The Sun. — London, England, 1851-03-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, /final suffrage of France had sent 10,000 bayonets to support it—so powerful that Spain was making voluntary restitution of Church property—so PeWerful that Schwarzenberg, with one stroke of his Pen. had swept away the bigotry of a hundred years — what, but that day by day she was withdrawing herself fr c'es state connexion and Erastian dominion?—(Hear.) This; it w as w hich had enabled a pauper hierarchy to 4110 its place by the side of a largely salaried episcopal es tablishment—a pauper hierarchy which was regarded W ith sympathy throughout Christendom, while the sale "ed hierarchy had no sympathy out of the British em pire, A cardinal prince of the Church had been sent to t his country—a dignitary who in every court of Europe Would take precedence of our own Prince Consort— wile, under his Cardinal's robes, carried the wallet of a Mendicant, and who depended for the support of his di ...Pity only upon the voluntary contributions of those Woo b e li eve d . —(Hear.) Rome had gone far beyond the ‘Severement of England in support of the principle that I P one should pay but for the faith of his own church. "e had plunged far down for the shadow of the coming an hilth and here in England had first proclaimed the of that union between modern liberty and ancient "11th, which in his conscience he believed would yet re generate the world.—(Cheers from the opponents of the Bill.) Mr. M. MILNES said that knowing the difficulty in Which the Government was placed, he was surprised that li cm. Members should come down, and with words of friendship on their lips seek to embarrass a Govern tent whose place they professed themselves unable to hi d some to the conclusion that it was his duty to sup- Port the Bill. He could not deny that there had been e assumption of ecclesiastical titles. Though de 'Shted with the logical speech of the Hon. and Learned faeleber for Plymouth he could not help being reminded `? it of a mode of arguing on political economical ques tnis in his young days, in which they were expected 1 — era, erfect conclusions from some such assumption "Sup p ose a man on an island."—(A laugh.) If the Present were an abstract question—if it stood by itself ,_ 4li sesociated with historical recollections—then the ar guments of the Hon. and Learned Member would have strug g l e irrefragable. But when they recollected the long i t o rnSgle between Popery and Protestantism, and the vic thrl which at last remained with Protestantism only by k _ chance of a change in the dynastic succession, tho ug ht they would find au element in the ques not taken into account by the Honourable ; ▪ i tei Learn e d Member for Plymouth in his very able ieeh. There was another element in that question W orthy of consideration, and it was this—that the P l eeple of England were growing more suspicious than th i o ul former period of their history of hierarchical au- MiY altogether. The Hoese would recollect that w hen last session it was proposed to add the least pos ,;elY offensive number to the bishops in this country, it v() t als so repugnant to the notions of that House, that the , ernroent abandoned the project. He thought it was 1111 _Pessible to deny the spontaneous character of the de iluilstration which had taken place in that matter. t r e iv i tver opposed he might be to the letter of ti Noble Lord—for he did not think a Minister had a p eat to make his private religious opinion a part of his I , ttb lio policy—(Hear)—he did not think that letter had „ Much to do with the excitement and agitation which Pre • bp %lied in the country. The object and effect of the ii;,,osed Act he took to be this—to assimilate the con kr,o and position of such Roman Catholic bishops as h ix fat be established in this country to that of the same bee n in Ireland. The clause in the Act of 1829 had i t 'Ll found sufficient for all the purposes for which th," 6B originally intended, with the single ex 'Snr"°ll, he believed, of Joha Archbishop of ( 1, -43 , who was not considered the most mo otlilte amongst the prelates; none of the s le ets had ever attached their titles to any public decu totah The Bill on the table only proposed to do the with regard to the new hierarchy. It was, indeed, Corm question of form—and it was as a question of t e that he agreed to it. The establishment of a Ro • tau Catholic hierarchy by the Pope was an act which et had no power to prevent; but the publication of that do' the manner in which it had been set forth, its mode : x Pression, were such as fully justified us, with all h„ regard to the principles of toleration, in examining f or , tar th e mode in which that act was passed called legislation on the part of that House. Making every f or °l tance for the person to whom that set had been sent j,, e „ePeration, he might have managed it in a less ob the"oable manner. There was no distinction between Ite r• T 48surciption of those titles and a certain territorial t4he Hon. and Learned Member for Plymouth h,, r l ! Roundel' Palmer) had said that the Roman Ca j4 ic religion required that ecclesiastical development th os th e manner proposed. Now he (Mr. M. Mimes) ti s !`ght that with the assumption of that power we as selted more than mere religious distinction. The esiastical dominion of Rome remained a fact in his lwhich it was impossible to dispute. It was impos tils)°, to dissociate it entirely from political influence. too at th e C our t o f Rome at this moment. Look at tt o Papal power as it was now. Yet see, how feeble k i ugh its political organization might be, what a power (4Pelitical influence it exercised all over the world.— hs e ar.) When the Pope was sent fro m his dominions, had been brought back by the Roman Catholics of Now, he (Mr. Milnes) did not think they were ; el tiug any princile of religious liberty he they th r6 dealing with that question as they were. ludeed, O Set of the Pope, or one with similar objects, might t je bee n d one i n a manner which would have offended L edy, and if d one i n a qu i e t manner cou ld h ave b een inaged i n a way not ca l cu l ate d to provo k e any ani esity or bat feeling in the public wind in England. A s it was, what was the act now? Why it was not so , I ° o l an act of assumption as of re-assumption. The Mien was that the Pope only resumed his old t h; Wer in England—that he only again returned to 14 1 1 ° country as if there had never been a Reforms- On ' a civil war, a revolution in England.—(Hear.) s tt e ,,i'e not the titles assumed, too, most assumptuous, p f ' vs nloat likely to provoke the hostility of the people a 415 country on account of their former connexion ton t he Roman Catholic religion? The facts, there- R N ? upon which the present Bill was brought in well founded and the case of the Government hi supported by , the public feeling ofthe country. C st li l ,elattse in the Act of 1829 which prevented Roman lei s " (i lic bishops from maul:dog the titles of sees had e, ti t i t sufficient for all practical purposes, and therefore es s l s d Melte the introduction of that Bill into Ireland l'l s b", 3B . He did not therefore see what difficulty the iel, lo .Lord at the hull of the Government could have ttitpttiaz its operations to Great Britain, having al iS,'t? that clause in the Emancipation Act of . 1829, and get rid of a good deal of the ill-will and oppo af the Irish Members towar d s that measure. th:C„was a difference between the Irish and the En- Pr - "omen Catholic hierarchy in this resp ect —that the hr % rtion of the numbers of the people to these bishops to h t erY dissimilar; and it was often of some importance :e the public opinion of the laity sufficiently strong L ha k uc lifY the arrangements of tbe episcopacy. With e t it,ii e t to the poseibility of preventing bishops or such eilts; r c'rn meeting in synod, he could not see the possi !he; i but if the attempt were made to prevent them he Would be driven to meet in secret, and that would with w ays worse than an open assemblage. But not- Ifo q ",`ancling all they had heard on the subject, he reli' venture to say that it would be difficult in any kv"“ l iis assembly in this country to find so many in ift i ?,, ll : of secular education as there had been in the en t of Therles.—('fear, hear.) He could not itit tl g himself to neglect the opinions of his con- N tl ii,ey on that subject ; and, indeed, he thought no ateraber ought to differ from his constituents with that'm,,hela deliberation and full explanation. After all, eie w w as a question of public opinion, and it was public dtj °n which would finally settle it. The present Bill tt„,.set sati s fy the people of this country ; but it was all es( tl eeulot do to satisfy them, and all they ought to do. thi s e lir, hear.) If they attempted more, it would be to delusion upon the people of England. To attempt b ut N with that matter was impossible in one respect; tio ll . th eY could deal with the ass um p tion of t he ostenta tes,' titles. Titles were very much regarded in this t ttl e i try, perhaps more than in any other land. So par to were we, that nur diplomatic or public servants then places were not allowed to receive any rank or hor:,,, fr ,em a foreign Power. On that point t here was Itts ` t uing peculiar in the presence of a person holding s 4 , si rank of a cardinal residing in a Protestant country. tp:', 4 a person was esteemed a Prince in other countries, ‘l,' was styled brother and cousin by potentates i)iti ° s °d• Now, perhaps it might be that in prolai - f str s i g the open use of those titles they were con- It a benefit upon those who held them ; for Iti, s t eight continually expose them to disagree tir;ll circumstances and consequences in their rola- Iti, 4l ,with the people of this country. Public opinion 21 go far to prevent all the good which the Act of '''ttilight do. It had been formerly said by Sir R. Peel, h at the Act o f C a th o li c E manc ip a ti on did not rest )t ith tep 4t Parliament, but with the public opinion of the l t., r Y; and that they would be doing very little towards Plki°oeiliation of Protestants with Roman Catholics by 4 % ( 1 1 % the latter in a position then for which they were l itti m rened fit, or make them eligible for the highest tes t t °, ll l l , to which, however, no Government dare ap ,N 'ern." Such was the position also on which we it now placed; and he feared that question would at ne xt R 4 general election exclude many Hon. and dis- INalshed Members from that House.