The Sun. — London, England, 1845-03-22 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 20. RAILWAY FARES. Mr. MORISON, in putting the resolutions of which he had given notice, thought that the House and the country were satisfied that the railway system was permanently established in the country. It was needless to refer to the great advantages possessed by this system over the old plan of communica tion. It was not only advantageous to the trade and commerce of the country that greater fa cilities should be obtained between the great depots for merchandise, but it was in many cases a matter of absolute necessity. Little had been done for it as yet, comparatively with what might be expected, as men of science applied their talents to the subject of improved methods of propelling locomotives, whether on the atmospheric principle or some other. Already, however, the poor and their families were enabled to enjoy one of the most useful of luxuries at comparatively a small cost. But it was to the commercial classes of every degree that railroads were more particularly serviceable. The manufacturer had thus the opportunity of com municating in a much shorter time with those who purchased from him, and of transmitting the articles which he produced at a much smaller cost, which was to him precisely the same as an improvement in ma chinery, inasmuch as whatever diminished the cost of transit must have the same effect as that which dimi nished the cost of production. He could do with much less stock, and therefore to him it was equi valent to so much additional capital ; and both this diminished cost of production (as it might be called) and diminished call for capital must be for the immediate advantage of the public. No class, perhaps, would benefit more than the farmers by lowering the cost of railway travelling. They would be able to go through the country, and in that way see the improvements which were being made in agriculture. The farmers of the west of England, where agriculture was not so well understood as in Norfolk, Lincoln, and the north of England, might visit those counties, and observe the various means of improve ment which were applied to the cultivation of the land. Why was it that in one part of the country he was found so much less advanced than in another ? Only because he was not in the habit of travelling from home, and observing the modes of cultivation adopted by other farmers. It was clear that there must be cheap conveyance to induce the farmer to become a traveller to any consider able extent. Unless the fares were lowered, the labourers could not possibly avail themselves of the benefits of railway travelling, but in a short time he hoped to see the fares lowered to a half penny per passenger per mile.—(Hear, hear.) In that case they would be enabled to leave those parts of the country where wages were low, and go to those places where labour was permanently high, or where there was a temporary demand for it. Fuel and provisions would be cheapened con siderably where they were now dear. But the large towns would benefit even more than the country from an increase of railway traffic. He knew of many instances where articles had thus been brought from a distance to towns better and cheaper than w hen the supply was drawn from the surround ing district. One case he would just mention to the House. Previous to the introduction of railways the consumption of fish at Manchester was comparatively small, but Captain Lawes had induced the railway proprietors to reduce the charge of transit, and got the fishermen on the coast to sell all the fish they could take at one regular price, whether the catch was great or small, and the result was, that the best cod was re duced from Bd. or ls. per pound to 10. or 2d., plac ing it within the reach of artisans, and the demand had so risen as to keep a head of the supply. The former consumption of 3i tons a-week had within the last year given place to one of 80 tons ; and the under taking answered extremely well to all parties con cerned.—(Bear, hear.) Ihe inhabitants of towns would also derive great benefit in the articles of coal, stone, and other heavy things.—(Hear, hear.) If agriculture were to be improved, it must be by a mixture of the soils; and there was no reason why lime and other heavy materials should not thus be transported from one district to another at a halfpenny a ton per mile.—(Hear, hear.) Extraordinary pro gress had been made in railroads already ; though the thing itself was but of yesterday. There was scarcely a railroad in existence which had not almost entirely superseded the coaches and waggons. The canals, too, were almost deprived of their whole traffic, and, except where they were peculiarly circumstanced in point of local advantages, they would almost cease. To be of any use they must become the property of the railroads, and be auxiliary to them.—(Hear, hear.) The effect upon the coasting trade was already con siderable, and would be greater still in regard to the transport of coal and other heavy articles. But there was to be noticed also the diminished opposition to railroads : formerly landowners opposed them, but now they were anxious to have the benefit of them close to their estates, and were becoming liberal shareholders. Another reason in support of his argument was, that the expense of constructing a railway was much less now than formerly ; for instance, an old line of rail way which cost, say 60,0001., might now be constructed for 10,000/. or 12,0001. Then again, the expense of working the lines was much less now than what it was some years ago, and the expense of main taining what was called the permanent way was now almost reduced to a certainty. There were parties to be found who would undertake contracts to keep the lines in repair at a specified sum for a num ber of years, and he could, therefore, see no objection to his motion on the subject, for every day brought reductions in this respect. The whole expense of driving an entire train was f4und to be not more than the expense of posting with a pair of horses used to be—namely, 2s. a mile, and in some cases it was considerably less. The maintenance of the way, again, was now reduced to a certainty. In fact, there was enough ascertained to enable the Board of Trade (and they might have been quite as usefully thus employed as in some instances they had been) to give to the public a table showing what, according to circumstances as the traffic varied, would be a remunerating price —whether seven or eight per cent. interest on the capital, for example ; it would be a great assistance to Committees in fixing the fares. Railroads were altogether a commercial speculation, and perhaps the most sure and certain of al i t speculations ; th e resu lt s cou ld b e ca l cu l ate d w i t h nf uch more confid ence th an i n th e case of a bank, or iron or other works, because the great numbers enabled an average to be depended upon in the traffic. This was of great importance; as a mercantile specu lation they were become about the safest thing to em bark money in. —(Hear.) They provided for a want that was perpetually existing ; people must travel, and therefore the return for the money laid out might be caleulated pretty surely beforehand.—(Hear, hear.) All parties connected with railroads agreed that the advantages were only just beginning to be reaped. 1\44 long since the railway was considered as intended almost exclusively for the conveyance of passengers, but it had been of late applied to merchandise, including minerals, and was daily more and more thus made use of. But its power to accommodate the public had never yet been fully tested. The expense wbuld be very little increased, though the number of trains should be raised from 10 to 20, or even 40. There would be the same fixed expense, interest of money, stations, and so forth; it would merely be the employment of so many additional persons, and the use of so much more fuel ; and that was a trifle. The expense of the locomotive power in the carriage of goods was only about three-eighths of a penny per ton per mile ; it could be done at a profit on all goods at a halfpenny a ton.—(Hear.) The whole subject, then, deserved to be considered ; it ought not to be left to the Board of Trade along with a thousand other things. Railroads were the safest sort of speculation, and their capabilities to accommodate the public had not yet been fairly tested. The whole question must come before them at a future time. 'With regard to rail roads, their construction and management had now become a great national question. They had scientific power, and the command of iron, more than any other nation, and ought to construct railroads more cheaply than any other country. Yet, instead of having the cheapest and best railways, they were likely, unless something more effectual was done, to have the dearest line than any.—( Hear, hear.) Taking population and wealth together, this country was the most densely peopled in the world. France had taken advantage of their experience and their mistakes ; and there were many things in which they might copy from the French.—(Hear, hear.) lie (Mr. Morison) would not dwell upon the Belgian line, because it would be said that that was a Govern ment undertaking, though he thought that no answer at all; the average fares upon it were about ld., Id., and id. per mile, but it could be worked much cheaper than at present, for it was used by the Government as the means of patronage.