The Sun. — London, England, 1850-03-08 00:00:00

Ns& 1/00!ster with respect to the Clifdsn unions. The teathmsinber had stated that landless:a were in robs,ar 11 10 v, ; d i they had refive 1 a fair rate. TIC was not Plisi s e e ( ci L ° five the Came' of his correspondent, but he (lh el niniself to prove the truth of his statemei h itl t kppeti_els.neerablo Member read the Jotter, from which :s l i m ': that the three principal estates in the C fe •' re i n the Court f Chaacery—that previous to l 'une the district was in a state ( f great prospe7ity tisol)"Nrossive improvement, bet that ever since that o'aPsris and - • had ravaged it. i s4Q disease, einigi atom a Propriet or had effered Mr. Twistletoe , the kte s , 4 1 , * . C ommissioner, 1,000!. f growing gran; for the %ey: - 'eh were due upon it, amounting to 400/, but litih, e ;e refused, and t h e consequence was t hat the fu lit ever since been lyins , waste. The workhouse , 11, (16, Some of the best mansions of the proprietors Co nverted into a ux ili ar y wor khouses, and other; t , I krrs s ll , t uP, thou g h they belonged to families who had 1 00 every shilling in Ireland.) He did not 11 tr. t he dist r i ct himself, but nave the statement as i t keirteo forwarded to him. What he objected to for khi w as the Honourble Member's making charges °Pillisnin'TlMous information, which were, in 11 t tisas i ::xaggsratei in themselves, and unwarranted hßot r a tin a body of men, some of whom . had,..a n t ee a 9 ll , ' i ne their duty under very difficult circumssa qos '''''AIGHT said he could not have the least oltec 11,4tiZ the statement which had been read by the Hon. to'' because it did nos appear in the slightest de ;ll%ds s , -I , 4 vslidate any of the statements he had formerly th lioreference to the unions in the west of Ire stli,h,ts e t:mid only say that every one of these state r made on as good an authority as that on 14 ",,,ttli a " t e 11 ° 3 . Member hal made a counter-state r night, with the exception of one, and that he nttlecreetoe as soo ' n as it was shown to bo erroneous. he , statements were not the question before the r)s e s s T \tle ar)—they had hal a great many sensible qtis ' l l.B ' and some not very sensible ones, referring to : before that House, but he had never heard one 'As s 'eservins- the support ' of the House, or less l ' 4 o,:tiis t : i . , en , u a ennter the ojoposition of her Majesty's Go- Plie n that of his Hon. Friend the Member fur ,st; h etaflipper ted that motion, because he believed kti l ;;'' fa as those alleged demanded instant yeti- Ilisei°-,and redress. The Government instituted in -1 I nto Many things less woi thy of steam-boat on oNki:srajoes' the Right Hou. Baronet . would institute a n ' In order that he might know the cause 'Ct). a t ion' loss of life which these accidents l s l ‘'W s - t e ; as i°n• Why should the effects of the whose 11testi;e"`°!13 not oleo be inquired into and the causes from operating? One proprietor alone had Obis -47) less than 1,0 , 15 persons, or equal to 200 s „' s k na it had b e en calculated at a low rate that at l igs s ,fi-viPerson in every family thus turned out died. Pis ~t i' d give 200 deaths from that one estate. Were to i n • such a state of things as that? i ttl e bthe igno q a u n ir e n e d s r into of the landlords, the s klltl 4 l - "ea let and cultivated in such a manner that :te,,e f ailure of a single crop they could not sustain St ' it ' i tes : he asserted that neither the principles of l ti n; :conemy nor the principles of our common eetaq Y permitted the owners of the soil to commence e Zterminatins• system.—(Hear, hear.) The l ' i )lis e e , il tber bad t a lk e d of proprietors who spent every ilktt 'OlO Ireland. He believed that. They not only q (l4 itio e , e rY shilling of their own, but every shilling bed iitetV the people that they could lay hold of, instet! te l liln __ith prudence, moderation, and forethought in dreamt,llKeinent of the revenues deriverl from their es tle House, he thought, acted with too much 11 ° Iss l ' e ss to persons thus situated. Ile was not to be '1 the term confiscation. If the millowners of 71)i ' e a ter were to ant in a similar way, and leave the ' 'ti t 'leesi tl :P l °Yed and dependent upon them to starve ' the House would no doubt speedily interfere. itheginot i ' Member for Limerick said, that the landlords th union had laid a rate of 3s. in the pound. jllBlfo,l4in that 3s in the pound was not enough, when . th at ukt Leto consideration the fact that rents were paid itrli and that grants had been given to it from 1 / 4 "st i ti r 4 t. He said that when the landlords came un ed-sciretimstances to that House for assistance, s7tri ll e ; ; 'auee they received was in fact a bonus upon i ")ke, -441 lied the extermination of the people. If the Oettilent were to agree to the motion, and seed a l andlords man to take the administration of the I t ,andlords would soon see that they could no " h le t ii „ " i ft the burdens from their own shoulders in e'er4"(l give that employment which they now tk e „' - ' If the Government took that resolute and Ts Course, they would soon see an alteration for l s ! t ee -r ' .in the ' general employment of the people. 4edeo.s Won of his Hon. Friend was so simple that 4tal k i, 4 !t would be agreed to. They would have the Zbefore the House, and the real cause of Ire ttl'qb,,:BerY would reach the light. There was no a,e' excess of rates, and if this state of things was tel tis tle, nothing remained for Ireland but misery „141,7\telion,—(1-lear hear.) I ? i t . th ki 'PLAFIERTY I said that, _while he admitted the 44 ta. t° PY of the Honourable Gentleman whose tberbefore the [louse, he did not think there was :iltiy ahe eessity for the inquiry, or that it would load t t ile 6 i , ° °( l . He was chairman of the union of Clifton, (le il l gad to s t a t e t h at t h e E ng li s h p ro prietors did not iqqpt'u' rates. Surely these proprietors ought to pay te a l": or how c o u ld the people be supported ? He s4ls 'Norm the House that the poor-law now tts f l o i t Well in Irland. This taw and the Encumbered was im. Aet were well calculated to produce great lylr t -e x t !t in Ireland. ,7 0 011 E supported the motion, and said he ".°3O - i li s " t was due to the people of Ireland to make the 1:6,-;llai gn i ry. ‘.6 of ARUNDEL and SURREY said it was h i eet e e „e that there was an excess of misery in Kil ,,klf44;uat hardly evebefore existed in a civilized or eit th state of society. It was also admitted ‘,10,10:e landlords had acted unfairly towards the th e out still they did not know the cause N % Present misery in Ireland. acceded to the k itt4 be stowed on Captain Kennedy,liaendwhile he ads_ t ko " that the landlords in Kilrush were deserving of is ~that th • upon them, he must exempt from 0616 sure Colonel Wyndham. The 4 011:,„ 14 (1 (Lord n J k . Russell) said they had info/7m •st the in respect to the subject under discussion; li t c h ontended that more information was necessary , "11, 43 was so, they ought to have it. The Right re c e ntleman (Sir W. Somerville) said that frauds l b ellmilted by the guardians in the Kilrush union. should like to have all these frauds laid before .gea k i''' ° . He should like to know how the estates in ite , 1 were and had been managed for 3 ears past. all events, he would say, that it was their duty to e e -ttit ,ing to save the lives of the people in Ireland. ss mliti,',Pie were so degraded by the present state of id th" lat he was not surprised at anything they did, nor Ltlliq ii - 7 be blamed for their actions. In supporting the 117111 fo r a commission it would be shown to the " R "f Ireland that there were persons in that House I t 4 4l ltti Pethised with them in their difficulties. r„te - eZe in that House must be thankful to the Hon. forthe zeal and determination which he s Piar d in bringing the subject forward, Ia • Nista • • e ing-the discouragement shown to his doing •. ding-the ik, ra, 4,ear.) q a ttf,"'ILLIAM SOMERVILLE said he did not say ill li s it t :tls had be en comm itted in the union of Kilrush. Aie ta 'q'•veas, that such a stateme nt had been made els`p e we lienaedy. CRth; B OROPEE would not detain the House by t lld reply. All admitted that if the facts . which 1 1 4. (1- 1 ae 4 were true,. the necessity for an inquiry sufficient k ltli tt- n "oti before sh r em on j tbe subject; but if they had s 4 l'' ."ltt t ; e e feetary or information required on the question, theeturee, he asked, had been brought in to re , be, ,evils of which he complained? If nothing r the" done for the people, of what . use, he asked, 5, 4 4 °l t . I nformation which it was . said they had? C 4 ,Y S h il l" year they were going on in the same et; t ie it did not seem as if they were to have any eoli tt : l of thes -stem. The Hon. Gentleman, in re- Ptos e ,,t o the plan suggested by the Hon. Member for f said he had doubt but if the resources o ere developed, the evils of which she had to R l / 4 -4 w , 1 Wouldberel , ved.—(Elear.) PRENCIi said - the Hon. Member for Man t•-id the rents in Ireland had been well paid. FIT—No, I did not. vßENca—The .. Hon. Member said that the ere well paid in Kilrush and other places he 1, 44. 4 -ted s and lie (Mr. F. Frchch) was justified that the Hon• Member meant to state that rent. til te ,, A 'ad Were well paid. He could speak for the west, ' h ts 4 ? Parts of which the rents had not been paid for t t :t ' t °ll ,rs, and in other parts for two years. With re tile proposed inquiry, he saw no advantage that t sitis 7 , e gained by it; on the contrary, he thought , tn'tek'kerfere with the efforts now malting by theCshoe `ll)l:;tit and ethers, to improve the condition of t - ThC 4 the union in question. -'l,; (n tee then divided, when there appeared— . eur the !notion ''• ••• 63 The AgainsMajority 76 —l3 motion W a s consequently lost. k r, VOTE BY BALLOT. " t ite ß . ; 11 . BERKELEY then rose to move for leave to , 4t "re ' I I a Bili to protect the Parliamentary electors of Sr : ri tain and Ireland from undue influence by the `tie h "-le ballot. He said that if he were in need of tiny p IN c ogy for b r in g ing forward this motion, it was aB o : 111 se the hour at which he brought it forward C whet cf the latest. (It was then nine o clock.) atePeet to the motion itself, he considered it of ' ° to - ,'q ) importance, that until some Hon. Member,. is:;'Petent for the task than himself, undertook it, mee 14(1 continue to press it upon the attention of the , 11 . 