The Sun. — London, England, 1845-07-09 00:00:00

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OR ;17 "------- ---------..—. ."'''''''."-----"7 , „hiP 58 being proposed, 4 .ttt ed knETNLEY considered that the public ought to be pro- Ihe.%llaving the roads set out of a sufficient width. the roa d ttas defined of LINCOLN thought that the width of . Q. under the General Inclosure Act and the Highway ' IIL I t i l e '"uld, however, take care to make inquiry on the y I,'he_ clef the report was brought up. Ciao' ciao3e was then agreed to. '4 e 9 was agreed to, with a kw verbal amendments, as 0_ also clauses 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 63, and 69. ,m'reh,tuse 70 being roposed. I)elie,•,• STAIVSFIELD moved that it be expunged altogether,_ r. "' Act, It In g that it was contrary to the policy of the new Poo 1 4 4 :i t " swile o bservations from Lord LINCOLN, in defence of atiz, , %c:.B99,tVERIE '1 if his Hon Friend behind him (Mr. ditid;Zth),divided s Up l o ( nthequestion, he should certainly theihßeillEa"rl"ol7llNCOLN said his object in bringing forward l'stis com aewas to benefit the poor in the neighbourhood of t sad b' ld at the sarne time r the rights of proper y, , Nf r e 14 " L l ieved that object would be effected by this clause. . ttis liii"l':NLEY was afraid that the lands they had set out in of the i," .or cricket grounds iill and recreation, r b e e cre d a u t g ion up , .under the clau , ( s h ohl e Gard n He trusted the ' 1 44 to ' rl d would Garden s Bill, subject, and introduce some Nit prevent sucit'a circumstance' taking place. . . , 1.1, U,' STANSFIELD said he should certainly divide the Th e _ i ' l l'on the question of expunging the clause. 'fth: t a rl of LINCOLN said, if such was the determination_ e t° ,,,P t,„`,.' n ' Ilernber, he thought the better course would b ' , ire t ' l l ' L rs 'e the turhe ' r consideraTion of the clause, and to move The the `haiiman repo r t p rogress, an d a...1t leave to sit again. ocl oo . qrthen s i tt i ng of the Huse was then postponed ,o five '.. Th e weise resumed at five °Voce. TheOrds T,OTNES en w A TERWORKS BILL. amendments to the •f °toes Waterworks Bill were 110 N I, T h h e ' ' I OUTH AND HEREFORD RAILWAY. tras tnii r ejre t rt on the Monmouth and Hereford Railway Bill P• un th SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. spa t h e , s e nrder of the day being read for bringing up the report ti tniusitill,,,,,Vales Railway Bill, 'rt ,o‘ re y ri dl a c , moved J t o h l a y t the report be taken into considere d • team . 71 th lI ERKELEY said that the usual time for consi the e report w 'old be Tuesday next, and he saw no reason d'i&tild deviate from the usual course. EENE considered that the usual rule of the House ita ere . , be obs erved. If they violated it in the present in- Le d it ,,, w nuld be dra . wn intol precedent. Ithether'RANVlLLE SOMERSET said the question was, hy °r not the ilouse weuld throw an impediment in the * Ce lattn %gerat.eational undertaking. The Chatrman of the AUuld 4 an i had reported i n f avour o f an ear ly consideration. It ti .: 4 P l rtan t national undertaking, and the question was, Fee e ti ll nuse cons e t t thes impediments in the way of - " ai rrnati l Z it a rnatte n r of form e and after the report of the t s o r favou r ? 4Rht tn C°U RT bought that the orders of the House Cllr by strictly observe'd. lion the inicHERE would be sorry to throw any obstruc was " a Y f t m h o e s pass m int , of the At the same time ths Ro o f s t he ut timportance that the regulations of n l PPortea e should be ') observed. This Bill was rarli„, by a k h ie t ilent ary power.o h c p %e a e'a•t Parties p tte ' of t h at I io c ti o e c n e n_ _ n c e e h t connected er3he-courtmauhisal i‘tatvin'alll;sd, influence iwritohmsosoes f sp e tsoi r ns°sgb t e h is i e'g(t p lir : ei nna r • te,, 1 ! . • N '7l l d ‘tl i A n g,the House to depart from the standing orders. 11 '. 4 4 So vi ', was anxious to have a communication be tithh- d I He was no railway share- N ''''‘t ' rea ut d the an House would order the report to be on Pride next,thereby giving three clear days. b"desiret:. M oile Y a w whose name we c.tuld not learn, had 14 i,, ee tho a ally pee 1 - • i dul ence to the South Wales Rail trel•44.lght the u C l h ar • n an g of the Standine Orders Com ,.P°:sed to g i t t with . . 5 great propriety, extend the license now pro- M si, t i i , ,ver, to the South Railway to all other 14 , 13 r. rly placed. • • Its eS L had no personal communication with the South t ressWas coca nor any share in any particular railway buto t A ' ee ted with the south of Ireland, and felt an inte 'eed b proelfare of Ireland generally, which he thought ier m e o s tt of by th• When the Holyhead Railway i 74 th:T a u t t under he ce i n s sid ' er'ation of the House, the llinister T Y t , oul Ireland must . be a . paramonnt obligation. tl s,e rd Ro• s irY not be so considered in this instance ? f kla 's ee ICK thought that railways in general had strong act of arii°o46tinhe consideration of the House, because the mere is:: rid gto the Board of Trade threw each scheme st 's to e month. (Hear, hear.) Unless the House took I t b °o , a bd „xtricate them, they would not be passed in that 5e...- ey ',net seemd to h• to constitute a special case why tij'h•lieve'tahld show ins dulgence in ease; like these. He did not Is re at any injury Would be inflicted on any party by taking sil d4i gen P e a e rt 0 ° the d ' aidesired. He did not think that this in -00 Maid be with justice extended only to this Bill, for ht t , s er , corning before them under similar circumstances I),ue similarly dealt with. , 1 / 4 re e ~.uNCOMBE said he thought the House ought to gad the motion of his Hon. Friend ; and he also -a d had " is Rim. Friend ought not to lose the advantage he ?nerely on some g point of mere punctillio. These part)i'ellills had now become of such importance that surely ai Th e day in a week ought not to be raised as an objection. ANCELLOR s I the EXCH EQUER said, that bow t ` "al had been the da fixed, it would not be convenient Ne l i re G d C LERK said, S.rr) alter it. that y as the regulations of_ t th oc e h H ß o i u l ;t s e , tiothorefs days' notice before the brin e g a i r ri r g ie ur d notice should p e give n Member's motion should be re!tomorro w in order to bring it before the House on ay. al r G „ " E ENE said that an alteration should be made in the n ‘ g r etrde rs t o effect the change he proposed. . ( 1 ) P0 • V U NTZ said that nine-tenths of his constituents were m' r e ' To the measure—so would he be most decidedly. Aro,C . 1/00NER moved that the order requiring that the Co;a4`e't amendments be referred to the Standing Orders Airnittee be suspended thrrertralNlUNTZ moved that the report be received that day Mr . 13RhOT Well and IiERTON said that everything went on now ri t harmlessly,. and . he did not see that those place'e I,7nrcl not sacrifice their petty interests to the interest of the - ",rough. bah. NEWDEG ATE supported the proposition of the Hon. 'Aember for Birmingham (Mr. Spooner). The House then divided, For the motion of .11r. Sputoenreer appeared-- Against it ........... in favou; .. the Bill .. 6 55 On n the bringing up mtrsni J. thAßailwayu —5 i p ß o il f l, the report of the Direct London and tr ae „ , A. SMITH said he had intended to move an al 'lament to the Bill but as he felt satisfied the House wo 4 r division. ortthe decision oethe Co.nmittee, he would not press it to L ` d . t ,A. LENNOX said that he felt bound to oppose this We bee ,the atmospheric line, the distance from London o nly ,eighty miles while by the South-Westernline it would felt thro e l s 'xtY-one mile's By the former line the country pass , . ftl t r Was of thepoorest and most desolate character. .He h e 1- ne ""ary to say thus much in behalf of the city which ;presented. brought r* ANGLES thought that the report ought not to be 4 1r. p ndiudiea -1 0ARING considered the decision the best possible m r.j tion for Portsmouth. P,„ lptai A. SMITH opposed the report.. 'thr ew 4 BERKELEY said that this railway was quite in o: Pet t , i, "ent fOr the country through which it passe . d. pr h ito - o;';‘„ l 2Peneti. to be near Chichester, and this line would put L een ( miles further from London than he was at pre sanSir tr',, l augh.) I trte 'APIER thought that it was of . - ne utmost. impocth tnegre 'there should be as speedy a communication with Tr arsenal of the kingdom as possible. t " 13 . DENISON said that he regretted that the G., te1 . 4 4 . 1 of the Committee had not given satisfaction, for the Vtoi on itt ee had taken immense pains to arrive at a right con "en they had reason to believe that this project had Th - e an s e,„,_ Ty rmajority of those concerned. %* as the n adopted. RAILWAY BILLS. a j Tn be d i J4ghton% and Chichester Railway Bill was then read a ea€reedt'ords, amend ments to the Think Railway Bill were T h s a e e tie Lords' r 3 • amendments were to the North of England Railway theri_ee(V;dY's Isla a n g d re a e nd to iacumshin Embankment B d il t l o. was LINI - del e red, and the amendments thereuponagr ASYLUMS. v ORKHOUSES—LUNATIC . Person Mr. TDUNCOMBE presented a petition signed by 2 ,: 7 . 00 n. ing 01 8 'Min the counties of Derby and Nottingh . arn• eorni e the union workhouse of Mansfield and its management ht he -el pact to those persons who sought relief for one night. csoptltioners prayed for the removal of the master. . He 0 ille4Prestmt a petition from Captain Digby, complaining tharh•e"finernent in Huntin =don Lunatic Asylum. He added, ke ritt l s solicitor applied fora b copy of the certificate of This refusal Preyeelrflod.er.ed most unjustifiable and illegal. The petitioner . 1 , Inquiry I.:ANDLORDS AND TENANTS BILL. tIgI:"LLLEW presented a petition from the . landlords and fav Q Luta' labourers - of the county Louth, in Ireland, in r 'f the Landlords and Tenants Bill. 0 , LAND TENURE IN IRELAND. . hatdi,-"LLETT presented a petition from certain poor-law t aiga - 1 4 a in the count of Athlone, praying that an alteration ' 5 made in the land tenure in Ireland. Mr 1 17 BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. I ‘ l 'ne;• " ARBURTON moved that the petition of the H0n. ,11 e r ord er uer f.ir Cheltenham have precedence over M r a t ', l the day. I , C' AI NES would, as the Hon. Member for Cheltenham I) ,e alh: Ris elf petitioned that the officers of the Housesh . ou m ld , orl e a wed to . give evidence in the action brought against hi I/etisY .recapitulate the facts of the case, in order to put the here 'n possession of the circumstances connected with it, and irbp„, 4w ould say that he did not purpose to cast the slightest not T at ical on the Hon. Member for Cheltenham. If he were rhot4l,°rder in addressings a few remarks to the House, he on \`' 4.e h appy to be corrected.