The Sun. — London, England, 1868-07-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOtRNALS, The Times declares the progress of the Corrupt' Practices Bill in the House of Commons on Monday night was sufficient to prove that it re - its with the Government whether it shall become law, and also bow far it may be amended in passing through committee. It was, indeed, evident that there was much latent feeling against the bill and against all legislation on the subject, but it is of a kind which cannot prevail unless it be encouraged by the laxity of the Administration. A large number of members are seriously desirous of doing something to detect and repress bribery. An equally large section, conscious that this is their last session in Parliament, are willing to assist in promoting a measure which cannot interfere with their future peace of mind. Supported by these two bodies, and carrying with him the strength which the weakest Government commands, Mr. Dis raeli may do with the Bribery Bill what he will. The opposition to the bill was led by Mr. Bouverie. He submitted to the House an alternative scheme which went to the root of the Government pro psal, but it was rejected by 204 to 127. This decisive defeat of Mr. Bouverie's suggestion shews ..—._.. _ the strength of the party which supported the bill. The main principle of the bill having been thus affirmed once more, and by a majority more decisive than ever, it would be pleasant to pass at once to the consideration in detail of the amendments of which it is susceptible ; but ..—.. it is necessary first to dispose of an obstacle, said to be portentous, which arose out of a second division yester day. The bill, referring the trial of petitions to an external tribunal, proposes to create the tribunal by selecting from the common law judges two of ther num ber, who shall be set apart for the sole duty of trying election causes. Mr. Ayrton, instead of this, proposed, and by a majority of 136 to 71 carried, a suggestion that an additional judge be appointed to each of the three courts of Westminster, and the trial of election petitions be then conducted by each of the eighteen judges constituting the superior courts in rotation. This was, in fact, the original proposal of the Government, but the Solicitor. General argued against it, and when it was adopted Mr. Disraeli declared he must reconsider the effect of the alteration upon the bill, and progress was reported. As it had been announced at the beginning of the sitting that it was absolutely necessary supply should be taken at ten o'clock, the fact that progress was reported was insignificant, nor can we attach any more weight to Mr. Disraeli's grave warning that Mr. Ayrton's amend ment was perilous. It plainly does not touch the principle of the bill, and it has this recommendation in its favour, that it secures a greater variety of judges, and avoids the possible hazard attaching to the choice of a person who should afterwards fail to command confidence, and yet would be practically irre movable. Mr. Disraeli himself admitted that he might have preferred the original plan of the Government, but as the judges had objected to it he felt a difficulty in pressing it. The remonstrance of the judges, he declared, had great weight with the House of Commons, and might be equally potent in the House of Lords. Whatever effect this remonstrance produced at the time, it is evident, however, it had quite evaporated last night, since the House, immediately after Mr. Disraeli had solemnly recalled it to their memory, decided in its teeth by a majority of 63. Mr. Lowe rightly declared that it was the duty of the House of Commons to constitute the best tribunal possible ; and we feel persuaded that the supposed opposition to Mr. Ayr ton's scheme will disappear if the slightest resolution be shewn to uphold it. The supposition that the House of Lords will be inclined to reject a scheme which was con c ,cted and approved in Lord Derby's Cabinet is so chimerical that we cannot fear an opposition which seeks aid in such an argument ; and if Mr. Disraeli on Thurs day next should still treat Mr. Ayrton's amendment as a serious obstacle, the Times will be compelled to look upon it as the covert of some secret and unacknowledged dis like of the bill. The Post says it is not improbable that the bill may never come before the committee again. The creation of the new judges was, so to speak, the backbone of thd measure ; and if that proposal is negatived, however desirous the Government may be of passing a bill for the better prevention of corrupt practices at elections, it is cer tainly unlikely that they will proceed with one which will be framed exclusively at the dictation of the Opposi tion. Besides, it must be remembered that the latter are not themselves agreed on the tribunal which should be substituted for the existing one ; and under these circum stances, perhaps the best plan would be to postpone till next year the creation of that new jurisdiction which must in any event soon supersede that to which we have been st long accustomed. The Daily News says the House of Commons is evi dcntly inclines] to take up Mr. Disraeli's challenge, and tc pass the Act fur the Suppression of Corrupt Practices at Elections. Now that its last session is drawing to a close and the inevitable dissolution already casts its shadow before it, the House is more ready than it haithithertc teen to give effect to its virtuous resolutions. Honourable inenti,crg vie with one another in their professions of aux . ety not to allow the session to close without leaving on the statute-book some provision for the additional purity of the succeeding Parliament. Nearly everybody seats to be anxious that some bill should pass, and even those members whose antagonism to the mea sure is only badly concealed under hostile criticism of its details are anxious to repudiate any hostility to the prin. ciple of reforming the procedure in the punishment of bribery. 