48 4; -- (near, hear.) He . found in her Majesty's e q t 4 t the opening of this session of Parliamen e t c a t ‘,,L t hEtt 4c l, l4°(l constitutional maxim. It was to the effect s ;". sit CY Combining liberty with order, by preserving 8 1 ,: tn valuable and amending what is defective, you s' the fabric of our institutions as the ass t o Thei t hie? e e of i$ free and hap mimepl Nothing could t to could be more de the Government ti ere P t , aise ; but h t . e o simitte n d Vie , v 0 Ise Ministerial tree bore e . uc — h blossoms the tz, r ahl expect to gather some fruit. (Hear, hear.) h b e tsl „„ e assortion of liberal principles unattended by: • h " , t , 3 w Ilee a 8 much about the same as a etriet ob t o W, B `-' 1 " religions c.• remonies without , Christian deeds. ,sithere to ask the House uric the Government " 44 the • Wh at w s „ e „ . maxim he hal just quot.sd, to amend t c : Q ter defective by interposing a shield between the s4ers upt And :pose who for their own purposes attempted almosts hopeless to t te s h l ;r t e h a i :„,qn i i . nl eitio H i . i p e al l a ua ta e b w l . e r i t i t n o was il House, but he hoped indulgence by avoiding as Fla t i . m to thei tos h r.n.nle he . arguments she had used on previous V L !'r of , tle considered the ballot to . be the most pe `ocll h „l ull those measures of Parliamentary reform 4 ` 4 hoe; submitted to the House by his Hon. Friends on various occasions. He consieered it to be the primary step to those cher measures of icfortn, be cause it was a stepping-stein to them. He thought it less objectionable to the generality of Nlemner-, because in seeking it they sought to alter no existieg institution. They soneht merely to protect the elector in the dis charge ef a duty weich they had entailed upon him, and because at present he wai unable to discharge that duty, from Me obstructions mid abuses which hal crept into our eleetoral system, and which were as notorious as the longitude and latitude in navigation. This simple pre position, simple as it seemed to him, had alWays hitherto bees met with lively indignation. Minister after Minister came down to that House driven to his wits' end to prove that some vitel objection existed to a man dis charging his duty sub silentio, even when it was con fessed that ho aas unable t o discharge it vied voce. This was, in his opinion, a very difficult question to argue against, whilst the arguments" in favour of it were, he thought, irresistible. The arguments against it had been gradually dwindling away—they had become " small by degrees, and beau ifelly less," until, at length, they had ended in silence end hard voting.—(llear, hear, and laughter.) When other questions of Parlia mentary referm were brought before the House, there was no want of eloquence against them on the part of their opponents, but the moment the ballot was men tioned Hon. Members became perfectly mute. They shied and dodged the question by every means in their power. When Mr. Ward brought forward his motion on the subject, in 1842, the same comp'aint was made, and the grew, difficulty then, as now, was to get tee Government on their legs.—(llear, hear.) The con sequence was that people believed that they opposed the measure for other reasons than those which they as signel, and the people were ready enough to assign reasons for them. The. people believed that they op posed the measure solely because they could net endure to see the upper classes and the aristocracy shorn of their undue and unconstitutional influence.—(Hear, hear.) The course he intended to pursue on the pre sent occasion was to meet some of the objections which had been most lately put on record as arguments against the measure, He foiled that they had a fresh opponent in the field. Ho found that they had to contend with the Right lion. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Hoare Department (Sir G. Grey). That Right Hon. Gentleman was formerly a supporter of this measure. The brilliant eloquence, the acute logical powers of that Right Hon. Baronet made him an undesirable opponent, while his high character, and the important position he held in her Majesty's Councils, made his example most dangerous.—(Hear, hear.) It was for this latter reason that, feeling as he did his utter incompetence to cope with such an adversary, with some hesitation he had re solved to ask the Right Hoe. Gentleman to explain some parts.of his conduct on this question. He begged to say that he did not assume for a moment that any gen tleman was compelled always to remain of the same opinion. Grave statesmen and Right Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House had changed their opinions frequently, and with their opinions had changed their votes; and he must say, as an humble individual, that he had thought them perfectly right. There was the question of the corn-laws, for instance, upon which the Noble Lord the Member for London, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member f Tamworth, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon, and other great statesmen, had changed their opinions and votes; but, before they did so, they gave that House, the country, and their constituents the most complete, elaborate, and anxious explanations ; and he submitted, that if they had not adopted that course they would have appeared, in the face of the country, as so many unequivocal and nuked rats. He (Mr. Berkeley) therefore maieteined that Hon. Members who changed their opinions on so important a question as the ballot ought to follow a similar course, and give to the House and the country a most complete and ample explanation. Now, how stood the facts of the case? in 1848, when he (Mr. Berkeley) had the-honour to propose and the good luck to carry a resolution— (Laughter)—in favour of the ballot, the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir G. Grey) did not vote. The friends of the motion first btcerne aware of the loss they had sus tained by that melancholy obituary of departed Re formers—the division-list of the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman appeared in the House on that occa sion; but like the phantoms in Macbeth, he came like a shadow and so departed—he pointed to his vote and glided noiselessly out of the lobby. —(Hear, hoar, and laughter.) When the Honourable Member for Montrose brought forward the general question of re• form, he (Mr. Berkeley) ventured to arraign the silent system, and then they had the Right Hou. Gentleman's explanation. And what did it amount to ? It seemed that in 1838 the Right Hon. Gentleman voted with the Government for The ballot, and when Mr. Ward brought forward the question in 1842 he voted with him also. The Right Honourable Gentleman said that his reason for so voting war, that he then represented a cohaituency (Devonport) where uudue influences prevailed, and that therefore he had been induced to give his reluctant support to the ballot. In 1847, however, the Right Hon. Gentleman became Member fur Northumberland, and as that was a pure constituency — as ho was then breathing wholesome air—and as be had at length escaped from the foul atmosphere of Devon port, he thought it right to turn round and vote against the ballot; the reason he assigned being, that public opi nion had of late acted so powerfully upon the upper classes that they had become politically virtuous.— (Laughter.) Surely never before had such a reason been given by any statesman fir a vote.—(Hear, hear.) It had been laid down by Burke, that when a Member entered the House of Commons he entered it as Member for England, and that he should not attempt to legislate for the county, city, or borough which returned him, but for the community at large. He (Mr. Berkeley) left the House to say whether, upon this principle, the Right Hon. Gentleman's reason for his vote on the sub ject of the ballot would hold water. He begged to call the attention of the Government to another ex traordinary circumstance connected,with the House of Grey. In 1837 Lord Howick. then Member for Sunderland, now Lord Grey, voted aginat the ballot, the reason he assigned for doing so being the same as that now assigned by his Right Honourable Relative, viz., the increased political virtue cf . the upper classes. In 1841, however, the Noble Lord, having been defeated in an election contest for Northumberland, turned short round upon his former opinions about the increasing purity of the upper classes, and showed that he had been talking nonsense on the subject, for at the declaration of the poll at Alnwick the Noble Lord made a most sweeping and unmeasured attack upon the Duke of Northumberland, Lord Tankerville, and his oppo nent Lord Ossulston, for unworthy trickery, for un scrupulously violating their promises, and for unduly influencing the electors. [The . Hon. Member read ex tracts from the Noble Lord's speech at Alnwick, as quoted by Mr. Ward in his speech on the ballot in 1842.] Mr. Ward on that occasion claimed the Noble Lord as a proselyte, and challenged him to support him with his vote. The Noble Lord, however, contented himsef with walking out of the House without voting at all. It ap peared, therefore, that the test of purity of political opinion in the mind of the family of Grey was a Northumberland • election. If a Grey was rejected, straightway the commu nity was plunged into the d?pths of vice; if a Grey was successful, the electors were immediately full of virtue.—(Laughter.) But now, as to the fact of the increased political purity said to be found among the upper classes. There was a Committee which inquired into This subject in 1836. That Committee had evidence laid before it from all parts of England and Ireland — evidence which it was impossible for any one who had not actually read it to conceive. In 1848 he had quoted in extenso from that evidence, and proved that a general state of demoralization characterised all elections at which anything of party spirit prevailed, and succeeded in establishing cases not to be upset—and he defied the Right Hon. Gentleman' to upset them—ot the grossest intimidation, corruption, and malversation, in every pos sible way, of the franchise. As an appendix to the re port of that Committee, he might point to the evidence before almost every one of the Election Committees from that time to this—(Hear)—evideace proving that the 5i.1113 demoralization, the same intimidation, the same corruption prevailed after 1836 as before 1836.