—(" Hear, hear," an . d " ' Go I . r,e e i n 0 ~.!L, Contracted with the East India Steam Company 0 1) te ro i ,tig "to e v e e r s t s a el h eu a r lt ss, t (!o r o s i. They waco did so, and the total cost, siderably increased. h T r tr , natZ et tis of the e C r o a m m pa l ny exhibited the Hon. Aete e r i, s °lle of the directors, and his name wasals a o le c r i n n h a r e t t h e e r of passed through Parliament, granting them i.4.,,r1,:-.l.oripernorbaetironas. Messrs. Scott were induced to consider the one to . whom they ought t t h o e l y ook hr f o o u r gh re t d t r,e n s i s s tetien.loss of 50,0601., an therefore L,t Of th. or— D GRANVILLE SOMERSET said that as the prayer f the ti o " °4 - Member for Cheltenham was that the officers o th eir use should be examined, he thought they should allow ti attendance. have ` ' CRAVEN BERKELEY said he was most anxious to thousha l t s hy into this matter, because . it ieht be te es interested hanself personally, if the 'o ffi cer d s all er, documents should be withheld. He distinctly dente this " n4 exieri with the Company which formed the ground of t actio n. rn ernb INGLIS said, that by the Act of Parliament ro Rith r , name could be inserted in any incorporated company R " Al t his sanction in writing, and that very fact he thought ,elifficiently decisive of this case. " Petition was received and agreed to. In SMOKE PROHIBITION BILL. 4 nswer to a question from Lord G. T Air. xi wtocro w AWeeCkK,the 16th instant. INNON said he should postpone SOMERSE his Bill , till t - Air RIGHT OF SEARCH. t ar ' S HEIL wished to put a question to the Right Hon. th, o net at th e h ead of the Government. He desired to know th., llllll Ther of frigates employed by the American Government f ha d exercised the right of search since the Treaty o eshin t Sir g on. _ ton — "BERT PEEL said that the number had been very 1,..1-aiderable since that treaty, but no injurious conseque . nc e e d s 1,07 supervened, for the most amicable relations had give two to / teon the frigates of both countries. He could s i i i „Ln illustration occurring as late as April, 1645, where t h e e It im : 0 1t1 been exercised the most proper manner. T " Ron. Baronet read a letter from the coast of Africa, dated the 22 , 1 of April, 1845, in proof of the assertion, and their efforts had been successful, for two slavers had been taken by their joint endeavours. Lord PA LMERSTON said that, rising to make the motion of which he had given notice, he trusted that he should be ex cused for trespassing for some little time on the attention of the House. \': ken they considered the atrocious nature of the crime which it was the object of this motion to prevent, he trusted that the House would fully un derstand that it was eo common cccasion that induced him to come forward. It was a crime which tended not only to the demoralisation of the employed, but. also of those who were the owners of slave property. In America, both North and South, the evil pervaded every district, and in Europe it was sufficiently diffused to poison all those healthy impulses which ought to actuate men. By the statement of the Hon. Member for Gateshead (Mr. Hutt), it appeared that the num ber of negroes transferred fr.im the coast of Africa to the sugar producing districts was 200,000 a year. Now, considering this number, and the immense numbers also who were destroyed by the horrors of the middle passage, he thought it the duty of a Christian country to put an end to this horrible traffic. He was aware that great changes had taken place since this question h.d been first discussed. Tne honourable and worthy individuals who had first united to put au end to this nefarious traffic had lost, as it seemed from their reports, all hope to remedy the evil, but he conceived that their fear was altogether groundless, arid that it was a duty incumbent on the country to efface that disgrace to human nature by all practicable means. If they looked at the measures which had been adopted since 1814 for the suppression of the slave trade, and the re sults which had followed, he thought that the parties of whom he had spa k n hail no reason to despair. It should be rear& Iscted that the deportation of negroes from Africa was an established practice, sanctioned by law, and if they were to attempt to abolish it it must be by a series of efforts. If they were to attempt to uproot a tree in the full vilzour of its strength, it would be a project in which, pro bably, every eff .rt would fail ; but only lay the axe to the root of that tree, and the whole fabric of nature would be immedi ately laid low. So it was with the slave trade. Their efforts had been directed to the reduction of this tremendous evil. If the return which he had moved for hail been granted, it would be seen that the difficulties of which so much dread had been expressed would be overcome. It was impossible to aggravate the hole oss of that passage, for, so great were they. that though they might be mitigated, he believed that they could not be in creased. The return which the Right Hon. Baronet had for warded to him was so imperfect, and made up in such a bungling manner, that he had felt it a duty to return it to him, with observations on its defects. The number of slaves imported into the Brazils from the coast of Africa was enormous. It appeared that tt ere were at. least 54 vessels employed in the trade, and allowing only 300 to each, not less than from 50,000 to 6 1,000 slaves were imported inn the Brazils every year. The uncultivated lands in Cuba. Brazil, and Surinam offered an immense field for the profit from this traffic The slave dealers of Cuba thought themselves fortunate if they could secure one carer, out of six. Since 1814 great efforts had been made by the blockading the rivers, and no doubt great benefit had arisen from the energy which had been used in the course of humanity. They had failed to a certain extent in carrying out the treaties which had been made with other countries. Treaties had been entered into with Holland, Spain, Portu gal, and Brazil, and with several of them negotiations had been eminently successful ; had the treaty been carried out to the fullest extent, there would still be the evil of smuggling. Sweden, Denmark, and he was happy to say Portugal, had fulfi led their engagements in the best possible manner. But France, he had no hesitation in saying, had lately entered into a treaty with the linantri of Muscat for the transferring of slaves to the island of Bourbon. The Brazilian Government had evidently winked at the practice, and it appeared by the return of the colonial authorities, that large numbers of slaves had been imported into the United States. Portugal, by a spontaneous effort, had effectually reduced the number of slaves imported into the colonies. The distinguished man, of whom the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) had spoken as exerting his authority when Governor of Cuba, was a noble exception to the general rule, for, excepting him, the Spanish authorities had entirely failed in carrying out the terms of the treaty during twenty-seven years. The efforts of the country would seem to have been feeble, if not altogether useless; but, since the correspondence that had taken place in 1839, the progress had been consi derable ; and the years 1841 and 1842 showed a large reduction in the negroes transported to the South American districts. There had been a very beneficial change in the Brazils, he was aware, since the measures of the Govern ment, of which he had been a member, had been carried out. But still much care would be requisite to effectually reduce the evil of which all united to complain. Yet he had no fear but that, with even common regard to the general interests of the world, the suppres sion of the slave trade would be almost, if not entirely, accom plished. It was unfair to say that their measure had failed, for at various times causeshad arisen which had led to the removal of our slave cruisers from their regular stations; and this practice had tended to give an impetus to the slave trade. Our operations in China in 1839 and 1840 led to the removal of the squadron engaged on the coast of Africa, and the present engagements of Government in the River Plate had compelled them to divert their cruisers from the coast. All these things had tended materially to interfere with the full operation of our naval police, and therefore it was that he did declare that the ,system had been fairly tried and found to be defective. The fact was it was their rickety cruisers that were defective, and not the system, for they had vessels upon the coast which were such slow sailers that they could catch nothing. Unless, there fore, the naval police was inspected by constables who could run, instead of those old charlies, who could do nothing, in fact, unless they applied the new police to Africa, he was afraid it would be in vain for them to think that the country would place any confidence in our cruisers engaged in sup pressing the slave trade. The country now held treaties with foreign Powers, binding them to discountenance the traffic— treaties sanctioning the right of search, and treaties binding foreign chiefs not to sell slaves, but the late Commission had entirely denied to the country the privilege of enjoying the power of the right of search. This was she result of a ne gotiation between this country and France, which ne gotiation had led to the appointment of the Commission to which he had just alluded. The Commision examined naval officers connected with both countries touching this matter of the right of search, and it was evident the examination took place with a view of seeing whether this right was or was not essential for the effectual suppression of the slave trace. But he that as it might, the Commission did examine officers. both English and French, and he knew nothing of , what those officers said, except what he had gleaned from the common rumours of the day. He had, however, been informed, and, he believed it, because it was natural that many of these officers, both English and French, had sated to the Commission that they considered it material that the right of search was indispensably necessary to render the naval police engaged in suppressing the slave trade effective. He said, then, as a treaty was to he ba.ed upon this evidence, they had a right to have it produced, and he could conceive nothing which could justify the Government in withholding it from the coun try. At all events, however, whatever reasons they might urge against the production, he should certainly take the sense of the House upon the matter. It might be said, however, that the production of the evidence would be injurious to the public but he confessed he could not agree in such an opinion; and, without meaning any disrespect to the Government, he must say he did not believe such a declaration would be believed by anybody. Now, in what way was this evidence likely to affect the country? It might, in the first place, contain state. ments and facts relative to the stratagems resorted to by traders in slaves. Well, had not the papers which had been annually published on the subject done the same, and instead of injuring the public service it had benefited it? In the second place, this evidence might contain suggestions from these officers as to the means which ought to be adopted for defeating these stratagems, and he for one denied that these suggestions could prove injurious in the slightest degree to the public service. Then, in the third place, these officers might have entertained strong national feelings, and made statements which might, if published, give rise to the existence of differences between the two countries. He did not think, however, that such serious consequences could result from the production of this evidence, and still he thought that the House had a right to know what was the opinion of the officers who had been examined. They had a right to know what were their feelings with respect to this treaty. The Government may feel a great reluctance to pro duce that which may give them an opportunity to condemn them, but still they ought to feel it their duty to produce that evidence. The treaty abolished now and for ever the whole right of search. They were giving up a most useful power for the accomplishment of that purpose which both England and France professed to desire, namely, the abolitim of the slave trade. It had been given up without obtaining an equivalent measure. In the fifth year of the ten years during which this treaty was to continue the skill and dexterity of the French was exercised to put an end to the treaty. He thought that their skill and dexterity was deserving of praise, but he was sorry that it should be exercised in so bad a purpose. So that at the end of ten years, unless the feelings and opinions of France should entirely change, arid unless France should come back to the desire to engage in a mutual right of search, there would be an end to the engagement. The right of search was not of any value whatever to England for any object except for the suppression of the slave trade. The agreement was an inconvenience that they willingly submitted to on both sides, because they thought it conducive to the great object of humanity. But as to the idea of its being conducive in any way to the English interest, ex cept to the interest of abolishing the slave trade, it was per fectly absurd. The clamour of the Government abandoning this right of search, was a clamour arising from the slave traders not only in France, but in the Brazils and in Cuba. It was stated that in Cuba the slave-traders raised subscriptions for abusing the English in the French newspapers. It was a clamour raised for interested purposes, by parties who were inclined in favour of the continuation of the slave trade. He thought that all the clamour arising out of this matter attached to the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet would not inquire who was to blame, or to whom it was to attach. The Duke of Wellington, in his address in 1841, said that he quite concurred in the