supremacy of her Majesty, and the resolute repression of the aggression of a foreign power by . the agency of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) H e did not object to the privileges conferred on the Roman Catholics after the passing of the Relief Act in 1829 ; but he had not shut his eyes to the mischief that had since resulted, and he knew that many regretted the evils had not been checked at the outset. It had been found that every concession, every act of tolera tion, every non-infliction of penalty fbr violating the law, had been looked upon by the Roman Catholics, not as so many acts of liberal toleration, but as so many indications of weakness.—( Hear, hear.) These encroachments, it was perceived, were growing more formidable, until at last they rose to such a pitch as to draw from the First Minister of the Crown that declaration which he had referred to. Let not the House therefore undervalue the magnitude of the struggle upon which it was about to enter. If, however, the Ministry meant nothing—if they only meant to put an Act on the statute book which was to be overlooked or not en forced—if they really meant to enable Roman Catholic bishops to complete their organization, and to exercise un bounded control over the consciences of the Roman Cathlics, he would tell them they would have done nothing to satisfy the country—he would tell them they would have made their Roman Catholic fellow-subjects the victims of a tyranny that their Roman Catholic ancestors, in Roman Catholic times, under a Roman Catholic Sovereign, never would have consented to.—(Hear.) He did not agree with the conclusion of the Noble Lord opposite, but he did coin cide with his argument. He considered that which was done with regard to England was done with regard to Ire land—that a violation of the supremacy of the Crown in England was equally a violation of the supremacy of the Crown in Ireland. They could not separate that Church which once for all was indissolubly united at the period of the Union. If, however, Government meant to palter with s-the question, after having roused the strong religious feelings—he would not say preju dices—of England and Scotland—if they meant to bring in some law which should only affect the shadow and yet not touch the substance of the evil—if they did this, they would rekindle an animosity which he should deplore—they would rekindle a state of feeling that could only be allayed by the final settlement of the question (we understood). He had already said he would never consent that the Roman Catholics should lose one jot or tittle of those civil rights conferred on them by the Act of 1829. He knew not the na ture of the measure which they would shortly be invited to consider; but whatever might be that measure, they would approach it in the hope of finding that it reali se d t h e ex pectations which had been raised by the Prime Minister's letter.---(Hear, hear.) To the Roman Catholics the free ex ercise of their form of worship and civil rights, he hoped, by the proposed measure would be reconciled with the real re cognition of the supremacy of the Crown—a supremacy not in words, but in fact—and a practical repudiation of such foreign interference by either cardinal or Pope as that which had occurred in the case of the Irish colleges, in stitutions which had been dared beneficial by a large proportion of the Roman Catholice, by half the Roman Catholics bishops, but which had been denounced by the Pope. He trusted while the new measure would secure the Roman Catholics their religious and civil rights, that at the same time it would prevent such mischief in future— would stop intermeddling by a foreign prelate, whose in fallibility had been deceived by false representations with respect to matters in Ireland, and maintain for the Crown the uncontrolled administration of affairs, temporal and civil. He would warn the Government, if they fell short of the just expectations of the people, and only in appearance and not in substance gave security against wrong from the Pope and his instruments in this country, on their heads would rest a heavy responsibility, for they would be held to have trifled with the feelings, and raised false hopes and expectations in the minds of the Protestant people of England. If Govern ment did not speak out, he was certain a large portion of the liberal and enlightened Roman Catholics would regret it, and Government would have reduced this country to the po sition of a Roman Catholic province (we understood). He did not hesitate to say that they must consider fully and dispas sionately, temperately but firmly, the whole question of the relation in which Roman Catholics stood to the Crown. In 1829 certain securities were introduced to protect the Estab lished Church against Roman Catholics. He considered it was the duty of her Majesty's Government deliberately to examine those securities. If found to be no real securities— however offensive it .might be to Roman Catholics—if found to give no real security to Protestants, but merely to em barrass the statute books, they must be swept off at once; the odium must not be incurred of enacting measures that could not be used for the purposes for which they were passed. If it were found that laws, however well intended, did not reach the case—if encroachments not contemplated at the time bad been made by the See of Rome or its instruments which laws could not repress, let them make the laws sufficiently strong. Their legislation must be equal to the emergency.—(Hear, hear.) Government must look the whole case in the face—they must not be content with trifling and delusive legislation. They must understand the whole danger that exists, and to that danger they must apply a sufficient remedy.—(Hear, hear.) If such be the course of the Government, no political or party differences should prevent Government from having his assistance and the assistance of that party with whom he had the honour of acting.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, he warned the Government, if they did not determine to look broadly and amply at the case, it would be far better not to attempt to deal with It 'at all—it would be far better to submit to the last and greatest insult than to do that with an appearance of strength which would only prove an exhi bition of weakness. Deal manfully and boldly with the case, or not at all. Put on sufficient penalties against undue aggression, and they would have the support of the country ; palter with the question, and they would incur the contempt of the nation at large, because they would betray their in competency to deal with an evil of this magnitude which they had not hesitated to denounce. He should not move an amendment. He should wait to see what the measure was which her Majesty's Ministers proposed to bring in. He trusted the question would be dealt with in a manner suited to the occasion. —(Loud cheering.) The Duke of RICHMOND was anxious to draw the attention of their Lordships to the lamentable state of distress of the agricultural interest. The heavily taxed and overburthened Bri tish farmer never could compete with the foreigner. The farmers were loyal now, but he declared to heaven he could nut hope that they would much longer con tinue to be so. They would not wait until the manu facturing prosperity should react upon them. Many ,'f the small landowners had gone to live on the continent, and many of the labourers had emigrated, and it was to this that the decrease in the number of paupers was owing. They ruined the pro prietors, they crushed the tenantry, and forced the la bourers to emigrate, in order to give way to the cotton spinners of Manchester, who to get money would violate every law, human and divine. If they did not devote the surplus to the relief of the agriculturists, they would raise such a cry as they would not easily stop. If the agriculturists took his advice, they never would rest satisfied until they got protection fur British industry. With respect to Papal aggres sion, he had always opposed Catholic emancipation, and now they were beginning to reap the fruits of it. Ile was not at all surprised at what the Bishop of Rome had done. He had seen her bishops treated in Ireland as nobles, and he had seen the House of Commons giving way to Roman Catholics, and he, no doubt, considered the House of Commons represented the people of England, while everybody in England knew that it did no such thing.