—(fIcar.) He would usk which was to be believed in preference, the bare bald assertions of Hon. individual Members, be their position whet it might, or the evidence on oath taken before so many Committees, backed by the distinct statements of rants adduced by other Members of the House whenever the subject had been discussed 2- -(Elear, hear.) There was the distinct evidence of the Hon. Member fir Birmingham in 1848 and 1849, who stated, of his own knowledge, that no election for the great city he represented ever took place without at least 1,000 of the electors being prevented from voting by in timids.tion.—(Rear, hear.) Tne Hon. Member did not mention the many hundred other electors who on all those occasions did vote upon intimidation and against their consciences.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member who seconded his motion in 1849—the Mem ber fur Macclesfield—showed, from his own experience, state of intimidation into which the metropolis was plunged at every election ; and he had himself given on the same occasion examples of the intimida tion practised at pariicular elections. He required the Right Hon. Gentleman to show to the House what in crease in political virtue had taken place in the upper claszei in 1848, 1849, and 1850, that should supersede the goodness and expediency of the ballot, which he himself admitted, in 1333 and 1842:—(Hear, hear.) He presumed thaothe :night Hon. Gentlhinan would have the tact to avoid, on the present occiLloli, the obsolete claptrap that formerly served a turn—about the unman= liness and the un-Englisliness, and so forth, of the ballot —the twaddle about its being cowardly to give a vote and conceal its object.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman must see that he might us well suggest it as cowardice for a man to use his watch and then conceal it, since the political ictirnidator and bully had no more right to your vote than the pick posket to your watch. Nor, he conceived,• would the Right Hon. Gentleman venture to suggest that the English people were less fitted now than in 1842 for the ballot, after the proofs which the Government had received of the sound sense, intel ligence, good feeling, and loyalty of that Teeple, in times of great excitement abroad and sedition, nay, of rebellion at home.—(Hear.) Perhaps., indeed, the Right Hon. Gentleman might contemplate the proposition that the people were less anxious about the matter now, because they did not so anxiously agitate the question. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman beware of such an argument as that, lest he confirmed what was said against his Go vernment—that it refused to reason what it yielded to agitation—(Hear, bear) —lest a e justified the character of the Whigs given by Lord Anglesey, that they were tide-waiting legislatore, who flowed in on the tide of re form, who steered with its slack water, and floated back with its ebb.—(Hear, hear.) To the individual Mem bers who might be dispcoed to stay also at what they thought slack water, be would give the earnest advice to refl , ct maturely on the position of things in this year, 1850. The threat of gentlernerr on the Opposition benches to appeal to the country must be ringing in their ears—(Hear, hear)—end, ringing there, it could not but bring to their minds the last appeal of the same sort which led to the general election under the contending b inners of free trade and prot , ction in 1841, and to the er!sults ofohat contest, H oho appeal t'ss;n was an ap peel to elereoesslisatian, v.het sec:Wei an appeal now be?— (Hear.) It would be an apnea' in which wealth and power, putting on the rcrew to its last round. would override the towns, and rtilk over the counties, ti ampling on chartered richts more basely and unblush inely than ever before.—(Hear, hear.) It would be an appeal to strength to dictate to weakness, an appeal to w( atth to crush poverty, an appeal to the House ef Lords to elect the Rouse. of Commons.—(dear, hear.) He would say one word as to the vain aveinpts of recent legislation to deal with the least of the evils of the pre sent electoral system—the evil of overt bribery. They had made laws stringent enough against overt bribery, but they had entirely owit'ed the prevention of secret bribery, and of that intimidation by exclusive dealing, which contained within itself the very essence of bribery. —(Hear, hear.) They had, in short, strained at the gnat and swallowed the camel. Exclusive dealing was the right arm of intimidation—the essence of bribery in its very worst firm. In the case of simple bribery you gave a man a reward for selling his conscience; vou, perhaps, saved him anti his family from ruin, from starvation, and the actual positive good ac cruing, though no excuse, might be taken as an extenuation. But in exclusive dealing you punished, you perhaps ruined a man and his firefly, because he f Mowed his conscience, and there could be no doubt which was the worst offence. Again, they had passed a me leave by which it vs•as impossible for a man to stand against treachery and rascality; he referred to their law of agency, under which agency was definable to be a man's walking arm-in-arm with a can didate, or being seen in his committee-room, or placard ing one;ef his bide, or wearing his colours, and so on, the further fact of any such person afterwards giving a sovereign to an elector being deemed sufficient to eject the candidate, if elected, from his seat.—(Hear.) lie had on this point consulted many of the most eminent election agents, and they were unanimously of the opi nion that under this law, after a general election, there would be more seats unjustly declared void on petition than had ever been declared void before, justly or un justly, from the utter vagueness and unlimitable extent of the definition. and the wide field given to simulation of agency.—([fear.) He had urged this question on the House in the honest conviction that it was a measure due to the people of England, to the constituencies who elected that House, a; a measure called for by justice and by humanity; and he now committed his short sketch to them, wpm-el to receive counter-conviction from any man who could furnish him with it.—(Cheeas.) Lord DUDLEY STUART seconded the motion. His Hon. Friend had endeared himself to the people by his able, unyielding, and in one case, successful advocacy of this most important principle.—(Hear, hear.) He was convinced that there was no question on which the country felt a deeper interest; no object to the attain ment of which they were more thoroughly entitled. It was demanded alike by all who possessed, and by all who sought the franchise, as the only means of giving them the secure exercise of that franchise. Without the ballot the elector could never substantially enjoy the vote which the constitution gave him. The ballot was alike his due, whether he claimed the franchise as a trust, as a right, or as a privilege. In relation to its character as a trust, it was objected that those who so exercised, being responsible for its exercise to the non electors, could not consistently conceal its application; but this argument, at all events, could not be justly held by those who resisted an extension of the franchise on the ground that the people were not yet fitted for it; since, if they were not fit to vote, they were equally unfit to control a vote.—(Hear, hear.) If any persons doubted the extent to which undue influence prevailed, he would ask them to look at the different constituencies and see whether there were any in which un merous electors did not abstain from voting through fear of incurring the displeasure of ieflueetial indivi duals, or from the hope and expectation of some reward. Now, the ballot, would, on the one hand, prevent inti midation, while on the other hand it would prevent the possibility of corruption. He felt it difficult to believe in the sincerity of those who opposed the ballot on the ground that it would promote deception and encourage a spirit cf disingenuousness, and that it would be found ineffectual for the object it was intended to accomplish. He believed the opposition offered to the ballot arose from a love of power. Its opponents could not divest themselves of a notion that they had a right to direct and govern the votes of those who lived on their estates, or with whom they dealt. They were averse to the measure because they had no confidence in the people, and they had no confidence in themselves.—(idear, hear) They talked about the just influence ef property; but what was the just influence of property? It was this— that when a possessor of property was a humane and considerate man, he would be respected and looked up to by those around him, who would be anxious to know his opinions, and who would probably in most cases be guided by his views; but anything be yond that was tyranny.