'The Gov. rum nt may not be very much in ear nest about the bill, but Mr. Disraeli must at least have the credit of putting to a test the earnestness of Parlia ment. The Herald notes that the Radical party in the United States, smarting under their recent defeat in the impeach ment process, are yet by no means prepared to give up the day as lost. They are already meditating another impeach- ment of the President. This time the scales would be turned in their favour. If the same votes were given the same way as before they would carry their will by s majority of more than two-thirds in the Senate. Already the two Republican representatives of the State of Arkansas have been admitted to the Senate in spite of the President's veto. The senators of the other Southern States are to follow, those of North Carolina first, and then of the other seceding, States of the old U n i on , under what is called the " Omnibus " Reconstruction, BilL Including Arkansas, the impeachment majority would be 37 to 19 ; adding North Carolina it would be 4] to 19—a majority of more than two-thirds. As the I're. sident's veto on the Arkansas Bill has been overruled by the House, we make no doubt that any attempt on his part to prevent the entry into Congress of the negro. elected delegates of other Southern States will be similarly nullified. Unless, what is most unlikely, a reaction of feeling should set in among that compact body of Repub. lican legislators which is directed by Mr. Stevens in the Lower House and Mr. Sumner in the Senate, we may take it .for granted that a new trial of the President on the same issues as the last will result in his degradation and expulsion from office. Under the direction of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens the articles of indictment have been much simplified and condensed. Next time the President is to be tried on four counts. The first charges him with violating the Constitution, in setting up, without consent of Congress, Provisional Governments in the Southern States. The second, with criminal misuse of the pardoning power. The third, with abusing Government patronage in order to defeat the Reconstruction Laws. The fourth, with corrupt use of the same patronage in various State elections since 1861 This indictment, we are told, is all ready, but is not to be brought forward until the admission of a sufficient number of Radical senators from the South has made a conviction certain. The Standard remarks that the people of Nova Scotia will not be able to complain that they have not had a fair hearing in the British Parliament. In the House of Lords on Monday night, their chosen advocate, Lord Campbell, did as much justice to his cause as it was susceptible of, and in a three hours' debate—if that could be called a debate in which all the arguments and all the conclusions were on one side—the Nova Scotian grievances were patiently and laboriously sifted. The result is such as Dui sht have been expected. There was literally no ground, as the greatest friends of Nova Scotia were forced to admit, for such a motion as that which Lord Campbell submitted. To propose that a commission of inquiry should be sent out to America to inquire into the working of an Act which at the time of the Nova Scotian petition had been barely six months in operation, was scarcely less than an • insult to Parliament, which, in passing that Act, was actuated solely by a regard for the interest of the North American Colonies, and indeed was only registering their own declared will. The Nova Scotian Legislature had prayed for the Confederation. The delegates from the North A nierican Colonies had drawn up a scheme of union in accordance, as we might reasonably suppose, with the wishes of the high contracting parties. 'rhe duty of the Imperial Parliament was but to sanction and put into formal shape a measure originating in the colonies them. selves and based upon their own mutual interests. hether, in all respects, the rights and interests of the Nova Scotians have been regarded in the details of the Federal Act is a very fair question to raise, but a question, we submit, not for the Imperial, but the local Parliame nt. It is at Ottawa and not i n London that the case of the Nova Scotians should be pro- scented. It is impossible, after giving up to the Dominion Parliament the full right of entertaining all local ques thine affecting the commerce or the industry of the pro. vinees, that we can attempt to inquire into every case of individual grievance. As Lord Carnarvon very perti neatly observed last night, there never was a union yet which worked smoothly and in perfect harmony at starting. The Nova Scotians have been provided with their due share of influence in the new Confederation, and it will be their fault only if they cannot exercise it to the redress of any substantial grievances of which they may have to complain. As to the sentimental part of their prayer, that, we repeat, is uttered in vain in the Imperial Par liament. The Telegraph rejoices that in the Bankruptcy Court ciir Mor cii Peto and his two partners, Messrs. Betts and Crampton, have passed their last examination, and received orders of discharge. Few persons can have been surprised by the proceedings of yesterday. The lengthened and searching examination to which the bankrupts were subjected at the hands of so competent an inquisitor as Mr. Linklater, although it revealed the existence of loose and careless arrangements, and of a practice based on most erroneous estimates as to results, sheaved nothing which brought the individuals mainly concerned within the penal clauses of the Bankruptcy Act. It certainly appears astounding that enormous transactions could have been undertaken with so little care to define the two sides of the bargain as to permit a miscalculation to the extent of six millions sterling ; yet such appears to havq been the fact. THE RELEASE OF MR. ,TAMES FBEELIAra WILKINSON. The following communications have been published with regard to the release of Mr. James Freeling Wilkin sin, the late general manager of the Joint-stock Discount :7ompany, who was criminally convicted eighteen months ,go : " 5, Pancras-lane, July 6. " Sir,—Herewith I send you a copy of a letteraddresaed 0 , me this day to the Secretary of State, since which I ..ave received a reply, informing me that the immediate release of Mr. Wilkinson has been ordered.