course which they had adopted, and that there would be no difficulty in carrying out the poicy. They had the approval of the rest of the Govern ment. The French and English agreed to form two squadrons. one from each country, for the suppression of the slave trade on certain parts of the coast of Africa. The right of search was then more extensive, as it comprised the West Indies, the coast of Brazil, the western coast of Africa, and a radius round the island of Madagascar. They were to have twenty six vessels each. He (Lord Palmerston) called for a return, some time ago, of the vessels of each country having warrants for the suppression of the slave trade, and found that the num ber of French vessels having warrants from the English Government for that purpose, amounted only to the number of fifty-two, and the English vessels having warrants from the French Government amounted to fifty-four, and those fifty-two vessels were not equal to fifty-two vessels of the old style. These vessels were of no use except for their own country. The slave-traders had the opportunity of obtaining flags and papers from any country they wished. When a French cruiser met one of those traders, the slave-trader then produced her English flags and papers, and it was supposed by the French vessel that all was right, and it passed on a'ter having seen the papers. In the same way the slave-tra lee could deceive the English trader by hoisting French colours and ex hibiting French papers, so that, unless the French and Eng. lish were like the Siamese twins, and hunted in couples, it was impossible that many of these slave-traders could not escape. And there had been lately a treaty entered into by the French Government with the African Princes on the eastern coast for the transmission of slaves to the Isle of Bourbon. He did not know to what extent the treaty entered into by this country with the Imaum of Muscat, who was our friend, was interfered with by the French treaty with the lmaurn. Much had been said of the horrors of the middle pas sage. Certainly the middle passage was horrible. Its horrors were not exaggerated in the description. But they were nothing to be compared with the horrors of the slave trade on the east coast. The Noble Lord read an extract from returns relating to the east coast of Africa, of which we could collect no more from his reading than that they were in all respects frightful to humanity. Out of one hundred miserable captives, not more than eight reached their distination.—( Heart hear. ) He asked why it was that France in mak in g this treaty was not required to abandon her p arti c i p at i on in this branch of the trade? In his (Lord Palmerston's) negotiations, that slave trade by the coast was made by the French authorities a par ticular exception.—( Hear, hear.) He could not understand how her Majesty's Government, with all these facts before them, had not taken measures to repress this horrible traffic. The Noble Lord then read extracts from a report in which it was stated, that the slaves who had been so much weakened by the voyage, as to be unable to prosecute the land travel to the utmost, were left upon the shore until the waves of the sea would do them that mercy which man had denied them, by shortening their sufferings.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that the treaties bound France not to enter into any treaties with chiefs in latitudes between 15 N. and 16 S. He did not think that the French hail faithfully followed out that part of the treaty. Although he d d not approve of that portion of the treaty, he would have felt s .me satisfaction if he had found that the French had acted upon it. They had not done so. ( Hear, hear.) He objected also to the clause which enabled a cruiser of the one country to prevent the mercantile vessels of the other to enter into the bight or bay, whilst the cruiser re mained there. He contended that, in the whole of the treaty, he found little to satisfy him. The Noble Lord then read the preamble of the treaty, in which, he said, it was stated by inference that the British flag was used for the con tinuance of the slave trade. That statement was a foul calumny upon the British flag and the British people.- -( Hear, hear.) He never would put his name to that treaty which east so calumnious an imputation upon the British name, and so foul a stain upon the British flag. The clause 9 stipu lated that her Britannic Majesty would not allow the slave trade to be carried on in her colonies. The meaning of that clause was that there was a probability that slavery would be renewed in her Majesty's colonies.—( Hear, hear. ) He, for one, would have died before he set his hand to a treaty so dis graceful to the country. Ile had stated so far his reasons for objecting to the treaty.—(dear, hear. ) He would now refer shortly to the Parliamentary papers, with which Honour able Members must be familiar. He was sure that those papers would show, on the part of the Ge. vernment—not to say neglect—but, at least, great apathy. The Governors-General of the colonies were in possession of the facts rel. Ving to the landing of negroes, the arrival of slave vessel, and other such practices, in contravention of treaties, but though cognisant of their existence they took no steps to prevent them. The Governor of the island of St. Jago de Cuba, when informed of the continuance of the most illegal practices, finding the representation= of the Consul-General rather irksome, looked into some old laws enacted about the year 1760, and announced that cclerii. s allowed Consuls only to act commercially. When, therefore, he heard the complaint, he replied he was sorry to hear it, but that the Consuls had nothing to do with it. The Consul at St. Jago de Cuba, however, chose to do his duty, and reported to the Government at home, who passed their censure upon him for not informing the Government of the province. Orders were sent out to that Government to receive the documents of the Consul ; but it being the fashion to treat Eng land with contempt, both shat and the parent Government at Spain merely replied by reference to the old law of Consulate in Spain. Thus, the Consul had applied to the Government in England, the Goverment in England to that of Madrid, the Government of Madrid to that of Cuba, and the result was a reply from the Governor-General of Cuba that the circumstances had occurred a year ago, and were entirely forgotten. To that rude answer by the Spanish Government no reply had been made by the British Govern ment, which had, in consequence, become the laughing-stock of the whole island of Cuba. With regard to the practices at Surinam, five or six thousand slaves who had been carried there for sale were entitled to their freedom. The Chief Ad vocate denied their assertion, but he affirmed it, and though it might seem presumptuous to dispute the opinions of a law officer of the Crown, he would fearlessly declare it was as bad in law as in principle. A demand had been made of the Dutch Government for inquiry into the practices resorted to at that island ; the reply, although more civil than that of the Governor-General of Cuba, and though the officer did not return the letters of the Consul, the judge de clared that the latter had nothing to do with the judicial circumstances of the country. The Government of the Hague, when referred to, had taken no notice of the affair. He (Lord Palmerston) would not trouble the House by multi plying instances of a similar character, all evincing the feeble ness in remonstrance, and apathy in representation, by the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet would probably ask why he did not specifically accuse the Government of bringing forward a resolution of censure. It was very well for a Minis ter, with a majority of one hundred in a full, and a propor tionate preponderance in a thin House, to meet a question of such importance, by defying the minority; he (Lord Palmer ston) did not, therefore, appeal to the House. The majority could not be persuaded by argument, and though occasionally expressing their dissent from the views of their leader on any question where party was materially concerned, wou'd rally in a phalanx and support the Administration.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He, therefore, addressed himself to the people of this country. He appealed to the nation at large. They entertained a reciprocal feeling on the slave trade; and let them remember the lessons taught in history, that the crimes of nations seldom failed of meeting with their just punishment.—(" Hear, hear," from Sir R. Inglis.) Men in general attributed disasters to immediate cause or effect contiguous to the times ; the more philosophical mind traced such visitations to a just and retributive Pro vidence, punishing national crime. —( Cheers.) The people of England would not be doing their duty if they did not urge and encourage the Government, without endangering the peace of the country or perilling a failure, in putting down those abominable and accursive crimes connected with slave traffic. Sir R. PEEL said, towards the close of his speech the Noble Lord opposite doubted the utility of taking a vote of that House. As he had done him the discourtesy of saying he should disbelieve the statement which he (Sir R. Peel) would make in reply, he would return the compliment, and unhesitatingly tell the Noble Lord that he did not believe the reasons assigned for his declining to take the sense of the House.—( Loud laughter.) It was not from a fear of being vanquished by a Government majority, but from a knowledge that many who were his usual supporters would desert him on the present occa sion. —(Cheers.) And he would state, moreover, and prove that a better means of putting an end to the odious system of the slave trade had been effected by the convention entered into by the present Government, with the second power in Europe, than by the convention of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord began by stating that the treaty lately entered into enabled France to take the subjects of the lmaum of Muscat and bring them into slavery, and that the reason of the refusal of France to enter into the treaty of 1841 entirely arose from the circumstance of that treaty putting an end to the abominable traffic. He thought the Noble Lord should not deal in such insinuations. He thought that they would not tend to allay that irritable state of feeling which had for some time unhappily existed be tween the two countries.—( Hear, hear.) He should not, in referring to the Imaum of Muscat, make statements. He ad mitted that great precautions were necessary, and those pre cautions were taken. From Zanzebar they learned that slaves were removed in large barges. Every inquiry, however, would be made whether such conduct on the part of France was com patible with the treaty which had been lately entered into. The Noble Lord ought to have read on further. He took only what suited his argument, and left out those passages in the pamphlet which bore against it. Lord PALMERSTON denied that he omitted anything. Sir R. PEEL begged the Noble Lord's pardon. He did not read the passage which referred to the slaves being taught trades. He was not sufficiently acquainted himself with the subject to pronounce a positive opinion on the various circum stances of the case, but the conclusion which the Noble Lord wished the House to come to, in reference to it, was very different from that which the actual state of the case warranted. Then the Noble Lord referred to the conduct of the Government in its negotiations with Spain. The Noble Lord said that they showed tameness in those communications. Now he would read them a specimen of the tameness with which they mere charged. The Right Hon Gentleman then read an extract from a dis patch which Lord Aberdeen wrote to Mr. Bulwer, the Am bassador at Madrid, in which he tells him to convey to the Spanish Government that the Government of England were well acquainted with the bribes which the authorities in Cuba were receiving for their connivance at the infamous traffic. with the sum that was received for each slave —that if such conduct were persisted in, the treaty of 1835 would become void, and that General O'Danohoe must be re-called. Now, he would ask, was that an instance of tameness? Having now disposed of hurinam, the case of the Imaurn of Muscat, General Donohoe's conduct, and the indignity evinced to our own Consul, lie would now