—(Hear, hear.) He denied that the House of Commons represented the British people. With regard to Lord J. Russell's letter, as it had never been repudiated by any member of the Cabinet, he considered that it represented the sentiments of the whole Cabinet. As far as the improvement of the land went, he would never, until protection were restored, spend one shilling in improvements; it would be sending good money after bad. The Earl of WINCHILSEA considered that the dangers which this country run during war was as no thing compared with the perils in which we now stand. At that time the King, the Legislature, and the people were Protestant, but since 1829 we have ceased to be a Protestant country. It was true the great body of our people was Protestant, as had been evinced by their indignant protest against the recent aggression of the Church of Rome. He was; for true religious liberty, and no man would go further to secure it; but he contended that political power w,as not religious liberty, and he could not therefore consent to any measure which secured it to the enemies of Protestantism. He had predicted the evils that now befel the country at the period of the Catholic Relief Bill, and he was sorry to find his predictions had been ve rified. The Noble Lord read several extracts from a work published in 1826, to the effect thet the Pope would never rest until Roman Catholicism had become the established religion of the country. He knew not what measures were intended by her Majesty's Government, but he hoped they would be of such a character as to sustain the Protestant faith in this country. All advances in civilization had been made through Protestantism. The principle of expediency had, on the contrary, in every instance failed. Whenever the principles of the Reformation had been departed from, national reverses had been the consequence. The Government might depart from those principles or it might do nothing. But a great struggle between the principles of Protestantism and Catholicity would be the retult, of which no man could foresee the end, and by which the country would be brought into a most pitiable condition. All liberality that did not rest upon sound religious opinions was spurious, and that nation which honoured and upheld God, God would uphold. The Protestant feeling of Eng land rested upon sound religious principles, and the people of the country would rise as one man to resent the insolent aggression upon their liberties by a foreign prelate. He felt bound to redeem the pledge he made in 1829, that if the anticipations he then made should be realised, and if something efficient was not done by the Government he would do so. If England abandoned the ground of Protestantism, her fate was sealed as a country. The Noble Earl referred to an instance of the in sidious character of the Church of Rome, in the case of a governess who went into a family as a professing Protestant, and remained there for five years, acting all the whil e on the minds of her young charge. He was convinced Rome had relinquished none of her pretensions; and that she was the eAme now as in the dale of persecution. WitLi rupect t 9 THE STN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUA agriculture, he was bound to say that there were more agricultural labourers out of employment than ever there had been ; and that the home market wos almost altogether destroyed. The Noble Earl was not altogether audible in many portions of hp observations. Lord CAMOYS said he seldom rose to speak in that House, and he should only address their Lordships on the present occasion upon one point. That. point, however, was a point of the most vital importance; and he hoped he should, therefore, be excused in adverting to it. He was, it was known to their Lordships, of a Roman Catholic family, which had been so for many generations, and which prided itself upon its unchanged faith ; but he was, at the same time, an Englishman also; and the rights, privileges, and integrity of this country were, he believed, as dear to him as to any of their Lordships._. (Hear.) He admitted the supremacy of the Queen over the Established Church to as full an extent as the most orthodox member of that Church could desire. He acknowledged also the supremacy of the Pope in matters of faith over Roman Catholics. But against the assertion of any temporal power on the part of the Pope over this country he solemnly pro tested; and he was, he would add, likewise adverse to the undue exercise of the spiritual power of that Pontiff in any point which might be injurious to the constitution of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He had watched the progress of the Emancipation Act with great anxiety, and he should not then stop to inquire, as sonic had done in very questionable taste, whether that concession was extorted by tear or yielded through kindness; but he would say that this measure had been liberally passed by Parliament, and that it had more over been liberally acquiesced in by the nation. There was it was true, no written or even expressed compact on the subject as between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants at the time of the passing of that Act; but he always held that there was an implied and understood compact, to the effect, that the rights, civil and religious, enjoyed by the latter were conceded to the former on condition that there should be no molestation on their part thereafter— a condi tion in which he considered that the Roman Catholics fully acquiesced. That compact has not been violated as yet by either party. The duty and policy of the Roman Catholics since the Emancipation Act should, in his view, be to prove by their conduct that those by whom they were emanci pated had not just cause of regret for the proceeding, and to give, in the same manner, their opponents no justification for their opposition. That moral compact, he maintained had not been violated by the Roman Catholics as a body, and their friends had no cause to repent of the course they had taken, while their foes had hitherto had no ground for at tack. But the conduct of some members of that body had, he was sorry to say, given rise to a charge against them on the present nceasion.