—(Hear, hear.) But he would take the Orleans Railway. The French had borrowed our experienced, and taken advantage of our mistakes, and th ere was muc h t h at m i g h t b e copied by us with advantage. The Orleans line was the model which the French intended to adopt in all their proposed railways. The tariff was about 1 id., ld., and Id., for the three classes • 10, and 5 centim es per kilometre. Ours was very generally 3d., 2d., an d ld. Now surely under our circumstances, 2d., and I . d: would be quite an ample remuneration for most of the new lines; and he himself believed, that a lid., ld., and id., would be the common charge by and by, if proper measures were taken by the House for in suring to the public the full benefit to which they were entitled.—(Hear, hear.) It was remarkable, that we had gone on enacting tolls to be levied in every Railway Bill from the very first down to the end of last session, copying probably from the Canal Bills, forgetting that the canal proprietors were always the mere owners of the canal, and not carriers. Those tolls had never been levied, and, in fact, they could not. If a person were to claim the right of using any 111 a railroad in England the company's agents had the power of determining when it should be, and that would render it valueless to the private speculator. On the large lines indeed they could hardly find an interval for what would be called " the indepen dent train"—(A laugh)—the time was filled up— there was not an hour to spare---and, of course, to passengers it would be useless for the company to give leave to run a train in the middle of the night. Besides, the company would not allow the use of their punps and their stations and other necessary things. Yet some Hon. Gentleman some three or four years ago moved that the companies be compelled to place against the stations along their lines a board setting out what their charges were under the Act, and this was done. 'The absurdity of it was evident, because these were not like turnpike-gates, where the charge to be made was truly stated ; but this was a charge which never was, and never could be, brought into practice ; and yet the people looked at the boards as if Parliament had been doing something for their protection.—(A laugh.) He hoped that, at all events, this would be done away with.—(Hear.) Ile believed that the late President of the Board of Trade had gone into the Committee of last year in the hope of making some material alteration, but he soon found that the old companies were too strong for him. Still he (Mr. Morison) was in hopes that some altera tions would shortly be made; but he must say that the additional accommodation which had been given to third-class passengers in consequence of the re commendations of that Committee were most praise worthy, and he was glad that the result showed, not only that the operation of the cheap fares was to in crease the numbers who travelled by the line, and so benefit the Company, but that with di minished fares an increase of income was realized. He had been informed that on the Grand Junction line there had been an increase in the third-class pas sengers of 308 per cent. while the revenue from third class passengers had increased only 70 per cent. There had also been an increase in the second. class passengers, so that the increase in the third class seemed to have been at the expense of the first class. The attention of Parliament should be directed to this subject. It would be manifestly cheaper for the companies to attach third-class carriages to the fast trains, as they would thereby carry third-class passengers without any additional power. They should certainly give the lower classes the full benefit of the penny a mile system. It was a great hardship upon them to be kept 19 hours upon the road when they could be con veyed in less time. It certainly seemed singular that the companies should choose to put themselves to additional expense, by put ting on slow trains, solely for the purpose of inconveniencing their passengers. The Government ought to be permitted to give notice of revision or purchase before the lapse of twenty-one years. There was no knowing what might occur in that period. It was holding out a vast temptation to job bery.—(Loud cheers.) In fact, the present sys tem held out a premium to bad manage ment, instead of an encouragement to good. He then came to the question of amalgamation. It was quite evident that they could not prevent amal gamation. He did not know that they ought to pre vent it ; but this was an additional reason why they should be careful in their legislation on this subject. At present, he believed that railway companies could not be amalgamated without coming to Parliament ; but he observed, that a power to lease and hire had been granted in many railway Acts of late, and he thought that Parliament ought to be very cautious how they allowed that power. If the public were to derive any benefit from the practice of amalgamation, it must be by Parliament taking care that it should not take place without a proper security that the in terests of the public should be consulted ; but he thought that each company ought to have the power to hire or lease, without coming to Parliament. Amal gamation, therefore, was an additional reason why the House ought to be more careful in legislating on this subject than they had been. Great improvements had of late taken place in the construction of railroads, but nothing seemed to be done to give the public the benefit of any improvement, or any guard against the impositions that might be practised by the companies. He believed that they could not guard against amalgama tion, but when rail ways were completed in great districts of England and Wales combination would undoubtedly follow. Now, with reference to this point, it must be con sidered that the railway companies, would shortly, in all probability have ramifications to every town in England; they would c o m man d th e serv i ces o f t h e most active persons in life—as for instance the law yers; they would always exercise a powerful influence on the House of Commons ; and if the proper mode of dealing with them were neglected they might become too formidable in the House—aye, too formidable even for the Right Hon. Baronet, with his large ma jority, to contend with. He (Mr. Morison) had said last year that the railway companies should not be allowed to add repairs to the amount of their capital. It had been said last year that all reforms were too late—that all the great lines were finished, that all the trunk lines were finished, and that it was past the time for doing anything with advantage; and that as to the new lines, the small traffic on them did not allow of small fares; and that if these conditions were imposed on them they could not answer. Now, he did not exactly know what was meant by trunk lines. He denied that the trunk lines were sufficiently extensive—in fact there were no trunk lines. They had no trunk lines to the Eastern Counties, nor any to Dover. There was no trunk line to Exeter. The Great Western was a trunk line, to Bristol, but it could not be considered as a trunk line to Exeter. They had no trunk line to Man chester, or, in fact, to any place that might be called a great market. Whether they got threepence, twopence, or a penny, he thought that the remuneration might well be ascertained by the Committee who sat to investigate the claims of any particular company, and might be introduced into the special Act. The chances were, that one-half of the present prices would be a sufficient remuneration. An impression had gone abroad, because 10 per cent. was generally realised on the most prosperous railways, that that per centage ought to be obtained from investments in railway schemes. Where the prospects of returns was uncertain, perhaps 10 per cent. was not an unreasonable amount of profit to anticipate. But it should be recollected that railways in England were not now an experiment. They had become a system. He thought that 7 per cent. was a reason able return, and indeed from the continental railways 6 per cent. was considered a suf ficient remuneration. A great deal of Eng lish capital had gone to France for the for mation of railways, and it was evident, from this outlay of capital abroad, that the anticipation of something like ten per cent. from English railways was almost universal. Now he thought that six per cent. from the old lines was quite up to the mark for profit. On a new line it might not be sufficient, but the old lines offered a security almost equal to that of Government investments. By his plan he would secure to the public the benefit of all future improvements. At present it did not matter whether the line cost 10,0001, or 20,0001., or 50,0001. per mile, the company always began charg ing the same fares,' whereas the remunerating price depended on the cost. In every other instance where improvements took place— in iron -works, or in cotton-mills—the public always got the benefit. Why should not the same take place with regard to railroads. If railroad companies knew their own true interests they would perceive that the only way of securing a monopoly to them selves would be to reduce the fares as low as possible; thus making it not worth the while for others to com pete with them. That was the true commercial prin ciple, and lie was sure they might reduce the cost, and yet get ten per cent. With regard to the Board of Trade and their proceedings, that was a subject which would be fully considered on a future occasion ; but he might observe, in passing, that they seemed to have an especial fear of insolvency, and they instanced the case of the Eastern Counties and the Kent lines. But why should they carry on lines which they had reason to believe would not be profitable? They seemed to think that new lines offered less security to the pub lic than old lines; but he would observe that there might be insolvency also in the case of the old lines. If there was any fear of.that kind, let them increase the guarantee, and that would be sufficient. In such a case, he (Mr. Morison) should think it better to have recourse to new capital to form a new line; but the Board of Trade always seemed to think th a t th e o ld line would be able to transfer its shares, but that a new line would be less deserving of public confidence. The House had the power to take guarantees so as to give security to the public in this respect. Th en there appeared to be a disposition in the B oar d to take lines which were not direct lines. Now, he thought, as the railway system made pro gress, there would be a demand for direct lines. His constituents complained that in going . to In verness they were compelled to go fifty mites out of their way. 