proceed to address himself to the main point aimed at in the Noble Lord's (Palmerston) speech—he meant the treaty lately entered into with France. His belief was, that a more wise or prudent, as well as a more effectual mode, could not be adopted for the suppression of the slave trade. W as the Noble Lord prepared to say that the refusal of France to enter into the treaty of 1841 was in consequence of a desire to encourage the slave trade? The Noble Lord said so. He agreed that it was an imprudent act. The Noble Lord challenged him to an and n quiry as to the cause of that refusal. In 1842, 1843, 1844, the objection to that ratification was recorded by the Chamber of Deputies of France. How, then, could the Noble Lord state that it was the clamour of the slave trade which brought about that refusal? He thought that the right of search was objected to from the ir ritable state of the public mind. The Noble Lord referred to the aid which he received from himself and the gentlemen on that side of the House for the suppression of the slave trade. He should not then make that support a matter for reproach to them now. For his own part he did not want to inquire—he gave his full concurrence to everything that might put an end to the ini quitous traffic. He must, however, do the King of that country the justice to say that he did not believe he approved of the course which the constitution or representatives of France had adopted on that occasion. He thought that the question would have been material.), al tered if the Executive Government, having signed the treaty, had sought the means of escaping from the obligation of that treaty. The question was, was the reason assigned for influence non ratification an honest one, namely , the c ontrol and exercised by a popular assembly. He believed that it was, al though he thought they had a decided right to remonstrate. After the debate in the French Chamber M. Guizot proposed that the protocol should be left open, and that modifications should be made in the treaty. This Government peremp torily declined acceding to that proposal, as far as tae modifications were concerned. The Noble Lord had said that they had tamely yielded without a remonstrance. Lord Aberdeen, in writing to Lord Cowley, on February 12th, 1840, said that the recent decision as to the non-ratification by France of the treaty appeared to her Majesty's Government to be pregnant with mischief, and would operate more injuriously to the lawful exercise of the royal prerogative of France than any event which had taken place for many years, and that it would be the means of distrust being engendered against France by the other three Powers who were the contracting parties in the treaty. This was what Lord Aberdeen said, and yet the Noble Lord said that there had been no re monstrance. Then, as far as regarded the modifica tions, Lord Aberdeen said, " the proposed alterations in themselves are confessedly of little value." It was proposed by France to make slight modifications for the purpose of con ciliating the public feeling in France. The answer of Lord Aberdeen was, " the proposed alterations are confessedly of little value, but they involved a great principle." Now, he (Sir R. Peel) thought that he had demonstrated that the ac cusation of the Noble Lord (Palmerston) was clearly without foundation. The French Government refused to ratify the treaty of 1841. The treaty, however, was ratified by the other Powers, and it was now binding upon them. The refusal of France to ratify that treaty left the relations of this country and France, as far as regarded the slave trade, depending on two conventions which were entered into, the one in 1831, and the other in 1833. He need not for his present purposes allude more particularly to the treaty of 1833, as it was supplementary to the treaty of the year 1831. The treaty of 1833 merely defined the z mes within which the right of search was to be exercised. The treaty of 1831 did not give such a right of search. He felt most strongly that the provi visions of the recent convention were more effectual for the suppression of the slave trade than those of the treaty of 1831. He presumed it would be admitted that the right of search per se was not a good thing for the country. The value of it depended upon its efficiency for the suppression of the slave trade. It was required for no other purpose. It was not asked for the purpose of giving an advantage to our co lonies, nor was it asked as a triumph over France. All that it was asked for was, as an efficacious instrument for the sup pression of the slave trade. What was the convention of the year 1831 ? That convention established a reciprocal right of search. It was not a universal right of search, as the right was limited, on the west coast of Africa, to that part which extended from Cape Verde to about 15 of north lati tude to 10 of south latitude. That part of the coast of Africa was not the only point where the slave trade was carried on. 'l' he slave trade was carried on between Africa and the Brazils several degrees below the tenth. The convention, therefore, was not perfect. It gave no right of search in certain parts of the coast of Africa. The Irnaum of Muscat could be reached for instance. Captain PECH ELL—There is Madagascar. Sir R. PEEL would state the whole effect of the treaty. The right of search was given to twenty leagues from Mada gascar. The treaty did not stipulate that France should keep up a number of vessels, and France might therefore refuse to keep up any vessels. This country, therefore, under those cir cumstances, was almost powerless in the right of search. The warrants autherising the right of search were annually renew able. In 1831 the Noble Lord asked the French Government 'o consent to an unlimited right of search, but they refused to do so. The Noble Lord proposed upon that, that each Govern ment should furnish a number of cruisers. and that the cruisers of each country should furnish the others with warrants to be in force for the search of vessels for three years. The Noble Lord had said it appeared that this partial and tem porary experiment might prove extremely useful. Instead of three years' duration •f warrants, the time was limited to one year. The French Government was to limit the number of cruisers employed by the English Government to their own number. The convention was dated on the lith April, 1831, and was signed on the 30th. The Noble Lord approved of the substitution of one year for three years. The Noble Lord did also at the same time make a most important communication to the French Government, to the effect that, if they would not consent to a general right of search, they should send cruisers to the coast of Africa to co-operate with the Engl sh cruisers. There could be no reason to doubt that the united efforts of England and France would be attended with success. The Noble Lord told the Government of France that the con vention of 1831 was a partial experiment, to be held within the control of both Governments, and he also informed the French Government that if they would send a sulcient number of cruisers to co-operate with the English cruisers, there was little doubt that the united efforts of the two countries would speedily list an end to the slave trade. Now he ( Sir 11. lied) wished to contrast the advantages which would be derived under the present convention with those which had resulted from the old convention. He admitted, with the Noble Lord that, when tht it new treaty should come into operation the right of search was nominally relinquished. He would inquire for what was the right of search made ? Was it in order to search French ships ? It could be truly asserted that no French subjects carried on the slave trade in French ships. If they did, he admitted that they had lost the right of search, under the new convention. But he would maintain that the carrying on of the slave trade by subjects of France was virtually at an end. He made this assertion on the statement of Mr. Romily, who had made a return of all the vessels belonging to all na tions engaged in the slave trade since 1819. Th e y amounted to 6,398, and of this number there were only 13 which were French v,ssels, employed by French subjcc ; and, further, of these 13 vessels there vreie eleven which were included between the years 1819 and 1831. Since the year 1831 there had been only two cases, according to Sir. R. milly, of French vessels carrying on the slave trade. The two vessels to which he had alluded were named the Sennaar Sambra and the Marathon ; and those were the only two vessels belonging to French owners which had been condemned in any court as having been connected with the slave trade. He therefore consi dered he was justified in saying that the right of search, for the purpose of preventing the occupation of French vessels in the slave trade, was no longer necessary ; but this did not extend to the abolishment of the right of search with regard to vessels of other nations bearing the French flag ? He would proceed to compare the convention of 1845 with that of 1831. The convention of 1831 was limited in its operation along the coast of Africa from Cape Verde to the 10th degree of south latitude, whereas the present convention included the whole of the west coast of Africa in which the slave trade was carried on, from the 15th degree of north lati tude to the 10th degree of south lititude ; consequently, we had under this treaty, six degrees more of the African coast subject to the operation of this convention than that which had been subject to the convention of 1831. The instructions which the English Government had given to the cruisers con veyed distinct authority to exercise that right of visit which had been sanctioned by the law of nations. These instructions were confirmed by the present convention. It contained an admis sion on the part of France that the English cruisers had a right to visit those vessels falsely bearing the French flag, perfectly unaffected by the convention, to ascertain the national cha racter of those vessels. Ile would now address himself to the question whether, under the present convention, there existed efficacious means of preventing the abuse of the French flag by other countries. With regard to this matter the French law was a much more stringent one than the English. Ile was speaking now of the power to visit vessels bearing the trench flag. He had admitted that right under the present treaty. The French law distinctly authorised any French officer who should descry a vessel under suspicious cir cumstances, bearing the French flag, in boarding that vessel, in order to ascertain the nation to which it belonged. The persons engaged in the slave trade were generally persons who committed acts of piracy. Under the French law it was con sidered piracy for any vessel to have double sets of papers. Other small incongruities are held under the French law to constitute acts of piracy. The instructions of the French Go vernment authorised French offieeis to apply this law of piracy to vessels engaged in the slave trade There were new 54 vessels on the coast of Africa engaged by the two Govern ments in the suppression of the slave trade. He admitted that the French cruisers had not the same powers as the British cruisers as respected the right of search. The French Government (lid not possess the power of visiting vessels belonging to the Spanish and Brazilian Governments, and therefore the British cruisers in this respect have greater authority. The French cruisers with regard to vessels belonging to Spain and Brazil would remain precisely the same as respected their right of search as before. He would ask, would not the assistance of 26 cruisers, co-operating with the English cruisers, be taking an effectual precaution to the assumption of the French flag by the slave-traders of other countries? The Noble Lord had said he approved of that part of the convention which provided for the destruction of the barracoons on the African coast. He had expressed his ap. probation of that part of the treaty. The whole burden of the expense of putting an end to the slave trade had fallen hitherto on this country. The Noble Lord had said that this constant burden borne singly by this country had tended gradually to diminish our force or. the African coast, and that in consequence the slave trade had increased, and had received a stimulus which now rendered it difficult to be restrained. They took the