— (Hear.) He was anxious to take a fair view of the establishment of the Catholic religion in this country, praising where praise was merited, and condeming where it was deserved, and he should therefore refer to the introduction of the recent discord on that score into this country. The Roman Catholics, he was free to confess, were in full possession of the most perfect religious toleration ; they had the benefit of equal laws and institutions with the Protestants; they were increasing in numbers; they were increasing likewise in wealth, though not so greatly; they were building new churches and chapels —some of them really beautiful—in various parts of the country; numbers of the higher ranks of society were embracing their faith, and many of the clergy of the Established Church had come over to them from conviction and as a result of their own studies This gave stability and importance to the Roman Catholic body, both of which were increasing daily. While these things were in progress, he (Lord C.) considered it to to be bad policy—nay worse, he held it to be a culpable error—to introduce into this country any such cause of dis sension as a Roman Catholic hierarchy _(Hear.) It was, indeed, to the greatest ignorance of the actual condition of England that this error was traceable. Any person who had ever been at Rome of late days must have witnessed with surprise the extravagant idea entertained there of the con dition of Roman Catholicism in England. It was believed there that because a few Protestant clergymen had come over to theßomanCatholic Church, the English people would all follow them ; but those who entertained this idea forgot that no flock whatever had followed its pastor on these occasions. The Noble Lord was understood to say that the Papal aggression was indirectly traceable to the Puseyites, but that he should not dwell on that topic. He did not, he continued, blame the Papal Government so much for its ignorance of England in this matter, as he did those who, knowing the country so well as they did, had advised it to the course it had taken. The language they ought to have held to the Papal Courrt was, that this was a Protestant country—that the Constitution, though open to all, was nevertheless Protestant—that the Crown was Protestant— that the people, though divided into innumerable sects, were, with the exception of the Roman Catholic body, uni versally Protestant.— ( Hear, hear.) He would not enter into the question cf the difference between vicars-apostolic and bishops, but kith regard to the ofte n re it era t e d asser tion that they had violated the law in the establishment of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, he must make an ob servation. The laws which were said to have been vio lated by that measure were the Ist of Elizabeth, the 13th of Elizabeth, and the 24th section of the Emancipation Act. Now, with respect to the Ist of Elizabeth, the penalties enacted by it had been repealed by statute, the rest of the Act remaining unrepealed. But when they tolerated the Roman Catholic body, they tolerated that which was essential to their religion; and they tolerated, therefore, their holding the supremacy of the Pope. But in tolerating that, they were tolerating what was forbidden by the Act of Elizabeth. It was not, however, too much to say that when the provisions of a subsequent Act were contrary to the provisions of a prior Act, the latter was of necessity repealed. In that respect the Catholics had not violated the law. On that subject he wished to read the opinions of a very high authority to their Lordships - namely, Lord Lynd hurst, who when he was Lord Chancellor stated that it was no crime in a Roman Catholic to maintain and defend the supremacy of the Pope ; but that if he did so for a mis chievous purpose—for circulating immoral doctrines or opinions, he would be liable to punishment at common law; but if he merely maintained and defended the supremacy of the Pope, as he was bound to do, only as the spiritual autho rity of his superior, then he was guilty of no offence against the laws of the country. That was the opinion of Lord Lyndhurst; and the Bishop of Exeter having asked his opinion and that of the judges as to whether it was lawful in Roman Catholics to maintain the supremacy of the Pope, he replied it was no offence at common law for them to do so, but that if any person wantonly and maliciously called in question the supremacy of the Crown (and that comprised spiritual and temporal supremacy) for any im proper purpose, or in any manner questioned the supremacy of the Crown, that such persons were liable to a prosecution at common law. He (Lord Camoys) read that opinion with very great satisfaction, because it was an answer to the con trary opinion of a very high authority which had been given at a large public meeting in the country. —(Hear, hear,) With respect to the second Act he had'referred to—namely, the 13th of Elizabeth, which forebade communication with Rome, it was comprised in the argument which he had ad dressed to the questions raised under the Ist of Elizabeth. For if they tolerated the Roman Catholic religion they must tolerate their communication with Rome, which was necessary to the exercise of their re ligion. With regard to the 24th clause of the Emancipa tion Aet, that clause, after declaring that the Protestant religion was established in England, and Scotland, and Ireland, went on to say that any person assuming, as a Roman Catholic bishop, the style or title of any archbishop, or bishop, or dean belonging to the Protestant Church in England, Ireland, or Scotland, was liable to the penalty of 1001. There was at that time, so far as the Roman Catho lics were concerned, no necessity for concluding England in that clause. They had a Roman Catholic hirearchy in Ire land, and, therefore, it was proper to defend Protestant titles there, but their defence of the titles in England was an evi dent paving of the way for a state of things in England si milar to that which existed in Ireland. It, then, that were true—and he thought that he had correctly and accurately stated the case—the conclusion was obvious, that they had not offended against the law by taking'those titles which had not been prohibited by Act of Parliament. He believed there were one or two cases in Ireland where they had taken for bidden titles; but that did not apply to his argument. He might say one word with regard to the preroga tive. If they regarded titles which flowed from the fountain of honour in this country relatively with titles which had their origin from the Pope, there could be no true comparison between them, the one giving legal rights, the other none whatever. Let them take a case. The Crown had lately appointed a Bishop of Manchester, and it might be deemed expedient to make a similar appointment with respect to another large town. and to nominate a Bishop of Birmingham. What would then happen? Why, if the person appointed by the Pope still continued to hold the title of Bishop of Birming ham he would he liable to the penalty of 100/. ; and that led him to a declaration which had been made by his Noble Friend, that the recent measure of the Pope placed Roman Catholics in the alternative of either violating the constitu tion or breaking their oaths. He (Lord Camoys) denied that the Roman Catholics were placed in that position. He utterley denied that they violated the constitution because they kept within the letter of the law. Taking, as he did, a fair and impartial view of the subject, he could not avoid noticing the celebrated letter of Lord John Russell. Like all the Roman Catholics of the country, he had felt insulted when he was told that his religion was mummery and super stition. He could not look upon that letter as the letter of the head of the Cabinet. Their Lordships might think he was drawing too fine a distinction, but he must say he looked upon it as the letter of the individual and not of the Prime Minister, He was confirmed in that opinion, when he found the Prime 111;nister was not acting up to the spirit of that letter. But he must ask, had Lord John Russell in tended to insult the Roman Catholics? and that question he must answer in the negative. Th e R oman C a th o li cs were few in thiscountry, yet they were to be found in places of public honour, trust, and emolument; in the House of Com mons, and in their Lordships' House, in the various grada tions of the Peerage; they were to be found even in frater nity with persons on the bench of bishops; they were to be found in places near the person of the Sovereign • they were in It minority in Engl an d , i n S cot l an d, an d i n %Vales, but