—(Hear, hear.) If it wore considered desirable that property should have more in fluence, that House had better pass a law providing that people should have votes in proportion to their property. That would be preferable to the present system, which pretended to give people votes, but which was nothing better than a mockery and a delusion. It was said that the ballot would be ineffectual to accomplish the object it was intended to effect. He would admit that that might perhaps happen in some small places ; but the conclusion to which he came was that the franchise ought not to be continued in such small places, but that larger bodies ought to be invested with the right of electing Members of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) He would not say that he considered the ballot would be a panacea for all evils, or that it might not be attended with some dis advantages as well as with great advantages. Ha was not in avour of doing things in secret, and ho thought it would be much better if ail electors had the manliness and independence to exercise their franchise without de ferring to the influence of others; and if persons in the higher classes were too highminded to stoop to intimida ticn and corruption. But when he knew the situation to which families had been reduced because electors had given their votes conscientiously, he considered that they ought not to call upon men to make such sacrifices for the enjoy ment of the privilege or right which the constitution had placed in their hands. It was said that the ballot would be useless, because the electors would themselves divulge in what way they had voted; but was it likely, when it was important to a man that his votes should not be known, that ho would be so great a fool as to proclaim for whom his vote had been given? He (Lord D. Stuart) thought, however, that it was likely, after a time, that the habit of concealing votes would be laid aside. He believed that if they had the ballot, the rich and power ful would by degrees abandon their attempts to tyrannize and to corrupt, that things would then be placed upon a better footing, and that the people would not be anxious to conceal their votes. Ia the recent discussions on the Irish franchise, they had heard something from Hon. Gentlemen opposite of the leaven of democracy, and of that House proceeding in a downward course. He was not afraid of the leaven cf democracy; he wanted the people to have the constitutional right of electing their own representatives, and he considered that, when that House was really and ,truly elected by the people, and was more in harmony with their wishes and desires, so far from being lowered it would be greatly elevated.— (Hear, hear.) He believed that the ballot would tend to the general welfare and benefit of the nation, and the motion before the House had therefore his hearty CoLl• curt-once. The question having been put, Sir G. GREY said, ho would not occupy the atten tion cf the House for more than a few minutes, hut, as the mover of the resolution had devoted a considerable portion of his speech to a discussion of his (Sir G. Grey's) conduct upon this question, he would in a very few sen tences - gratify the lion. Gentleman's curiosity, by in forming him what were the opinions he entertained, and what course he intended to take on the motion before the House. Ho differed from that Hon. Gentleman in his estimate of the importance ef the ballot. lie (Sir G. Grey) never had stated that he considered the question one of vast importance ; and when he had supported a motion for the ballot, he had said that he had no great confidence in the success of the plan. lie had supported it, however, in deference to the opinions of a large body of constituents, to whom he owed much, and who had given him most disinterested support. That constituency, by petitions addressed to that Houie, had certainly persuaded him of their desire to obtain the ballot as a protection for some of their number, with regard to whom he stated at the time that he thought undue influence had been exercised, and for whom he endeavoured to procure the protection they required. He agreed very much in the • opinion which had been expressed a few nights ago by the Hon. Member for Middlesex, that the advantages and evils of the ballot were both greatly exaggerated. The more he had heard the question argued, and the mere consideration he had given to it, the more satisfied he was that so far from preventing bribery, the ballot, if adopted, would in some constituencies greatly facili t tte the commission of wholesale bribery, and in most constituencies would render it difficult to bring home acts of bribery to particular parties. At the same time he thought there were cases where the power of giving secret votes might enable honest voters to exereise the •franchige • according to their own judgmetit and coninienTee; gree t 'from external con trel.2-(Her," ,however, that in the vast majority of cassia, - tbie ia , ballot, if adopted, would he actually inoperative. He did not think it would be a panacea for intimidation or bribery. He considered that publicity was of the very essence of our elective franchise.—(Bear, hear.) He would say nothing about the ballot being English or un-English, but he would say that under its operation the record of the vote would not be, in 90 cases out of 100, the first indication of the intention and opinions of the voter. — (Hear, hear.) Where the political opinions of candi dates were marked and distinct, slid where the great majority of the electors were divided into markel and distinct classes, the relative strength of parties was well known, and the candidates knew upon what voters they could rely. He believed, therefore, that if secret voting were adopted, publicity would still remain as the very essence of our electoral system. The question then was _whether it was necessary or expedient to adopt the helot for the protection of a minority of voters? Ile had stated that, on the occasion which had been re ferred to, he had, in deference to the expressed wishes of his constituents, but with hesitation and reluctance, having no confidence in the efficacy of the remedy, given his support to the remedy they had suggested. The lion. Gentleman (Mr. Berkeley) had said that he (Sir G. Grey) statA last yeer that the political virtue and purity of the elective classes had so far in creased that he (Sir G. Grey) thought the (allot no longer necessary. The Honourable Gentleman had in v.. nted that speech fur him.—(A laugh.) Ile would ask the lion. Gentleman where he could find it, for he (Sir G. Grey) had used no such expressions. What he had said was, that of late years the growing influence of public opinion 1121 produced a much more powerful check than formerly existed against the aso of those undue ineana which had been faquently exerciaed vial a view to induce electors to vet) contrary to their opinions. He hoped the Hon. Gentleman would see that that was a totally different thing from extolling political virtue and purity. He (Sir G. Grey) had spoken 'Of Public opinion ac expressed throu;;11 the press, in the country, and in that House, and of the exposure which fbilovied attempts tointimidate or corrupt electors; and he be lioyed that this afforded a better security tba.i. any law that could be alopiel by ttio LPgisJature. He believed that if they were to alopt the ballot they would not protect that class of electors who,. with known poli tical opinions, wished to abstain from voting. Their opinions being known, they might still be prevent:id from voting by undue influence.. With regard to the various lights in which the franchise was regarded, he diffeiesl from thoso who treated it as a mere privilege, for he considered the franchise, not as a mere privilege, but as a trust conferred for the bene fit of the community, and which should therefore be exercised in the face of the counnunity. TiieJe consi derations induced him, in the exercise of his 'o ion judg• went, which be felt bound to follow, under the pieseat circuicstances of the country, when there was no ap- p, armlet) of the bullet being required, when there was no expression:of public opinion:on the subjectiandwhen he believed the people:gencrally did not desire it—although the Hun. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Berkeley) had by a lucky- accident carried his inot;on by a very narrow ma jority last year—to decline to concur with the lion. Gentleman in the "change he prop)sed—a el,a;ige which he (Sir G.' Grey) believed would confer anyantages upon a very small portion of the community, and which advantages would, in his opinion, he counterbalanced by the evils which would fAlow with respect to bribery and corruption.—(llear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. M. GIBSON said it appeared that upon these questions of reform they were not to be allowed to have lair debates, for Hon. Gentlemen opposite called fir a division almost before the Right llon. Home Secretary had declared the views of the Government. Sir G. GREY—My own views.— (A cry of " Hear.") Mr. M. GIBSON was glad to hear they were not the views of theGovernrcent,and that this was an open question.—(Bear, hear.) Upon several recent occasions Hon. Gentleman opposite had urged tha importance of ascertaining the independent views and opinions of the tenant-farmers of England; and one Hon. Gentleman had expre3sed his desire that the true opinions of that class, free from all external influences, should be heard in that House. He (Mr. Gibson) was prepared to give the tenant-farmers on opportunity of so expressing their opinions, and for that purpose he would give them the protection of the ballot.—(" Oh! oh!" and laughter.) The Right Hon. Home Secretary had stated that %hen he voted fur the ballot he had done so in deference to the opinions of the electors who sent him to that House; and it was his (Mr. Gibson's) conviction, from the knowledge he had of tenant-farmers, that if Honour able Gentlemen opposite voted in deference to the opinions of those who sent them to Parliament, the tenant occupiers, they would support the ballot.— (Laughter, cries of " Oh! oh!" and cheers.) The Right Honourable Baronet had said that the ballot would be inoperative in the melt majority of cases. Where, then, was the danger of trying the experiment, if that system might be called an experiment which was in full operation in many other countries ? He (Mr. Gibson) would venture to say that in no other country where the ballet had been adopted would they find the electoral body willing to relinquish it.—(flear, hear.) The bal lot was required for that minority of cases—if minority it were—where undue or improper influence was exer• cised upon electors ; and to say that the ballot would be inoperative in a great majority of cases was no valid argument against it. They might apply that rule to their police regulations, to their criminal law, and to other institutions which, in a greet majority of cases, were inoperative—(ile tr, hear)—but the question was, did they come iuto operation in any minority of cases where the protection of the law was re quired ? What public object did they gain by im posing publicity as the condition of a mai giving his vote ? As they imposed upon every elector the obliga tion to publish his vo:e, they were bound to show the public advantage of such a restraint. Were elec tors' he asked, to vote us they themselves wished , or not ? Ile believed the House would say they ought to vote according to their own wish and conscience. If, then, by compulsory publicity, they compelled a man to vote otherwise than be would have done with the protection of the ballot, they violated the principle on which they gave that man a vote; namely, that he should use it, according to his own conscience and opinions. If, on the other hand, publicity had no effect, and the man voted just as he otherwise would have done, then this obligatory restraint and publicity were of no value. If the electoral body were known to be at liberty to exercise their own free convictions in voting, there would bo less of claptrap agitation; a candidate would more maturely consider his speeches when ho knew that they would be weighed by unbiassed under standing--, whilst at the same time a higher tone of thought would be engendered in the constituency. At present, indeed, many a man would rather not bear a vi r e g ; u jo m n e s n m ts ig u h p t on ob a p lige ub i l i i i c m q t u o es v t o io te n, a f g ea a rng that inist his si hnteirsescto.