—(Hear.) Ho , i t ittlii n Say to the people of England, it was not by ex 'ett-t,t the Roman Catholic Members from that House • , s u eY could hope to put an end to the struggle which l e , ti t rading between the Churches of Rome and 'nd. The contest which was going on could only \tQrl n by moral means — by the extension of education ° pleteariup of the minds of men. Such was the o . • e . /1 1 , 4 :7 in which hic h they could compete with Rome. The etj t , ' l -snit:ter concluded by announcing his intention of kg for the second reading of the Bill. kte t ''SADLEIR said the Hon. Member who had just lelO w o fell into merciful hands , for he was disposed to • wi th him in the spirit of the fullest charity. The f ,,, - --onabQr, however, in proceeding to give his rue, etts r voting in favour of that Bill, relieved any person thest ate trouble of reply for the Hon. Member imme 'ee l l q after fully answered himself. He granted that lo 4 11 k Member's speech, with one or two excepti ons, sp irt improrement upon that tone of bigotry and a dds "f intolerance which pervaded so many speeches ahle elist d to the House on that subject. The Honour tiopCsr enaber a dmitted that ther e was a latent hatred of ,Y, io England. No doubt there was. And that was practical difficulty which every statesman s o -so, , ihd here who had to legislate for a great mass of o , r ess:' Consisting of Protestant, Roman Catholic, and t i, 4 4t e J t erian, and other forms of religion. In considering } ,Se filr i ettion it should always be borne in mind that to "tttrkreylevelopment of the Roman Catholic religion a I,ites a y was indispensable. Dr. Murray had over and I ) th d a l tin in the discharge of his diocesan duties to t a t ibli:, ll rnents as " Daniel Murray, Archbishop of the ~d But the Honourable Gentleman seemed fault with the - form rather than with s ubstance of that pxoccedieg, The fact was, however, that no offence had been meant or could have been meant by the ainhors on the change. Cardinal Wiseman had solemnly declared that he had not pub lished those documents, and he did not know how they had reached the public press in this country. But the documents had been eagerly caught up and made the basis of a violent religious agitation. In his appeal to the people of England, Dr. Wiseman had also expressed the deep regret he should feel at having given offence to any portion of his fellow-countrymen. What had been the object of the change which had been so much com plained of? Its object had been to establish for the Roman Catholics in this country a free national hierarchy; and let him tell them that Roman Catholics is England, with the spirit of independence which they possessed in common with the rest of their fellow-coun trymen, wished to have for their religious liberty some better security than the establishment of vicars-apostolic, who were the mere creatures and nominees of that individual whom the First Minister of the Crown would designate as a foreign prince. That distinguished prelate, the late Dr. Doyle, Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin, had laid down the proper view to bo taken on that subject. Dr. Doyle had stated in the course of his evidence before a Parliamentary Committee that there was a material difference between a vicar-apostolic and a bishop, because a vicar-apostolic was dependent on the will of the See of Rome; he could he removed at the pleasure of the Pope; the faculties which he exercised could be restricted, limited, or modi fied; " but that," continued Dr. Doyle, " is not the case with us bishops; we cannot be removed at pleasure; our rights are defined from the Gospel and the canon law; defined as well as those of the Pope himself; we cannot be obliged to do anything at the mere good-will or plea sure of a Pope." Now, that was the independence which he (Mr. Sadleir) trusted would never be surren dered either by the laity or clergy of the Roman Catholic Church in these kingdoms. That independence had lately been conferred by the liberality of Pope Pius IX on the Roman Catholics of Eugland; and that independ ence they would never, ho earnestly hoped, surrender. The Honourable Gentleman had spoken of the small number of Roman Catholics in this country. But it should not be forgotten that there was a large and a daily increasing Irish Roman Ca tholic population in England ; and many of those people employed as labourers in great public works had hitherto been left lamentably destitute of religious instruction. He had himself received letters from Irish Roman Catholics employed on railways in this country, earnestly supplicating him to use his influence with the secretaries of companies, for the purpose of obtaining for them a removal to some district where they could assist at the rites and ceremonies of their religion, and ex pressing their readiness in that case to take half the amount of wages they had previously obtained. But it had been said that that measure had been called for by public opinion. Now, he had reason to know that there were multitudes of Protestant clergymen, both in this conntry and in Ireland, who looked with the utmost scorn and contempt at the hubbub which had convulsed this country. He should, however, take that opportunity of frankly acknowledging that he did not think the appoint ment of a cardinal in England had been at all called for. He should also admit that the language used in those Papal documents had displayed gross ignorance of the feelings and prejudices of the English people; and he held that every man ought as much as possible to shape his conduct so as to defer to the religious feelings of his fel low-citizens. He should further say that so far as the feeling of the people of this country upon the subject evinced an opposition to foreign aggression and a deter mination to resist the interference of a foreign power in their temporal concerns, he respected that feeling, and he believed that it was natural and honourable to them. But the majority of the speeches delivered in favour of that Bill seemed to him to be better adapted for the audie ences which usually attended conventicles, than for a grave and deliberative assembly like the House of Com mons. The Roman Catholics had been accused by the Noble Lord of a blind obedience to the Pope. But they paid him no such obedience, and the calumny was one which bad long ago been refuted. The Noble Lord had further said that the establishment of a hierarchy had not been called for by the Roman Catholic laity of this country. lie should like, however, to kuowthe Noble Lord's authority for that statement. He (Mr. S.) believed that the Roman Catholics of this country, as freemen and as Englishmen, desired the establishment of a hierarchy among them. The Noble Lord had also stated that the Roman Catholic laity were anxious for this Bill as a protection against the intolerance of their own clergy. The conciliatory Prime Minister seemed to think that he had interfered to keep the peace between the Roman Catholic clergy and laity. Now that appeared to him (Mr. Sadleir) to be a most extraordinary assumption on the part of the Noble Lord. Ho should add, that a Minister of State could not possibly commit a greater error than by saying or doing anything which could lead to a diminution of those feelings of attachment, fidelity, and confidence which happily bound together the Roman Catholic clergy and laity in these kingdoms. He felt convinced that as a body the Romsn Catholics of England not only did not call for that Bill, but that they abhorred the principle upon which it proceeded. The Noble Lord had alluded to the conduct of the Pope in selecting Dr. Cullen to fill the primatial chair in Ire land, and to the course taken by the Synod of Thurles. lie (Mr. Sadleir) should, therefore, briefly refer to those subjects. The appointment of Dr. Cullen—whom the Hon. and Learned Member stigmatised as an Lalian monk—had been made the subject of censure. But what was the mode in which such appointments were made? On the death of an archbishop iu Ireland, either one or two months after, the Catholic parochial clergy proceeded to select three names to be recommended to the 11013 See. It was always the practice for the bishops of the province to consider the three names, and express their opinion with reference to the respective merits of the individuals, and upon that the Holy See proceeded to nominate to the vacancy. On the death of Dr. Crolly, the predecessor of Dr. Cullen, as primate, the parochial clergy of the archdiocese of Armagh selected three names, and the bishops of the province assembled to consult as to the relative merits of the three individuals, but could not agree as to the recom mendation which they should make. In this unusual state of things it was the manifest duty of the Holy See to make such a selection as would not give to any party an unseemly triumph; to make a selection in accordance with the national feeling of the Irish Roman Catholics, and consistent with the independence of the national Church. He was not at liberty to state in Parliament the pains taken by the Holy See to make such a selec tion, but he was at liberty to say that greater efforts could not have been used to ascertain the feelings of the Irish hierarchy, or these of the most eminent and influ ential members of the Catholic laity. And who was the man selected ultimately; who was Dr. Callen? The Hon. and Learned Member fur Southampton had called him an Italian monk; but he was a native of Ireland, and to his certain knowledge had a large and more in fluential circle of relations than any other member of the Catholic hierarchy, having received his earliest education in the county of Kildare, then proceeding to college at Carlow, and afterwards to the Continent to complete his theological studies. Then they found him chosen to preside over the Irish ecclesiastical estab lishment at Rome—a position always held by some distinguished Irishman, and one in which he acted as the accredited agent at Rome of the Catholic hierarchy in Ireland, and that hierarchy had always evinced a jus tifiable jealously of anything approximating to ecclesias tical aggression from Rome. Much had been said as to the attitude assumed by the Synod of Thurles with re spect to the educational scheme of the Government. Ile was most anxious to ' see the system pre scribed for the Qu eens Colle g es' flourish education flourish and expand in Ireland.