—l am, sir, yours obediently, " HENRY F. ITOLT." " TO THE RIGHT EON. GATHORNE HARDY, M.P., &C. "5, Pancras-lane, Bucklersbury, July 6, 1863. "Sir, —Referring to my previous communications to you relative to James Freeling Wilkinson, I have now the honour to announce the perfect realisation of the statements submitted to the Crown on his behalf, bythe unconditional v.lmission of Mr. Lawson that the criminal proceedings institut , • ' - S' the official liquidator of the Joint-stock Dis count C (Limited) against my unfortunate friend were founded on a mistake— or, in other words, that the cele brated interview of the 10th August, 1865,between Messrs. Lawson and Wilkinson did not take place, and consequently that the supposed fraudulent appropriation bymyclient of the company's £4,800 was purely imaginary. Such being the case, Messrs. Capper, Escombe, and Lawson have (in addition to the £335 3s. ld. paid into court by them during the action in respect of interest due by them to the com pany on loans wholly unconnected with the said £4,860) submitted to repay the balance claimed from them by the action to the uttermost farthing, viz., by paying the com pany interest on the £4,000 lent them from the 16th August, 1865, to the 19th September following, and the principal sum of £B6O borrowed by them with interest thereon, from the 28th August, 1865, to the 3rd July inst., amounting together to £l,OOl Os. 7d. The cause was appointed for trial before the Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench and a special jury, on Friday last, at Guildhall, and Mr. Wilkinson was in attendance as a witness on behalf of the company, who were represented by Mr. Overend, Q.C., Mr. F. J. Clark, Q.C., Mr. Henry Matthews, Q.C., and Mr. Robertson Blaine. Very shortly, however, before the case would have been com menced, Mr. Hawkins, Q.C., on behalf of the de fendants, exercised their power of withdrawing the case from public consideration by the acknowledgment and submission I have hereinbefore mentioned. Mr. Overend then, on the part of the company, accepted the declaration of the defendants, that Mr. Lawson's belief had been a mistake, and consequently withdrew any imputation against him that such mistake had been wilful ; and thus this melancholy case, from which my client has so cruelly suffered, came to a close. I may add that, in consultation of the counsel for the company on Thursday last they de cided that the defendants were entitled to credit for the £l,OOO on the 10th September 1865, and that Mr. Overend would open the case to the jury to that effect. Under these circumstances, whereby the perfect innocence of Mr. Wilkinson bas been placed beyond all gossible doubt, end the statements to the Crown made on his behalf by Cie merchants, bankers, and brokers of the City of Lon don been fully justified, I venture to hope you will believe the time has now arrived when you can recommend Mr. Wilkinson as a fit and groper person to receive the benefit of the royal prerogative by forthwith restoring him to liberty. —I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, " HENRY F. UGLY." LAW AND POLICE. ATPLICA'TION TO REMOVE A CHIEF JUSTICE.—At a meeting of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, an application was made to remove Chief Justice Beau mont, of British Guiana. A memorial had been pre sented by the inhabitants to the Court of Policy, praying that he might be removed ; and Mr. WDermott, the pro prietor of the Colonist newspaper, made a similar request. Cu opening the case, the Attorney-General stated that several charges of misconduct were brought, especially by Ur. M`Dertnott. The case is still proceeding, and is likely to last for some days. IMPORTANT CASE UNDER TIIE COMPANIES ACT.--In Vice-Chancellor Giffard's court the case of Mr. Hornby, who applied to be struck off the list of contributories to the Ottoman Bank, was heard. In 1865 the applicant was Induced to become a director by Farley, the manager of the company, and to accept 100 shares for the purpose of qualification. The shares were allotted, hut Hornby paid nothing on them, and he never took any part in the business a the company. In April 1866 he wrote to the secretary, insisting that his name should not appear either as a share holder or director, and asked for an official notification to that effect. The resignation was accepted, and the 1.00 shares transferred to Farley. It seemed that the transfer was not actually registered till the 18th of May, when notice was given of a meeting to wind up. the company, and at the meeting held on the 16th of May resolutions were parsed approving of such a course being ,ul,,pted. On behalf (.f Mr. Hornby it was contended, (1), that he brol never rendered himself liable as a shareholder; and (2), that if Ile had there was a valid transfer of the shares before the commencement of any proceedings for winding up the company. The Vice-Chancellor held that under the Companies Act of 1862 the winding-up could not be considered to have commenced so as to invalidate any transfer of shares until a resolution had not only been passed, but also confirmed. At the time when this transfer was registered, what had occurred was that a resolution had simply been passed for winding up the company. Mr. Hornby's name would therefore have to be removed from the list of contributories. EXTENSIVE EMBEZZLEMENT BY A CLERK.