—n (A laugh.) That was the case in a great many instances in many small boroughs where considerable influence was exercised.—(Hear, hear.) With the ballot, timid men would no longer be deterred from voting through fear of mobbing, or of having to pass through two lines of men using expressions perhaps not very agreeable to hear. The argument for °Fen voting—its being un- Erglish,that it should be secret—might be used in favour of requiring a man, when he made his will, to publish it at the church door.—(Oh!) If the genuine voice of the constituency were desired, they should have the protec tion of secrecy in recording their votes.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. J. WILLIAMS had felt it his duty, on behalf of those who desired to use the franchise without per mission from or under the compulsion of their customers to corroborate last year the Honourable Member's (Mr. H. Berkeley's) statements of the disgraceful state of thraldom in which the inhabitants of this metropolis were plunged, and was enabled to point out also the de moralisation of constituencies in Wales—his own native country. The Honourable Member had well remarked, that although for the laet few years the screws and en gines of compulsion had not been resorted to, unless in particular intances, with that fierce determination which marked their use in times of great political excitement, yet it was a miserable argument to pretend that there fore intimidation had gone out of fashion. Ie t the aris tocracy now, if they could, or at any time, stir up an election, and we should have the same scenes enacted which he ventured to describe last session. Carriages, with their titled occupants, would roll from door to dour, as they did in 1841, the threats and cajolery of ladies — (Loud laughter)—being carried to a much greater ex tent with tradesmen than their male relatives dared to go.—(Renewed laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear.") As a plain man—(A. laugh)—but, he trusted, an honest one —( Hear, hear)—he was utterly unable to comprehend how Hon. Members could defend the pre sent system. Why not be honest, and say that it was folly to entrust the present class of voters with the fran chise, but that a man should vote so man) times accord. ing to his property? Tu quelify one set of men to elect representatives, and then permit that privilege to be usurped by another, was contrary to reason and common 55050.--(lleac, hear.) It was in vain to deny this state of things. In the country the landlord alone was always canvassed; and when estseee cnang,ed hands, the voters adopted the politics of the new masters. How much better for an auctioneer putting up an estate to describe it as well timbered and watered, abounding in natural productions, pheasants, hares, rabbits, pike, troat, and e lectors,—market arid polling-place at a convenient dis tance?—(feaughter.) Of all p ract i ces mos t abhorrent to an Englishman was this system of intimidation, openly repudiated, but quietly winked at and encouraged.— (Hear.) The }ystem had been maintained too long by thoroughgoing Tories a-id half-going Whigg, until it had become a • scandal and disgrace to a civiltzgi nation. — (Hear, hear.) Parliament sould extend the stiff, age to its permitted limits, and ellow men to vote who now re fused, and give the middle aed lower-classes the power cf expressing their real opinions. lie should vote for the ballot. Mr. HEALD entirely dissented from the proposition, that this motion ought to be agreed to on the ground that the electors of this country iequired the protection of the ballot. He did not admit that it would be a pro tection to them—(Hear, hear)—and he begged to et.ta that the electoral body did nut ask for, desire, or wish for such protection.—(Hear, hear.) They prided them selves on being known as supporting certain principles and favourite candidates.—(Hear.) As for the minority to whom the Home Secretary had referred, who wore they? He represenled a popular borough, and he was prepared to state that not merely four-fiftls of the con stituency of that bor oug h, b u t nine-tenths, did not want the ballot—(Haase)—they felt it would be a reflection upon their integrity a-id their preparedness ti avow what were. their views on great public questions.—(Hear, hear.) And h e h onoure d that principle.—(Ch eers .) t examined openly on the hustin gs , an d, would b e t h e l ast t o part with any essenti a l lecture Of our E ag lish character. — (Hoar, hear.) Ito ass nit n) were ash amof any vote he ever gave; candidates as one who was canvasses as to his views, he claimed a right to be dealt with openly and fairly.—(gear, hear.) There was a small minority indeed in all our conetitu encies that was to he regarded under a very different view—a nondescript patty—(A laugb)—at every elec tion hanging is the balance--(Laughter)—and waiting almost till the poll was about t) close before they would determine for whop, if the election was nicely poised, they would vote.—(Hear, hear.) Was the ceuntry to part with a long-established and greatly honoured sys tem of taking the sense of the constituency of the empire merely to meet the case of this small minority? —(Hear, beer.) The sooner the country was relieved from any kind of premium or advantage, or protection given to that small proport'on of the constituency, the purer and the freer, and tae more satisfactory, would be the record of the votes of the electoral boly.—(Hear.) Mr. BRIGHT felt that it would be ext-etnely satis factory it the very favourable character which the Hon. Gentleman had given of his constituency could be believed to bo true of the constituencies generally. Stockport was a borough not eperkable fir its purity —(A laugh)—for the little cast of elections—(Hear) — or the absence of tumult at them.—(Hear.) He (alr. Bright) knew something of Stackport.—(A laugh.) It was a town almost entirely supported by the cotton trade; many of the firms there were wealthy and pow erful, employing frem 500 to 2.000 persons, and having influence over all the tradesmen in the town who supplied the articles necessar , in the wear and tear of those es tablishments. The large millowner, in a mod e r a te axe town, was very much in t h e position of a large pro prietor of lend, having labourers aid tenant; dependent on him. He himself was in the position he was de scribing—(A laugb)— neeee ly, employing a large num ber of persons, and seeiu7 yens anti) , at his countaig house the people employed in the various subsidiary manufactures of the neighbourhood coming to receive their orders or payment of their accounts. The influence against which the ballot was intendtd to guard existed to a cry largo extent; and it depended upon, the roc rality :sud the consciontiobsness of thcme wao• had that influence, whether it should be used against the rigl,ts the electors subjected to i , .—(Elear.) With6ut making any charge in reference t) Stockport more tLnn Ruchdale or the metropolis, he would ask the House whether, when party spirit ran high, (as it often did in smell Owns even were there seemed very little to shout), it was not known that, this influence was con stantly exercised by candidates and by employers con nected with all pol:tical parties?—(Hear, hear.) lle solemnly believed that every man in the House %yes as conscious as himself that in the Brea' majority of elec tions, whether for counties or boroughs, particularly it' the constituency was limited and the cautest ran keen, this influence was constantly exercised adversely to the independent and conscientious voting of a great number of the electors—(Hear, hear)—and the borough of Stockport was no exception.—(llear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that nine-tenths of his constituency did not want the ballot; nine-tenths of them did not et tit for him—(Oh, oh !)—but he would probably be asked to present a petition in favour of the ballot, signed by a majority of thwe electors.—(Hrar.) In the neighbour hood in which he (Mr. Bright) lived—in Lancashire — where probably the electoral classes where as independent as in tiny portion of the kingdom, a great majority of them, he believed, were in favour of the ballot; and the principal reason why the Members of that House did not give them the ballot was the knowledge that with it the returns in many constituencies would be very difierent from what they now were.—([fear, he tr.) He was arnez , d at some gentlemen opposite, great sticklers for morality, quoting all parts of Scripture in favour of all kinds of questionable propositions—(Laughter)—Gen tlemen who assumed to be the defenders of the Church and of that Christianity which the Church was supposed to embody—(Oh, oh!)—he was astonished that, seeing the immorality—(ohl)—seeing the cruelty and oppres sion exercised on the part of powerful and wealthy men towards the more dependent classes of the electors, these Gentlemen should oppose a proposition like Oily, against which the most that could be said was, that it would not do all the good its advocates expected. The time was not very far distant when the whole of this representative system, the fcanchise and mode of elect:on, would be subjected to a more thorough investi gation and reform.—(Oh, oh! and Hear.) The thing was so monstrous upon the face of it that we were ex posed to the ridicule of every foreigner who examined it.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh 1") And it would b 3 wise for gentlemen, instead of raising unmeaning laughs—(Oh, oh!)—to adduce arguments, if they had any—(Oh!)