—(Hea r, hear.) But in the same propor tion as his anxiety f or their success was his regret that the innocent blundering of the Government had failed to compose those differences and allay those doubts which had prevented those institutions from being dsaiapspro us v ef alon useful 6s they otherwise might have been. the part of the Holy See was somewhat qualified; for it was a disapproval of the Queens Colleges as at pre sent constituted. But the hierarchy were divided in opinion, and how were their differences to be composed? By an appeal to a superior authority,. and that authority was the Holy See d eaTrphfeulrley,asons of the various bishops were at Rome, and the ops were patiently an decision of the Holy See was pronou nced at the S y nod of Thurl es , an d t h e question there was a s to the mode and discipli ne b y which that decision was to be carried out. Th a t synod was convene d for very different ob jects from those which the Noble Lord would have led the House to believe ; and if the Noble Lord had read the syllabus of the 29 or 30 leading subjects for discussion at the synod, he would see that they did not relate to tem poral matters. With regard to the o b ser vations which had been made on the allusion in the address of the synod to the sufferings of the poor, he asked whither they would not have been disg race d i n t h e eyes of their fel low-countrymen if they had separated without any allu sion to the existence o f such fearful wretc h e d n ess and suffering? The Noble L or d at the head of t h e Govern ment had said that he ne ver read a document mo re cal culated to excite hatred in the minds of the tenantry; but there was nothing in it more forcible than the touch ing address of the Catholic bishops to Lord Clarendon , in which they appealed to him us the representative of the Government to take into hi s anxious considerat i on the alarming sufferings of the poor. Th e y we re not rebuked on that occasion, and Lord Clarendon said he held it to bo the first duty of a Government to save the lives of the people. It was in Ireland that the force and Ireland,to the opinion who said o i d f efficacy of' this Bill would b o most se vere l y tested, and he begged to call the attention of the li on. and Learned Member Member for Windsgorne(eMn,rs. Counsel liatehe in ll ) th i a n t, ° a ll s he a ganithe understood the discipline of the R oman Ca tholic Church in Ireland, the provisions of this Bill would be wholly inconsistent with the free action and practical existence of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. That opinion was corrob or at e d by the opinions of other distinguished men at the Irish bar. He protested against the recitals of the preamble, which, incorporated with the first, and now only section, would give that sect i on a potency and operation which it would not otherwise have, and entitle the statute to be ranked with those measures which had been described by Burke as th e ferocious acts of faction.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H. BERKELEY regarded the Papal bull as an aggressive insult on the supremacy of the Queen, whether temporal or spiritual, and he considered an Act of Par liament necessary both to express the opinion of the people of England and to prevent, if possible, the recur rence of the offence. The measure itself was certainly one of very light construction, and contained not one jot of religious persecution. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government had taken a very judicious course, steering clear of the bigotry of Exeter Hall, and equally avoiding the dolce far niente course of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, the Member for Ripon.—(llear, hoar, ane laughter.) The Church of Rome had been waiting for the last ten years with open month hoping that the Church of England would fall into it of her own accord, and now the Pope had given the tree a shake, hoping to bring down the unripe fruit.—(Renewed laughter.) No , one could 'Ave listened to the grit speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Bath without coming to the con- 11 elusion that the Papal aggression was owing to Puseyism. There were two word, more met with throughout England now than any otht - rs iu the English vocabu lary, and those were Paseyisna and Popery, and the first was even less popular than the last. People, in fact, looked upon Puseyiena as standing in the same position to Popery as the grub did to the butterfly to— (dLoain)agthttoerat .) as l i t ta w sh as ia t a h i c id c e h x r) p t a s z l d is it w a h w ic i h ag h s a a d ad no t t o h r i t n h g . with it became Popery itself. Look in g at the q uota t ion made by the Noble Lord from the writings of CardCard inal Wiseman, which might be called Wisemeu on Puseyism, one could not come to any other conclusion than that in 1841 Dr. Wiseman contemplated an union of the Church of England with the Church of Rome. If Dr. Wiseman thought so in 1841, what conclusion must he not have arrived at after seeing the effect far ten years of the en couraging symptoms of the disease? . They now saw Sisters of Mercy and Popish attire in their streets, and wherever the Puseyite fungi had arisen the good old Protestant terms of morning and evening service had been changed to matins and vespers. These things were common in London, and he had seen them in Bristol—he knew also that they existed in Manchester and Liverpool. Was it, then, to be wondered at if the Pope entertained a strong opinion that the English Church was about to forsake its errors? The Arch bishop of Canterbury himself could not have done more, he hoped ho would not do less, under similar circum stances, than the Pope had done. Suppose an intimation was conveyed to Lambeth Palace that in the Roman Ca tholic Cathedral of St. George the candlesticks had been re moved, the font for holy water overthrown, the mysterious bell had ceased to ring, and the priests had put away their splendid lace garments, and adopted surplices, what conclusion could the Archbishop of Canterbury come to but that Dr. Wiseman was fast approaching the Church of England? and could they blame the Arch bishop if he put forth his holy crook, seized Dr. Wise man by the red leg, and endeavoured to lug him into the Protestant sheep fold ?—(Hear and a laugh.) Thee look at the manner in which the appointment of these bishops was received. Dr. Ullathorne, using language that would be considered almost blasphemous if used by a Protestant, said, " it would seem as if Christ had burst a second time from the tomb." But when the whole country, of all sects and denominations, rose and expressed its opinion unmistakeably, then the bishops discovered their mistake and made a humble apology. It appeared to him that there was much less danger to the Church from open undisguised aggression, than when they found holy men and women locked in each other's embraces when they found the Bishop of Exeter paying domiciliary visits to a fair devotee in the west of England, and passing encomiums, recommendations, and admiration on the lady superioress—where ?—among beads and rosaries, and relics, and crosses, and other symbols of the Church of Rome. When they saw all that, he would say that there was danger to the Church of England, and he regretted to say from the apostacy of her sons. — (Hear, hear.) The great distinction between the Pro testant and the Roman Catholic religion was, that the Protestant religion interfered with and supervised the affairs of the Church, while the Roman Catholic trusted everything to the priests.—(Hear, hear.) The question was, had enough been done? The people of England said no.—(Hear, hear.) They called upon the Noble Lord to act up to the spirit of his letter, and with one voice they called for a reform of the Church of Eng land. He did not think this was the time to mince mat ters, and he charged the Bishops of London, of Glouces ter, and of Exeter, with having a tendency more or less to the tenets and practices of the Church of Rome. He saw, looking towards the Speaker's chair, a golden le gend emblazoned in the arms of England, "Dieu a mon droit," and he was reminded by it that the present was the moment for laying party feelings and differences aside, and for calling on the Ministers of the Crown to aid them in standing by the Queen in the name of God and her rights.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. YOUNG said the measure proposed by the Government was opposed by many intelligent and in fluential people in that country; and it was opposed by millions of Roman Catholics in Ireland. Then, with regard to the other great bodies, the Presbyterians and the Protestants of Ireland, let the House consider for a moment what their opinions were. The Hon. Gentle man near him, in a maiden speech a few evenings pre viously, said that the province of Ulster was unani mously in favour of the measure. That might be; but nothing that had reached him could lead him to the belief that that statement was well founded.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the organs of public opinion in that province, he found that the representative of the opinions of the Presbyterians—a paper of high commercial character and respectability in Bel fast, and the representative of the Protestant Demo cracy of Ulster, had both declared against the present legislation. There had been a large meeting in the town of Belfast of noblemen and gentlemen who had struggled against the Emancipation Bill of 1829, who told the Protestants of Belfast that the same ruin was pending over the people of England that had for many years afflicted the Protestanti of Ireland. But, notwithstanding there were 50,000 or 60,000 Pro testants in and about Belfast, the room in which the meeting was held was not at any time half full. Then I let it be observed that the petitions emanating from the Presbyterians were always drawn up as from the minis ters, elders, and congregation ; but it so happened that not a single petition had been presented in favour of the measure from a Presbyterian congregation of the province of Ulster. He believed the general opinion among that class—and it was coincided in by many Pro testants—was this, they looked not with favour, but with dislike and suspicion on the step that had been taken by Cardinal Wiseman, or those by whom he was instigated ; but they looked with apprehension at the consequences of the present agitation, and were by no means in favour of it. His opinion of the step was Jactum valent ficri non dehet. With regard to the mea sure itself, as it came originally from the brain of its author, it could scarcely be looked upon as any addi tion to those safeguards which the energies of the people and the wisdom of Parliament had raised around their liberties. Instead of being a defence, he believed it would be a breach in those liberties, to which a vast multitude of the people were opposed. Any measure which did not extinguish the spirit of opposition was sure to call forth further opposition. It was impossible to expect that the pre sent measure would be effectual to extinguish opposition. If the measure was right the fear of opposition should not of course prevent them passing it ; bat if it were not justified by necessity then the attempt to enforce it would be found to lead to useless and exciting contests. —(Hear, bear.) That was a greater danger than any ac b heheaunardatohonl were de. re that lait l the dtahree d d o at c ao t i l as i aa n y— e s tt that could be apprehended to th e i r lib er ti es . They had e hh a o a t f t if nonetah any y R of i m f at them the a t, Catholic Protes tants of that country went to a Roman Catholic eccle siastic or a Roman Catholic layman, and s a id th a t th e spirit of that religion was altered and its doctrines mo dified, that they would take it as anything but a compli ment.