precaution, with the consent of France, that there should be never less than fifty -two cruisers to blockade that part of the coast of Africa where the slave trade was carried on, and otherwise to give effect to the treaty entered into between the two greatest and most powerful maritime nations of western Europe. The Noble Lord had asked a question as to what was the meaning of the preamble of the treaty of 1845, and had expressed an opinion that it was disgraceful to the country. He (Sir Robert Peel), in answer to that, would say that the preamble of the convention merely set forth that the old arrangements for the suppression of the slave trade between France and England being found inefficacious for the suppression of that trade that therefore a new convention had been agreed to. The Noble Lord denied that the treaty which had been agreed to had anything to do with the suppression of the slave trade. But what were the terms of the treaty of 1831? In the con vention of 1831 the conditions were precisely the same as those contained in the convention of 1845. Whatever difficulty might be found in the latter the chief responsibility lay with the Noble Lord, for he had made the difficulty in the arrangements he entered into in 1831. The convention of 1845 was not necessary for the suppression of the English slave trade. That was suppressed long ago ; but it was required for general purpose s —f or t h e o bj ec t o f p u tting down the slave trade sanctio ne d b y ot h er coun t r i e s. The Noble Lord, in the treaty of 1831 , set forth that the Courts of Great Bri tain and France, c ons id er i ng th a t meas ures were necessary for the more effectual suppress i on o f th e s l ave tr a de, agreed to con elude a convention for that salutary purpose, so that French vessels should be allowed to search English vessels that might be suspected of being engage]. in the slave trade, and that English vessels should he allowed to do the same in return. The provisions of this treaty were the same in their general purport to the one now concluded, and of which the Noble Lord complained so much. The Noble Lord wanted him (Sir Robert Peel) to explain the third article of the convention. The object of that article was, that certain stations on the coast of Africa should be supplied by French and English vessels, according to the proximity of those stations to the colonies of these two countries—English vessels to be p laced contiguous to th e stat i ons b e l ong i ng to the English Govern ment, and French vessels to those belonging to the Govern ment of that country. But it was further necessary that power should be given f or E ng li s h cru i sers to en t er French stations, as they had mo re e ffi cac i ous means o f suppress ing the slave trade. Spanish or P ortuguese vesse l s m i g ht be engaged in the traffic, and th ese t h e F renc h vesse l s had not the power to search, w h ereas t h e E ng li s h vessels had, and hence it was that a provision of this sort was necessary to give effect to this object of the con vention. He trusted that this explanation would be satis factory to the Noble Lord. It was only to enable them in certain stations in the occupation of the French to enter at discretion, and to exercise superior powers, which did not belong to the other country. The whole convention was based on the dis tinct understanding that neither country should be engaged in the slave trade. The Noble Lord had endeavoured to show that Prance was engaged in the slave trade, and yet he objected to a reciprocal engagement between the two countries that the slave trade should not be entered upon or encouraged by either. So far from the convention implying any dishonour on this country, it was the contrary. ft was entered into solely from the merciful and humane consideration of suppressing the slave trade ; and they had the assurance from France of its cordial co-operation in that important object. For this purpose the powers agreed to were such as to supply a more extensive line of coast with cruisers, and to give greater powers of search than wore provided for in the old treaty ; and for this purpose the present convention was entered upon with the cordial goodwill of France, and from the consideration upon g t ichee then coastb y most that it would prove a m ore e ffi c i ent i nstrumen t f or the sup n pression of the slave trade, and p rov id e a mor e full and valua ble remedy than what had been provided in the instrument of 1831. ( Hear, hear.) The N o bl e L or d h a d as ked why the ev idence on which the treaty was f oun d e d h a d no t been pro duced and placed in the hands of Il on ourable Members. He (Sir R. Peel) could assure the N o bl e Lord that it had not been withheld, oFsortfemoifhtruier andea consideration.aEndo English alisshitoffi referred ce r s t w h The evidence o ha been o matters connected with the whole proce e di ngs o f t h e s l ave tra d e , e hadenx gc engaged gh p ee t de no which he considered it impolitic to make public, his duty to the public compelled him to adhere to his declaration in an swer to a question put by the Noble Lord, to withhold the evidence altogether. The convention had been concluded on the part tries b of the two countries by two men of high standing in their respective conventions —men of the greatest integrity, worth, and honesty of purpose both in their public and private character, but above all in their opposition to the disgusting slave trade—men who throughout their lives had been engaged in continued efforts to put down the detestable trade in slaves. --( Hear, hear.) Dr. Lushington, who t h roughout his life had been opposed to the political views of the present Ministry, had, nevertheless , been chosen as the one party, from his known an 1 consistent opp osition tothe traffic in question; and the w ho stood equally Duke de Brogl ie, high and consistent on side for his long, tried, sod the other highly honourable exer tions. These were the men othi s chosen to m a k e th e regula tions for the suppression f nefarious traffic, and they had signed treaty s bet a the most the two countries, which, in his opinion, was most powerful ever yet devised for the suppression of the slave trade.—( Hear.) He thought the convention had been recommended to the House, so far as authority was concerned, by the highest which weight. It was also recommended could give it ided to the House application of reasontoits by the with . head previous conventions. But it was favourably on this s till more powerfu ll y recommended by these considerations— that they had e ver y assurance carryin g it into full effect, they had the cordi al consent and co - operation of the most power ful maritime country in the world, with the exception of Eng land. If they wished to relyono the letter of the treaty of 1831 let them depend Id upon it y cou not have that cordial co operation which was the life and soul of engagements of t hi s ly had a right to exp ec t kind ; they certain the literal execu tion of that treaty, but, in his opinion, th e example of a con cert between Fra nce and England would add great force and n o f mea surer for weight to the exeeu tio the supp ress i on o f th e as they would look f or i n va i n slave trade, such in the letter of treaties —they would have w i t h t h em the feel ings of a great people i and their egislature—the feelings of the hand, whereas, were the strict letter of public mind on the on e t , the na ional the treaty to be enforced, sympathy would be thrown, not on the side of t he su pp ressors of the slave trade, of those • but would be excited in favour who carried it on. Those feelings, he repeated, which would be under present ' favour of humanit • circumstances excited in would be t . on of the neu tralised by stirring up the question right of search. The be treaty of 1831 might be maintained -- mightexecuted, but he looked forward with confidenceto the cordial and harmo nious concert of the two countries, rather than to the mere letter of an engagement, which seemed opposed t o th e genera l feeling of the people of trance. That treaty might certainly be carried into effect, but in the present state of the public mind it could not be with that unanimity and determination which could alone give force to engagements of this kind. Mr. SHEIL said the question before the House was, whether ' the names of those who gave evidence before the mixed British and French Commission was to be produced. But much collateral matter, chiefly referring to the Imatun of Muscat, had been introduced, 29 well as the state of the slave trade in Cuba. The Right Hon. Gentl, man, who twitted his Noble Friend that he had not read the documents relative to the Imaum of Muscat, did not himself seers to have perused a portion of it closely referring to the allegations of the Noble Lord. hese were the concluding words of that document : " It appears to us that the treaty, as far as regards the sup pression of the slave trade may do mischief (the treaty with France) as it will keep up the coasting trade in slaves." This passage must have escaped the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet, otherwise he would no doubt have read it to the House. But the Right Hon. Gentleman should read the dispatch from the Earl of Aberdeen, which was couched in strong, almost peremptory language, and which referred to General O'Donnell, whose conduct, whose habit of acquisi tiveness characterised him. That dispatch was dated Feb. 1844. But General O'Donnell was still Governor of Cuba, so that the remonstrance of Lord Aberdeen had not yet been at tended with any practical efficacy. He did not see the use of the threat of Lord Aberdeen, unless it was followed by some practical effect.—( Hear, hear.) But he turned to the real question before the House. He had been greatly struck by one assertion made by his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) and waited with impatience for its confutation. He stated that not only was it currently reported, but universally believed that the officers who had been examined before the mixed Commission had stated that a surrender of the right of search would be most prejudicial. He thought that the Right Hon. Baronet would have endeavoured to answer that statement ; but no contradiction had been made. His Noble Friend was entitled to call for evidence relative to that part of the case. He only asked for extracts. He ( Mr. Sheil) had read his notiee with attention. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that much of the evidence taken referred to the coast of Africa—to the relations between England and France in reference to Africa, and that it was inconsistent with the public service to produce that part of the evidence—it was not inconsistent with those relations to exercise the right of s-arch, which was the real point at issue.—( Hear, hear.) And instead of that ratiocination of which they had heard so much—instead of the comparison between the treaty of 1841 and the convention of 1845. instead of passing encomiums on the Duke de Broglie and just praises upon Dr.' Lushington, it was better to give the evidence of the officers on which it was pre sumed the convention had been founded.—( Hear.) In the course of the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman a Gallant Friend behind him (Captain Pechell) repeated the words " West Indies.' The treaty of 1831 extended to the West Indies. The convention was limited to the coast of Africa ; but on that part of the case he did not touch. The treaty of 1831 gave the right of search in the West Indies—it gave it to Cuba—to the whole coast of the Brazils—it gave it to those points where the slave trade raged.