—in favour of a system which was ridiculous in theory, and which in practice was fiund to create great evils and to cause great discontent throughout the country.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MASTERMAN (who was very imperfectly heard) was understood to express his opinion that it was not desirable that votes should be concealed. He should rather know at all times who were his friends and who were his enemies than remain in ignorance as to the character and feelings of his constituents. Mr. MUNTZ observed that the Hon. Member oppo site had stated the views upon this question of the electors of the borough which he represented, and had told the House that not above one-tenth of them was favourable to the ballot. Now, he should say that as far as his experience went in one borough at least, it showed that a very large proportion of its constituency desired the ballot, and if he were asked to what class they belonged, he should say to a highly respectable class, who refused to exercise the franchise, cling that they could scarcely venture to do so with justice to their families. He remembered, some years ago, at an elec tion for that borough which he now had the honour to repro sent, the parties cn both sides came to him and r.sked if he had any objection that they should see his workmen, but they added that they supposed it would be of no use, for, of course, the men were already pledged to vote as he might dictate. To this his reply was, that they could canvass his men if they pleased—that he would as soon think cf meddling with a man's pocket as with his vote.—(hear, hear.) But, though he did not interfere with his men, the application to him in his own borough showed how the system of open voting worked; and it was the same in all manufacturing towns. The majority of the meters were as tyrannical towards the working zren as the ladies were towards the shopkeepers. He asked, would they give to men the privilege of sotittg and not protect them in the exercise of that privilege? Let them look at the effect of vote by ballot in Belgium. It was established there in 1830, and he had every reason to believe that it worked very well to the satisfaction of all men in that country. The ballot was not now a part of our system in this country, but it would soon become so; it would not fail to be so in soma time. It was ridiculous to talk of doing everything openly; men did net leave their account-books and papers open to all the world. Colonel SIB HIORP had no objpetion to make to what had fallen from the lion. Member for Manchester, but, in reference to the remarks of the lion. Member for Birmingham, he must be allowed to observe that he by no means concurred with that Hon. Gentleman in wishing that England should imitate foreign nations. He entertained a decided objection to the introduction of foreign manners and customs; even the Exposition d' In dustrze—(A laugh)—did not appear to him so admirable a project as some thought it. He had listened with in finite pleasuta to the observatious that night made by his excellent friend the Member for London, for that Hon. Gentleman relied on his own integrity and his own consistency, and was never afraid of open voting. Dur ing more than twenty years he (Colonel Sibthorp) had the honour of a seat in that House,—how long he might continue to retain that seat he did not know, but of this he felt assured, that his manner of voting in that House would undergo no change. He should despise the voter who supported him in a covert, tricky, un-English man ner, and he could say in the face of a Briti4h House of Commons that he had never bribed any voter, nor ever influenced a tenant. He did not know what the Noble Lord at the head of the Government might say to vote by ballot, but for his part he should never cease to op pose it.—(bear.) Mr. HUME would judge the Hon. Member who spoke last from his own words; he talked of the practice being un-English. L?t him look at the clubs of London.— (Cries of " Oh, oh!') The ballot no doubt might work an unpleasant and extraordinary change in the House of COmmons; but he remembered the time when it was de fended by those who opposed it now. As to the state ments by the Hon. Member for Stockport, ho could not help saying that that Hon. Gentleman was altogether mistaken—he had libelled his own constitlents, for withiu the last three weeks a public meeting had been held there at which thousands of the inhabitants declared in favour of the ballot. if the ballot were established there would be no bribery, for who would " buy a pig in a poke?" He thought that the Hon. Member for London was also mistaken. Mr. MASTERMAN said be had never stand his constituents were against the ballot; what he said waft, that they had never intimated to him that they wanted it. Mr. HUME resumed. There had been twenty-five twetiurgs in London recently which had declared in favour of the ballot. 'rho Right Hon. Beronet (Sir G. Grey) said there was no demand for the ballot. The reason was that the people knew too well the-constitution of the House—(lleer, hear) —the fact being that at almost every popular meeting they declined to petition the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) He had only this to say, that they who used the ballot to protect themselves acted unjustly, un-English, and unmanly in refusing it to others.—((;beers.) Mr. HE ALI) rose to explain. He said ho was certain that neither the Hon. Member for Montrose nor the Hon. Member for Manchester wished to misrepresent him. What he said was that he believed nine-tenths of the constituency of the empire, including his own, did not require the ballot as a means of protection in recording their votes.—(Loud cries of " On, oh!") His argument was that such a proportion prided themselves in haring it known what were their distinctive principles, and who was their favourite candidate.—(" Oh, oh !") Mr. BERKELEY replied—He said he would detain the House only a very few minut-s, for he did not find that he had much to answer.—(Cheers.) He had first to accept the explaeation of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey), and to assure him that he had never meant to attribute to him the use of at y words expressive of trans cendent virtues and purity in relation to the upperclasses ; he only ascribed the sentiment to the Right Hon. 13aronet, wee had borne him out in this interpretation. With respect to the ballot it would bo a cure for bribery in large constituencies, but not in small ones. He had heard nothing to-night that had at all shaken his opinion respecting the ballot, which he did not, however, pretend was a panacea for the evils which he desired to remedy. He was convinced that these small conAituencies must, sooner or later, be done away with. It had been said, that if the ballot became a law, a man would be compelled to secrecy; but this was a mistake. A man might go and proclaim his vote; he might march up to the polling booth with banners and music if he chose; but it' he saw that he would be ruined by taking a c ertain course, the ballot afforded him proper protec tion.—(Hear, bear.) He trusted that he should find himself supported on the present occasion by all . those Members who had heretofore voted in favour of the bellot.—(Cheers.) The (louse then divid:d, when ther e appeare2dl -- 1 For the motion ... 1 21 Against it ... ..• ••• Majority .•. •, Th e announcement of the numbers Was received with cheering by the friends of the ballot. Lord MELGUND moved for leave to bring in a Bill to reform and extend the school establishments of Scot land. The Noble 'Lord, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to say that many defects existed in the school establishments of Scotland, for which a re medy was demanded, and this be intended in some degree to supply by the measure which he wished to in troduce. He proposed to establish some educational test for teachers, and to raise as high as posiible the profession and status of that class of the community. He would give large parishes the power of dividing them selves into districts for educational purposes, and ho would enable adjoining localities to unit: toectlier and form themselves into unions for the satne object. If leave were given to bring in the Bill, he would explain more fully on a future occasion the provisions of the measure ; but he felt that at that late hour he would not be justitiA in detaining the Reuse. Sir G. CLERK regretted that the lateness of the hour had Prevented the Noble Earl from stating more at length the nature of the Bill. He would not oppose the introduction of the measure, but he hoped that ample time would be given to consider it in all its bearings before the House was called upon to discuss either the principle or the details. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Mr. WOOD obtained leave to bring in a Bill to pro ven: the holding of vestry or other meetings in churches, and for regulating the uppointment of vestry-elerk9. The Bill was not intended to be ono of a compuisery nature, but to enable parishes of more than 1,000 inha- • bitant: to make appli:alion to the Poor-law Commis sieneas fir power to extend its provi-ions to such parishes. It was prop - ised to authorise ae payment of veitry-clerks out of the rates of the parish. Leave was given t-) being in the Mr. ADAIR cihttCned leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the more equittab!e distribution of the charge for the relief of the poor in ceitaiu cities and ttiNVEIF. Oa the motion of Mr. HUME, a return was ordered of the name of each of her Majesty's ships of war in commission and in ordinary on the Ist of January, 1850, and by whom built. ez.c.; of the number of ships iu • commission and in ()Hillary in cach year, since 1828; and an account cf the sums expended on each ship in build• ing and repairing, Sic., since 1828. Mr. BAINES move.l for leave to bring in a Bill to make better provision fir the contributions of unions and parishes in school districts to the common fund of the respective districts. The object of the Bill was to:e move some doubts that had arisen as to the meaning of an Act passed in 1844 on this subject, and which con tained a number of very valuable provisions. It related LJ the contributions made to district schools. The ave rages were at present taken at different periods in the various parishes comprising each union, and one ot,j,ct of the present Bill was to take the a-amages simulta neously. Again, there was no provision in the present law to add ono parish to a school district composed of a certain ❑umber of unions. The Bill would provide for this also, and, as an instance, he might mention that the parish of St Luke, Chelsea, would be added to the North Surrey Union school district. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. TRELAWNY gave notice that he would ask the Noble Lord at tho head of the Government whether any steps bad been taken in pursuance of a sort of under tatting given by him (Lord J. Russell) in 1817, that cer tain persons connectel with the union schools should have some of the small offices of the State. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved the secoed rc ading of this Bill. Mr;TURNER opposed it, on the ground of the late ness of the hour and the thinness of the House. The Bill was poitpoued de die in diem, to give the Solicit )r-General the first available opportunity to move it. The House went into Committee on the REGISTRAR OF METROPOLITAN PUBLIC CARRIAGES BILL. In reply to Mr. BANKES, Mr. C. LEWIS stated that the proposed compensa tion of the present officers would effect a saving to the public. The Bill was passed through Committee. The House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Connaosss.) THURSDAY, if AIiCH 7. KILI:USII UNION. Motion made, and Question put, " That an humble Ad dress be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to appoint a Special Commission to in quire into the social state of the Union of Kilrush, and into the means that may be adopted for its amelioration." The House divided:— MINORITY-AYES, 63. Adair, Hugh E. Grace, 0. D. Pache, C. W. Armstrong, Sir A. Greene, John Perfect, Robert Arundel, Earl of Harris, Richard Pilkington, Jamul Bennet, P. Heald, James Plumptre, J. P. Blair, Stephen Henry, Alexander Prime, Richard Blake, Martin J. Hood, Sir A. Rawden, Colonel Bright, John Horsman, Edward Reynolds, John Brisco, M. Hume, Joseph Salwey, Colonel Brotherton, J. Keating, Robert Stanford, J. F. Buck, L. W. - Kershaw, James Stuart, Lord H. Chichester, Lord J. Lewisham, Viscount Sullivan, Michael Collins, William Meagher, Thomas Talbot, J. H. Devereux, John T. Mahon, O'Gorman Tenison, E. K. Duncan, ( 2 eorgo Monsell, William Thicknesse, Ralph Ellis, John Moody, C. A. Thompson, Colonel Evans, Sir Do Lacy Moore, George H. Wakley, T. Evans, William Mowatt, Francis Walinsley, Sir J. E wart, William Muntz, G. E. Wawu, J. T. Fagan, William Naas, Lord Williams, John Fox, W. J. Norreys, Sir D. TELLEIs. Gaskell, J. M. O'Connell, 3laurico Scrope, G. P. Gore, W. 0. OTlalierty, Anthony Herbert, 11. A. MAJORITY-NOES, 76. Abdy. Sir T. N. Fitzroy, Henry Pelham, D. A Adair, R. Shafto Foley, J. H. Pigott, Francl.l Aglionby, H. A. Forster, M. Trice, Sir R AlcocX, Thomas Fox, R. M. Rice, E. It. Armstrong, R. B. Freestun, Colonel Richards, Richard Baines, M. T. French, F. Hominy, Colonel Barnard, E. G. Glyn, G. C. Roadlly, Sir Jowl Berkeley, Admiral Graham, Sir James Russell, Lord J. Berkeley, Henry F. Grey, Sir G. Rutherturd, A. Berkeley, C. L. G. Hatcnell, John Shell, R. L. Blackall, S. W. Ilayter, W. G. Somerville, Sir W. Bouverie, E. P. Hildyard, R. C. Strickland, Sir G. Brockman, E. D. Ilobhouse, Sir John Stuart,. Lord J. Campbell, W. F. Howard, Lord E. Tancred, H. W. Clay, James Jones, Captain Thornely, Thomas Clive, Henry B. King, P. J. Trelawny, J. S. Cobbold, J. C. Labouchere, Henry Tumell, IL Cowper, W. F. Langston, J. H. Turner, George Dick, Quintin Lewis, George C: Verney, Sir H. Duncan, Viscount Martin,"John Villiers, Charles Dundas, Admiral Matheson ' Colonel Willcox, Brodie Dundee, Sir David Melgued, Viscount Wilson, Matthew Ebrington, Viscount Milner, W. M. Elliot, John Morris, David Evans, John Paget, Lord C. Fergus, John Parker, John Ferguson, Sir R. Peel, Frederick TELLERS. Bellew, R. M. Grey, R. W. BALLOT. Motion made, and Question put, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to protect the Parliamentary Electors of Great Britain and Ireland from undue influence, by the use of the Ballot." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 12 I. Adair, Hugh R. Grenfell, Charles W. Rawdon, Colonel Adair, It. A. Hall, Sir B. Reynolds, John Aglionby, 11. A. Hallyburton, Lord Ricardo, Osman Alcock, Thomas Hardcastle ' J. A. Rice, E. R. Anderson, Arthur Harris,, Richard Romilly, Colonel Armstrong, R. B. ll:tstie, Alexander Romilly, Slr John Bagshaw, John lleadlam, Thomas ' SAIWCy, Colonel Barnard, E. G. Henry, Alexander Scholelleld, W. Berkeley, C. L. Ileywood, James Scropc, O. P. Bernal, Ralph Mey worth, L. Scully, Francis Blake, M. J. llill, Lord M. Shaft.), It. 1). Blowitt, It. J. llobhouse, P. B. Smith, J. A. Bouverie, E. P. Hum!, J. Smith, John B. Boyle, Colonel llumphery, Ald. Spearman 11. J. Bright, John Kershaw, James Siansfleid, W. R. Brocklehuret, John King, P. J. Strickland, Sir G. Brotherton, Joseph Langston, J. H. Stuart, Lcrd J. Clay, James Locke, Joseph Sullivan, Michael Clay, Sir W. M'Cullagh , W. T. Talbot, J. H. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas Tancred, 11. W. Collins, W. Mahon, O'Gorman Tenuent, R. J. Currie, Raikes Mangles, R. 1). Thicknesse, R. A. Dawson, T. V. Marshall, William Thompson, Colonel Devereux, J. T. Martin, J. Thompson, George D'Eyacourt, C. T. Milner, W. M. Thornely, T. Duke, Sir J. Mitchell, T. A. Towneley, John Duncan, Lord Moffatt, George Trelawny, J. S. Duncan, George Morris, David Tutliell, Henry Dundas, Admiral Mowatt, Francis Villiers, Charles Ellis, John Mintz, G. F. . Wakley, Thomas Enfield, Lord Sorreys, Sir D. Walmsley, Sir J. Evens, Sir De Lacy Nugent, Lord Wawn, J. T. Evans, J. O'Connell, Maurice Willcox, Brodie Evans, William O'Fialierty, Anthony Williams, John Ewart, William Osborne, Ralph Wilson, Matthew Fagan, William Paget, Lord A. . Wood, W. P. Fox, W.f.J. Paget, Lord C. Wyvlll, Marmaduke Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lor4George Gibson, T. M. Peehell, Sir G. TELLEXO. Gip), G. C. Perfect, R. B2rkeley, H. I'. Greene, John Pigott, Francis Stuart, Lord Dudley Grenfell, C. Pascoe Pilkington, James MAJORITY-NOES, 176. Acland, Sir T. Ferguson, Sir K. Malgrave, Earl Adderley, C. B Filmer, Sir E. Mailings, J. R. Archilall, Captain Fitzpatrick. JW. Mundy, William Arkwright, 9. Fitzr•y, Henry Naas, Lord Armstrong, Sir A. Foley, J. 11. Newdegate, C. N. Ashley, Lord Forbes, William Norreys, Lord Baines, M. T. Forester, G. C. Oswald, A. Bankes, G. Fuller, A. E. Packe, C. W. Baring, 11. B. Gaskell J.M.; Palmer, Robert Baring, Thomas , Gladstone, W. E. Palmer, iloundell Barrington, Lord Gore, W. 0. Palmerston, Vie. Bateson, Thomas Gorlburn, Henry Patten, W. Bennet, Philip Graham, Sir J. Feel, Sir Robert Berestord, William Grey, Sir G. Peel, Frederick Blacken, S. W. Grey, Ralph W. Pelham, D. A. Blair, Stephen Grogan, Edward Plowden, W. 11. Blandforti, Marquis Guernsey, Lord Plumptre, J. P. Bowles, Admiral Halsey, T. P. Portal, Melville Bramston, T. W. Hamilton, (1. A. Price, Sir Robert Brisco, Si. Hamilton, J. H. Prime, Richard Broadley, IL Harcourt, G. Reid. Colonel Brockman, E. D. Ilatchell, John Repton, C. W. J. Brooke, Lord Heald, James Richards. Richard Buck, L. W. Ileatheote, l G. J. Rumbold, C. E. Bailer, Sir Y. Henley, J. W. Russell, Lord John Bunbury, E. H. Herbert, Sidney Russell, F. C. Burrell, Sir C. Hervey, Lord A. Scott, Francis Burroughes, H. N. Hildyard, R. C. Seymour, Lord Buxton, Sir E. I liidyard, T. 11. Shelburne, Earl of Cabbell, B. B. Hoiiliouse, Sir J. Sibthorp, Colonel Campbell, W. F. Hodgson, W. N. Smollett, A. rardwell. Edward Hogg, Sir J. W. Sonieriet, Captain Carew, W. P. hood, Fir A. Sotheron, T. 11. s. Castlereagh, Vis. Hope, A. Spooner, Richard Cayley, Edward S. llornby John Stall.ird, Augustus Childers, J. W. Ilotham, Lord Stanford, J. F. Christy, Samuel Howard, Sir R. Stanley, Edward Clerk Sir George Hughes, W. B. Stanley,:',E. H. Clive, R. H., Inglis, Sir R. Stanton, W. S. Clive, H. B. Jermyn, Earl Stull, 11. 0. Cohbold, J. C. Jocelyn, Viscount Taylor, T. E. Cocks, T. ti. Johnstone, Sir J. Thompson, Alderman Cole, lion. 11. A. Jolliffe, Sir W. G. Trevor, G. Colebrooke, Sir T. Jones, Captain Turner, George Coles, it. It. Knox, Colonel Tyrell, Sir J. Compton, 11. C. Labouchere,:llenry Vane, Lord IL Cowper, W. F Leonard, T. 11. Verney, Sir H. Cabitt, William Lewis, G. C. Vescy, lion. 'l'. Denison, J. E. Lindsay, Colonel Waddington, David Dick, Quintin Littleton, E..R. Waddington, 11. S. Dodd, George Lockhart, W. Walpole, S. II Drummond, Home Mackenzie, W. F. Walsh, Sir J. B. Duckworth, Sir J. Martin,lC. W. Watkins, Colonel Duff, George S. Matheson, Colonel Wrgg-Prosser, F. Duncombe, 0. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Wellesley, Lord C. Dundas, G. blelgund, Viscount Wortley,lS. Dunne, F. P. bleux, Sir 11. Du Pre, C. G. Miles, P. W. S. Edwards, IL Moody, C. A. Fergus, Jehn Morgan, 0 TELLEBS. Howard, Lord E. Masterman, J. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, INlAncll ,7. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The market to-day has been more animated. The transactions were as follow :—Bristol and Exeter, 31 dis.—Great We s t ern, Quarters, I , IN e x div.— Ditto, New 171. Shares, 7% die. ex div.—Midland Stock, 401 ex div. LIVERPOOL, ALtuctt 7. Srocic ExciuNGE.—The market was better to-day, and a god business has been done, the market closing firmly at the quotations. The transactions were as follow: Lancashire and Yorkshire, Cousol.• Fifths, Bt/ :dis. London and North-Western, loa%—llitto, New Quarters, par —Ditto, Fifths, p.—Ditto, Quarters (C), f ; , 4 c. p.—Mid land, 41—Ditto, Halves, 24!. I Is. 3d.—L'ast Lincolnshire, 71. 3s. 93.—Great Western, 59 —North Union (A), guaran teed jointly by London nnd North-Western and Lancashire and Yorkshire, 235—Ditto (B), 164 ii—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (Original N. and B.) Extension Nos. 1 and 2, 11 dis.—Y ork and North Midland, WA—Dutch Rhenish, 6 dis.--Lancaster and Preston, p. MANCHESTER, Maßcit 7. STOCK EXCHANGIL—Our share market . was very firm to-day, but the amount of business done was limited. The transactions were as follow: Lancashire and Yorkshire, 44—Ditto Fifths, dis.—London and North• Western, 106 ex d.--Ditto, Manchester and Birmingham (C), Quarters, 9 16 p. Manchester, Sheffield, and L'ncolnshire, Prefer ence, 7 c.