— (" Hear, hear" from the Irish Members.) What the Roman Catholic religion boasted of, was the infallibility of her maxims, the machange ableness of her doctrines, and the inflexibleness of her dogmas. What step then, he asked, ought they to adopt to meet that ever inflexible opponent? It was not by measures of restriction—it was not by penal laws. It was by the cultivation of the arts and the intellect, by which the consciences would be protected, a n d un d er which that country had grown up to the maturity and greatness at which she had arrived. What Protestant ism boasted of was that it was open, and that it appealed to the intelligence and reason of the human race. Her strength lay in free discussion, and where there was free debate and the liberty of the press, religious li berty was safe. The danger which the Honourable and Learned Member for the city of Oxford apprehended, and which he foreshadowed, was the conversion of mul titudes of Protestants to the tenets of the Roman Ca tholic Church, and their alliance with some despotic power in the State. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman referred to a state of things that existed three centuries ago, and which, he had no doubt, proved fatal to the liberties of the people in many parts of Europe. The Noble Lord in the course of his speech had pronounced a high eulogium on a writer with whom he (Sir J. Young) was personally unacquainted, but whose works ho had perused with pleasure, and had quoted his opinions on that point. He begged also to refer to the opinions of Sir James Macintosh, who said that two religions, it was believed, were no more reconcileable than two governments in a country ; and that recent events had demonstrated that men could not bo taught to throw off the power of the priests without deter m i n i ng a l so th e limits of kingly authority. Surely that fallacy had long been exploded.. It had been found th a t t wo re li g i ons could flourish side by side, not only with advantage to each other, but with perfect 'safety to the State. The . danger was the union of despotic power, app re h ens i ve o f its own safety, with ecclesiastical authority, alike alarmed for its existences That was the dang er w h en Al va put to death heretics as well as rebels in the low countries. The Hon. Member for Oxford said that ho had no fear for the Protestant Church, meaning that those who were attached to it were so from principle, conviction, and education; but then, he asked, supposing there was no fear, what became of the danger of which they had heard so much? If the people did not waver, Papacy was powerless—its power was only exercised over those who submitted to it. Then again, with regard to the despotic power of the State, foreign countries had been referred to in favour of this legislation. But they should con sider what were the peculiar circumstances of those countries. In Spain, before he could tread out the first spark of nascent reformation, Philip 11. was obliged to take away the charters and immunities of the corporate t ow ns, and even in the Italian states its principles pre vailed until they fell under the dominion of single indivi duals. In Holland , under free institutions, and complete toleration, the reformation . triumphed. In England, under f ree institutions, but witeout complete toleration, they all knew what the result had been. What was the les son they ought to derive from this?—surely it was this, that so long as they maintained free institutions the rights of conscience would bo respected. O n th ese grounds, mainly, he rested his opposition to the measure. lie believed that the measure was going beyond its pro per obj ec t. What appeared to him to be their duty was to maintain the dignity arid respect of the Established Church, and then to afford to all who dissented from its doctrines complete toleration. He believed that tolera tion was as essential to the safety of the . Established Church as it wa s in accordance with its doctrines. The Noble Lord told them that if they did not pass the pre sent measure they would find themselves at the com• menceinent of an a rd u ous struggle. Ho hoped the conces sions end a lt erat i ons t h at h a d been made in the measure ten days ago wo u ld b e a su ffi c ient salvo to the honour of Dr. Wiseman to induce him to recede, and give the country peace. He trusted that would be so, as he de precated the continuance of such a contest. If he thought the measure w as r i g h t or just, no fear of agitation or opposition.l would prevent his giving it his support. But he said, let those upon whom tho heat and burden of the contest would fall weigh well the consequences before they began it. He maintained that it would fall upon the Protestants of Ireland. Let them count the cost. Look at the struggle that had been maintained against the Roman Catholics in that country for nearly a century and a half. Every power of the State had been put in motion, and ho ventured to say that history did not record a more signal defeat than that of trying to coerce the Catholics of Ire land into a similar belief with the Protestants of Eng land. The industrious classes in Ireland had been ruined by that struggle, and the very name and spirit of the Protestant religion was lost. Bishops were amassing large fortunes, but no glebe houses were built, and the sound of the Gospel was not heard in the churches. Relatively, the number of Protestants was smaller at the close than at the commencement of the struggle. The Church was obliged to submit to the loss of half its pro perty under the tithe arrangement, while the people were deprived of ten of their bishops. Such were the results of the struggle, and he warned the Protestants of Ireland not to enter upon another. Upon these grounds he must withhold his support from the Noble Lord. Although he had heard a great deal of ability in support of the measure, the justice appeared to him very dubious. Although he did not doubt that the measure was brought forward in all honour and good faith, at the same time, instead of adding strength to the cause it professed to advocate, it would bring weakness, and be an infringe ment of that complete toleration which, in his con science, he believed, by being scrupulously acted upon, and firmly maintained, would do more for the cause of true religion and the spread of spiritual truth, than all the defences that alarm could suggest, and all the safe guards which misguided but sincere enthusiasm could surround it with.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GRATTAN quite concurred in everything that had fallen from the Hon. Member for Cavan; except in one word. The lion. Gentleman called this a struggle. He (Mr. G.) called it war in disguise—the worst sort of war, by an unintellible Act of Parliament. Though this measure was wholly unintelligible inside the House, it was perfectly intelligible outside of doors. The people of Ireland had expreseed their opinions upon the subject, and, as far as words go, the contest was ended. If any foreigner had come within their walls a few nights ago, they would be at a loss to com prehend what we were discussing. They would ask what were we discussing—was it larceny? No. Was it science ? No. Was it morality ? No. Was it religion ? Oh, far from it. Why Hon. Members were merely opposing the religion of their forefathers. The old antiquated attacks; supreme ignorance; affected knowledge of the canon law; mistaken quotations ; mis applied law, and confusion of intellect such as had never been heard of even in the worst days, in 1808 and 1818. These were the characteristics of the present discussion, The Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield the other night said that the Irish Members had the honour of re ducing the measure to its present imperfect condition; and when he alluded to the Irish brigade he said that they had destroyed the Noble Lord's Government, and might now pronounce their epitaph. The Irish Members, however, were not to be considered of so sanguinary a character. It was the Noble Lord himself that had committed an act of suicide. We resisted with indigna tion this aggression upon our liberties and the liberties of our country, because we knew we did not deserve it. What had Ireland done that she should be put in this Bill? She had been silent and quiescent until she was roused by this penal Bill. In the very first line of the preamble of this Bill there was contained a monstrous public falsehood, for it said, that " whereas many of her Majesty's subjects in the United Kingdom have assumed certain titles in consequence of a letter from the Pope." Now, was that true?—(Hear.) Why it was a direct and palpable falsehood. The Irish prelates had not assumed these titles. Whatever might be said of the Catholic prelates in. England assuming those titles that were ob jected to, it could not be said that the prelates of the United Kingdom had done so, for those in Ireland could not be charged with doing so. Was there common sense or common justice in fining those prelates for an act of which they had never been guilty? But the Hon. Gentleman opposite said that this measure would be evaded, because it would be found to bo wholly inopera tive. The Government, however, would endeavour to enforce the Act, for the Noble Lord at the head of it said it would form the groundwork of ulterior measures. What would the Roman Catholics do un der the circumstances? Could they make them less Catholic than they were before? No; they were Ca tholics, and would remain so, and they were right to be Catholics.