'Why should that be ? The House would in no long time be called upon for direct lines, and he thought parties, on bringing a project for a railway before the House, ought to look, not at the minor object of beating an opponent, but at what would be permanently beneficial. He believed he had said enough to illustrate the effects of the pre sent system and its evils, but he felt that they were creating in the railway department of the Board of Trade an enormous power, without the control which ought to be kept over it. He believed that, as the railway system progressed, there would be a demand for direct traffic.—(Hear, hear.) He did not know why persons should be bound to go fifty miles out of their way, as they were under the pre sent system. If he were a director or an influential person connected with railways, le should advise the company not to look to their immediate profit so much as to their permanent interest, and by that means to endeavour to secure th e i r i nterests. He thought he had said enough in illustration of the present s 3 stem. He called upon Hon. Members to ' bear in mind that the railroad system had superseded nearly all other means of conveyance ; whilst upon that system itself they had placed scarcely any control. Some Hon. Members had entered into compacts against certain monopolies, without at the same time perceiving that they were creating new ones, in sanc tioning the present system of railway legislation. There could be no doubt that by and by the railway companies of the kingdom would unite themselves to serve their own purposes. They had a common in terest amongst them, and ere long they would come to an understanding in the same way as water and gas companies had done in large towns. By this under standing they would secure to themselves a great and extensive monopoly, and it, therefore, became im portant that Parliament should take some immediate and decisive steps to avert this coming evil. He con cluded by moving the following resolutions :- 1. That it is the duty of Parliament, in giving its sanction to the establishment of new railways, to render them the means of affording to the public the best and safest communication, and the greatest possible amount of accommodation, at the lowest possible rates. 2. That the clauses heretofore introduced into Railway Bills to limit the amount of tolls to be demanded for the use of the railway, having proved practically in operative, it is expedient to make more effectual pro vision against the undue enhancement of the cost of travelling and transportation in every future Railway Bill, by fixing the highest rates which the Railway Company shall be allowed to charge for the conveyance of passengers and goods. 3. That for this purpose every Committee on a Rail way Bill, introduced in the present or any future session of Parliament, shall report a table of fees and charges, the lowest which they shall judge to be consistent, under the circumstances of each case, with a fair and reason able return for the capital to be invested. 4. And that every Committee to which two or more competing projects for new railways may be referred, shall require the promoters of each to put in statements as to the rates of charge for the conveyance of passen gers and goods to which they are content to be limited, and the amount of accommodation which they will bind themselves to provide for the public at those rates ; and that., in determining on the comparative merits of com peting schemes, regard shall be had to the extent and nature of the advantages which can be thus reserved to the public from each. Mr. WARBURTON seconded the motion. At first he had been inclined to sanction all the contem plated railways, believing them to be for the public interest, and that they would lead to fair and equita ble competition. But since he had read the railway reports which had come from the Board of Trade, he could not conceal from himself that they must give great dissatisfaction to all the established railway com panies. Indeed it was a matter of general conversa tion and dissatisfaction amongst those railway com panies, that these reports were founded upon Conser vative principles. That was the expression used, he believed, by the managers, directors, and proprietors of old established railways, when they happened to speak of those reports. The Board of Trade stepped in and decided on the question, whether those capi talists who were going to lay out their money were doing it profitably to themselves ? Did they act on this principle v. ith respect to any other investment of capital ? had they done so in case of turnpike roads ? There was a turnpike road on both sides of the river Avon, quite parallel to each other. But he had never heard that any objection had been made to gentlemen who were disposed to invest their money in shares in these roads, or that they were impeded from doing so because it would be an unprofitable investment of their capital. It appeared to be the de termination of the Board of Trade to throw the extension of railway communication as much as possible into the hands of the existing railroad companies. It seemed as if a partial monopoly was likely to be created, not only by the reports of the Board of Trade, but by the tendencies of these com panies running lines through contiguous districts to amalgamate, either by the purchase of the interests of one company by the other, or by some individual taking a lease of the line. It was notorious that the line between Newcastle and Bristol was either leased or about to be leased to the same individual. It was necessary that Parliament should interpose some check to this. Why not adopt the same system as that of foreign railways, and establish a maximum of rates beyond which a company could not go. On turnpike-roads they fixed a maximum of tolls, and more than that, the Turnpike-roads Act required re newal after a certain term of years ; but the public had no such protection in the case of railway companies. Extend the time of those leases even so far as ninety nine years if they would ; but if they did not inter pose some limit, the lines would fall into a limited number of hands ; and it was a matter of apprehen sion with him that if this should happen the result would be that the Government would eventually get them, and if so, then they would be dealt with, not as a public convenience but as a means of revenue, and then they would be placed in the position of the Post office. He begged to apologise for delaying the House so long, and to second the motion. The SPEAKER then put the question, when — Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET rose and said it was not his intention to allude to all the topics introduced into his motion by the Hon. Member op posite. The Hon: Member bad introduced a vast variety of topics, very few of which had any connexion whatever with the subject itself. But he (Lord Granville Somerset) would say he was not pre pared to deny that error had been fallen into in laying down the scale of charges. It was notorious that when Parliament fixed a maxi mum of toll, they imagined that they were protect ing the country against any overcharge on the part of the company, and not lending themselves., as had proved to be the case to an illusory management.— (Cheers.) He would not deny that in some instances the result of the present system had been, to enable railroad companies to impose higher charges in the carrying of goods and passengers than was fair or just.