—Whitehaven and Furness, 14 1 4 dis. 13IR11LNGHAM, M.kacir 7. STocx ExcaaNGld.--Business on our Stock Exchange to-day was very dull. The only transaction was—North Staffordshire,lo - fidis. YORK, MARCH 6. STOCK EXCHANGE. — The transactions to-clay were as follow : York, Yericastle, and Berwick, 14 1 4 Easti6:4 Ccun' i3s, 71. 34.:. , d.—Fait Lancashire, 1,4 —No th- Ist erg, I/. 13s. Sd. —York and North Midland, Preference, G, ' • GLAM)W, MARCH G. S:OCIC ENCTIANGIC.—The transactions to-day re : , as follow : Edinburgh and Glasgovr, 54 1 / 2 -IMonklancrs,"6k. Scottish Grand Juncti , m, 2s. 91. %.• NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. GIBRALTAR, FEB. 2G.—The Peninsular and 014:7.,e. ental Company's steatner Ripon, with the outward • East India and China mails, in five days and three quarters from Southampton, arrived here this morr.- ing, and proceeded at 5 P.m. for Milts and Alexandria, all well. The Janus and the French steam-frigate Lavoisier remain at anchor in the bay. The British steamer Pirate, 11 days from Liver pool, and the screw steamer Bosphorus nine days from Liverpool, arrived h ere on the 231, and sailed fur Constantinople. The Peninsular Company's steamer Madrid, six days from S mthampton, arrived on the 22d, and proceeded fur Genoa, Leghorn, and Civita Vecchia. She had very heavy weather on the passage out. The steamer Sharpshooter, seven days from Malta, touched here on the 22d, en route to England. Tile steamer Osmanli, from Genoa and Leghorn, arrived here on the 18th ; and the Levantine, 10 days from Liverpool, fur the same ports, arrived on the same day, and proceeded. The British steamer Free Trade sailed on the 18th for Genoa. The Danish sloop Bonne Esperance, from Messina, put in here on the 18th in a damaged state. Wind, S.E., fresh gale, and clear weather. CADIZ, FEB. 27.—A large French steam-frigate (name unknown), arrived here this morning. The French screw-frigate, Pomone, 36, remains here. LISBON, MAuca I.—There are no British vessels of-war in the Tagus. The Royal Yacht schooner Fair Rosamond, from Cadiz, and the schooner Talbot of Plymouth, are off Belem Castle. Vice, MARCH 3.—The Peninsular steamer Jupi ter, with the outward mails of the 27th February, arrived here this morning, and proceeded to the southward. PORTSILOUTM, THU RSDAY.—Rear•Admiral Prescott is better to-day. The Lily, 12, has been commissioned and is enter ing men. She will sail with the mail of the let proximo for the coast of Africa, and proceed thence i for the East India station. . . ------- The Dublin Royal Mail Company's steam-packet Royal William arrived here this morning from Cork with the depot of the 7th Royal Fusiliers, which landed at the dock-yard this afternoon, and marched to the Landport terminus of the South-Western and South Coast Railway, whence they left per train for Winchester barracks. The fourth company of the Ssppers and Miners, under Captain Craige, of the Royal Engi neers-, will arrive at this port from Woolwich on the 21st inst., to relieve the company under Captain Barry, R.E., which returns the same day to Wool wich. APPOINTMENTS. Woo'mien, MARCH 7.—Midshipmen---Granville Temple to the Centaur steam-frigate, flag-ship on the west coast of Africa ; George B!akeley to the Con flict steam-sloop, attached to the Lisbon squadron. CAPTAIN AUSTIN'S ARCTIC EXPEDITION. One corporal and one bombardier of the Royal Marine Artillery from Portsmouth, and two ser geants, two corporals, and 20 privates of the Wool wich division of Royal Marines, embarked to-day at Woolwich Dockyard on board the Salsette receiving ship for service in the vessels appointed to form the North-West Arctic Expedition. U pwards of 50 men volunteered for 'he service from the Woolwich divi sion of Royal M ►rines, and consequently there were groat facilities for selecting the best and most healthy for this undertaking. THE DIORAMA. Yesterday we had the gratification of attending a private exhibition at the Diorama, in Regent's park, and to-day the two pictures thereon view will be opened to public examination. Oi the second, excellent as it is, we shall say nothing whatever, seeing that we re member some years ago the very same production— the " Shrine of the Nativity at Bethlehem," painted by the late M. Rmoux from a sketch made on the spot by David Roberts, Esq., R.A.—exhibited in this very same establishment. The other work of art now to be seen at the Diorama is deserving of some further notice from its novelty. It represents the Castle of Stolzenfels on the Rhine, a romantic and beautiful locality, where, in 1845, her Majesty Queen Victoria was royally entertained by Frederick Wil liam the King of Prussia, on the occasion of her Ma jesty's journey to Saxe-Cobourg. The whole expanse of the landscape, including the castle, the environs of Stolzmfels, and the blue and winding Rhine, is very felicitously pourtrayed : animation being imparted to the view by the charming natural effects of light and shade produced by the setting of the sun and the coming on of a storm of rain, thunder, and lightning. After the sun has sunk below the horizon it appeared to us, however, that the effect was somewhat marred by the strange green hue of the heavens. Neverthe less, altogether, the painting as a whole, which is thoil production of Nicholas Meister of Cologne, is.ex ceedingly clever, and by no means unworthy of ad vancing the credit of the Diorama. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. DONCASTER SPRING MEETING. Acceptances fur the Graad National Steeplechase. Peter Simple, aged, 12st—British Yeoman, aged, 1 lit 121b—Farn ham, 6 yrs, 1 Ist—Lucy Neale, aged, lOst 121b—Rschael, aged, lOst 41b—Ace of Trumps, lOst 41b—Quadruped, aged, lost 21b—Young Lottery, aged, 9st 61b—Peetliag, aged, 9.4. Acceptances for the Doncaster Handicap; St. Leger Course. The highest weight accepting being under Sit 71b, it has been raised, Foreclosure, 6 yrs, Sat 71b—Meaux, 6 yrs, Bst 61b— Priestess, 4 yrs, Sit 21b—Pelham, 4 yrs, Set 11b—Anda lusian, 4 yrs, B.t 11b—Luxor, 6 yrs, 7st 81b—King Hal, 6 yrs, 7et 61b—Lady I am off, 5 yrs, 7st 31b— Good Girl, 5 yrs, Tat 11b—Didibury, 4 yre, 7st 11b—Dulcamara, 5 yrs, 7st 11b; Laura, 3 yrs, sst 101 b; Timothy, 3 yrs, set 81b. TATTERSALL'S.-YESTERDAY. With the single exception of Cheerful, on whom a good dos' of money was laid out at 4 to 1, 10 to 3, anti 5 to 2. the favourites for the spring envagements were scarcely mentioned; the select few were backed far mere trifles. The Derby betting wan hunted to ihiee or four, viz :—The Italian, Clincher, Mayors, and Mildew, and did not exceed the amount specified in our quotstions. Business altog( ther was exceeoingly dull. THE NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. 20 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Mahratta, 4 yrs, sst 11lb 25 to 1 agst Mr. Irwin's Ballinafad, 6 yrs, 7st 71b 6 to 1 offered on t'ie field. THE ALTDORP PARK STAKES. 5 to 1 agst Dake of liiehmi •nd's Buckhound 7 to 1 agst Mr. Delsmere's Forlorn Hope—taken METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 5 to 2 sgst Mr. Gratwicke's Cheerful, 4 yrs, 6st—t 20 to 1 agst any other. 800 to 100 agst Cheerful winning this event, and Flying Dutchman the Emperor's Plate—taken WARWICKSHIRE HANDICAP. 7 to 2 agst Mr. Irwited BAllinatad 4 to 1 sot Lord J. S:‘ott's CHESTER CUP. 28 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's ragleman, 5 yrs i ,7lat —.aken 1,000 to 20 agst Mr. Irwin 's Horn . of Chase, 6 yrs, 7st 101b—iaLeo 50 to 1 agst Sir It. Pigot's Essedarins, 4 yrs, 7st 91b 2,000 to 20 vgst Mr. Osbaldeston's Minimum, 4 yr:, sst 101 b taken j ~m ~• c' DERBY. 6 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Ghillie Callum— take 7 to 1 15 to 2 agst Mr. W. Edwards naßolingbrolte—taken 11 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Knight of Avenel 12 to 1 ugst Mr. Gratwicke's The Nigger—taken 16 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklanfs The Italiau-17 to 1 taken to 501. 16 to 1 agst Lord Zetland's Voltigeur 18 to 1 agst Lord Airlie's Clincher—taken to 350/.. 22 to 1 asst Lord Eglinton'siiiaTors—taken—to too/. 25 to I agst Mr. Jaques's Mildew—taken to 2001. 3,000 to 100 agst Cheerful winning the Metropolitan mad Bolingbroke the Derby—taken. DEREY, 1851. 4,000 to 100 agst Duke of Itiehmon Buckhound—t 2,000 to 75 asst Lord Stanley's Storm—taken TUE CIIEMOUNE GARDENS.--At the annual Been'. the w a s Kensington formany years divisionthe chairman o f Middlesex, iMonfgrtlmFeelboceotindlic'ghs,e f or ilo.p' who posed the renewal of the licence for the above place of entertainment, on the ground that the tcitthye they fovr would ensGevreebraaletl days. proprietors conducted i t in a manner which involved a great anaz desecration c bt irelai being theig o n o adjournment the Sabbath . d ay, the The licence 2o th March; ‘• as sus pendedtb; directed on that day to present to th e conductbmencha memorial, stating in writing how the gardens, and if it was approved of, the op position to the licence would be withurawn. ILLNESS OF SIR JAMES GIBSON CRAIG.— sympathy on oo a c n o d uo in t te c r f e stthheavien intelligence c i e n the tt m Sir James Gibson Craig was dangerously ill at Rimer riday, tho symptoms ton. The malady is bronchitis, accompanied by frailty L n ww a eho t rn, u t:d r ao a srno l r to alarming ea a dbr n mro a i nni g rgi e sg d o at f tohuwa B rt s nd aya Mr. Wi l lia m te s tg . rali O po On ni telegraphic Gibsonma n e d s s h a a s g e Gr w ream a i s ga sent i nmed .pi t:: attendance since. We have intelligence from Riccarton up to ten o'clock last night, at which hour Sir James was " no better."—Scotsman of Wednesday. APPRVIENSION ON SUSPICION OF MUEDER.--at the sitting of the Central Police Court on Saturday a big powetfal fellow, named "Kelly, was brought up for examination, on a charge of being concerned in the murder of a femele, which was committed la .t summer in the vicinity of Londonderry. On the circumstances being stated the magistrate, of course, directed that the prisoner should be transferred to the authorities there to have the case investigated. lie had been living for some , months near New Monkland as a labourer, but had been tracked by the Derry constabulary, one of whom, ,on the autht,rity of a warrant from a justice there, with the concurrence of the sheriff-substitute, arrested him.— ' Glasyow Daily Mail. ti. TH E SUN, LONDON, FRI '..