—(Laughter.) What right had the Govern-' merit or Parliament to say that they were not to have their own bishops? The Government were involving themselves, not with the Pope, but in a serious contest with the Irish people. The Bill would be prejudicial to England, but pernicious to Ireland. Had they not com plete Protestant ascendancy? What more did they want? They were seeking to prosecute and to trammel the Roman Catholic Church. Mr. Curran, in speaking of Protestant ascendancy in Ireland, said, " It was the greasy emblem of stall-fed theology—it bad all the graces of a lady's maid and the dignity of the larder. Its loyalty was the dregs of the brandy-bottle, and its religion the dregs of its patrons' understanding, brought into power to devour, to defame, and to degrade." Great apprehensions were entertained in respect to the tem poral authority oft the Pope. Now, what did the late Right Rev. Dr. Doyle say when examined before a Committee of that House upon the subject? He was asked this question—" Are not the vicars-apostolic bound to pay implicit obedience to the Pope?" Answer —"This is a supposition which I cannot admit, be cause the Pope might by possibility, order a man to do a thing that was immoral, or that was contrary to the duties which he owed to the Sove reign. This ho was not bound to obey." The Hon. W and Learned Member for the city of Oxford (Mr. P. ood), and the Noble Lord subsequently, said that the Pope might absolve the soldier or the police from their allegiance to their Sovereign. The Pope could not do any such thing. Even if they really thought that the Pope could do so, they should have kept the matter a secret and not proclaim it aloud; for in case of Duke e w e o r f e possible,the hint might be taken.a , ifWellington, on the field of Waterloo, when he uttered the com mand, " Up, Guards , th t e he and at them," was answered by the men laying down their arms, considering themselves absolved from their allegiance, what would have been the consequence? — (Laughter.) He (Mr. Grattan) could not but admire the calm resignation which always characterised the Hon. Member for the University of Oxford. The Hon. Baronet observed that there were two modes of repell ing this aggression—the one was by proclamation, and the other by bombardment. As to the first we have proclamations ad nauseam. What would be the object of this proclamation? Why. mere names, not realities. He then spoke of bombarding Civita Vecchia on the one side, and Ancona on the other. He should not wonder if the next caricature of HB. repre sented the Honourable Baronet, like the maid of Sara gossa, with one leg on Civita Vecchia and the other leg on Ancona, making a frightful onslaught upon those two places.—(Loud laughter.) That was the peculiar legislation recommended by the lion. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford. It could not be said that this question of alleged Papal aggression could not be settled by communication with the Pope, for whatever might be said to the contrary, it was a matter of fact, and the Pope had had intercourse bath with the Crown and the Government of this coun try in times when religious liberty was not so advanced as at the present. Look at the letters that had passed in 1792 between his Holiness and Lord Grenville and George 111. on the subject of the Irish oaths. Yes, and their admirals and generals held communication at the same time with the Government of the Pope; witness Admiral Hood's letters. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had referred the other night to the letter of Mr. Knox to Lord Castlereagh. He might, by the way, observe that on reading through the work from which the Right lion. Baronet bad quoted that letter, he was struck with the fact that whatever might have been the local prejudices of Lord Castlereagh, his correspondence showed that on great occasions he rose above those pre judices, and was equal to any task, however great, that might arise before him. In that book, however, there was a letter from Lord Cornwallis to Lord Castlereagh, dated February, 1800, in which he took credit, so sure was he of the result, as for a fait accompli, for having accomplished the union, Catholic emancipation, and the restoration of perfect tranquillity in Ireland. Lord Cornwallis, though thus sanguine, was, however, disap pointed—faith was broken with him, and the peace of Ireland was not maintained. So it would be again if they persevered in their present course; war—inevitable war—would bo the consequence. The Hon. Member then quoted Mr. Canning and Dean Swift, and said that if it would take 40,000 men to put down tenant right in the north of Ireland, it would take all her Majesty's army to put down the religion of 6,000,000 of people in Ireland. The lion. Member further stated that when in 1817 the Noble Lord at the head of the Government voted against the war with Bonaparte, his father, the late Mr. Grattan, though removed from the Privy Coun cil in Ireland, and with the full recollection of articles of indictment for high treason having been prepared against him, voted for that war which the victory of Waterloo ratified. On that occasion an Englishman became a Bonapartist, while an Irishman supported the honour of England. Mr. G. BERKELEY said the Protestants of England would learn by the issue of the debate the measure that had been placed before them by one section of free traders, and supported by another, as represented by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Ripon. He (Mr. G. Berkeley) did not rise for the purpose of en cumbering the discussion with any remarks on the sub ject immediately before the House — (Laughter)—but to repudiate that most disgraceful accusation which had been poured upon the heads of the Catholics —an accu sation which he held to be a disgrace to the character of that House. Ho rose as an indignant Protestant— (Laughter)—to repudiate any such aid as was offered to the Protestant cause by the Honourable Member for West Surrey.—(Hear, and laughter.) He held that speech to be a disgrace to any cause that had ever been brought before Parliament ; and he would venture to inquire whether the pure vessel who made it, or rather whether that bird of ill omen who had fouled the nest of others, did not himself reside in a nest that would not bear to be looked into ?—(Hear, laughter, and ques tion.) Before the Hon. Gentleman made such state ments as those against the Catholics ho should be sure that he did not himself dwell in a glass house.—(Ques tion, and laughter.) The Hon. Member had accused the Catholics of idolatry, bigotry, and a belief in ridicu lous, supernatural agency; but did the Hon. Member himself disbelieve in such agency ? lied ho never heard of the ghost that haunted Aldburough Park ?—(Laughter, and cries of " Question.") Was his not an implicit belief in that agency--whether from the mirrors in his room that caused him to suppose his house haunted? — (Cries of " Question.") Did the Hon. Member not pull down a part of his old house?—(Cries of " Question.") West Surrey was the last place to read the Catholics of the United Kingdom such a lesson as that which had ) been read by the Hou. Member, when it was known, that in one house there was always laid a golden knife and fork for—(Cries of " Question" cut short the sen tence.) The attack made by the Hen. Member for West Surrey was as false as anything coald bo against the Catholics of this country.—(Cries of "Question.") As to his (Mr. G. Berkeley's) vote on the question under debate, he should give it in favour of the Bill—(Hear, hear, and Laughter)—not because ,ho thought it an efficient measure—(Laughter)—but simply on the prin ciple that some legislation was due to the Protestant religion of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Viscount CASTLEREAGH had no wish to put himself forward in the debate, as he had nothing new to suggest; but he felt himself bound to express his opinions on the subject, that his constituents might know what they were, and his reasons for entertaining them. In any observation that he should make, how ever, ho deprecated the slightest feeling of asperity or unkindness, and would not willingly say a word to wound the feelings of any one. To his Roman Catho lic fellow-countrymen he would say, that, as far as re ligion was concerned, he could have no Sympathy with them. There was a gulf between them which could not be passed in that:respect. He had too firm an attach ment to the pure and apostolic branch of the Catholic Church in which he had been reared to entertain any such sympathy. But while be respected the convic tions of his fellow-countrymen, at the same time he differed from them, he could hold out the right hand of fellowship, and refer to the time when, within the walls of that House, he had fought with them side by side, in defence of religious liberty.—(Hear.) Look ing back, however, to the great name that he so un worthily bore—looking o❑ the legacy that the great man who first bore it had left him, he felt proud to be arrayed with his Roman Catholic fellow-subjects on the same platform in support of the same principle—that platform being the floor of the House of Commons, and that principle civil and religious liberty.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord would perhapsipermit him to say that it was with peculiar pleasure he had heard, after long years had expired, the name of that great statesman now no more, but to whom he (Lord Castlereagh) was related, vindi cated, and vindicated too from such a source, and from such authority; for differing as the vindicator did from the policy of his noble relative on many points connected with the history of Ireland, and in which he bore his part, as Mr. Grattan had done before him, he attested, and from his heart honestly and sincerely attested, that the name of Castlereagh was ever associated with the civil and religious liberties of his country. Turning to the Bill under discussion, his Lordship then proceeded to observe that the question which struck him with re ference to the measure was this: was it the fittest that could be adopted under the circumstances of the case? The Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary said that it was but a small measure; that he could not conceive of anybody voting against it; and that he was sure he himself would not support it if he thought it were a per secuting measure. He (Lord Castlereagh) was quite free to admit that the Noble Lord implicitly believed what he said. But was he not aware that the voice of the whole people of Ireland were opposed to the measure?— (Hear, hear.) Surely the Noble Lord could not be blind to what was taking place out of doors—to the feelings with which the name of Russell was now received in Ireland—to the demonstration of the bar of Ireland, and the public meetings which had taken place in every quarter in that country in reference to this measure. In fact it appeared to him (Lord Castlereagh) that the Bill was satisfactory to no one—and that " small" as it might be it was not the less obnoxious, whilst there was something in the mode of passing it which was peculiarly obnoxious. As our neigh bours in France would term it, it was " the reactionary policy of a transition Ministry."