—At the Con. tral Criminal Court Edward John Clarke, a collector, pleaded guilty to embezzling and stealing £32 and £ll 9s. odd, the moneys of Messrs. Tyler and others, of Newgate-street. It was stated in evidence that the pri soner had been between eight and nine years in the service of Messrs. Tyler, and had embezzled altogether about £5OO, which he had received on their account. The Recorder sentenced him to five years' penal servitude. ANOTHER, CASE UNDER THE COPYRIGHT ACT. —At Marlborough-street, John Hall, a hawker of photographs, was charged with selling photographs of " My First Ser mon" and nine other paintings. Mr. Graves was the prosecutor. It was stated that the prisoner had been twice convicted at liow•street, and each time fined £5O. After hearing the evidence, Mr. Tyrwhitt said he should have no hesitation in ordering the prisoner to pay the penalty of £5 for each spurious copy sold by him, or a month's imprisonment in each case if default occurred. The trade of pirating copies appeared to be a very profi table one to some persons, and he had no doubt the prisoner would not be inconvenienced by the penalties he was now called on to pay. The penalties and costs, amounting to £5l 25., not being paid, the prisoner was locked up. USING OMNIBUSES IN AN UNFIT CONDITION.—Mr. Joseph Edwards, an omnibus proprietor, was summoned before the Lord Mayor for using two omnibuses, running between Mile-End and Bayswater, after receiving notice from the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police that they were no longer in a fit and proper condition for public use. The Lord Mayor inflicted a penalty of £2, together with Cs. costs. TUE MEETING OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. It is now understood that Mr. Gladstone will not preside, as had been anticipated, over the Economic Science section of the Norwich meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Mr. Goschen, M.P., will pro. bably be present. SIR ROBERT NAPIER. —Tho commander of the orces in Abyssinia has announced his intention of visiting the Crystal Palace to-morrow, with Lady Napier and hie staff. Sir Robert will arrive at half-past one, and the great fountains being played at two, he will witness the display from the balcony of the Queen's Corridor. Luncheon will be served shortly afterwards, and the con- cert, at which Sir Robert Napier will be present, will begin at four o'clock. Military bands will perform in the grounds from seven, and at a quarter to ten there will be a display of fireworks with special devices appropriate to the occasion, and illumination of the fountains and park as on Saturday last. FATAL ACCIDENT TO A CILICETER.-011 Monday a young man named Thomas Bridges Gillow, 13 years of age, of Greenstreet, near Faversham, was batting against the Borden Club, at Borden, a village near Sittingbourne, when he was killed by a ball hitting him hard under the left ear. It appears that Gillow had made a very fine cut at the ball, when the bowler threw again, and the ball bounded frpm the ground. Mr. Gillow turned on one side to escape the effect of the rebound, when the ball struck on the jugular vein, and killed him at once. He was seen to fall, and the game was stopped. He was a player of considerabL promise, and his death has cast a gloom over the cricketing circles in the neighbourhood. The unhappy dispute between Mr. Hugh Mont gomery Moore and his wife respecting the custody of their children came before the Lord Chancellor at Dublin on Saturday for his decision upon a petition presented by Mrs. Moore to be allowed to retain possession of the younger child. Some time since her husband applied for a writ of Habeas Corpus to the Queen's Bench, but that Court allowed the matter to stand over pending judgment of the Lord Chancellor upon the petition. In the meantime Mr. Moore took away to France the boy whom he had taken from her in Waterford. At the Suggestion hit lordship, an understanding was come to that the father should retain the boy and the• mother the infant daughter, and that mutual facilities for seeing the children should be afforded. THE SUN, LONDON TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1868 GETTING INTO THE ARK. " Recent Secessions and Corporate Re union," is the title of a pamphlet which has just reached a third edition. We noticed it at the time it made its first appearance as being opportune, and as calling to a sense of their real position, those Anglicans of the Ritualistic school who bitterly and uncharitably complain of those who have left their Com munion for that of the Catholic Church. The pamphlet is written with great calmness, and in a tone of extreme kindliness towards those who are still in the deadly errors of the Angli can Church. Its principal object seems to be to create a more gentle and amiable feeling in those who are still Anglicans, towards those who have abandoned Anglican error, and are enjoying the light of Catholic truth. The author hopes by his pamphlet "to abate the spirit of rancour and animosity which has, unfortunately, been gaining ground." He can not " conceal from himself the fact that a cla mour has arisen in many, of what we should consider influential, quarters amongst Angli cans, calculated to give as quite a different idea of the leaders of the Catholic movement to that which we had entertained." He says that it bas become the fashion to speak of those