in Ireland they constituted the great majority, and altogether they constituted one-third of the population of the kingdom. Could, then, Lord John J. Russell have intended to insult, them, and not only them, but the Roman Catholics of France Spain, Austria, Portugal, and the other countries which were Roman Catholic iin religion? Were they not told in the Royal Speech that those states were in amity with us? And were not the sovereigns of those countries connected by ties of relationship and friendship with the Royal family of this country ? Was It possible then that Lord J. Russell had intended to insult the Roman Catholic community? Ile repeated lie must answer that question in the negative. But while that did not amount to a justification of the letter, he was bound to say that there were great annoyances to which the Noble Lord had been exposed. Cardinal Wiseman ought to have previously communicated to him the proposed measure of the new hierarchical appointments, and his not having done so was a breach of courtesy and a want of duty at which Lord J. Russell had a right to feel annoyed. It was no excuse to sap that the document relating to the matter had been shown at Rome to a foreign ambas sador. Nothing of that sort would justify Cardinal Wise , . man's not seeking an interview with the Noble Lord on the subject before he took the important step of establishing the hierarchy. Notwithstanding all the violence they had read and heard at public meetings, he could not help noticing the liberal feelings that pervaded all those meetings, at not one of which had any resolution been come to except to take such steps as the parties deemed necessary for the protection of their national faith ; and beyond that no attack on reli gions liberty had been a dvocated. He had felt it due t o him- ;elf and to their Lordships v to mike those few cblervatTons, and he had only to thank Lordships for the attention with which they had heard him. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE should have been sorry if the debate had come to a conclusion without the Noble Lord (Camovs) having had an opportunity of delivering his sentiments, and which he must say the Noble Lord had done in a manner which their Lordships must have felt indicated a degree of candour and manliness on his part that reflected infinite honour upon him; and he hoped that those senti- ments, coming as they did from a person connected by here ditary ties for centuries with the Roman Catholic body of England, and expressing them as the result of his own obser vation and knowledge of this country would, as they ought, out weigh a hundred -fold those sentiments and those proceed ing which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) believed it to be n9;9rinti—and he pm sure mild be poyed-1244 Wgiaated in the most profound ignorance of the state, history, and present condition of this country.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the topics whit i had been alluded to in the course of the debate, he need not offer any justification to their Lordships for not entering into any details; for although the Noble Lord opposite had we h respect to particular points, " hinted a fault, and hesitated dislike," yet, with regard to the most important proposition in the Royal Speech, and the outline of the policy it indicated, he had expressed his entire concurrence and arprohation—a con currence also in the sentiments so boldly uttered by his Noble Friends who had moved and seconded the Address— sentiments in which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) also felt and expressed his entire concurrence and approbation. But there were one or two points to which the Noble Lord had more especially adverted; beginning first with the foreign policy of the Government, to which the Noble Lord had ob jected, especially as regarded the differences in northern and central Europe—more on the ground of indifference than of active interference on the part of this country. lie could assure the Noble Lord that in the transactions which had lately taken place in those matters —that in the difficult negotiations which had been entered into respecting the complicated questions of the German Union, and others— such which presented at one time every sort of difficulty— the policy of this country had been neither indifferent nor merely acquiescing in all :hat was going on ; on the contrary, though not putting itself forward in contests in which it had no share, yet with regard to the general interests of Europe, not a week had passed during the whole of those transactions in which the interference of this country had not been bene ficially employed—and acknowledged to have been so em ployed by every one of the States which had been brought into a conflict of interests. With regard to the reference made by the le oble Lord to the internal state of this country, as influenced by the policy of free trade, he was not prepared now to engage in the general question as respected the policy of free trade, and he should wait for the time when the Noble Lord would give him an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion on the sulject. In the meantime he denied the proposition of the Noble Lord, that, though they admitted the existence of great distress in particular classes, there fore the whole population of the agricultural districts was affected by that distress. Considering the share they had in the general prosperity of the empire, if the distress was universal amongst them, there could not be those un equivocal proofs of the prosperity of the masses which were indicated by a perpetually growing consumption —which nothing but the general welfare could produce. The increase in the consumption of the country had been going on from year to year—not by starts, not suddenly, but extending by slow and mea sure d paces, affording a ground of security that it would go on steadily augmenting year after year, justified the policy (which would not have been otherwise justified) of Ministers recommending her Majesty to take off, year after year, great productive taxes, the effect of which had been only to show the soundness of the finan cial condition of the country. The revenue had risen buoy antly, notwithstanding the diminution of taxation, and s had enabled her Majesty's Government to hold out a prospect of still further reductions. The Noble Lord's allusion to France had been most infelicitous. He had talked of the amount of distress in that country being such at present as to bear down the interests of that country much more than they had been borne down before. The agricultural population of France bore a much greater proportion to its commercial population than did those of England to each other. Did the Noble Lord then attribute the distress of so large a body in France to the want of protection or to a free-trade policy? The fact was, that from year to year all the different Governments of France, whether monarchical or republican, had persisted in a Protectionist policy. Yet the effect of that persistence had been that agricultural produce was falling off, and there was not a market in France to be com pared with the lowest market in this country. With respect to another prominent topic in that night's discussion, he must say that whatever variety of sentiments there had been uttered on the Roman Catholic aggression, it did rejoice him to see, on that occasion, that there had not been in that House a sentiment uttered—he did not except the Noble Earl (Winchelsea)—against true toleration, which had been maintained throughout, and which, he trusted, would always be extended to the Roman Catholics of Great Britain; for he hoped that under no provocation, however unjust, should they think of retracing their steps, and going back