—(Hear, hear.) But he could not help suspect ing that hereafter these charges would be regulated by the same principles as those which regulated the charges of other public bodies which undertook to afford accommodation of any sort to the public. It did not exactly follow that railroads running to the same terminus were the only competing lines. A great number of passengers looked more to cheapness than to time, and a great number would go round a considerable distance to save money. Other lines therefore would exert a great influence in regulating the charges for passengers, although per haps they might not run to the same terminus. Let (the Member for Inverness) had said that the attempt to establish a maximum of tolls on railways had proved altogether nugatory. Thi s h e b e li eve d, an d he thought the time was come when Parliament should interfere to protect the public against the ex cessive charges, both for passengers and goods, to which in many instances they were subjected by railway companies. It was well known that a re duction of fares generally produced an increase in the receipts. But in many instances a larger reduc tion of fares did not produce an immediate benefit. The income was at first somewhat reduced, and railway directors naturally felt a great inclination to try fresh experiments. On the Great Western and Birmingham lines the charges were considerably too high, and he believed that a reduction in their prices would be advantageous to the companies as well as to the public ; for experience had shown that such a result almost invariably occurred. He knew that it was difficult to interfere with companies which were already established, but he thought that in the new Bills such clauses might be introduced as would im pose a low table of rates; and those low rates, as they would be levied by companies possessing in some respect lines competing with the old ones, would tend to bring down the rates of the old lines. Perhaps it was hardly fair to put the new lines under less advan tageous circumstances than the old ones ; but it should be recollected they were formed at less ex pense, and with greater probability of traffic. In France high fares were not necessary, to secure a fair remuneration for the proprietors. There were two plans by which railway proprietors looked for their returns, either by charging a considerable rate, and depending for remuneration on their first-class passengers, or else by very low fare s t o ve ry l arg ely increase their traffic. They could n o t, as th e N o bl e Lord said, put up railways to auction, and knock them down at will. Their interests, he knew, were to be considered, but so also were the interests of the public. This was a very material element in deciding upon the rates which railways should be entitled to demand. He deeply lamented that something had not been done long before this, and he hoped, therefore, that, though late, the present occasion would not be lost. There was one point which had been mooted by the Hon. Member, and which well deserved the consideration of the House. The French lines, by the Acts which authorised their formation, reverted, after a certain period, to the Crown. Now he thought some principle of this kind might be adopted with advantage He would not state any particular time ; he would give to the railway companies a sufficient time to realise their property, but after that period they should revert, like the French, to the State. Ile might name the ordinary terms for building leases, ninety-nine years. Now ninety-nine years was a long period in the lives of individuals, but it was but a very short period in the life of a country. They must recollect, as one reason why he would apply this principle to the new lines, that though several lines had already been formed, a great many more would, to a certainty, be hereafter constructed, and they must look to the future and legislate for posterity. A heavy debt had come down to posterity, and it would be a sort of set-off hereafter if these railway lines should become the property of the public. He had always felt a facility in communica tion was one of the very great necessaries—one of the indispensible requisites in a high state of civilisation.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") They were in a crisis of railway legislation, and he hoped that her Majesty's Government, before the Bills now in the House went into Committee, would take the subject into their serious consideration, for the doing so would, he was assured, be a great advantage to the public. Sir R. PEEL said, this was a subject which the more it was considered was seen to be surrounded with the greatest difficulties. On the one hand, it was impossible not to feel that competition in the case of railways did not give that perfect security a s t o charges which was afforded by competition generally in other undertakings. In the case of stage-coaches and of post-horses an effectual check was given to high charges by competition ; for, if one innkeeper charged 2s. a mile for a pair of horses, and another ls. 6d., the latter would be most likely to secure the patronage of the public. But, in the case of railways, a long period must elapse before any check in the form of competition could be brought into operation ; for, if a railway company now established, and having a monopoly, adopted exorbitant charges, a long prepa ratory system of conoert and consideration was neces sary before a competitor could enter the lists. A com pany must be formed ; subscriptions must be obtained; then there was great uncertainty as to the grant if a Bill by Parliament; and, before a Bill could be passed, the monopolising company might have reduced its charges, and the necessity of competition would conse quently be materially diminished. He agreed with the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland that it was difficult to overrate the importance of this sub ject. It was of the highest importance that they should increase the facilities of communication, and that they should diminish the charges of locomotion. lie (Sir R. Peel) (lid not look merely at the pecuniary saving to be effected, but he could not conceive a greater political advantage—anything more likely to improve the social character and habits of the people, than the extension of the means of intercourse be tween different parts of the country. He would make no reference to any individual railway schemes ; but he thought they ought to look forward to the result of mechanical improvements as applied to those schemes, and they might depend upon it—speaking of ultimate results—that the shortest lines would be pre ferred.—(Hear, hear.) The tend ency of the im provements which were al mos t d a i ly introduced was decidedly in favour of th e s h ortest lines. He (Sir R. Peel) had expressed this opinion in the year 1839. They chose to establish a railroad between Liverpool, Manchester, and London, and it was thought desirabl e th at the line should go round by Birmingham. It was said, " Include Birmingham by all means in your line between Liver pool and London ; it is useless to take a shorter line through a country much less productive." He (Sir R. Peel) then ventured to predict that the people of Liverpool and of Manchest er wou ld not be sent round ten or twelve miles out of the di rect li ne i n t h e i r journey to the metropolis. lii 1845 it was found that the shortest line was the be s t, and that Birmingham ought not to be included in th e rou t e ; b ut 1 7 0,000 / . had been expended in testing the merits of the scheme, and, without in any degree undervaluing the legal profession—(A laugh)—he must say that so large a sum spent in such a manner was worse than thrown away. Now, in order to save a distance of nine miles between Liverpool and Manchester, this new line, making a cut from Rugby to Stafford, was about to be established with universal consent. This ought, in his opinion, to be a lesson to the House. He did not wish to refer to any particular line of railway, but speaking generally, and contemplating ultimate results, he was certain that when they were estab lishing communications between different parts of this country and between Scotland and Ireland and this metropolis, whatever course they might now take, many years would not elapse before the shortest lines would be preferred. It must be under stood, however, that he did no t mean t h e i shortest line merely n respect of distance. He thought there was too great a tendency to adopt the shortest lines, without reference to gradients. Though in recent instances unfavourable gradients had been overcome by the construction of new en gines, he doubted whether there was not an unprofit able expenditure of power in such cases—whether the mechanical power of locomotive engines was not ma terially interfered with by unfavourable gradients; and whether the exertions made to diminish the gra dients, and to run as nearly as possible upon a level, would not be amply repaid. He was alluding not to the shortest lines merely with regard to distance, but to the shortest lines in point of time. Though the question of controlling the charges of railway com panies was one of great importance, it was encom passed with numerous difficulties. Suppose that two companies undertook competing lines, and that one of them said, "W e will afford the public most ample accommodation; our carriages for every class of pas sengers shall be most convenient, and our third-class carriages sh a ll b e cons t ruc t e d with a view to the health and comfort of the poor who travel by them ; but in order to do this we must make certain charges." Then suppose another company said, " We will un dertake the line at a lower rate of charges ;" surely it was not fair to assume that a decided pre ference should be given to the latter ?