—( Hear.) The treaty extended to Madagascar, from which a large supply of slaves were obtained, and where that traffic was carried on to a frightful extent. Between the treaty of 1831 and the conven tion of 1835 there was a great difference, as the latter treaty gave greater geographical advantages to those with who'll it was contracted. In the treaty of 1842 the right of search was introduced, and the Queen, in a speech delivered by her on the 3d of February, in that year, said it gave her great satisfaction to inform the Legislature that she had concluded treaties with the Emperor of Austria, the King of the French—( Hear, hear)—the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, for the prevention of the slave trade ; and Lord Dalhousie, a member of the present Government, expressed a hope, in a speech which he made at that period, that the consequence of the treaty with France would be the extinction of the slave trade. Instead of sub mitting to alterations in the treaty of 1841, they should not have allowed the superstructure to be touched, yet they allowed the base on which that superstructure was raised to be rooted out. The Duke de Broglie, the French Minister, stated, in 1843, in a speech in the French Chambers, that he was the party who had signed the treaties of 1831 and 18.33, that the French, in return for these obligations, asked no more than that she should not extend this odious traffic. The Duke de Broglie said the treaty was just—that no evil could arise—and that it would be of the greatest good. The name of Lushington was allied with great learning, high-minded ness, benevolence, and humanity, and he could not mention it but with respect.—(Hear, hear.) When they found that the treaty of 1841 had been successful, why was it to be aban doned? This was his (Mr. Sheil's) answer to what the Right Hon. Gentleman urged with regard to the comparative merits of the treaty of 1831 and the convention of 1843. There were also objections to that treaty. They stipulated that France should maintain a squadron of twenty-six ships on the deep, whose quarter-decks were to be constructed into floating ports of the Admiralty. But his great and prominent objec tion to the: convention was this : by the convention, an Eng lish sloop-of-war might seize a French sloop, confiscate her and her cargo, give light and liberty to the human beings con. fined in it. But what was the case now ? After the treaty of 1845, what would happen ? From the topmast of an English frigate a barque is seen in the die tance. Her purpose is observed: she is pursued, despite her swiftness. She is overtaken, she is almost doomed, when suddenly the tri-colour is raised. She will pursue her course uninterrupted to Cuba or Havannah, and the mariners of Eng land, struck with enthusiasm, will have to deprecate the con tract by which a crime so monstrous has been allowed to go un punished?—( Hear, hear.) This would be the result of their convention, and it would lead other nations to say that the treaty would be incompatible with their honour. Not even the treaty of Utrecht would relieve them from the stigma which had been cast upon them.—( Hear. ) Sir ROBERT HARRY INGLIS complimented the Noble Lord for the able and satisfactory way in which he had brought forward the subject. In diplomatic relations between independent nations, a single word in the preamble of a treaty must compromise a principle which no statesman ought to con cede to another power. He felt with the Noble Lord the Mem ber for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) that the words in the pre amble of the treaty justified the construction which he had put on it—( Hear, hear )—simply that the con vention of 1831 and 1833 was to prevent the flags of England and of France from covering the slave trade. The Noble Lord had actually been active in spreading that slave trade, which he termed "odious," in several parts of the world ; and as to the Imaum of Muscat, he was the individual who had first signed any treaty for the suppression of slavery, and he trusted the example set by that potentate would be followed by the ministers and sovereigns of other countries. With re spect, also, to the island of Trinidad, evidence could be ad duced to show the necessity for the supply of labourers, or the unscrupulousness with which they might be supplied. He had made these statements for the purpose of showing that his as sertions were well-founded, and he said something like the slave trade was now going forward.—(" Hear, hear," from the Treasury Benches.) Two Right Hon. Baronets had cheered that sentence. Well, he would request their attention to a letter which he had received from Gloucester, a village near Sierra Leone, and dated April '23, 1845, a letter, he might premise written subsequent to the receipt of the discussion of the subject in that House. In that letter, among other matters, they were told that the free labourers were inclosed in a great stone-yard, and that the agent on entering was greeted with loud cheers, so degraded were the feelings of these unhappy persons. Their friends, and many of them, might be waiting outside and not allowed to see them. He did not know whether these statements had reached the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, but he supposed they had reached him at the same time they had been received by himself, and, if so, he trusted and expected that some explanation would be given. Sir C. NAPIER fully agreed both with the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) and the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat do sai, that the present system of the slave trade and its virtual recognition, if not support, by the treaties—plausibly, but fallaciously, denominated the " right of search"—demanded investigation. What had they given up—the right of/search, so that the main business of the treaty had been lost sight of. What, then, had they got in return for the right of search. They had got 26 vessels from France to act in concert with 26 vessels from Great Britain on the coast of Africa, and to teach the French, as the Right Hon. Member for Dungarvon had very eloquently stated, all those arts by which naval superiority is attained, and to make there a home upon the deep. But did they not think that the right of visit would be as great a source of difficulty as the right of search. What could an officer do if he saw a vessel on the coast of Africa but send his boat and overhaul that vessel, whatever might be the colours which he carried? Now, what were the instructions which had been given?—they were, in his opinion, much more fit for a drawing-room than for the cabin of a man of war. The Gallant Commodore then read the in structions, one of which was to avoid anything like a collision, but, if the weather would permit, to send a boat ahead in order to ascertain whether the colours she carried were really those under which she ought to sail. It might be Brazilian, or Spanish, or Sardinian, but she was to know without overhauling the ship. Nobody could possibly tell what should.follow. He would illustrate this by what had occurred to himself on the coast of Syria. An officer in command of one of the ships on that station, had, without much consideration, boarded a French vessel. On discovering his mistake, he, of course, immediately retired, but the fact had been observed, and the commander of the French vessel, in order to relieve himself from the false position in which he had been placed, requested him ( Sir C. Napier) to write him a letter to his Government. This was got hold of by the French papers, and it was trumpeted through the whole of the country that the French corvette had compelled a British 84 ship to make an apology. Of course he was the greatest man of the day. The fourth and sixth articles of the treaty stated that the officers appointed should negotiate with the princes on the coast of Africa. How could the officers whom they appointed negotiate with pr:nces whom they saw infringing the treaty ? He did not also understand why the French vessels should not assist them on the east coast of Africa as well as the west coast. He would much sooner see the English Govern ment undertake the whole expense of fifty-two vessels of war on the coast of Africa than see them depend on the French Go-. vernment, or any other Government. Mr. HOPE repudiated the notion that the Government had encouraged slavery under the guise of free labour. It was the duty of the Government to protect the African f rom slavery, and they had done it by every fair means. The negroes were enabled to earn high wages, and enjoy many comforts in the West Indies, and, when they were emancipated from slavery Government gave them the option of going to work in the colonies, or return to their native land, and it was quite erroneous to suppose Government would apply any force or compulsory power whatever to them. Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the de bate.—( Cries of " Oh, oh," and " Go on, go on.") Captain PECHELL congratulated the House, and thanked the Right Hon. Barunet himself for the support which the Member for Oxford invariably gave the Noble Lord (Palmer ston) in the discussions upon the present question. But while he admired the gallant stand thus invariably made by his Honourable Friend, hs was sorry to see the va cillation evinced respecting the right of search. M. Guizot had declared in his place in the French Chambers that it would be a degradation, a humiliation, to receive a re fusal, while his Government acceded to the demand. The Duke de Broglie had also said he saw no necessity for the exercise of the right, as the abuses were greatly exaggerated, even if they existed at all. It was manifest that though collisions might take place, yet if they asked the commercial classes they would say that more danger was to be apprehended from the French settlements on the coast of Africa than from any evil resulting from the right of search. No naval officer could be indifferent when such sacrifices were required, and he could not consistently with his duty preserve silence on this occasion. Lord PALMERSTON was aware that it was an arrange ment with the Government that foreign parties should be represented in that House.—(" Hear, hear," from Sir R. Peel.) He (Lord Palmerston) knew it, and it was the desire of every sensible man in that House, that France and England should always preserve a friendly footing. The reason the Right Hon. Baronet assigned when he accused him of baying spoken dis paragingly of France was, that they had allowed the slave trade to be continued on the coast of Africa. By the treaty of 1831 the Crowns of England and France had determined to unite fur the suppression of the slave trade ; and the Right Hon. Baronet defended the Government from the charge which he (Lord Palmerston) had brought against it for want of vigour; and he added, that the Government had remonstrated at the breach of the treaty of 1831. He thought it unfortunate that the ratification of the treaty of 1841 was not accepted, for if it bad, the late treaty, he was sure, would never have been called for. The Right Hon. Baronet quoted a dispatch from him to Lord Grenville previous to 1831, from which he argued that the negotiations proposed were only temporary ; but he thought that if he had examined the correspondence he would have found that it was not an experimental or temporary arrange ment which was then proposed, but one which was subse.. quently to be embodied in a treaty. He had now touched on most of the points which bad been referred to by the Riglit lion. Baronet. He hoped his amendment, in its modi fied state, would be now agreed to, which was that the names of the witnesses should be produced, and extracts from that portion of the evidence which related to the operation of the right of search ; otherwise, he should feel it his duty to take the son , e of the House upon it. Sir R. PEEL intimated his refusal to do sO. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The Home then divided, when these appeared— For the amendment 9 5 4 1 ~ Against it Maj•irit y against the amendment —43 IRISH COLLEGES BILL. Mr. WYSE moved, on bringing up the report of the Com mittee on Colleges ( Ireland) Bill, That it is the opinion of this House that, whereas the Act of Settlement enacts that a col lege be annexed to the University of Dublin in addition to the college of the Holy Trinity, under the name and title of King's College, and the Act of 1793 provides that all future colleges that may be annexed to the University, after the passing of that Act, be open to Roman Catholics and Protestalt Dissenters equally with Protestants in all their honours and emo luments, as well as studies ; the colleges proposed under the present Bill be annexed to the said Uniuersity under the condition which the Act of 1793 prescribes. He hoped that the Government, in their future arrangements, would not forget to take steps to open the University of Dublin to the public generally, not only for the purpose of advancing academical education, but also collegiate education. He would not offer any opposition to the further progress of the Bill, which he considered a step in the right direction, but rather propose his motion as a general resolution. The Hon. Member concluded by reading the resolution. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he believed the Hon. Gentle man had merely made his motion, not for the purpose of dividing the House, but of recording his sentiments on the sul3- ject he had introduced. He was glad that the Bill had been so amended as to satisfy the Hon. Member so far as to induce him to withdraw his opposition to the Bill. Mr. SHAW briefly replied to the remarks of the Hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. Wyse) respecting the University of Dublin. BROTHERTON said they had now been thirteen and a half hours sitting, and if any opposed motion were brought on he would move the adjournment of the House. FIELD GARDENS BILL. This BM was read a third time and passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'elork. MARYLEBONE SAVINGS' BANK, 76, WELBECK-STREET.—Established July 5, 1830. COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF PROGRESS, ♦T SPECIFIED PERIODS, DURING THE LAST SEVEN YEARS. Sums invested with National Debt Commissioners. £216,017 243,469 260,852 275,072 305,383 340,509 356,265 Open Deposit Accounts. On July 5, 1839 ......E11,62.0 1840........ 12,445 1841........ 12,881 )842 13,100 1843 ...... 1844 14,638 1845 15,724 SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET JULY MEETING. NEWMARKET, MONDAY NIGHT. Handicap, T. Y. C. Hersey, 3 yrs, Bst 71b—Paultons, 3 yrs, Sst 5113—Mocha. 4 vrs, 7st 101b—Lyons, 3 yrs, 7st 81 b Julian, 3 yrs, 6st 71b. July Stakes.—Probable starters—Titbit, Smuggler Bill, The Little Vulgar Boy, b c by Emilius, out of Messene, Moonbeam, Pawnbroker, Garcia filly, Dublin colt, and Guz man. Lord Orford's filly and Col. Peel's colt have paid. INTELLIGENCE EXTRA. NEWMARKET FIRST OCTOBER MEETING, J 845. TUESDAY.— Duke of Bedford's Prologue, Bst 131 b, against Mr. Payne's Collingwood, sst 131 b ; T.Y.C. ; 200, h ft. TDURSDAY.—Duke of Bedford's Captain Phebus, Bst 131 b, against Mr. Payne's Collingwood, sst 131 b ; T.Y.C. ; 200, h ft. SECOND OCTOBER MEETING, 1845. Duke of Bedford's Oakley, Bst 101 b, agst Sir J. Hawley's Bishop of Romford's Cob, 7st 10lb ; R. M. • 200, hft. (RECEIVED LAST NI(AIT.) NEWMARKET JULY MEETING. A meeting of very slender pretensions commenced yesterday with the July Stakes and a Handicap (the match between Panther and Hartshorn standing in the list for the second day), and a company sadly deficient in number, and scarcely lkss so in rank, many of the leading members being daenues in town upon railway committees. Apart from the racing, the only noticeable event was the introduction of a telegraph on the Rouni Course, fur the purpose of exhibiting the numbers of the starting horses, and of thereby pre venting the blunders and " picking up" that, for want of this information, have so repeatedly occurred in the betting rings on Newmarket-heath ; the improvement is somewhat late of adoption, but " better late than never;" and as it appeared to answer the purpose con templated we shall no doubt see it on the flat at the First October Meeting. The meeting which, if short in quantity, had the re commendation of very favourable weather, commenced at three o'clock with The Handicap Sweepstakes of 20 SOTS. each, and only sft if declared; for three yrs old, &c. New T.Y.C. (5 Subs. —2 paid.) Duke of Richmond's Paulton's, 3 yrs, Bst 51b (Boyce) 1 Lord Exeter's ifocha, 4 yrs, 7st 101 b 2 Duke of Bedford's Julian, 3 yrs, 6st 71b 6t05 on Mocha. Paultons took the lead after the first 200 yards, made running at a good pace to the end, and won by a length; a good race for second. The July Stakes of 50 sovs. each, 30 ft; for two yrs old colts Bst 71b, and fillies 84 51b. New T.Y.C. The second saves his stake. (18 Subs.) Colonel Peel's f by Slane, out of Garcia Lord Albemarle's Smuggler Bill 2 Lord Spencer's Titbit (late Crupper) Mr. Gurney's bc by Emilius, out of Messene (Nat) 1 4 The following were also started, but were not placed : —Lord Albemarle's The Little Vulgar Boy—Lord Exe ter's b c by Colwick, out of Toga—Mr. W. R. Brown's Moonbeam—Mr. Ramsbottom's Trebonius, by Caesar, out of Dublin—and Mr. E. Walker's Gusman. _.. Betting-6 to 4 agst Smuggler Bill, 4to 1 agst Moo, beam (t). and 4to 1 agst Garcia, (t). Gusman — made the running followed by Messene and the favourite, Colonel Pet l's filly lying away. They went on in this way to the plantations, where the favourite took the lead, the Garcia filly now lying up with her horses. hall-way up the cords she headed the Smuggler, and maintainieg her advantage to the end won cleverly by a length ; Tit • bit was beaten a length for second, and was only a neck before the Messene colt. (FROM OUR CORRESPOND/NT.) The Newmarket July Meeting commences to-day with a pro. gramme of the usual calibre. While Liverpool and Goodwood, which are so near at hand, offer such powerful attractions to the owners of race.horses, it is not likely that the fields in any of theraces will be large. For the July Stakes, the only starters I expect to see are the Smuggler Bill, Moonbeam, one of Lord Exeter's, one of Colonel Peel's, and Ipecacuana. Of these only the first two have been backed; and, from the force the stable is in at present, I rather expect to see the Smuggler first, Colonel Peel has won this stake so often, that he must be looked upon as a dangerous opponent, and as his two are the best bred ones in the race, his winning with either of them would not in the least surprise me. On Wednesday Mr. Shelly's Blanchic is matched against Mr. Bouverie's Science, with every prospect of beating her. For the Chesterfield Stakes, which has introduced so many good horses to public notice, I thi.;k the field will consist only of Nell Cook, The Free Lance, one of Colonel Peel's, and one of Lord Exeter's, and out of these I fancy Free Lance will be first, and Nell Cook second. To the Liverpool Cup there are twenty-five acceptances ; but as Johnny is out of training, and William le Gros is reported to have broken down, the list may be said to be re.luced to twenty-three. Upon a hasty glance I imagine Ironmaster, Milton, Lothario, and Trueboy will be found to be the best in. For the Goodwood Stakes, Pythia's victory over Inhe. ritress seems to have benefited her little, as she is hardly as good a favourite now as she was before the result of the Cumberland Plate was known. The Libel, John o'Gaunt, and Queen Nab were each backed yesterday by good judges for large sums. For the Goodwood Cup a new favourite was introduced in Mr. Gratwick's Stomacher colt, who, if he wins, will be doubtless honoured with a name. He is a four-year old, and will carry Tat. 111 b. The re. suit uf the Liverpool St. Leger will have an important effect on its namesake at Doncaster, as Pantasa and Mentor will meet, and if the latter is defeated the position of the former in the betting w . " be materially altered. July 8, 1845. TELEGRAPH TERRIFIC STORM AT NOTTINGHAM.-1 he 1110-S terrific storm of lightning and rain that has been felt here for a long time past was experienced on Sunday. A more perfect deluge —a grander spectacle than that presented by the lightning, as it lit up the whole horison—or one more general in the injury done to the property of the inhabitants, could not have occurred. About eight o'clock in the evening it became evident that a storm of no common magnitude was aoproaching. Shortly before ten the heavens seemed to open in one immense stream, and poured down the water in a perfect torrent. The drains were filled immediately, the streets ran with one continuous current, and having no vent, the water forced its way into the houses of the inhabitants, causing the most serious damage. For nearly an hour and a half did the tremendous gush from the heavens continue. The first effects of the storm were felt in the lower parts of the town, where the kitchens of the inhabitants were almost immediately flooded. In Coldham-street, and Tyler-street, the occupants were obliged to leave their houses, where the water had accumulated in a vast body, But by far the most dreadful effects of the storm were exhibited in an instance at once novel and appalling. At the time the lightning was most vivid, a party of men and women had assembled in the Milton's Head public-house, en Tollhouse hill, and, during its vivid flashes, one man Named Alfred Green wood, residing at Rudford, kept continually uttering oaths, end wishing that the lightning might strike some of the women blind. Scarcely had he uttered the wish than a more vivid flash than usual entered the apartment and struck him to the earth. On being taken up it was discovered he was totally blind. His eyes were completely turned up, and the whites only visible; he only spoke once, which was to say, " Oh, God, my arm." Mr. Darby, surgeon, was immediately fetched, and he soon discovered that he was irrevocably struck blind. He was then placed in a fly and conveyed home, where he now lies blind and dumb. The damage done to the crops, both of hay and corn, is immense. In the close county of Nottingham immense tracts of land exhibit nothing but floating hay ; corn is beaten down to the ground, and stacks drenched through. But the most singular part of the whole is that at Leicester, thirty miles off, not a drop of rain fell, while at Birmingham the flood was so great that flre.engines had to be at work all night to draw the water from the houses. At Derby the flood was very much felt, and throughout Lincolshire the storm raged with immense fury. THE THUNDER STORM ON MONDAY MORNING.— About twenty minutes to four o'clock on Monday morning the town of Erith was visited by a rain and hail storm, accompanied by thunder, which, while it lasted, greatly alarmed the inhabitants. Ihe thunder was heard at a distance, and as it approached was ac_ companied with large drops of rain. In the course of a few seconds a shower of hailstones descended, which continued from five to ten minntes, and was immediately followed by showers of rain, which came down in torrents for about five minutes more. The hail. stones in some places were the size of marbles, and did an immense amongst the hot and green-houses. At one place, deal of damage Lord Saye and Sete's grounds, there were upwards of 4,000 or 5,000 panes of g lass broken, w hich will cost from 2001. t o 300/. repair, and the fruit damaged. The most extraordinary part of the affair is, that over the strawberry beds thick mats were placed, through which the hailstones beat as well as through the glass. DEATH OF GENERAL SIR ARTHUR DILLON, BART. _We have to announce the demise of the above gallant and vene rable Baronet, at his residence in Dublin, on Thursday last, in his 74th year. Sir Arthur was the second son of the first Baronet, by the daughter of 11. Drake, Esq., of Fern Hill, Berkshire; married, 1814, second daughter of the late W_ Knox, Esq. ; succeeded his brother in the Baronetcy, 1640 ; served in Ireland during the re bellion of 1798 ; was a Baron of the Holy Roman Empire ; and is succeeded in his title and his estate by his brother, now Sir William Henry Dillon, Bart. The New York Tribune records the marriage of a widow aged only thirteen years and a half, who was united to her first spouse in her eleventh year. :~~~~ RAILWAY COMMITTEES. (YESTERDAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. nunLiN AND BELFAST JUNCTION RAILWAY. The Lords' Select Committee on this railway assembled for the first time this morning. Mr. Talbot, Q.C., and Mr. Murphy, appeared for the promoters. and Mr. M. Chambers for the opponents. Mr. TALsar stated that the line was to connect the Dub i!nst. Drogheda Railway with the Ulster and Belfast line, and thwir completing the railway communication between Dublin and Belfast. The line would take in the important towns of Drogheda, Dundalk, Newry, and Portadown, and be about 56 miles in length. It ran along the coast, and, for forty-six miles it presented no engineering difficulties worth speaking of. There was a competing project running inwardly, but it did so at the expense of leaving out some of the most important towns on the route be. tween Portadown and Drogheda. It was estimated that the coast line would only cost 7,0001., but the measure of the gradients and works on the inland line were such that it could not be con structed for less than 12,000/• per mile, while the line presented many other objections of a minor character. Mr. Frederick Turner, a merchant, and Mr. Smith, a dealer in agricultural produce at Drogheda, spoke to the important accom modation the proposed line would afford to the trade and commerce of that line. Mr. Shillington, a corn- dealer at Portadown, proved that the proposed line would greatly facilitate the linen and flax trade of that district. Mr. P. Russell, a distiller of Dundalk, proved that the line would be of considerable importance to that town. Mr. Ackerley estimated the traffic likely to come on the pro. posed line at 129,741/. 