who pass over to us as having " fallen," as having joined " an alien Church," become " schismatics," while every pains is taken to disparage their character, to represent their step, as the result o f " discontent," " impa tience," " weakness, " " want of faith," cowardice." Nay, more than this, " trea chery," " dishonesty," and other moral delin quencies, are freely imputed to them. The author then goes on to make an apology for those who have become Catholics. Has the Anglican, he says, "a right to condemn his brother because he has acted upon his con victions, and denounce him as if he had done something exceedingly - weak or dishonour able! ?" The author thinks the Anglican does I not possess this right. " Let us look for a moment," he says, "at one or two points where the divergence lies, and see whether the seceder has not something to say for him self,—something in the shape of reasons which may at least challenge fair inquiry." The writer then proceeds to point out the princi ples on which the Anglican remains a Pro testant, and then to give those on which the seceder has become a Catholic. After giving about seven reasons on one side, and seven on the other, he concludes this part of his pam phlet by saying, " I am not instituting an 1 argument, but roughly sketching som e of the 1 grounds upon which converts act, by way of showing that they need not be considered ener unreasonable or impatient, because they Ihave seen fit to adopt a different course of I action from their friends." In his anxiety to keep the peace, and not disturb the tranquillity of his Protestant friends, our author here seems to us to have rather overstepped the mark. How can he possibly say that he has " not been instituting an argument ?" Surely, it is to be hoped that the grounds on which men leave the deadly errors of Anglicanism, and become Catholics, are logical ? Surely, to state those grounds is to institute an argu ment, and an argument, moreover, which is ab solutely conclusive? Possibly our author meant that, though be had brought forward unan swerable arguments, his object was not so much to appeal to them as proofs of the false hood of Protestantism, as to appeal to them as reasons for holding a Catholic position. But, if he did mean this, it seems to us it would have been better distinctly to have said so. We hope the author of the pamphlet will not think us captious in making this remark. He tells us that he has rea carefully the WESTMINSTER GAZETTE, and has not observed anything but the most respectful treatment of the Ritualist party, and the most generous estimate of their spirit and motives. We hope that he will never find anything in our pages to belie the truth of that criticism. We desire most ardently to treat all men with respect, and to give them credit for the very best motives in their actions. But, we cannot I altogether go the lengths of our amiable author. It appears to us that justice and generosity should never part company. We are generous to individuals, but we must neither sacrifice justice to our principles, nor to that position, which those principles oblige us to maintain. It is axiomatic with us, that " out of the Church there is no salvation." The only plea on which we can admit the salvation of any man out of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church, is the plea of invincible ignorance. We are aware that these words sound harsh. But whatever their sound may be, they are fundamental. That is our position ! We can occupy no other. We are right, and right in everything, in faith, and in morality. Angli cans are all wrong, wherever they diverge from us. We are in saving truth ; they are in deadly error. How far the influence of in vincible ignorance extends—how far it excuses _towhat an extent it goes in this country — how far prejudice, education, the English atmosphere encourage it—is, of course, a matter of debate, and, to a certain extent, an open question. But, the two grand facts — that we are savingly right, and that Anglicans are damnably wrong—are not questions that are for one moment open. Now, we think i that our author, in writing his pamphlet, should have said this. He should have done justice to his position, as well as have done I generosity to his friends. We believe if he 1 had done this justice, the tone of his pam phlet would not have been less charitable (God forbid O, but it would have been more impregnated with the momentous truth, that he was in the ark, and his friends were floun dering about in the flood. Supposing, for instance, it had been possible for one of those men, who had turned Noah into ridicule for building the ark on dry land, to have got out of the waters of the flood in which he was be ing engulphed, and to have found himself safely stowed away in the ark with Noah and his family ; and supposing that the rest of his friends, who would not take the trouble to follow him because they thoug ht the rain would ' after a bit be over, cried out to each other, and to him, that he got into the dry because he was " discontented," " impatient," " weak," " wanted faith," and was " a coward ;" what answer would that man make out of the win dow of the ark ? We should imagine he would admit most willingly, that he had been not simply "discontented," but excessively so ; not impatient only, but perfectly restive ; not wanting , in faith alone, but almost in despair ; not a simple coward, but a coward of the largest possible proportions. How ludicrous it would seem, to be consulting the tastes of those poor swimmers who were waiting for the rain to give over, so far as to call oneself a seceder from the watery grave ! and to meekly suggest the possibility the one had " something to say for oneself," and that getting out of the fearful deluge into the safe, blessed