—(Hear, hear.) They ought not to disregard altogether the advantages held out by the former. But all the check that was to be imposed was a pecuniary check. [Lord Howick was understood to say, that was not the only check that ought to be im posed.] How were they to provide against imperf ec t vigilance, ill-cond uc t e d es t a blishments, inconvenient carriages, and disregard of the public comfort and accommodation ? He did not see how this check could be made perfectly effective in these respects. It was difficult to say what was the proper check, and to reconcile the difficulties by which the question was encompassed. It must be remembered, that it was necessary to hold out inducements which would lead men of capital to embark in such undertakings as railway schemes. It was very well to say, " Look at the profits of the London and Birmingham and Great Western Railway Companies—are they not extravagant ?" Hon. Gentlemen must recollect the risk of those persons who invested money in these speculations ; they must remember how uncertain was the return upon the millions i n vested i n the Lon don and Birmingham Railway, and what must have been the consequences to the shareholders had that undertaking proved a f a il ure . M r . M`C u ll o ch, writ ing in 1834, said, "It is true that the railway between Liverpool and Manch es t er h as answere d, but th e cir cumstances of that ra il way are so pecu li a r that it is n? , criterion of the p ro b a bl e success o f o ther railways." That eminent man, writing only ten years ago, ex pressed his belief that profitable lines of railway communication could not be established to any them take the case of Worcester. There was a direct competition .for railroad conveyance between London and Worcester, between two companies which were directly opposed to each other—the London and Bir mingham and the Great Western. The charges for the conveyance of passengers to Worcester would be regulated by the competition between these two com panies. The proposition of the Hon. Gentleman did not contain any great advantage over the present system. At the present moment all the matters to which he had alluded were made subjects of inquiry before the Standing Orders Committee. The only material alteration he proposed to introduce was, the fixing a maximum charge. Now, he feared that if they fixed a maximum charge it would be an encouragement to railway companies to keep up their charges.—(Hear, hear.) He did. not think that it would do for the Committees of that House to adopt the plan proposed by the Hon. Gentleman. If they once got into the habit, while Bills were passing, of listening to offers from companies as to which should carry passengers cheapest, he was afraid that, not only would the accommodation afforded to the public be lessened, but that serious danger would ensue. Now, with regard to the Honourable Mem ber's motion, they would have to consider how far their present standing orders were sufficient to effect the object which the Honourable Member had in view. Many of the existing standing orders would have to be struck out and others sub stituted, for it could not be supposed that the Committees would be bound by these resolutions. With regard to the mode in which the lion. Gentle man proposed to carry out his proposition, he must say that all the railway Bills contained clauses carry ing out the proposition of the Honourable Member. Whether they were useful or not he had already stated his opinion, but they did state what ought to be the principles of the maximum of tolls. He thought it much better that the line from London to Exeter should be under one management than under many. As it was now, people travelled in five h)urs from Exeter to London ; but he thought it would be very different if it was in many hands. For these reasons he would advise the Hon. Member to withdraw these resolutions. But if he could de vise any other mode of attaining the object he had in view, so mach was he impressed with the importance of the principle, that he was quite ready to go with him. For instance, if he would propose some alteration of the standing orders of the House, which would have the effect of obliging rail way companies, before their coming to Parliament, to lay down some rate of charges, it might accomplish the end desired. But as great inconvenience would arise from passing the resolutions in their present shape, he trusted that he would now withdraw them. Lord HOWICK said that he had heard with great satisfaction the declaration of the Noble Lord (Lord G. Somerset) that though he did not coincide alto gether in the terms of these:resolutions, yet that he was prepared to accede to the principles which they contained. And if the Hon. Member should be in duced to withdraw them, he hoped that her Majesty's Ministers would adopt some other mode, and that speedily, to accomplish the object at which these re solutions aimed. At any rate he trusted that the Government would take up the matter, and give it their best attention, before the great mass of railway Bills which had been introduced this session were committed, so that some general rules might be esta blished to give the advantage of cheap as well as speedy communication between different parts of the country, without having any check imposed upon the exorbitance of railway directors. Liis lion, Friend ' THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 22, 1845. great extent. Yet the proprietors of the railways he ' (Sir R. Peel) had mentioned, when the result of the speculation was so uncertain, committed themselves to the extent of 6,000,0001. ; and was it to be said now, when railroads could be conducted at so much less expense, that 4 per cent. was enough to remune rate them for their enterprise, while, had the capital they embarked been lost, the country would have made them no compensation ? The Noble Lord (Lord Howick) seemed to think that if a maximum rate of charge were prescribed in the case of new railways, the old companies would be induced to adopt a similar scale of fares ; but of that he (Sir R. Peel) was by no means certain. It might happen that, on a railway where only 10 trains were now run daily, it might become necessary in a year or two to run 20; and, while the public called for this increased accommodation would they provide by an inflexible rule that, under no circumstances, should the corn- . pany charge more than a certain amount of fares ? He (Sir R. Peel) wished that the influence and authority of the Government could be clearly exerted for the purpose of insuring a good principle of action; but the more he considered the subject the more was he convinced of its difficulties. In order to achieve a temporary object, in order to reduce the extra vagant charges, it was now proposed to act upon a principle with regard to railways which Honourable Gentlemen who suggested it would hesi tate to apply to ordinary commercial legislation. They did not say to the dealer in ordinary commo dities, " Such is the maximum charge you ought to make for your goods." The present case might be rather special, but he doubted whether it was so special as to justify them in departing from the rule applied in other cases. He thought that it would not be desirable to lay down any general rule for the conduct of the Committees; but he trusted, as their number was limited, that each would feel that it had a public duty to discharge, and that each would do its best to further the public interest. He did not know how the Government could interfere, except by the expression of a hope that the Committees would do all in their power for the benefit of the com munity.— (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to notice the resolutions in detail, but lie trusted that the Hon. Gentleman opposite, after the discussion that had taken place, would consent either that the previous question should be moved or withdraw his motion. In the first place, he thought it was very unwise for the House to agree hastily to any resolution laying down what it was "the duty" of Parliament to do.— (Hear, hear.) Then, as to the " maximum charge," he had already stated his reasons for not hurrying on to a conclusion as regarded that paragraph of the re solution ; at any rate, he was sure that before the House sanctioned the principle of establishing a maximum of charge the subject ought to undergo a much fuller consideration than it had received in the course of that discussion.—(Hear.) Mr. J. E. DENISON said that the Right llon. Baronet, in an early part of the session, had stated that the reports of the Board of Trade were by no means intended to be final. Ile (Mr. Denison) was of opinion that, when a report was issued by the Board, the grounds upon which it was founded should be discussed in that House before such report was sent to the Committees, as a guide to them in the decision they should come to.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. J. S. WORTLEY (West Yorkshire) did not exactly see how the suggestion of his Hon. Friend who had just sat down—though be agreed that great inconvenience had arisen from the present arrange ment—could be carried out. He did trust, however, that the Committee would not consider the decisions of the Board of Trade final, though an opinion, he believed, had gone abroad, amounting almost to a belief; that their decisions were to be regarded in that light. He (Mr. Wortley) was ready to concede to the Board of Trade every credit for the manner in which they had conducted the business which had been intrusted bo them ; but, notwithstanding, he should he veiny sorry to have it assumed that their reports were final decisions, when they were, in fact, merely preliminary inquiries entered into with the view of assisting the Committees; and he did hope that the Committees appointed by that House would be sensible that with themselves still rested the responsibility of sifting the merits of every scheme brought before them, and that they would express their opinions freely and independently, both as to the merits of the schemes and of the suggestions of the Board of the Trade. With regard to limiting the charges on railways, he must admit that that part of the question was full of difficulties ; but that was no reason for abandoning all attempts to overcome it. Originally he believed that Parliament had intended to have applied some limitation of the description pro posed, and though it had failed hitherto, he did not know but that the principle would be consistent with the practice of Parliament and advantageous