to a system of religious persecution. He entirely differed from the Noble Earl in considering that Roman Catholic Emanci pation was in any way connected with that usurpation of the Pope which now occupied their Lordships' attention. His (the Marquis of Lansdowne's) belief was, that if the Roman Catholic emancipation had not happened, the Pope would have had the same facility in that measure; indeed, in his opinion, more facility, for he would have had the foundation of injustice and inequality to work upon, and which might have led lim to make the attempt. With respect to the letters apostolic in which Cardinal Wiseman appeared to assume the dominion of this country, if all that was intended to be asserted in those documents was that he meant to as sume the spiritual dominion of the Roman Catholics, why was not that intention expressed? Was there any difficulty in chalking out that line—in finding words to define that path in which he thought it his duty to assert the spiritual jurisdiction and government over the people attached to the Roman Catholic religion was there any difficulty in stating that he meant to respect the rights of the Crown and the in stitutions of the realm ? Let them remember that those proceedings had issued from a power remarkable for its attention to formulas and words; and if he saw throughout those documents the rights of the Crown, and the exist ence of the Protestant hierarchy depending upon the Crown, studiously and carefully ignored, no person would persuade him that it was by accident it had occurred, and that it had not proceeded from intention, which intention they must meet with signal defeat. A measure, therefore, would be shortly laid before their Lordships, to which he invited their Lordship? attentions That was all he would say in refer ence to it, because he did not wish to anticipate the discus sion of it. With respect to one point referred to by the Noble Lord, he would answer it in the most satisfactory manner by stating that at that moment notice had been given in the other House of a Bill relating to that usurpation, and which would affect the United Kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) He concurred with the Noble Lord in thinking that in deal ing with the present state of things in reference to the future, they could not regard the condition of Ireland as otherwise than inseparable from that of Eugland. With re ference to other questions, a measure connected with the law would be brought before Parliament, and he hoped it might be found that it would effect a great diminution in the ex pense of law, while it would give to every gentleman in Eng land what was of infinite importance next to his existence-- viz., security for his property. The Earl of RODEN could not help expressing the satis faction with which he had heard the speech of the Noble Lord who had moved the Address, in every word of which he completely concurred. But with respect to the Speech from the Throne he felt very great disappointment. After so much anxiety had been created, there was no reference whatever in the Speech to the maintenance of the important Protestant principles of this country. He trusted that the intended measure, while it would maintain perfect toleration to all parties, would gain and maintain that end in view. If it was admitted that the Pope had the power of appoint ing bishops and archbishops in Ireland, the result would be that persons so nominated by a foreign prince would take precedence of Lords and Barons of the United Kingdom, whose rank emanated from the Crown. He hoped that something would be done to prevent so great an injury to the dignity and the interests of the empire, and put an end to the complaints they were now necessitated to make. Nothing could be more,fair or more candid than the language of the Noble Lord (Camoys), though he differed in his view of the law as respected the appointment of Cardinal Wise man. The object of that measure was to have the canon law introduced into this country, and he trusted that Noble Lords would make themselves acquainted with that law, which they could readily do, as it was lately published in a small pamphlet. The Noble Earl concluded by saying he would reserve whatever observations he had to offer on that subject until the terms of the Bill to be proposed by Govern ment should be laid before the House. The question, "That an humble Address should be pre sented to her Majesty, in accordance with the tenor of the Royal Speech," was then put and agreed to. THE CHAIRMANSHIP OF COMMITTEES. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE stated, but in a tone of voice almost totally inaudible in the gallery, that he had re ceived a communication from the Earl of Shaftesbury, an nouncing that age and increasing infirmities obliged him to resign the duties of his office as Chairman of Committees of that House. After passing a high eulogium on the admirable manner in which the Noble Earl had discharged the func tions of his office, the Noble Marquis proceeded to observe, that with regard to the appointment of an individual to an office, affecting as it did the general interests of that House, as well as those of the public, he had been desirous rather of taking the sense of that House, or a majority of it, than of doing aught which might raise a discussion with respect to the choice of the person intended to fill that situation. No doubt, there were many Noble Lords in that House who were qualified to discharge the duties of that office; but he hoped the Noble Lord whom a majority of that House might select would fulfil its duties in every way satisfactorily.—(Hear.) Lord STANLEY said he was sure every member of their Lordships' House should bear in grateful recollection:the long and faithful services of the Noble Earl who had so long filled that important post, and would regret that declining years and increasing infirmities compelled him to resign the office, the duties of which he had so long performed with advantage to that House and the public.--(Hear, hear.) He entirely concurred in what the Noble Marquis opposite had said. He was sure that many Noble Lords possessed qualifications which fitted them for that position, but it could not be denied that for the long period during which the Noble Earl held that office he had acted upon questions of every description in the most impartial manner, and had discharged in the most efficient mode duties essential to the well-being of that House, and of the community, at large.— (Hear, hear.) In that office there were oppor tunities of gratifying private friendships or private am bition without any sacrifice of personal interest; but he had known the Noble Earl to have been immovable to con siderations of friendship or interest, and to have pursued a straightforward unbending course; and upon private Bills no matter what interests might have been involved, no temptation whatsoever, no consideration whatsoever, could have induced him t o d ev i ate one hair's breadth to the right hand or to the left.—(Hear, hear.) He agreed with the Noble Marquis that there were many Noble Lords compe tent to discharge the duties of that office; but it would not be considered offensive to other members of that House if he said there was one member who had paramount claims to be appointed to that office.—(Hear, hear.) They should en courage as far as they could an attention to the private busi ness of the House, by placing that high office in the hands of persons who had habituated themselves to the discharge of the duties of that office.—(Hear, hear.) They should con sider whether the candidates for that office had applied them selves to look after its duties. The private business of that House was most important, and was becoming more so every day; and it should be understood that the important functions of Chairman of the Committees of that House should be conferred on no other members than those who had applied themselves to the duties of the office.