ark, had in its favour " something in the shape of reasons which may at least challenge inquiry!" Surely, this is carrying generosity to an ex treme ! Indeed, to speak frankly, it seems to us most ungenerous, and a course of action most unkind. Supposing the happy man we just spoke of had so treated those who were arguing that they would stay where they were because the rain would soon be over, and thus they would have a " corporate re union " as soon as the land appeared, and it became sufficiently dry under foot. Suppos ing the man in the ark said in answer to their clamours : - Now, my dear friends, treat me generously and fairly. Don't call me names; that never does any good. You think that I have got out of the water in which you are swimming so beautifully, to seek " undisturbed repose " with Noah and his family in this excellent ark ? Nothing of the sort ! I have my reasons; you have yours. You are in God's faith, so am I. Don't de nounce me as weak and dishonourable. I assure you, though I am a seceder from a watery grave, that " I have something to say for myself—something in the shape of reasons, which may at least challenge inquiry. course, I am not using this as an argument to induce you to get out of that nice bit of water in which you are disporting yourselves, but I am simply sketching some of the grounds upon which I have acted, by way of showing that I need not be considered either un reasonable or impatient, in having got out of the chilling, deadly waters of this deluge, and in having secured myself a safe position." A man who could talk like this, under the circumstances, would simply be acting an in human part. How much more would he not be guilty when it is a case, not of temporal, but of eternal death and life ? Surely, gene rosity this could not be called, nor charity, nor kindliness, nor love of souls. But, let us not be mistaken. Our author, we are most fully convinced, means to be most kind. Simply, he does not realize as vividly as he should do, the immense difference in the Catholic and the Anglican position, and the doctrine of exclusive salvation in the ark. We feel as kindly and as generous towards Anglicans as we possibly can do. But we feel also the fearful position they are in We ascribe to them the best motives ; far be it from us to judge them. But we do juf,e, and we condemn too, their Ang licanism. Indeed, in proportion as we feel ten derly and generously towards them, in that very same proportion do we try to make them realize the fearful position they are in. We do not feel inclined, we feel too serious, to be bandying compliments and pretty faces with a man who is standing on the edge of a preci pice—we would rouse him, shake him, frighten him—throw him down , if by so doing we were ftble to save his life. Our energy and zeal would be in proportion to our love for his safety. And as long as we could save him, it would be a matter of utter indifference to us, if he called us all the names in the New gate Calendar.—Westmintser Gazette. FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON M. By the coup d'acit the Prince President took upon himself the entire government of the country. His decrees were absolute. There was no power left to control his acts. No King had ever exercised such complete despotism over the nation. His first step was to confirm the royal ordinances of Charles X. in 1830. His decrees went much further than these ordinances. They reduced the number of representatives to 280. The liberty of the press was abolished ; but the liberty which had been given to the Church by the people in 1848 was preserved. France saw the neces sity of these decrees, they were accepted without a murmur by the great majority of the people. They were necessary for the•restora tion of order, and it was that ardent desire for order which was the cause of the almost unani mous vote in favour of the Empire. In the meantime, the Prince President had done all in his power to restore confidence. No sooner had his nomination as President of the Republic for ten years at Notre Dame been confirmed than he took up his residence at the Tuileries. This first step was followed by the creation of the Senate, to take the place of the Chamber of Peers ; the members were appointed by the President for life, and to receive a salary of 30,000 francs. It was to this Senate that the Prince President sent a message to announce the contemplated re storation of the Empire. His friends were loud in speaking of the glory of a Second Empire; and, to stay the fares of those who had not forgotten the disasters of the First Empire, the President pronounced that famous speech at Bordeaux known by the phrase, " The Empire is peace." He next opened the State prison to Abd-el-Kader, a captive at Amboise, a measure which pleased the people. It was in October, 1852, that he convoked the Senate for November, to deliberate on a change of Government, and propose a Senates consultum for ratification by the people. He, moreover, did his best to restore con fidence to commerce. The concessions of rail way companies were extended to ninety years' leases which doubled at once the value of the shares ; every industrial enterprisewas pro tected, and every kind of limited liability company was allowed. The order of the day was commercial liberty. It was by such means the Empire was made popular ; everybody could see his way to fortune, and the price of labour was high in the market. The first fault, however, of the Emperor, was to re establish that oath of allegiance which had been abolished by the people in 1848. Ile was the only person in France who, as Presi dent of the Republic, had made an oath to keep up that Republic; he had therefore be trayed his trust almost in the same way as the King of the Barricades in 