to the public. He hoped if his Noble Friend (Lord G. Somerset) could see any means of meet . ng the propo sition, that he would not fail to act upon it. Lord G. SOMERSET was understood to say that he would direct his attention again to the subject. Sir G. GREY was of opinion that the best plan that could be adopted was that which the House had acted upon lately—viz., to establish as competent a tribunal as possible for the examination of the details of the Bill, and to discourage, as much as possible, any appeal from that tribunal to that House ; but there were certain great principles which must come before Committees, in the course of the session, affect ing the guidance of railways, which, though it was difficult to determine how they should be disposed of, were, he thought, worthy of the consideration of the House. It would be extremely unadvisable, and it would be a blot in our railway legislation, if there were to be a great want of uniformity in the Bills • and in the decisions of the Committees. Let them look at some of the principles which the Committees would have to decide upon. First, there was that great and important principle which had occupied a prominent place in the reports of the Board of Trade —the principle of " competition," to which also the Right Hon. Gentleman had referred. Were the railway Committees to act upon the principle that competition was undesirable, or were they to trust to competition for the purpose of securing to the public the benefits which might be supposed to arise from it ? Then, again, there was the subject of " gra dients," which had been also referred to by the Right lion. Baronet. Let the house look at the report of the Board of Trade upon the West Yorkshire Rail way. They entered there very fully into the sub ject, and took exactly an opposite view to that which the Right Hon. Baronet had taken of it. They jus tified their preference of a line which had worse gra dients than another that was before them, by saying that the improved power of locomotive engines now was such, that it was riot worth the while of com panies to incur a great expense in looking for good gradients and good curves.—(Hear, hear.) That report would go before a Committee of five gentle men, and would naturally have a great influence with them. These were subjects which he thought it was desirable that the House should determine on.— (Hear, hear.) With reference to the principle which had been introduced in the resolution of his Hon. Friend, he would say, that Parliament had from the first proposed to limit the charges on railways, but that it had been attempted in a way that was per fectly illusory. He repeated, that Parliament having originally felt that monopolies might be created by railway companies, did attempt to guard against them, but that in that attempt they had utterly failed. —(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that the country was greatly in debted to those companies and gentlemen who had originally risked their capital upon railway schemes, and who had brought the railway system to its pre sent state; but looking at the great number of Bills to be brought in this session, and considering that in a short time railways would supersede every other mode of travelling, he did think that the Government ought seriously to turn its attention to the question whether some more effective method might not be adopted with the view of preventing the evils which had been referred to in the course of the debate, and to the existence of which it was impossible that they could shut their eyes.---(Hear, hear.) He had risen, however, principally to state his opinion that there should be sonic uniformity in the decisions of the Committees, to insure which he thought that great matters of principle should be discussed in that House.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. PARKER had no doubt that every one was desirous, or that it was the duty of the House to see that the public should be carried at as low a rate as possible upon railways ; but if the House laid down any plan fbr limiting the charges, founded upon the supposition that acting upon that plan every r a il wa y company would receive a fair and just remuneration for their enteprise and the outlay of their capit a l, h a d the House not also a corresponding duty to perform on the part of the companies ? Should not the house in such a case guarantee to the companies an amount of remuneration somewhat approaching that which their enterprise merited?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MORISON then consented to withdraw his motion, and it was withdrawn accordingly. It is said that Mr. Colburn has in the press a new work by the author of " Coningsby." TROTTING MATCH FOR FIFTY PouNDs.--Thurs day morning (Thursday) the match between Mr. Lee's celebrated horse, Highflyer, and Mr. Collett's horse, to trot two miles in harness, came off over that distance of road, on Wimbledon-common. The match has been for some time pending, and attracted a good muster of the local sporting fraternity. The horses, harnessed to light carts, were brought to the starting place, andhwere quickly at the conto..t. They continued nearly together three quarters of a mile, when Highflyer broke, and his opponent went ahead, and turned the mile in three minutes and sixteen seconds, being forty yards in ad vance ; and when within a quarter of a mile of the goal, the horses were trotting at great speed, and were in equal positions as to winning ; and after a very splendid race, Highflyer trotted in the winner by fifteen yards, accomplishing the two miles of road in seven minutes and three seconds, and apparently little the worse for the rue. The horses were driven by their respective owners. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. PROM THE EVENING PAPERS Or YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—The increased grant to Maynooth Col lege was the subject of two notices of motions last even ing in the House of Commons. Sir Robert Peel gave notice that he should, on the 3d of May, move that the House take intoconsideration the proposed grant to May nooth. Mr. Ward gave notice that he should, on a fu ture day, propose that all further money grants for the purpose of religion, be made out of the funds appro priated to the maintenance of the Protestant Episcopal Church. It will be at once seen that these two notices involve the entire controversy to which the proposed in creased grant to Maynooth necessarily gives rise. First. the expediency of the proposed increase. Secondly, the funds out of which the increased grant to Maynooth shall be supplied. The former applies itself to the pro. priety of endowing Popery at all ; the latter raises the question, whether the very ample revenues of the Church of the minority ought not to provide the funds for this increased amount to the ecclesiastical school of the majority ? It is already known that the Premier intends to make this increased annual sum to Maynooth a permanent payment. It will there fore be no longer the theme of annual debate in the House of Commons, or of strife out of doors. The question, if settled now, will be settled once for all— this, at least, is the intention of the Government. Sir Robert Peel has afforded ample time for deli beration. Whether the Right Hon. Baronet was desirous of feeling his way before he encountered the formi dable opposition, both within and without tLe walls of Parliament, which ho is aware is preparing to meet his proposal, and therefore fixed a distant day, to afford him time for conciliating the malcontents on his own side of the House ; or whether, relying upon his subservient majority, he looks down from the height of his power upon the contemptible things which venture to lift up their puny voices ogainst his will—whom he leaves to complain, or to be silent, as they may be disposed — it may not be easy to decide. The six weeks will be employed in preparing for a resistance to this measure more formidable than any which the Government has had to deal with since its accession to office. We have some claim on the confidence of Minis ters, so far as pre-monitions of such movements are con cerned. We cautioned and warned them against the storm which was preparing for their factory-children education scheme in 1842. The tokens of that well arranged and simultaneous agitation, provoked by an uncalled-for attempt by the Government to cripple, if not to destroy, the Sunday and week-day schools of the Wesleyans, and other bodies of Dissenters from the Es tablished Church, resulted in that cordial union of the sectaries before which the power, of the Government was weakness. Have Sir Robert Peel and Sir J. Graham so soon lost the impressions made on them by the scenes which the House of Commons exhibited, night after night, in April and May, 1842 ? The table and floor of the House literally covered with petitions—the agitation out of doors increasing as the Government evinced a disposition to recede—until, at length, unable to subdue the storm it had excited, and fear ful of encountering its energy, the obnoxious measure was withdrawn. The same spirit has been again suc cessfully invoked. The same indomitable opposition is in preparation. The stern determination which pervaded the different bodies of sectaries in 1842 and which they embodied in the many thousands of numerously-signed petitions with which they importuned the House of Commons to reject the measure—is rapidly taking possession of those stern hereditary adherents to Protestantism, and firm opponents of Popery in its creeds and practices. We write advisedly. We state