—(Hear.) The Noble Lord next condemned the language which had been held by the supporters of the Bill, the manner in which the people of Ireland had been spoken of, and the whole tone and temper of the debates upon the subject; all of which he put forward as reasons against such rapid and ill-digested legislation. Long ago they had been taught the effects of penal legislation in Ireland. And if this measure passed, so far as Ireland was concerned, he did not see in what way the administration of justice, or the government of that country, was to be conducted. Convinced as he was, then, of the impolicy of such a measure, that it would not satisfy the people of England, and would certainly irritate the people of Ireland—he would not consent to endorse with his humble name a Bill which was likely to be fraught with much of evil. Mr. B. HOPE (amidst constant interruptions) next addressed the House, and twitted the advocates of the Bill with their inconsistency, in first denouncing it as inadequate to meet the circumstances of which they complained, and then with the same breath uniting to vote for it.—(Cries of " Divide," and " Adjourn.") Further, the measure would be operative or inoperative. —(Divide, divide.) If it were operative it would bo an answer to the Pope.—(Great noise.) But it appeared to him that they were directing their legislation against the bishops, who were comparatively innocent parties, whilst the insult had come from the Pope.—(Laughter, " Oh," and cries of " Divide.") As a means of dealing with the aggression of Rome the measure was ridicu lously absurd.—(Uproar.) Having been prepared to oppose the Bill when it contained three elausee, he was equally prepared to oppose the Bill now it contained but oue clan: o, because he held it to be disgraceful to the magnanimity of the nation, fertile in shame, and barren of those great principles of policy which ought to regu late the affairs of a great nation. Mr. HOIMOUSE moved the adjournment of the de bate.—(Cheers and shouts of " Go on!") Lord J. RUSSELL said it was most desirable that the House should come to a decisiou on this subject to night.—(Cheers.) Ho found that 26 Members had spoken against the Bill, and 22 for it, and they had heard, he thought, the ablest arguments that could be advanced against further proceeding with the measure.— (Hoar, hear.) He did not believe that if they debated the question for six days more they could have any ad ditional argument, and he trusted that if any gentleman wished to address the House they would be heard now. —(Cheers and some cries of " Adjourn!") Mr. MOORE, who was received with loud shouts of " Spoke," said there were a great number of Members who wished to address the House on the subject, and the Noble Lord seemed to forget that the representatives of Ireland had occupied but a very small portion of the debate.—(lronical cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh !") They had not occupied more than five or six hours of the whole debate—(Hear and laughter)—and some 12 or 14 hours had been taken up by the speeches of Mem bers in support of the Bill.—(Hear.) Mr. SCULLY begged to remind the House that the measure was one effecting the interests of 7,000,000 of her Majesty's Roman catholic subjects in this king dom.—(Hear.) There were some 35 or 40 Catholic Members in that House, only seven of whom had spoken on the question; and he thought that was a sufficient reason for a further adjournment of the debate.—(Cheers, cries of Oh!" and laughter.) He thought it most de sirable for the interests of the ; people of Ireland that the measure should be fully discussed; and the Government would be doing themselves a great deal of service if they did nut now press the House to a division upon the Bill.— (Shouts of " Go on," and some confusion.) Sir GEORGE GREY said, it appeared from the re cords kept at the table that 14 Irish Members had ad dressed the House upon this subject; and the time they had occupied, instead of being only five or six hours, had been eleven and a half hours.—(Laughter and cheers.) He must therefore appeal to the House whether the question had not been fully discussed?—(Cheers.) Other opportunities would present themselves, when Hon. Members who had not yet had an opportunity of ad dressing the House would be able to state their opinions fully upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) A strong and reasonable desire bad been expressed that the House should proceed with other business— (Cheers) —but it was impossible to do so while this de bate was hanging over—(Renewed cheers)—and there fore he trusted that the House would now come to a de cision upon the second reading. Mr. OSWALD had no wish unnecessarily to prolong the debate; but, as this Bill affected Scotland—(A laugh)—and only one single Member for that part of the United Kingdom had addressed the House during the discussion, he was anxious to hear from some of the Scotch representatives who sat behind the Treasury bench their reasons for desiring that the measure should be extended to Scotland, where there had been no Papal aggression, and where the whole state of the case was very different from what it was in England.—(Hear.) Mr. M. O'CONNELL said they had been told by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) that those Hon. Members who had not yet spoken would have opportu nities of doirg so on other stages of the measure. lie had risen two or three times during the progress of the debate, but he had not been fortunate enough to catch the Speaker's eye, and he, as an Irish Roman Catholic Member, claimed his right to be beard.—(Shouts of "Go on," and laughter.) He would not--(Great laughter.) He would not address such a jaded audience —(Laughter)—at that hour of the night (half past 12), for if he were to do so, he would neither do his duty to himself nor to the Houso.—(" Go on," and laughter.) He did not think the Irish Members, particularly the Catholic Members and those: representing Catholics, ought to bate one inch of any ground they could fight upon this question.—(" Oh !" and some cheers.) He be lieved the Irish Members were with him upon that point, and if the Noble Lord chose to try a division, or ten di visions, upon the question of adjournment, he would be met upon every one of them.—(General cries of " Oh, oh t" and confusion.) After a few words from Mr. URQUHART, who was understood to support the adjournment, The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said he agreed with the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment that it was desirable the debate should be brought to a close as soon as possible—(Cheers)—but he must call upon the Noble Lord to remember the great excite ment which prevailed on this subject, and that while a great number of Gentlemen were desirous of speaking I only seven Catholic Members out of thirty-seven had yet addressed tho House. This measure had caused great excitement among the Catholic constituencies, and the Noble Lord could not be surprised that they should be anxious that their representatives should give expression to their feelings. He hoped, therefore, that the Noble Lord would not oppose the adjournment, Lord J. RUSSELL observed, that the Noble Lord gave the House very little hope of coming to any very early conclusion on this subject.—(A laugh.) There were several motions on the book for to-morrow, and the Noble Lord said that out of 37 Catholic Members only seven had spoken in six nights of debate, s o that if the other 30 Members were to speak—(Laughter) —it was impossible to say when they might expect to con clude the debate.—(ltencwed laughter.) Mr. REYNOLDS begged to remind the House that the adjournment bad been moved by an English and not by an Irish Member. Although the Noble Lurd (Lord J. Russell) had said that 43 Members had addressed the House on this measure, those who were o pp ose to the Bill could not be charged with offering it any factious op position—(Cries of " Oh, oh! " and ironical cheers) — and the course that was to be pursued to-night would decide whether it was to receive factious opposition for MARCH 25, 1851. the future.—(" Oh !") He might remind the House that the Right Hon. Member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone), the Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone (Mr. Keogh), the Hon. and Learned Member for Windsor—(A laugh)—the Attorney-General for Ireland (Laughter and cheers)—the Chief Secretary for Ireland, the Hon. Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden), the Hon. Member for Manchester and his colleague (Mr. Bright and Mr. M. Gibson), had not yet spoken on this question. There was also a Catholic Lord of the Treasury, the Member for the county of Louth (Mr. Bellew), whose sentiments he would be glad to hear.) Last, though not least, ho might insinuate that it was possible the Honourable, eloquent, and influential Mem ber for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli), who led a powerful party, and who had not yet addressed the House, might wish to do so. He had often heard that Hon. Gentleman on other questions with much interest, and he would like to draw him out upon this subject.— (A laugh). The Noble Lord and his Right Hon. Col league (Sir G. Grey) had taken an account of the time for which Irish Members had spoken, but were those Hon. Members to be told that because they had occu pied eleven hours and a half in endeavouring to raise a shield to protect themselves against this most unpre cedented act of oppression and insult, they were to be driven to a division at half-past twelve in the morning? He would again remind the Noble Lord, who was press. ing this measure with such railway rapidity—(Laughter, and ironical cries of " Hear,")—that out of 37 Catholic Irish Members, and he believed five Catholic English Members, only seven had yet spoken; and he would re mind him also that the Catholic Members were now upon their trial, and were discussing the principles of a Bill which they were determined to oppose by every consti tutional means in their power. The House then divided; the numbers were— For the adjournment of the debate ... 64 Against it . . 414 Majority against it ... ...-350 On our re-admission, we understood that Mr. O'CONNELL moved the adjournment of the House. The motion was afterwards withdrawn. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that Hon. Gentlemen might be anxious to have the glory of conducting a fac tious opposition.