—(Hear, hear.) If they were desirous of finding a member of that House who would perform the duties of that high office with firmness, impartiality, and good sense, with au experience of more than 15 years, during which he had been the assistant of the Noble Earl who had lately filled that office, they would select his Noble Friend Lord Redesdale, whom he then had the honour of proposing tor their notice, and by whose selection they would confer considerable honour on their own judg ment.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord concluded by moving that Lord Redesdale be appointed Chairman of the Committtees of that House in the room of the Earl of Shaftesbury resigned. The Duke of WELLINGTON said when it had become his duty to consider the person whom it might be expedient to recommend to the House to succeed his Noble Friend, who was no longer able to perform its duties, at that time he had earnestly recommended his Noble Friend, who had been just then recommended to their Lordships, to make himself con versant with the business of that House, with the view of qualifying himself for undertaking hereafter the duties of Chairman of Committees.—(Hear.) He was happy to say that his Noble Friend had accordingly qualified himself for the performance of those duties ; and it seemed to him that he was but acting in the performance of his own duties when he recommended his Noble Friend to their Lordships.—(Hear.) He thought their Lordships could not make choice of one who would perform the duties of that office in a manner more satisfactory for the honour and reputation of that House. The Earl of lIARROWBY concurred in expressing his strong sense of the fitness of the Noble Lord whose name 5, 1851. had been mentioned for the office, and whose long acquaint ance and connexion with the private business of that House, as well as his other personal qualifications, had rendered him unquestionably fit for the office. The Duke of RICH NIOND bore testimony to the unbend ing firmness with which the Earl of Shaftesbury discharged the duties of his office. He had seen his Noble Friend, Lord Redesdale, also afford the greatest possible service to the Committees for the last twelve or thirteen years, during which the importance of their business had very considerably increased ; and it was desirable to select some one whc, like his Noble Friend, was conversant with the business, to pre side over them. After a few words from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, The question was put and carried unanimously. Lord REDESDALE said he felt it to be his daty to re turn his best thanks to their Lordships for the honour which they had done him ; and, indeed, the manner in which their appointment had been made had increased its worth. On former occasions he had received in that House the support of those with whom he had always been connected; but on the present occasion be had received the support of those to whom he had been generally opposed.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad that that had not been made a party question; and he could say that nothing had been done by him to make it such ; but, on the contrary, he bad endeavoured to avoid it as much as possible.—(Hear, hear.) In his appointment, there was the precedent established that the chairman was selected from those who devoted themselves to the private business of the House.—(Hear, hear.) In the discharge of the duties of the office, he would endeavour to main tain the character of the private business of the House in such a manner as it had been maintained under his prede cessor.—(Hear, hear.) The motion was then put and carried nem. con. Their Lordships then adjourned at a quarter-past Nine o'clock, to Thursday TUE SHARE MARKETS. BRITISH RAILWAYS Railways. Paid. 1 Nominal Prices. Business done to-day. Aberdeen.. .. • • •• Do. Preference •• • • Ambergate, Nottingham, Boston, & E. Juncion Ayrshire and Galloway • • Belfast and County Down Berks and Hants Eaten. (Great Western Per- 1 petual 5 per cent.) .. Birmingham and Oxford Junction, calls duly paid, or with a guar... Do. without a guar... Wolverhamp-, ten, and Dudley, calls, duly paid, or with a, guarantee • • • • • Do. withoul a guar. •• Wolverhamp., and Stour Valley • • Birkenhead, Lancas., and Cheshire Junction • • Bristol and Exeter .• •• Buckinghamshire • • • • Caledonian • • • • • • Do. 101. Preference •• Do. Clydesdale June. • • Chester and Holyhead .. Do. Preference .. Clarence .. • • • • • • Do. Ist Class, 6 per ct. Do. 2d de., 5 per cent. Do. Gov. Loan, 4 pr. ct. Direct Lond. and Portsm. Dublin and Belfast Janet. Dublin and Kingstown.. Dundalk and Enniskillen East Anglian (251. L. & E. and L. & D.) • • • • Do, (181. E. & H.) •• Do. (31. 10s.) 6 per cent. Preference • • Do. (51.) 7 pr. ct. Pref. Do. (71.175.) 7 p. c.Pref. Eastern Counties . • • • Do. Exten., 5 percent. No. 1 .• • • • • Do. No. 2 • • • • • • Do .New Preference, 6 per cent. .. • • • Do. North. and East. 6 per cent. • • .• Do. do. 5 per cent .. Do. do., New •• • • Eastern Union, class A, late E. U. shares • • Do. do. do. .. Do. do., B & C shares Do. do., scrip, gnaran. 6 per cent. • • • • East Lancashire • • • • Do. New quarters •• Do. 6 per cent. pref. quarter shares.. • - East Lincolnshire, gun. 6 per cent • • • • • • Edinburgh and Glasgow Edin., Perth, and Dundee Do. Newport .. • • Exeter and Exmouth .. Glasgow and South- West, Do. pref. consolidatedj De. do. G. D. & C. stock' Gloucester & Dean Forest Great Northern Do. halves, A, deferred Do. halves, B, 6 per ct. Do. 5 per cent. pref. .. Great Southern and Western, Ireland .. Do. eighths .. Great North of England . Do. new 401. .. Do. new 301. Do. new 151. . Great Western .. • • Do. New, 171. .. Hull and Selby .. Do. half shares Do. quarter shares .. Lancaster and Carlisle .. Do. thirds .. Lancaster and Preston Lancashire and Yorkshire Do. quarter shares .. Do. fifths . Do. F. 201. .. •• Do. new, guaranteed 6 per cent. .. • Do. ktudders. & 6heff. Do. West Riding Union, Leeds and Bradford .. Leeds and Thirsk • • • . Do. pref. 6 p ct., No. I Do. pref. 6 p ct., No. 2 Do. pref. 6 pct., No. 3 Do. pref. qrs., 1848 .. Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport .. .. • • London and Blackwall London, Brighton, and South Coast .. . • Do. guarteed. 5 per ct., late Croythn thirds.. Do. preference, 5 p at. Do. preference, cony. 5 per cent., 1852 .. Do. new guaranteed, 6 per cent. .. .• London and Greenwich . Do. preference . • • London and N.-Western Do. do. new quarters . Do. fifths .. Do. 101. sh., M. & B (c) London and 5. Western . Do. new 50/. Do. new 401. Do. new preference .. Londonderry & Coleraine Do. half shares .. Lowestoft, guar. 4 per ct. Dc. do. 6 per cent. .. Londonderry and Ennis killen. .. • • • • Do. half shares • • .. Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock • • .. Manchester, Sheffield, & Lincolnshire .. Do. quarters, No. 1 .. Do. new,lol. preference Do., 61, Preference • . Do. Manchester and Lincoln Union .. Midland • • • • • • • • Do. consolidated pref. Do. 50/. shares • . De. Birming & Derby Do. Cense'. Bristol & Birming., 6 per pent, Do. Bristol & GlOnces. Do. do. do. .. Do. Erewash Yal. pref, Do. Leic. & Swanning. 8 per cent. guar. .. Midland Gt. West. (Ire.) Middlesbro' and Eedcar, 6 per cent. guar. .. Newcastle and Carlisle.. Do. quarter shares .. Newmarket .. Do. extension scrip .. Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford .. Newry & Enniskillen Newry, Warrenpoint, & Rostrevor • • • • Nortblk •• •• •• Do. New 20/. shares • • 10. Extension • • • • Do. guar. 5% per cent. Do. Waveney Valley.. Northern Counties Union! North British...... Do. Preference .