1830. By exacting such an oath from his servants, he forced all men o f inde p endent minds, and who had any respect for oaths, to retire again into private life. In consequence, the Govern as no gentleman o f un i mpeac h e d ment fell again in to the hands o f schemers and freethinkers, character could accept a public office. Absence of this sense of honour and virtue in the erovernina circles, has been the principal cause of so many revolutions in France since 1792. Men of integrity, who look upon any kind of trespass a g ainst honour as a stain, have been constantly kept out of offi ce b y th e i r con science, and therefore France, from that period, has not had an honest and religious councillor. This explains why religion, which was de stroyed during the great Revolution, has, though supported by a zealous and self-denying clergy, made such little progress compared with what might have been the case had the Govern ment, instead of thwarting, given its support to religion. Each successive Government has relied more upon the passions which were evoked by the Revolution of 1792, than upon the high principles of religion and virtue, without which no Government can exist. The Emperor, when he exacted an oath of alle giance from his servants, sowed the first seeds of dissolution. It placed the destines of the Second Empire in the hands of godless men, intent only on the pursuit of their own selfish aims. Almost immediately after the procla mation of the Empire, speculation and gam bling on the Bourse became the rage. What collosal and scandalous fortunes were not made! what extraordinary financial companies were not brought out, with no other object than to realize the premiums from the shares offered to the public ! The most notorious of these com panies was the Credit Mobilier, which had the greatest schemers of the day at its head. All France was, as it were, at a premium. To please the working classes and raise the price of labour, one-half of Paris was ordered to be pulled down to make room for those fine Boulevards which dazzle the eye of every foreigner who visits Paris. The Louvre was finished ; no expe nse w as considered too great; and how different from those days of the Re storation, when an expense of 40,000 francs was considered too much for the nation to spend in decorating the ball-room of the Hotel de Vile. The Emperor knew, however, that France cannot be held long in slavery without glory, and that is why the Empire cannot exist without a war every three years. It was this necessity that made the Emperor fall into a second fault far more serious to France than the first. The second fault was the con sequence of the first, which deprived the country of those men who knew the genius of the ancient Monarchy, which had made France so great that no country in Europe dared go to war without its permission. The Emperor and his servants were ignorant of this poli tical genius. He had lived in exile amongst the Carbonari in Italy and other conspirators against public order ; he had spent his last years in London, where he was obliged to have recourse to Jews, to provide the common necessaries of life. His name, how ever, was not forgotten in France, on account of the glory of the Empire, though it bad ended in the ruin of the country, and had placed Paris in the hands of a foreign army. But a generous people like the French are easily influenced by a sentiment of pity. Those who had been elevated to the rank of marshal, prince, duke, count, baron, &c., by the first Emperor, knew nothing of the real political genius of their country ; their only object was to keep their idol upon the throne. Hence, against every rule which had up to that time led the destinies of France, the Emperor formed an alliance with her greatest enemy— England, and consented to fend her army to fight England's battles in the Crimea. The French army became, as it were, - the servants of Lord Palmerston. No eulogium was found too great to puff up the vanity of the Emperor in all the English newspapers ; public gratitude went so far that he was carried in triumph through the streets of London. The effect of the Crimean war was to double the expendi ture ; and as the Russian war did not put a stop to all the other extravagant expenses go ing on at the time, both the blood and the trea sure of France were squandered for the sake of gaining a few years' popularity. This absolute necessity of war to keep up the Empire, made the Emperor seek an alliance with the people of Italy. Had he not been as unfamiliar with the genius of that country as he was with that of France, he would have known that Italy is a country which always betrays those who go to its help. Italy was kept at peace at the time by the Austrian army, and this gave the pretext of attempting to found that wonderful utopia of nationalities, which was another proof of how littl3 the Emperor un derstood the political genius of France. But it afforded the pretext of a second war, which was what his personal interests required. Every one now knows the result of the Italian war. France has lost her old allies at Naples, Flo- rence, Modena, and Parma; instead of those faithful allies, she has created a kingdom of discontented people, ruled by godless men, and overrun by brigands, which has yet to learn that nothing durable can be founded in this world without religion • a kingdom of _ ungrateful men, as hostile to Franco as they are friendly towards Prussia and England. The necessity of a war every three years, as the only means to uphold the despotic government of the Empire, did not end there. The Emperor embarked with Spain and Eng land in a war against the Republic of Mexico. Spain was glad to take a last revenge on a country that had shaken off its yoke. Eng land bad but one aim, to