with confidence that there will be an opposition as firm, as numerous, as well concocted and arranged, as energetically expressed in hosts of petitions as numerously signed, and as earnestly enforced, to this attempt to endow the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth out of the national revenue, as any measure which has ema nated from the expediency-guided Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel ; or would have been called forth had such a measure been proposed by a Whig Administration, and Sir Robert Peel had been prompted, by the hope of office, to denounce it—as he would then have denounced it--as a measure fraught with danger to the Protestant institutions of the land. The members of the Established Church in both countries will, to a very large extent, swell this torrent of discontent with the Premier's proposed endowment of Popery. To the na tional jealousy of the real or imaginary aggressive policy of the Roman Catholic religion which pervades the great majority of the people of England and Scotland, every class of the Irish Protestants will be added. Sir R. Peel's policy in Opposition was to preserve and foment these feelings. He employed them to gain the object of his ambition. Can he complain if they do not now sub side? Having effected the purpose for which he in voked their aid, he now finds it convenient, for its changed position, that they should be at peace! But having sown to the wind, he will reap the whirlwind. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD ClRCUlT.—Stafford, March 19. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Baron PLATT.) - - MURDER.— John Brough, aged 39, farmer, a powerful athletic man, was indicted for the wilful murder of his brother, Thomas Brough, at Biddulph, on the 3d of January last. Mr. Yardley and Mr. Huddlestone appeared for the prosecution; Mr. Allen conducted the defence. Theparticulars of this offence, which happened at Bid dulph, a very wild district of Staffordshire, and peopled by a very primitive class of inhabitants, were fully de tailed in The Sun at the period of the inquest. The de ceased, a person of saving habits, but of passionate tem per towards his relatives, resided at High Bent, where he had acquired several small estates, one of which was occupied by his mother and her second sun, the prisoner. His determination to look after his own interest occa sioned the lamentable catastrophe which produced his violent death by the hand of his brother. A year's rent, amounting to 261., was due from his mother for these premises, to recover which debt a distress was put in on the 3d of January, when two boxes of wearing ap parel belonging to the prisoner and another brother, James Brough, were seized, and carried away to the resi dence of the deceased by his bailiff, in spite of the tears and entreaties of the mother for time and forbearance. This adverse proceeding appears to have produced a collision between the deceased and the prisoner, a man of mild and affectionate disposition, who had joined in his parent's ineffectual appeal for mercy. The two brothers quitted their mother's presence together, after the removal of the boxes, and Thomas was killed, according to the statement of the prisoner, by a blow on the back of the head with a stone-hammer, at the distance of 120 yards from the house, where the marks of blood were discovered by several witnesses. The prisoner communicated the fatal consequences of the blow to his brother James, who resided with a farmer at four miles from the place of the murder, and from whom he requested assistance in concealing the body. James Brough refused to comply with this request, and the corpse was four.d on the Saturday morning in a deep pit, about three-quarters of a mile from the residence of the prisoner. The trial was of a most painful character. The prin cipal witnesses against the prisoner, being his nearest relatives, presented the most distressing appearance when called upon to give their evidence ; more especially his aged mother and his brother James, who was at one time so completely overcome by his feelings as to be obliged to leave the box. The wretched prisoner him self, who appears to have borne a character for the greatest mildness of temper up to the period of his committing the dreadful deed, seemed, as he stood in the dock, to be utterly crushed by the consciousness of bis fearful situation. Mr. ALLEN, in a speech which was listened to with great attention, urged that the evidence for the prosecution was more consistent with the verdict of manslaughter than murder; attributing the death of the deceased to a blow in a sudden conflict, after the brothers had quitted the house, and not to an act of premeditation on the part of the prisoner. The Learned JUDGE, in his summing up, explained to the jury the distinction between murder and man slaughter, cautioning them against allowing themselves to be led away by those natural feelings which might so well have been excited by the speech of the Learned Counsel who had just sat down. His Lordship went through the whole of the evidence with the greatest care and minuteness. The jury retired to consider their verdict, and re mained in consultation for five hours before they returned with their verdict. The Court was adjourned in the meantime, but Mr. Baron Platt returned upon being in formed that they were agreed. Their verdict was— Guilty of wilful murder, with a recommendation to mercy. His LORDSHIP assumed the black cap, and addressed the prisoner to the following effect:—Prisoner at the bar, the jury have given your case a degree of care and attention highly creditable to themselves, and I must say that I fully concur in the justice of their decision. Your case is a sad proof of the fearful consequences of domestic feuds, and of the ills attendant upon disobe dience to parents. The words of the Decalogue are these, " Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land." The wretched victim of your crime brutally spurned from him his kneeling parent in her agony of distress ; his offence was visited with the vengeance of the Almighty ; he was cut off in his sins, for he was not permitted to see another dawn. But you, who were made the instrument of the divine wrath—you, who must have cherished in your breast the seeds of wickedness and revenge—you must expiate by your death the horrid deed you have wrought. The outraged laws of your country cannot otherwise be sa tisfied. And may the God of mercy have compassion upon your unhappy soul. His Lordship passed sentence of death in the usual terms. The Court was crowded to excess all the day, and a great number of young women of respectable appearance were present, whose levity of conduct, even during the most distressing scenes of the trial, was discreditable in the highest degree. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. CL ERKEIV WELL. A strong able-bodied Irish labourer came before Mr. Combo, who, in consequence of his statement, sent for the relieving overseer of Clerkenwell parish. Mr. Dyer, and several of the parochial authorities attended, in consequence, the case being one of great importance to tha parish, as it involved to a considerable extent the principle upon which the unemployed Irish labourers, resident in the metropolis, and who abound in Clerken well more than any other London parish, are to be dealt with. Mr. CoMaE said that, in order to prevent an ex parte statement, prejudicial to the authorities of Clerkenwell parish, going forth, he had sent fur the overseer, and directed the man to repeat his statement. The applicant, who possessed in an uncommon degree the native shrewdness of his country, said that he did not wish to make any complaint ;aping the :parochial officers. He had resided in Clerkenwell parish for 11', last 18 years, had married in it, and his three childre, were born there. He was a bricklayer's labourer , I II :: could refer for character to those who had eraP l o: . him. When the weather was open, ke had en: plenty of work ; but during the last two months bri of e laying was almost entirely suspended, in consequence the frost. In order to support himself and family au t that time, he had pawned every thing he could st h , l spare in the shape of clothes and otherwise, BU his little room was stripped of almost everything. puL— the 18 years he had been in the parish, he haXneeerkei fore applied for parochial relief ; but starvation e arl ; him in the face, he reluctantly went to' the we' house on Friday last, and on that and on the followi' day received a 41b. loaf, and on the first occasion 6; Tliey, however, refused to give him any more ontl relief unless he went into the workhouse, and suffere himself and family to be passed to Ireland. li' Mr. ComnE—And why did you not comply cant—lf I went to Irelgrid I would not know which el to turn my head when I got there. Nobody 100 0 by I came over here a boy ; my children are Englieli,„no birth ;,nobody cares for me in Ireland. I hav e ducted myself well here, and so has m wife. We ° ,;",,, 7 et be all friendless in Ireland. I hope the E ng lish will turn their back upon us, but help us whilst we c7r; help ourselves, which I hope will be but a very s'ior time. I would not make the request if the W eat would allow my master to give me work. n os Mr. Dyer said the applicant was commonly know the Attorney. General of the Irish in London ; /131 11 ever, knew nothing to his prejudice, and he certselei had never troubled the parish before Friday last. eas e had no sooner relieved him on that day than an i rewe ibe number -of unemployed Irish labourers came to to workhouse making similar applications, and in jes ti lief the rate-payers they felt bound to deny further re, unless they, with their families, entered the workhenf and were passed to Ireland. There were thousnos Irish in London similarly circumstanced. Mr. CoainE—Well, but really I think this eteg claims are not of an ordinary character. His familLp,s in great distress. He has been in the parish eigni"-is years. He never sought relief before. It appears ileki industrious and well conducted. The assistance be.: • for is but temporary, and I think you might gi ve 131 little help until the open weather comes. Mr. Dyer—But our woekhouse is now filled 11 ,.. t 0 1l bricklayers, plasterers, and ot;_ier mechanics. The are heavy, and I fear I cannot do so. Mr. COMBE.