135., and, after deducting forty per cent. for working expenses, and forty per cent. to. other purposes, there would still be left nine per cent. for the shareholOaL The Committee then adjourned till eleven o'clock to-morrow. NORTH WALES MINERAL HAZY:WAY. The Select Committee on this Bill, Lord Lovelace, hairman. met this morning. It proposes to construct a rail w ay from ham to Cefn Mawr, in the county of Denbigh. Length; six miles. Capital, 120,000!. Wrex. Mr. Austin appeared for the promoters of the Bill ; Mr. Seri liG Allen and Mr. Daniels for Mr. Walley, who is receiver in the' Court of Chancery for the Plas Maddock estate. Mr. AUSTIN briefly stated the case on behalf of the promoters of" tha Bill. He pointed out the advantages which the line would confer on the distfct, explained the engineering peculiarities, which he represented to be generally favourable, and detailed the WA.; and the profits that might reasonably be expected. Mr. Whalley petitioned against the present line, and in favour of a deviation line that would save the property in question. Some discussion arose as to whether evidence was admissible irs favour of the deviation line, after which the room was cleared. On our return, The CHAIRMAN decided that evidence was not admis sable on behalf of the deviation line, as, if the evidence went in favour of it, it would not be possible to carry it through this session. They would, however, receive any evidence that might be offered, as to the injury the proposed line would do to the pro perty in question, in order to see whether it was such as to justify the Committee in rejecting the Bill. He (the Chairman) sug gested that the parties should retire and try to come to an amicable settlement. It was then agreed that the counsel and agents retire for half an hour. On their return, Mr. MILLER intimated that a satisfactory ar rangement had been come to, and that the opposition was withdrawn. Witnesses were then called formally to prove the preamble of the bill. On the termination of the evidence, which only lasted to short time, the Committee decided the preamble of the Bill to be proNei, and the cLuses being gone through, the report to the House was agreed upon, when the Committee broke up. RICHMOND AND SURREY RAILWAY. The Select Committee on this Bill met this morning at eleven •'clock, when the opposition to it was withdrawn, and the evidence on behalf of the preamble taken. This occupied but a short time, when the preamble of the Bill was declared to be proved, the clauses read and agreed to, and the report ordered to be brought up before the House. BRISTOL .ND EXETER RAILWAY• The Lords' Select Committee re.assembled this afternoon, and passed the preamble, inserting clauses in the Bill to protect the In. terests of the landholders who had opposed it. CORNWALL RAILWAY. The Committee met at eleven o'clock, the Earl of EllenbotOUgh in the chair. The first matter brought under the consideration of the Com mittee was whether or no the Central Cornwall and Devon Rail way had a locus :Saudi before the Committee. The question w`ei yesterday argued very fully and the argument was resumed this morning by Mr. Sergeant Kinglake. After considerable discussion the Committee decided that upon the Falmouth petition only their opposition would be entertained bY the Committee. Mr. AUSTIN then addressed the Committee on the merits of the respective lines, showing the merits of the Cornwall line beyond any other that could be selected, and quoting the report of the Board of Trade to the same effect. The Learned Counsel also stated that there was nobody of any weight or authority in the county of Corn wall opposed to the Bill. The Earl of St. Germans, Lord Vivian, Lord Mountedgecumbe, and all the noblemen and landed pro prietors in the county, were in favour of the Cornwall line. The Learned Counsel described the course of the line and its engineering difficulties and facilities, but these matters have been so fully and so recently before our readers in the report of the proceedings of the Committee of the House of Commons, that it is unnecessary to repeat them. The Learned Counsel also remarked upon the several petitions which had been presented, one in particular from the vicar and churchwardens of St. Austell, praying earnestly for a deviation in the line. The Learned Coinage' said he was quite willing to accede to the prayer of that petition. In point of fact there were only two landowners who petitioned on the ground of interference with private property; their opposition was indeed pertinacious and determined, but for tunately Parliament gave ample powers to make the line in spite of them, when that line was proved to be desirable in point of pub lic convenience and public utility. Due compensation would of course be made to all whose property was in any way affected. Mr. William Broad was the first witness examined—ls Mayor of Falmouth. Knows the harbour. The principal point in this wittiesss' evidence was the falling off in the number of foreign packets which formerly harboured at Falmouth, but left, and went to Southampton in consequence of the want of railway communica tion for the transmis.ion of goods and passengers. The harbour dues were light. The traffic would be very considerable in case the new line was carried out. The Earl of ELLENBOROUCIII observed that this evidence went to show the importance of a railway communication, not of the line proposed. Such evidence as this would not be disputed by the op ponents of the Bill. Mr. HARTLEY said he did not dispute the importance of a rail way communication with Falmouth, but, on behalf of the oppo nents of the Bill, would be inclined fully to support it. Mr. AUSTIN observed that his experience before Railway Com mittees had taught him that the importance of a line of railway could not be very well left for mere assumption, and he would therefore tender evidence to that effect. Mr. Bread went on with his evidence. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of the people of Falmouth were in favour of the Bill be fore the Committee, all the principal traders and merchants in clutled. Cross-examined—llimself and family were shareholders in the Cornwall line. Did not think this line would be at all injurious to Falmouth. Supported the present line, because it was the best that could be got. Mr. Alfred Fox, a merchant residing at Falmouth, gave evidence in favour of the projected line. Mr. George Smith, of Camborne, in Cornwall, inventor of the patent safety fuse, likewise stated that he considered the Cornwall line would be most desirable, and he supported his evidence by reference to the traffic tables. 27,000 persons were engaged in working mines in Cornwall, and the number of persons depending on mining labour was 100,000. The population of Cornwall was the most locomotive in England. Mr. E. Sharp, customs' agent for Truro, in Cornwall, was next examined—A large quantity of sour was yearly imported into the mining districts. He approved of the projected Cornwall line. Mr. Reynolds, a grocer at Truro, likewise gave evidence in tavour of the line. 'rise Committee adjourned soon after four o'clock. TIIE OXFORD, VITORCZISTER, AND W'Olr- VF.RaIAIVIPTON RAILWAY. BROAD AND NARROW GAUGES. The Select Committee on this Bill met to-day in the Vice. Chancellm's Court, Lord Auckland in the chair. Mr. Cockburn and Mr. Talbot appeared for the promoters of the Bill ; Mr. Merton, Mr. \Vrangham, and Mr. Hope for the peti. tioners against the Bill. Mr. COCKBURN proceeded to open the case for the promo ters of the Bill. He stated that the line was intended to connect the important agricultural districts of the south with the mineral districts of the Borth, so as t.) admit of an interchange of produce. Having explained the nature of the route of the line, he then stated that there was an opposition to the Bill from a Company called the Tring, or London and Birmingham line. That line was longer and more circuitous, and did not accommodate such populous and wealthy districts, and would cost much more in the construc tion than that proposed by the Bill—the estimated expense of the Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton line being 1,600,0001. ; and that of the Oxford and Rugby, 600,0001., making together 2,100,0001. ; whereas the rival lines were estimated to cost 3,080,0001. With respect to the towns of Stourbridge and Droitwich, the line proposed by the Bill accom. modated Droitwich, which was an important place, with large salt-works, while Stourbridge was a place of little commercial importance. With respect to that portion of the line from Oxford to Abbotswood, it was proposed to lay it down with the broad gauge exclusively ; but with respect to that portion of the line from Abbutswood to the north , it was proposed to lay down two sets of rails on both the broad and narrow gauges, so as to accommodate the important iron and coal districts of Stafford shire. The Learned Gentleman concluded by referring to the esti mated traffic, engineering peculiarities, &c., and proceeded to call his witnesses. Mr. Matthews, of Edgbaston, Birmingham, was the first witness called. He was an ironmaster, and had works in the neighbourhood of Birmingham. He deposed to the circumstances which led to the origin of the present scheme. It aro!e, he said, from a number of gentlemen in the midland counties being dissatisfied with the amount of railway accommodation soliciting the Great Western Company to take steps to supply the desideratum. After several interviews the present scheme wa s . the result. He believed the great majority of the iron-masters in the district were in favour of the scheme under consideration. The competing schemes we re not thought of the present one was before the public. He had no hesitation in saying that the present scheme was far more important for the public interests p than the other. It would accommodate a much greater number of public works. He >t e had a plan plan, whichand woulai l ex d ned show th it is at clearly some n l i le ti c i o e nsidered that all the concessions The length w w itn th e e ss co t m he rn n itt i e lt that had been made to the public within the last year had been occasioned by the fear of competition. There were about 140 fur. na ces in the district, of which 100 were in blast. Of these he believed there were about 61 whose proprietors were in favour of the Bill. Cross-examined by Mr. IlorE—At the last meeting of the iron masters he believed the majority were in favour of the Bill. The subject of tolls was discussed, and he rebutted certain charges of Mr. Sparrow, a considerable ironmaster in South Staffordshire. This was about a fortnight ago. He (the witness) endeavoured to chow that Mr. Sparrow laboured under a mis u n derstandin g re specting the toll clauses, and that if there was any ambiguity in them, he believed that it was not intended. Mr. Sparrow's charges against the Bill were very broadly and emphatically stated, iiii though he did not attempt to go into detail on the sub ject. He stated the result of an interview with the Chairman of the Great Western Company, and also the Chairman of the new, at which an agreement was come to expla natory of the true interpretation of the toll clauses, on which the discussion had arisen. The witness was next subjected to a very close cross-examination of the respective merits of the two gauges to accommodate the mineral traffic of the district, during which he maintained that not only for the a dvantage of the iron. masters, but the interest of the public , the broad gauge was much preferable to the narrow one. The Committee then adjourned till to morrow, when the ctou examination of the witness will be resumed. LIVERPOOL AND MANCHESTER RAIL. WAY. The Committee on this line met to day at eleven o'clock, in No. 5, Abingdon-street, Lord Chichester in the chair—present Lords Foley, Calthorpe, Clancarty, and Lorton. - _ - , litb. - 1 A ion' ' use t an s he [ling Ikea Go been tber a do' , i t or S UCH doing r whi A ' e rred I that La' conl- of for son to this' eitli a ble t° ld n' t men t§, ing n '? me .ctiotY B M eV to Wo uld reiwtt a gion•