• North Staffordshire •• North-We stern• Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton.. .. Preston and Wyre Do. Halves (A) •• • • Reading, Guildford, and Reigate.. • • • • ••1 Royston and Hitchin Do. Shepreth Exten••• Scottish Central .• • • Scottish Midland .. • • Do. new • • • • • • Shrewsbury & Birming. ClasiA.. •• •• •• Do. Class 13.. • • • • Do. New Guarantee.. Shrewsbury & Hereford Shrewsbury and Cheater (Nor. W. Min.) .. Do. Halves Do. Oswestry • • Do. New.. . Do. 8 per cent. Pref. . Shropshire Union • • South Devon • . Do. Preference .. South Staffordshire South-Eastern Do. do. 434 per cent... South Wales.. South Yorksh. and River Dun Shen., Roth., and Goole, N. Div., guar. 5 p cent. Do. do. South Div. .. Swansea k Loughor, &c. raw Vale Extension .. rhames Haven Dock and Railway Vale of Neath Waterford and Kilkenny Waterford and Limerick Waterford, Wex., Wick., and Dublin .. Wear Valley, 6 per cent. guarantee t Do. do. Do. do. West qornwall do. .. do. .. West London •..• Do. Ist Class Prof. (10/.) Do. 2d Class do. (par) Whitetiaien and Furness Windsor, Staines, and S. Western .. • • • • Wilts, Somerset, & Wey- month •• • • York, Newcastle, & Ber• wick •• • . Ditto and Newcastle Extension .. Ditto G.N.E. purchase or preference • • Do. Hartlepool • Dock and Railway • • .. York and North Midland, Do. Preference • • Neel and soutt-Weal 80 8 6 8 10% to 11 1% % clic x.l 5% 534 die, % - 1 P. 29 -30 27 -28 8- 9 p 7- 8 p 10 -11 79 -81 17% - 17% 10% -107 i 5 -5% 18 -184 15 -15)4 •• •• 24 —22 dbl. 3% -3% 2 -2% 1%-1% 1 -1% % -1 7 -7% P Par P 11% - 11% 63 —64 b 6 —5B 5 —7 p 7U - 73( .• •• - 18% - 19 134( - 13% 2% -3% 32 -32% 30 -32 5N - N • • -• • • Ni ---• )i 18 -184 6% - 11% - 11% 13 -13% 41 - 43 - TO. 242 - 245 83% 69% 2)6 2 dls 103 104 51 —53 23 -24 71 -72 6 - 7 p. 29 -30 p 58 -59 10% 103( die 7 1 ,4 611 —1% die, 130 135 6 _5% dia.l - 99 14% 15 1 4 334 dbl. 3)4 —3 die. 136 % 1 liy p -• •• 7 -7% 95 —96 x.d 10% —ll x.d, 57 —6O x.d 57 —6O x.d, 135 —l3B x.d. 11% —11 X 23% 24% -131 4% —6% p. 5 U 5 N P. 23 —3% p. 87% 88% 7 6 dig, 6% 4% dig, 2% —2% p. •• -- •• 15 -16 •• ..' •• 4% —3% dli. 29 -30 104 - 12% 11 - 11% % % 3 !‘ —2% clis, 156 b6ji 17% jOi di s . 28 —3O 1 128 - 130 • • ..` •• 4% - 5 25 —27 14% 133 We. 17 —lB 431 —5% 8N —9% 5 —5% 734 —7% dim. 163( 163(x.n. 42% 43% 8 9 p. 21% 21% 8 11 4 1 % P. 16% —l7 9 6% —6% 65 die, 434 du, 10 10% 12 —l4 6 7 10 —ll 1 3 , ‘ 1 dia. 13Sk 14 a% Ws. 16 —l7 12 —la 334 3 dia. 24% 247 23 —2b 4 3 dill, • • • • 9 7 dia. 7 6 da. 3% —4% 15% 16 .. .... .. 22 -23 8 _ . 8% 20 -21 • • •• • • - 43% 2% de., 17 43 2% - 16 4 - . - .. 2 . 4% - 25 1 )11 has been done - 21 107 % ii is. x.i. 13 14 0 178 6 8 5q 45 100 6 13 6 13 25 50 26 15 1 1 01 50 8 6 2% 100 1113 4 47% 100 15 1 6 3 100 [2 15 4 100 42)4 4 2 0 1 'Co 100 129 16 0 100 47% 2 12 0 la 5 3 3 12 3 paid up paid up Boulogne and Amiens .. Central of France (Or leans and Vierzon) Demerara . Dutch Rhenish East Indian .. Do. do. do. .. Great Indian Peninsula.. Ditto ditto .. Louvain ala Sambre .. Luxembourg • • .. Ditto • • .. .. .. Madrid and Valentia .. Maria Antonia .. ;: Ditto, New .. Namur and Liege .. Northern of France .. Orleans and Bordeaux .. Paris and Orleans • • .. Paris and Rouen .. Paris and Strasbourg .. Rouen and Havre . Sambre and Meuse .. 6trasboarg and Basle .. Tours and Nantes .. Tournay, Jurbise, Lan den, and 'Lumen • • West Flanders .. FORE. 20 lIGN. 16% - If% 41,i —4% dis. I —li p. 4 - 4 P. % - 4 P. I - 1 i 2M -2%4 Aren!nsular and Orienta United Mexican, 5 ►4 8 154 —15 3 4 4 3 clis• 34 —36 27% 284 5% dlll. 11% 11% 3 —34 8 15* % 9?i % 10 —9% db. I 8% 11 Steam, - paid, has ;e'en don. At I 3 • uoral mail Steam 7v - - TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADF OR D REFORM ASSOCIATION. , t he Sir,—After Parliament had been opened with usual usual ceremonies, the first token of proceeding ,t° " e ;. O . fleas was an announcement on the part of the GO ment, that a Bill lor preventing tee ecclesiastical titles from places within this realm w e c i e tly be brought forward on Friday the 7th. Th ili g, r , s ele cut down the interest of the present debate, by - ferring it to a future day. , °f WM; When the debate came on, the movement s ea was &ems o f may for brevity be called the Papal party, slow. It evidently laboured under a grievous " o , case, and the continual presence of the eirc°2 l l o o* that a great fact had intervened between the s ea assuniptio dation and the conclusion of their arguinec & ,, s , t he indifferent he arer m i g h t h ave suppose d , t hat a 1 "; 00 00 Government and country had p rocee d e d l o ng ins c 6/ of conciliation to th e C a th o li cs, t h ey ha d b e en int", oo . a godsily, and had all at once rushed forward in s o sh trary direction with th e b o i sterous energ y usual 1 13 , for occasions. The thing w hi c h th ere was a necee e 'Listo not dwelling on, was that th ere b a d b een an intert i ea act by the Roman Pontiff or hi s a d v i se rs, and the es this intermediate act the wh o l e mer it s o f the q tl- turned. 0 1 At the same time it must be admitted that tee , - .441 ment while feeble was also moderate; and Por ti w p d" tbo on the part of those most immediately ceece r . o - °- .lbol Catholics. The speech of the Member fur 1 - e 7siti demonstrated a division in their party; and it w i t e jd to that on the whole the Catholics were not inc"",., stet back the hostile movement from Rome, to any n g . eU - extent than might be unavoidable in their peeit i t' of which decidedly augurs well for the public peoll: 01 to The Minister rose to reply to the general ohjeci`-s0 different parts of the Speech; though it 10 _ 2 5 understood tbst no Amendm e nt was to b e inefe`r„,. to first point was the weakest. It is not exhilaiets", - 00 find an English Minister congratulating the coo t % the fact of Russia and her allies having pushed ° dim e- Si of vanced guard to H am b urg b, an d ca lli ng b y the 117iee a strong and unit e d G erman i c b o d y ', t h e depr tr io of liberal opinions under the stick ofthe 11311 sag corporal. It is very much as if a Minister o°lo., our ancestors had been found congratuic 6E l, o o country on the h a ppy un i on o f F rance and Sprths one crown, and pl um i ng hi mse lf on t h e cess atie° ° chances of European war from the possibility of 10 ance by the burgher s of Amsterdam. Our foreat tbs had not such notions of policy, and we stand he r l h ose evidences of their success. They knew, even his, days, when the truth was much less Pr d r;pir that the existence of England as ` l3- s eteci dent country, depended to a very . large ; vi ts4 on her having somebody on the Continent inter s t he in taking her side. Suppose that at this uic °l ‘ . " - s hitali arbitrary powers on the Continent, including "'Seat, Republic whore it is treason to cry " Vive to relonZails were to send their c omman d s to E ng l an d to "rec ,„0 11• herself with Europ e; "— an d query whet h er the "isles' ment from Rome is not the realization of such II 0 0a• sage? And further suppose that by one of tho se w oe tingencies which ar e a l ways within raege,_Anaericlif to see the opport un i t y, f or example, of demae. , n l oo iell recognition of her " peculiar institution" in our °j o s ill or perhaps within our own b or d ers;—to w hat P°' o ur the universe would England look fer a diversion iO.OO - All the e fforts for liberal government in thecr ti otsbe tel states have been p u t d own i n success i on, with, -"sitbfir men everywhere ch eer i ng t h e assa il ants , and ";-doi'd ping, as "our o wn correspon d ent " may b e foto' v ies at tnis moment, " the very shoe-tie" of sti musqueteer. In such a conjuncture as has been , c_rPri t . oat the question would h ang