-Oh, come, now, give him scmething' Mr. Dyer.—Will he work in the n'tone-yard ? l ot Applicant.—Yes, and glad to get it. I'd rath er woo f work than the money without work. God ble ss Worship, I'll work whatever I earn. • the Mr. Dyer then consented to give him work A c id stone-yard, and the poor fellow left the Court h t . r bii thanked the Magistrate with tears in his eyes, kindness. FORGERY AT ROCHESTE R ; ts ROCHESTER, MARCH 19.—Frederick George dan t; a Custom-house clerk, was further examined on charge of having forged a receipt for 121. 1 35. 8 " Mr. Thomas Patten appeared for the pr i so ner- loc k, Mr. George Simmons.said —I am a mast an d 00 maker at East-street, Milton, next Gravesenti• wt et the 10th of March I made application 11 1 ;0 ° to the Collector of Customs at Roches'ert 'fa ing if there was any money tile r ! fof me, for some work and goods I had sup P lied le t ter the service of the coast-guard vessels. Th e lag' produced by the collector is in my hand -t erl* That letter I addressed to the collector, Mr. Sii;: 4d. Of the amounts stated in that letter, the la fo r the is for the Fly tender, and the 71. ls. 7d. f °l ' Tiger. Those sums are due to me. In consequed, of my sending that letter, the collector e'the at my residence on the morning of the 11th ' day after I had written it, and re to a receipt The receipt now produced' 0 , 1 5 h the best of my belief, is the same t- a , t t ivo shown to me. The Collector asked if the recelPivent my hand-writing. His allusion, I considered , cot' to the signature, and I replied it was not. T he of lector then asked if the handwriting was that of sei , one that I had given authority to receive the le.°, the I said no, but after looking more particularly. 'it be twist of the capital Sof Siinmons, I said it fl ll l 0 my son's. My son was gone to Northfieet - h e r o ftee ship, to measure fur two masts. My son George 00 1 gives receipts for money he receives. He has tbnen the power as myself in paying and receiving. "to the following morning, the 12th instant, I Wen t - o gee collector's office, and the collector produced theiectot receipt again, and after questioning me, the eeliggico called the prisoner into his office, and in the Pr. e o o of Mr. Tritton, the collector said to the Pr is , - 0 0 1 " Here is Mr. Simmons come over from G r tog it respecting this receipt," at the same time sh.,en"site to the prisoner. The collector then said," oT n iaof mons denies the signature to be his, or that " person authorised by him," and added, "N.,ef'oB who did sign it? " The prisoner said, "I d''' c ote' collector then remonstrated with the prisoner for miffing such an act. 11 4 Cross examined by Mr. Patten—l recollect e a s e at the Custom-house for the payment of th counts, last Friday month, when I saw the - P lst 7 / 0 and Mr. Tritton in the office, and I asked tbe° for cashier was present, and if there was any W I NO' me. The prisoner asked my name, and I to ld The prisoner referred to a book, and told me ther e c e no money for me yet, but he expected it in le! the The prisoner said there was an error in casting, account, and that the bill had been sent to 11°00.1, The prisoner did not offer to send me thei.ll:4ol4 when it came down, but I think he said if -ILO fend him the receipt he would transmit the — o le v ° I did say to the prisoner that Mr. J. Kiddell e,e oa ßcchester every week, and he can bring it leoriglit and I am positive that I never said the pris o da ell 0 sign the receipt for me. I did ask Mr. call, but he did not. for the By the Mayor—lf Mr. Kiddell had ea f o r lo r account he would first have called on me receipt. f ii Y Mr; George Simmons, jun., son of the is not - n!ss, deposed that the receipt produced wa s his handwriting. ris stie- This being the whole of the evidence, the Pioofor was committed to take his trial at the next ass the county. MARKET NEWS.—(YEST , -- - tiA l° . la' cO This being what is SMITHFIELD termed the Great Lamb Mar and OA was rather a numerous attendance of both London to de, l a try buyers at an early hour ; but the result of th e r , p f d such as to disappoint the expectations of the grazte t s t mb Down qualitiea were, however, in steady Wi tte° '0( 1 '1(0 5s 10d to 6s per 8 lbs., but all other description:oe were extremely dull, at from 5s to 5s Bd, and a c le m ber* se,f, not effected without much difficulty. Tir2 ll- froni ° lo railway, from the Isle of Wight, embraced 2 , '" the 11 5 1 , quarters about 5,000 head. Thegeneral quality 0' an is was by no means first rate. The number of Beal 70 ',,,eet which were 30 Oxen and Cows from Holland , al l to 'il l , from Aberdeen, were more than adequate novele, the wants of the butchers; hence, the Beef trade , at $ standing the coldness of the weather, was h ei ST 0 ./ ins e o,r t cline of 2d per 81bs. Sheep, the supply of svp,l; not t w ocle: sonably extensive, commanded a steady, the u bire.si brisk, inquiry, at Monday's currencies. Th e dur h 'air, from the number of Calves being good, was vel ij itea " prices were mostly supported. In Pigs only t o o 1 0 ness was doing, at previous quotations. Mil eh off slowly at from 151. to 19/. each. " Per 81bs. to sink the offal. s. d. s. d.l Inferior Beasts • • 2 4 2 8 Second quality ditto. 210 3 2 Prime large Oxen.. 3 4 3 6 Prime Scots •• 3 8 310 Large coarse Calves 310 4 6 Primo small ditto • . 4 8 5 0 Suckling Calves, •• 18 0 30 0 Inferior Sheep •• 2 6 3 4 6. d " 8. to 6 e. 6 3 eSeocaornsed.,,q,uooalilltdy ol d i i t t r o 3, 4 6 .„. 4 Sout hd o wn Wetheol rs 3 6 Ditte out ofthe w- 3 0 4 Large Hogs •• •• 3 lO 30 " Small Porkers •" ' .1 6 0 Quarter old Pigs Lambs Lambs, • gs to 6s. SUPPLY AT MARKET. PIO' ISheep. 1 Calves. 316 8,100 1 . 176 ..or ./1.0._ ifh ile We h iV aff W air G a,ve r ra ß ge AsuNpppliels.EofA3cerron'.sB-1° her" the d_mand was heavy, on the following terms :"'" .. 6 1 . At per stone, by the Carcas e. 0. • 0 s. d. to s. d. . 2 6 5 , 2 4 2 6 Mutton, inferior •• 310 2 : dl % 2 8 210 ---. m iding • 3 2 ; 210 3 0 ------ Pr ime • ..• 21 : 4 3 2 3 4 Pork, large• •"'• • , 3 - 310 410 1 - small ••••..• • • if " Lamb, ss. to 6s. i „ at P' This being a holiday, no transactions took PA— iane, in the Borough, or the Coal Exchange. .. Pe BIRTHS. n r oph.7 , On the 12th inst., at Dublin, the wife of Vir• m oaf of a son. e e, the On the 12th inst., at Paradise, Henley-on-Thaul- WO' of Nathaniel Micklem, Esq., of a son. -. ‘ sv(A ter ' iGtihe:o,eurnlsgaedethns,ee Seddon, , i n e s f t a . , s a e t n i:orc hes ter-gardens, - 0 . 1- bt . ' °fi° On the 14th inst., at Binstead, near RY"' I°6 44 On the eoalfriltVch: Fugo b ss, ter of st reet — f inst., R t . r i b V ut o hr r ye s ,leoyf wife, aEsesofq. Edwardof a da o feil' burl , On the 17th inst , the lady of Nathaniel Over Upper Tooting, of a son. ..r J. _, rid MARRIED. „ n i u stiP , , Jo On the 18th inst., at St. Margaret's, li r ° ° i t ter °' Dampier, Esq. surgeon, to Annie, only dalig Pratt, Esq., of Westminster. .i R I f 10' DIED. fp , , OR Friday, the 14th inst., in Birmin g hatr, ~ i o Mr. E. C. Thomas, of the Stork Hot el, Liverpe° ooo 6 '- On the 31st of January, at East Preston, 0" Vic- Anne, relict of Mr. Edward Brown. • gtoO• ~ On the Ist., at Rome, the Rev. Henry Coddio A 0197 Ware-cum-Thundridge, Herts. iit p,, of i— . A On the 13th inst., William Vassal!, Esq. , .`"' 0 1w place, Bristol, aged 64. Chi ll" On the 14th inst., at Hillingdon, Midd'esex, relic t 9 Hunt, Esq , M.D. Catharine v.st On the 14th inst., at Cheam, Surrey, ‘---- ii, V" ' the late Charles Butler, Esq ,of that place. ,atosion On the 14th inst., at Seething-lane, Alfred All O A. of Great Ormond-street, aged 27. ~,,r, isr• i :sr:K.4 On the 15th inst., at Wilmington, Kent , 0"'_,•01 •efe. vy Mai" 1 4 On the 16th inst., at Wandsworth, ,•:,„ N O, ro d, On the 18th inst., at York-place, 0 1 1 -- Stephens, Esq., aged 67. Ail hsjir teg On the 17th inst., Mrs. Sarah Audare , 0f do ab Camberwell, aged 79. oiis , ,,„. it ,' On the 18th inst., at Richmond, SurreY , 11° 010 013 1,- „ t lic' of the Rev. John Dymoke, of Roughton Lit ir c oh '- On the 18th inst., at South Lambeth, biaLJ Mr. John Samuel Reily, aged 85. Beasts TOO Beef, inferior -- middling • - prime large .• - prime small of London: Printed and Published by 1 1 1-- 111 1:6000 2 1.4 01 1 • 4 No. 112, Strand, Printer. at The S u? ' 00 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy' , il l DlMleau, Saturday, Alarcit 22,1848. 11 111 Provisi< .1. T. AV. c P. P. Colon W. E John Sir (;( Itohei Thom Lawr( Charl( John Chad ( J. IV. John Char], Fran c i :Major T. IL • George Messrs Messrs Messrs The Le, Th e v v , and Lk If this (1 4 t / t C 14 11 1 411 ,4 P A N% t' R . d b lZ' e t° ' 1 0j k,,„ D4rti, ' tlAt B O rthlT l B - :tr ( A I , 444 hat t ht.. - sk t 0 Oj ; tl 4p o Clt 4 ' 1,1 3 1 4 t %1017 (0 11„. !ttilt 4, 17,! 1 q11 1 ~40 0: ), an d I'2 i A t 3 / 4 IS. 6,1 ttlth r ; t ri e , °ollol,rllotia