—(Hear, hear.) But he saw no reason why the House should indulge them in their desire. The House had very clearly pronounced by 414 to 64 that, whatever might be the position or feeling of the speakers, the listeners were quite satisfied.—(Loud cheers.) Having, therefore, been perfectly satisfied with the opinion of the House so expressed, and think ing it desirable that the debate should be brought to an early termination, he was quite ready to assent to the adjournment of the debate to this day (Tuesday).— (Cries of " 12 o'clock.") Mr. M. O'CONNELL understood the adjournment would be to 5 o'clock.—(Loud cries of " 12 o'clock.") Lord J. RUSSELL rose and moved that the debate be adjourned to 12 o'clock.—(Great cheering.) Mr. J. O'CONNELL moved that the debate be ad journed to 5 o'clock; which motion was seconded by Mr. REYNOLDS. Colonel RA WDON hoped the Honourable and Learned Member for Limerick would not persist in his amend ment. This was the first great question which had been discussed with respect to Roman Catholics since they had been admitted to seats in that House by the Act of 1829. He could not be accused of anything like faction when he announced his intention of voting for the second reading; but it was a matter of great importance that all the Roman Catholic Members should be able to lay their opinions before the House. Bearing in mind the remarkable expressions which had fallen from the Hon. Member for Surrey—expressions .which, though apolo gised for, had not been retracted—it seemed to b e b u t just an d courteoua for the House, as an assembly of gentlemen, to give the Roman Catholic Members every opportunity of stating their views. —(Cries of " Twelve o'clock.") The Hon. Member for Limerick would have it in his power to express his opinion, and would, he hoped, agree to withdraw his amendment. Mr. MOORE thought it of importance that the dis cussion of such a question as the present should not bear the appearance of heat, haste, or hurry—(Oh, and laughter)—and that it should proceed in the usual way. He should support the amendment. Mr. O'FLAHERTY remarked that it was now past one o'clock, and Hon. Members could not meet at twelve. The religion and country of those with whom he agreed were at stake, and they must be heard. Mr. LAWLESS disclaimed any factious opposition. —(Oh, oh.) Sixty-four had voted for the adjournment, of whom, he ventured to say, one-half intended to speak. —(Laughter.) If only one were going to speak he ought to have fair play. He defied any one to go to bed just now and be hero in time to speak at twelve o'clock.— (Laughter, cries of " Oh!" " Order," and " Withdraw.") The House divided, when the numbers were:— For twelve o'clock ... ... 306 For five o'clock Majority ... —263 On re-entering the gallery, we found Mr. KEOGH expressing a hope that the Noble Lord I at the head of the Government would not insist upon asking the House to meet at twelve o'clock to-morrow (this day), seeing that it was now half-past one. The Noble Lord had stated that the Roman Catholic Mem bers had occupied the greater part of the six nights during which the debate had lasted; but he found, on examination, that that was not the case, and that they could not be said to have occupied an unreasonable por tion of the time of the House. He found, indeed, that the gentlemen who were in favour of the Bill had taken up more of their time than those who were against it; and he must say, with regard to the Irish Members, that they had not at all occupied the time of the House un reasonably. Many Members, including the Attorney- General for Ireland—(llear)—had not yet spoken, and it was important that their voices should be heard with regard to this measure. It was but reasonable and fair that the Bill should not pass in haste, or until they had been favoured with the opinion of the Attorney-General fur Ireland. Therefore, if it were competent for him to do so, he would move that the debate be not adjourned to twelve o'clock.—(No, no.) Then he would oppose the motion. Mr. J. O'CONNELL explained, that he had with drawn his motion for the adjournment of the House under the beliet that the House would meet at the usual hour. The Noble Lord had said, that if he (Mr. J. O'Connell) and, his .brother—[Order and laughter. Lord J. RUSSELL—" The Hon. Member for Dublin'l felt any anxiety to be factious, he would afford them an opportunity of being so.—(Laughter.) Lord J. RUSSELL said his Hon. Friend did not quite understand him. He (Lord J. Russell) understood the Hon. Member for Dublin to say, that unless the de bate were adjourned he intended to make a factious op position. He (Lord J. Russell) did not think the Hon. Member need have made use of that remark, as he might have said that he would go on opposing the continuation of the debate. As it bad been already agreed that the debate should be adjourned, he only wished that it should really and in fact go on this day. If, therefore, it were distinctly understood that the debate should be fixed for five o'clock this day ho would not any longer persist in his motion.—(Hear, hear.) It was then decided that the debate should be resumed at five o'clock this day. DESIGNS ACT EXTENSION BILL. O❑ the ATTORNEY-GENERAL moving that this Bill be reed a second time, Colonel SIBTHORP opposed it, us being a measure to benefit foreigners at the expense of Englishmen. Mr. NEWDEGATE asked whether the designs of Englishmen would be protected as well as those of foreigners, and also whether foreign Governments would extend the same protection to the invention& of English men as it was proposed to give to the inventions of foreigners in this country? Mr. LABOUCHERE said protection would be equally given whether the inventions were those of Englishmen or of foreigners, but, of course, it would be impossible for the English Parliament to give protection to Eng lish exhibitors abroad. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed, all that could be done was to give protection in this country, exactly in the same manner as the patent laws now operated. No man who took out a patent here could protect himself against having his invention pirated abroad. The Bill was road a second time, and ordered to be committed on Wednesday. _ The House then adjourned, at Two o'clock, till Four o'clock this day. COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT. FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) COWES, MARCH 24.—Her Majesty, Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, and the Princessßoyal, attended divine service at the parish church of Whippingham yesterday, attended by the Marchioness of Douro and the Hon. Amelia Murray. Several of the officers of the American frigate St. Lawrence, anticipating the royal visit, wero at Whippingham. THE PUBLIC HEALTH ACT.—It is not generally known that with this Act others are also annexed on petition; it has just been extended to the town of West Cowes, and with it the inhabitants have had incorpo rated the beat clauses is their old local Act, 56 of Geo. 111., and 49 clauses of the Towns Police Clauses' Act, 1847, and 25 sections of the Towns Improvement Clauses, 1847, which has given great satisfaction. The attempt made by some officials in Newport to tack the Mayor and part of their town council on to our local board has signally failed, the inhabitants having,. as one man, de clared that they would sooner be without the Public Health Act than have any foreig n interference in their local affairs. THE WEATHER.—We have had a week of wind and rain; on Saturday the mercury fell to 28•0. Field work is quite at a stand, nothing can be done in plough ing, sowing, or planting. COURT CIRCULAR. OSBORNE, MONDAY. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness took their usual early walk this morning. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the younger branches of the Royal Family, walked and rode in Osborne Park. There was no addition to the royal dinner party yes terday. A deputation from New Zealand House, headed by Mr . Aglionby and Mr. Abel Smith, and attended by Mr. Har rington, the Secretary, had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. The Bishop of London had an interview with Sir George Grey, at the Home-office, yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Re venue, had an interview with the Ch ancellor of the Exche quer yesterday, at his official residence, in Downing-street. Mr. Montgomery Martin had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. The Marquis of Lansdowne left town on Sunday morning, for his seat, Bowood P ar k, Wi lts. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-office, from the Governor of the CanaCas, and the Governors of the other North American Colonies. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the T ies and Proceedings of the Howe of Common) MONDAY, BUR - CII 24. ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES ASSUMPTION BILL. Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on Amend- ment to Question (14th bfarch), " That the Bill be now read a second time ;" and which Amendment was, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months :" Question again proposed, " That the word ' now' stand part of the Question." Debate resumed :—Question put, " That the Debate be not! adjourned." The House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 64. Adair, R. Shafto Greene, Joha Palmer, Roundel' Anstey, Thomas Higgins, George Pechell. Sir G. Armstrong, Sir A. Hope, Alexander Power, Dr. Arundel, Earl of Hutchins, E. J. Power, Nicholas Bankes, George Keating, Robert Rawdon, Colonel Barron, Sir H. Keogh, William Reynolds, John Berkeley G. F. Lawless, Cecil Roche, E. B. Blake, M. J. M'Cullagh, W. Sadleir, John Blewitt, It. J. Megan, W. ii. Scholetield, William Burke, Sir T. J. Maher, N. Scully, Frauds Butler, P. S. Meagher, Thomas Seymour, H. D. Castlereagh, Via. Mahon, O'Gorman Simeon, John Corbally, M. E. Monsell, William Somers, J. P. Crawford, W. S. Moore, G. H. Sullivan, Michael Devereux, John T. Mowatt, Francis Talbot, J. H. Fagan, James Nugent, Sir Percy Towneley, John Fox, Richard M. O'Brien, J. Urquhart, David Fox, W. J. O'Brien, Sir T. Wall, C. B. Gibson, T. M. O'Connell, John Gooch, E. S. O'Connell, Maurice TELLXIIII. Gould, Wnydham O'Connell, M. J. Hobhouse, T. B. Grace, 0. D. O'Flaherty, Anthony Fagan, William Grattan, Henry Oswald, A. MAJORITY-NOES, 414. Evelyn, W. J. Morison, Sir W. Swart, William Morris, David Farnham, E. Mostyn, E. M. L. Ferrer, James Mulgrave, Earl Fellowes, E. Mundy, William Fergus, John Mnntz, G. F. Ferguson, Sir R. Naas, Lord Filmer, Sir E. Neeld, John Fitzpatrick, J. W. Neeld, Joseph Fitzroy, Henry Newdegate, C. N. Fitzwilliam, G. W. Noel, Gerald J. Foley, John H. Ogle, S. C. Forbes, 'William Ossuiston, Lord Fordyce, A. D. Owen, Sir John Forester, G. C. Parke, C. W. Forster, Matthew Paget, Lord A. Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord C. Frewen, C. H. Pakington, Sir J. Fuller, A. E. Palmer, Robert Galway, Viscount Palmerston, Vie. Gallwey, Sir W. P. Parker, John Gaskell, J. M. Patten, J. W. Gilpin, R. T. Peal, Sir Robert Glyn, G. C. Peel, Frederick Goddard, A.:L. Pelham, A. D. Gordon. Admiral Pennant, Hon. Cot. Gore, W. R. 0. Perfect, R. Goulburn, Henry Peto, Samuel Granby, Marquis Pigot, Sir Robert Granger, T. C. Pigott, Francis Greenall, Gilbert Pillrington, James Greene, Thomas Plowden, W. H. Greiafell, Charles W . Plumptre, J. P. Grey, Sir G. Portal, Melville Grey, Ralph W. Powlett, Lord W. Grogan, E. Price, Sir R Grosvenor, Lord R. Prinsep, H. T. Guernsey, Lord Pugh, David Guest, Sir John Reid, Colonel Gwyn, Howel Renton, J. C. Hale, R. B. 'Lepton, G. W. Raiford, Sir H. Ricardo, Osman Hall, Sir B. Ricardo, Osman Hall, Colonel Rice, E. R. Hallyburton, Lord Rich, Henry Hamilton, Geo. A. Richards, Richard Hamilton, J. H. Hominy, Colonel Hamilton, Lord C. Homily, Sir John Hanmer, Sir J. Rufford, Francis Hardcastie, J. A. Rumbold, C. E. Harris, Captain Rusheut, Captain Harris, Richard Russell, Lord John Basile, Alexander Russell, E. Hastie, Archibald Russell, F. C. Hatchell, John Sanders, George Hawes, Benjamin Sanders, Joseph Hayes, Sir E. Seaham, Viscount Heacllam, Thomas Seymer, H. K. Heald, James Seymour ;Lord Heneage, G. H. W. Shafto, R. D. Heneage, E. Sheridan, R. B. Henley, J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Hervey, Lord A. Sidney, Alderman Heywood, James Smith, J. A. Heyworth, Lawrence Smith, M. T. Hildyard, R. C. Smyth, John (looms Hildyard, T. B. T. Smollett, A. Hindley,Charles Somerset, Captain Hodges, T. L. Somerville. Sir W. Hodges, T. Twisden Sotheron, T. H. S. Hodgson, W.'N. Spearman, IL J. Holland, Robert Spooner, Richard Hornby, John Stafford, A. Horsman, Edward Stanford, J. F. Ilotharn,;Lord Stanley, Edward Howard, C. W. Stanley, E. H. Howard, E. G. Stanley, W. 0. Hudson, G. Stanfield, W. R. C. Inglis, Si R. Stanton, W. H. Jackson, William Stephenson, Robert Jermyn, Earl Stuart, Lord J. Johnstone, Sir J. Stuart, H. Jolliffe, Sir W. G. Stuart, John Jones, Captain Blurt, Henry G. Ker, Richard Sutton, J. H. Kershaw, James Tancred, H. W. Kildare, Marquis Taylor, Thomas E. King, P. J. Thesiger. Sir F. Knightley, Sir C. Thicknesse, R. A. Knox, Colonel Thompson, Colonel Knox, W. S. Thompson,:Alderrnal Labouchere, Henry Thornely, Thome Lacy, H. C. Tollemache, F. J. Langston, J. H. Tollemache, John Lascelles, W. S. Townley, R. G. Lawley, B. R. Towushend, Capt. Lemon, Sir C. Trail, George Lennox, Lora A. Trevor, G. R. Lennox, Lord G. 11. Trollope, Sir J. Lewis, Sir T. Turner, G. J. Lewisham, Viscount Tyler, Sir G. Lindsay, Colonel Tynte, Colonel Littleton, E. R. Tyrell, Sir J. Locke, Joseph Verner, Sir; W. Lockhart, W. N'esey, Thomas Long, W. Villiers, Viscount Lopes, Sir Ralph Villiers, Charles Loveden, Pryse Vyse, R. H. Lowther, Colonel Waddington...David Lowther, Henry Waddington, H. S. Lygon, Gen. Wakley, Thomas Mackenzie, W. F. Walpole, Spencer Mackie, John Walter, John Diacaghten, Sir E. Watkins, Colonel M'Gregor, John Wawn. J. T. Al' Taggart, Sir J. West, F. R. Mandeville, Vie. Westhead, J. P. Mangles, R. D. Wigram, L. T. Manners, Lord G. Willcox, Brodie Manners, Lord J. Williams, John March, Earl of Williams, T. P. Marsh.ll, J. G. Williams, W. Marshall, W. Williamson, Sir H. Martin, C. W. Willoughby, Sir H. Masterman, John Wilson, James Matheson, A. Wilson, Matthew Matheson, Sir J. Wodehouse, Edmund Matheson, Colonel Wood, Sir Charles Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Wood, W. P. Melgund, Viscount Worcester, Marquis Ateux, Sir Henry Wortley, J. S. Miles, P. W. S. Wyld. James Milner, W. M. Wynn, H. W. Mines, R. M. Wynn, Sir W. Milton, Viscount Wyvill, M. Mitchell, T. A. Yorke, E. T. Moffatt, George TELLIII4 Moody, C. A. Hayter, W. G. Morgan, 0. Hill, Lord M. Abdy, T. N. Acland, Sir T. Adair, Hugh E. Adderley, C. B. Alcock, Thomas Anderson, Arthur Anson, Colonel Anson, Viscount Arbuthnott, H. Archdall, Captain Arkwright, George Armstrong, R. B. Bagge, W. Bagot, lion. W. Bagshaw, John Bailey, Joseph Baillie, H. J. Baines, M. T. Baird James Baldock, E. H. Baldwin, Barry Baring, H.B. Baring, Sir,F. Baring, Thomas Barnard, E. G. Barrington, Viscount Barrow, W. H. Bass, M. T. Bateson, T. Beckett, W. Bell, Jacob Benbow, John Bennet, Philip Beresford, William Berkeley, Admiral Berkeley. C. L. G. Bernal, Ralph Bernard, Viscount Birch, Sir T. Blackstone, W. Blair, Stephen Blakemore, R. Blandford, Marquis Boldero, H. George Booker, T. W. Booth, Sir R. G. Bowles, Admiral Boyle, Colon& Bramston, T. W. fireniridge, Richard Brisco, M. Broadley, Henry Rroadwood, H. Brocklehurst, John Brockman, E. D. Brotherton, J. Brown, H. Brown, W. Bruce, C. L. C. Bruen, Colonel Buck, L. W. Bulkeley,Sir R. B. Buller, Sir Y. Bunbury, William Banbury, Edward Burghley, Lord Burroughes, H. Buxton, Sir E. Cabbell, B. B. Calvert, Frederic Campbell, W. F. Carew, W. P. Carter, John B. Cavendish, C. C. Cavendish, G. H. Cavendish, W. G Chandos, Marquis Chaplin, W. J. Chichester, Lord J. Child, Smith Childers, J. W. Christopher, R. A. Christy, Samuel Clay, James Clerk, Sir G. Clifford, H. M. Clive, R. H. Clive, H. B. Cobbold, J. C. Cockburn, Sir A. Cocks, T. S. Cole, H. A. Coles, 11. B. Collins, W. Compton, 11. C. Copeland, Ald. Corry, H. Cotton, W. li. Cowan, Charles Cowper, W. F. Craig, Sir W. G. Crowder, It. B. Cubitt, William Curteis, H. M. Dalrymple, Captain Dashwood, G. H.l Davies, D. A. S. Deedes, W. D'Eyncourt, C. T. Disraeli, B. Divett. Edward Dud, J. W. Dodd, G. Douglas, Sir C. E. Drumlanrig, Vis. Duckworth, Sir J. Duckworth, Sir J. Duncan, Lord Duncan, George Duncombe, A. Duncombe, 0. Duneuft, John Dundas, Admiral Dundas, George Dundas, Sir David Du Pre, C. George East, Sir J. B. Ebrington, Viscount Edwards, Henry Egerton, W. T. Ellice, Edward Ellice, E., jun. Elliot, J. E. Emlyn, Viscount Eatcourt, J. B. B. Euston, Earl Evans, Sir De Lacy Evans, John Evans, William Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Debate be adjourned till this day at Twelve of the clock :"—Amend ment proposed, to leave out the words " Twelve of the clock," and insert the words " Five of the clock," instead thereof:—Question put, " That the words Twelve of the clock' stand part of the Question." The House divided MAJORITY—AYES, 306. MINORITY-NOES, 43. Blake, Martin J. Hope, A. Oswald, Alexander Blewitt, Reginald Keating, Robert I Power, Dr. Burke, Sir T. J. Keogh, William Power, Nicholag Butler, P. S. M`Cullagh, W. T. Reynolds, John Castlereagh, Vise. Magan, W . M. Roche, E. B. Corbally, M. E. Maher, N. Sadleir, John Crawford, W. S. Meagher, Thomas Scholerield, William Devereux, J. T. Mahon, O'Gorman Scully, Francis Fagan, William Monsen, William Somers, J. P. Fagan, James Moore, George H. Sullivan, Michael Fox, Richard M. Nugent, Sir Percy Talbot, J. 11. Goold, Wyndham O'Brien, J. Grace, O.D. O'Brien, Sir Timothy MUM. Grattan, Henry O'Connell, Maurice O'Connell, John Greene, John O'Connell, M. J. Lawless, Cecil Higgins, George O'Flaherty, Anthony NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Deputy Medical Inspector—Dr. William Lindsay (1843), of Malta Hospital, has been appointed to Hula Hospital, vice Allen, deceased. Assistant-Surgeons—Alexander Robertson (1841), of the Victory, flag-ship. Portsmouth; George B. Moore (1850), acting of the Impregnable, flag-ship, at Devon port, to the Queen, 116, flag-ship, in the Mediterranean; George T. Jones, acting, and Philip W. Govett, acting, to the Southampton, 50, flag-ship, Brazils; Henry Slade (1847),1ate of the Cyclops, steam-frigate, to the Castor , 36, flag-ship at the Cape; James Sproule, acting, to the Victory, flag-ship, Portsmouth. We regret exceedingly to hear that Dr. Sir John Lid. dell, C. 8., the head of the medical department of Green. • wich Hospital, is seriously indisposed. Surgeon Henry Burrell (1813), on the list of " unit for further service at sea, died at Leven, in Fifesitire, on the 15th inst. Lieutenant Frederick Slade (1811) died a short since in Australia. Vice-Admiral Sir G. F. Se y mour, C. 8., G.C.R., iti the Cumberland, 70, Captain Seymour, sailed from s Helen's for Bermuda yesterday afternoon, wi t h a north west wind. The Spright l y , st e a m- tender, went out to the Cumberland at St. Helen's, yesterday morning, with letters. It was rather remarkable to see a a n . this stopping at St. Helen'suchs, when - ship - Pyrenees got away on Thursday. a ship as she The American likewise P acket Independence proceeded ' yesterday morn. mg early. o W P e r r i n r c i g e g i n e n g g o e v n e t t h 9O, e mC a a st rit h a e l a n d li s, a ani g Olo i th s in ge g t he lin r g b° h w ir. sprit, at Portsmouth. Penelope, 18, steam-frigate, Captain Lyster, is pro• gressing very fast. She hos her tempest° u p' her top. gallantmasts pointed, and lower yards across. Peterel, 6, packet-brig, Lieut.-Commander Creser, was paid off at Devonport, yesterday. • DEVONPORT, SUND AY . The westner has been so All settled for som e ti me that we have had nothing doing. Bonetta, 3, Sound,Lieut.-Commander Wake , still lies in the and her advance not paid. Alecto, steam-sloop, Commander Lavie, is in harbour, waiting for better weather. WOOLWICH, MARCH 24.—The Trident steam-vessel, Lieutenant-Commander Risk, arrived at Woolwich to. day from Sunderland, to be paid off, having been in com mission since May 10, 1848. The Trident went down the river again for a short distance, to have a report made of the state of her engines. [A n veansamENT.]—Tins EARL OF ALDBOROVIOS AND HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—AI astounding cure by this miraselotie medicine, atter every other means had failed. S ee extract from his L o rdship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 31, 1545 . Professor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint you that your Pills ha vi . i. " fected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all tinniest eminent of the faculty, at home and all over the continent, bad apt been able to effect; nay, not even the waters of Carlsbad or Yu rienbad. (Signed) " ALDBOROUGH." These wonderffil pills will cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also H.lloweell Ointment) at Professor Holloway's EstabUshment, 244. !Wald as b 7 all medicine vendors throughout th e civilised world. We have very much pleasure in stating that there is no foundation for the report of the death of Mr. Fox, of the firm of Fox and Henderson, announced In the Builder e Saturday last. OW roll of no the lir- Li ilvd ion he B ed by old her re? bt. 'ld um to- 1