on t h e result o f a new 11,-;seles, and as it is an ac k now l e d ge d p i ece of natal 5111,"„-ther that the British mi v y, h owever i n a d va nce of 'obit navies it may have been in times past, never.sa lt a ship of eighteen pounders with a ship of twelves, igne is reasonable that if either strength or ° r ot a, should bring a fleet of thirty sail upon t a fleet oft iv h . - of a battle might be lost. Men in the ordinary st: to life, do not allow the fate of themselves and f5 1114 , - stO hang on such contingencies. They keep more strw° their bow. ;introduce On the attempt to re-introduce Proteeti on e, Minister was clear and strong. In fact his word which stands between F ree T ra d e an d suc h a o es iove tion. Meanwhile the Free-Traders in the lictl ee ig no mouth, but f o r te lli ng t h e country it different wheth e r th ese Mi n i sters are in of or their,, (101 ponents. Does not t hi s rem i nd you of the 45: Hogarth's picture of an El ect i on, who is sawill 7-1,11 the sign of an inn, with himself upon the beam Abl e ' to fall? so On the main question of the day the M inister ig st. firm, but did not state th e case so strong l y as he ol 's' s e For example, when h e c it e d t h e L eg i t i m i sts in Fes as having said by their organ that the moreutee; did for the re-establishment of Catholicity in Englen u t t bet he not know they had said a much stronger thingenot the time was come " w h en P rotestant i sm m ust ' 1 , 9 ' t ee down by force of arins ?" L oo k at the Univers o % k i o g 27th October. And w h en h o announced es sonic fits like a rare and curious discovery, accounting fo r t to which would o th erw i se b e unaccountable, thatsa-edr was a party in th e P ope ' s C amar i lla hosti l e to Deig'ibet is it possible he should not have had before his sl e t; o r England is avowedly everywhere the bugbear or pressers of the Continent, and that her humiliair„ol ruin would be th e o bj ect d earest to their hearts . 11 "b i a to be said " the peoples " would be in our facee r i o eld the unlucky fact happens to be, that whether vo w e ber. have helped it or not, " the peoples" are eve! 0 W the hoof, and our turn is as likely to be grin polio- as not. Would it not alsu hare been within stu,,idio vince of a British Minister, to note that the ".e'P`'",yed Letter" contains allusions very unlikely to be cl a n n v i t lia in a communic a ti on i n t en d e d to b e conciliate:llr; ea' up to Catholic a d m i rat i on t h e procee di ng s for couragement of whi c h a d ynasty was ex il e d in to e T - irie" year referred t o , an d so fa r i ntell i g i bly ho ldi n g o°' it 19 t aria and her supporters as usurpers and rebels ? oft plain the Minister may make out a stronger woe a ` of time. And he would h ave d one b etter if i ns tead , t og bricks and legislati ve mor t ar , h e h a d propose d rent ~ he Acts of 5 and 13 Eliz. with reasonable penalties' I am, Sir, your obedient servant, eeES , AN OLD REFORM. London, Feb. 5, 1851. Ao r ST. VALENTINE FORESTALLED.—On Mop 27th ult., as Mr. H. Sexton and some friends were so ° . o - g ton rabbits, on the estate of William Frost, Es q., of Th° r , l ,,,oest' Hall, near Colchester, they found a hedge sparroW:tteine containing four eggs. Such an instance,showing the mildness of the season, is, we believe, unprecedente d ' We [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Another Extraordinstivo l v , of a Wound in the Leg by Holloway's Ointment sn d .,`„ l cesl, Andrew Milton, a hostler, residing at Burton, ewe t w;„iirsry ago bruised his shin, and, being of a full habit of WV , 'Wes; inflammation ensued, which defied every effort to s n „ding afterwards an obstinate wound formed, and notwitlitts; bad various treatments it would not heal, and his leg bensr fie-1 that his surgeon urged him to have it amputated; Zoe' wishing to lose his limb before giving Holloway's trial, he commenced, and he has reason to be grate did' for by their use he has effected a sound and iserfe,,c`4lo' Sold by all Druggists and at Professor liollowaysiw lishment, 244, Strand, London. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—BeII's Life in C on lon , o , ' day next, F e b. 9.—T ur f P rospects for 1851 AcceP t t ou e for the Spri ng H an di caps — C r i t i ca l R emarks, by PeLture/ Horses in traini ng i n E ng l an d an d Ireland—Racing Pi o ar, and latest moves at the Corner Steeplechases at Lin c ? so islt elsewhere—The Chase, Coursin g , Aquatics, Pedestrl-of t b .,1 7 Angling, Salmon Fishin g , an d every sport i ng i nc iden rri - e week—Op. ning of Parliament--The Queen's Speech. 01 0 of Bell's ',fie, Six pence. —Office, 170, Strand. Averag e of Bell's Lye in London, 29,000. Q ti odOto [ADVERTISEMENT.]—The Observer of Feb. 2, gave nearly five of their folio columns of Psr`to Sid connected with the Great Exhibition, brought doleli foOt turday night. The Observer of Sunday, Jan. 26, gt b i ~s fooo folio columns of i n t eres ti ng i nc id ents of the ES`"boregf chiefly original fact s , co ll ec t e d an d wr i tten b y the ' reporters. The extensive publication of the Obser7, mences at four o' c l oc k on S un d ay mornings. Sonuji'Vlß- 9, a gratuitous supplement to the Observer. Pries Observer, Sixpence. ir STATE OF TRADE.—MANCHESTEE, FEB.. yarn market this day is v e ry qu i e t, an d there has bee n d iog cline in prices since our last was quoted. Notwithe, t4 4o o6 . all the concessions that have been made in prices, u_ e tioo 6 , does not seem at all improved thereby, as the trane: a bso this day are very limited. Indian yarns, which had ;IL so d relatively high prices, at present are the most depres s " Tb e the general tone of this market is inactivity an d dec11 08 4, ( 10g goods market is also v ery d u ll and inactive, the prfo' l lowered since last Tuesday. t t he EXHIBITION OF 1851.—We understand Executive Committee having been applied to, by NO parties proposi ng t o b e exhibitors, f or p e rmiesioo, o , o servants present d ur i ng t h e t i me of the exhibition , su" Offi ed the ce for follo the win E g circular , oiegr xecutive Committee Exhibition l' ° Kensington-road. London, 1851. to Be " Sir,—l am directed by the Executive Coroolittve-ttend that they cann o t entertain any application for the4bitico, ante of Servant s to ex pl a i n t h e goo d s d ur i ng the till such goods have been brought into the , building.-- -I am, Sir, your o ‘i b s e r d . ie D n i t c s a e y rva lv nt y , Ary,T s e e, o " tir DEATH OF MRS. CAPTAI N S TEVE NSON . O.I.% obituary of to-day will be found recorded the derV s ' o Dee amiable lady of Captain George St evenso n, formerlE is t oo, ford, House, Chalton Kings, and Lake House, in W st god' which melancholy event took pl ace on M o nday last- ve neo. o ai wick House, near Chepstow. It a pp ears that r S te t was suddenly attacked with apopl ex y, and depa r te d life without struggle or pain. —Cheltenham Journd- DI On the 3d inst., in Harley-s t r e et, Emma Mary, th e sec°l34 daughter of Sir Denis Le Narchant, Bart., , ge d 10. y lett . On the 27th ult., at Bognor,' Ann, relict of the late tenant-Colonel Morden, aged 85 inia °I London: Printed and Published by DIURDO n 111 1 , No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, A a a te Stroud, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in 04 c4l bliddleox i Wedlioadr.y, yebr i utry 5, 1851. 10% % 7% 6N 11% li 18 % 17% 6% % 11% )6 13 % [BB 89% 8 9 589% 15 103 34 t 7 56X 57% 58 56% 4% 95 94% x.d 11 x.d. 135 x.d. 11 3 4 (130:129% 13034 129% 21% 87% 88 8' 29 % 29 1N x die. i 6 % iS% IN 9 8 7iiiii 4% 10 % 10 16% x.n, 5% % die. 4% dii. 10% 101 3 24 %}4 %%34 42%3 20% % 15% 243,60 i % • 1 41%! 23% 3 % % 2 3036 I I G Stat °lfc te a lei litre a iv L Q u t ro t ri 14f Va . ( • 'le'a Dale ee with ty ki k ), T F ;14,,