protect her mer chants, and enable them to withdraw from the capital of Mexico the large sums they had collected in that city. Spain took the lead, France and England kept each other company, but it was noticed at the time how sparing England was in both navy and army ; she did not wish to increase the burthens of the in come tax. France, ou the contrary, lavished her money, her army, and her navy, and the Emperor had the presumption to establish a Crown in Mexico, in the place of a Republic.. He did not see that he was running counter to the political genius of the ancient monarchy of France, and that he was, as it were, making an ally of England instead of the United States, the faithful ally of France ever since their War of Independence. When Spain and England saw the magnitude of the French armaments, they were wise enough to withdraw from the venture, and the Emperor remained to carry on the war single-handed. His pride made him believe that he could conquer a republic which, during the last quarter of a century, had been torn by civil war. He carried on the war against the public opinion of France. Every one foresaw the disgrace it would bring down upon the nation. How the war ended is but too well known : the Monarch was shot, and the French army had to leave the country. The public press was prohibited giving any account of the disaster, and details could only be learnt by conversing with the officers and soldiers after their return. They explained that the French at no time held any ground except what they stood upon ; that the army never left a town or village but it was occu pied the next moment by the republican army; that when they came away they left many prisoners in the hands of the Mexicans. This shows how the public had been deceived by the accounts publishediu the ilioniteur, and what credit ought to be given in future to the official paper. It is well here to notice that, at the door of the Mairie of every village in France, the Government has posted up the Mortiteur des Communes,. intended for the in struction of the people. The Government ex plains its acts in its own way, and as no one can contradict the official paper, public opinion is formed by that means, and the people kept in the most shameful ignorance. In the same w ay as when the penal laws in England were enacted against the Catholic religion the greatest falsehoods were propagated, so now, all over France, the same baneful expedients are adopted by the Government to propagate its views. It was by means of Government placards, posted up in every village, that the peasants were induced to subscribe to the Mexican Loan ; unheard of lottery prizes were offered, but those who advanced their money have lost every farthing. The Mexican war, therefore, only brought down disgrace on the army, and ruin on the finances. In the meantime, Prussia was able to attack Austria by pleading the very utopian schemes of nationalities put forward by the Emperor. France was too much occupied with the Mexi can war to be able to interfere in that struggle, which ended in Prussia forming a kingdom ' which threatens France on the Rhine, and leaves her without a single ally in Europe. Russia also took advantage of the prostration of France to annihilate the Polish nationality, by proscribing the Catholic religion in that kingdom, and substituting the Russian for the Polish language in all public schools. Those who conducted the destinies of France could not see the sad effects brought about by changing the policy of the ancient Kings of France. They were satisfied by obtaining from Prussia the surrender of Luxemburg to Holland, and a promise that the fortifications of that town should be razed. To counteract the sad mistakes the Emperor had made, his advisers could see but one remedy—a general war in Europe. France for the first time felt her inability to grapple with the formidable coalition which the policy of the Empire had evoked. The Government saw no other remedy but to place France on the defensive, which explains the late reforms introduced in the army. France is no longer able to dictate her will, and has fallen into the state of a kingdom of the second order, requiring all her available strength for the defence of her own frontiers. The disgrace into which France has fallen is not yet seen by the people ; they are kept by restrictive press-laws in ignorance of their inferiority. The simple people of France still believe the falsehoods printed in the Government jour nals, and are unwilling to examine the ruin both political and financial which hangs over their heads, 111. Thiers, in the Legislative As sembly, tells them in vain that the country has to bear an amount of taxes altogether out of proportion with the resources of the coun try ; that the tax of blood falls too heavy on the population by the new law of conscrip tion. Whether the eyes of the people will be opened before the next general election is very doubtful, as the Government servants are only actuated, like the Emperor himself, by the desire to prolong their tenure of office, and do not consider the real interests and honour of their country. If the people could be shown the sad mistakes that have been made, they would send to the next Assembly men of prin ciple and integrity—men who place the honour of their country above the question of pay and the idol called Louis Napoleon ; men who un derstand the policy of the ancient monarchy, and who know that a country cannot prosper single-handed and without an ally. They would then do away with those paid servants kept in slavery by an oath to keep up despotism, and to approve of every measure however ruin ous to their country. But they cannot see the consequence of breaking the treaties of 1815. No doubt those treaties had been framed to restrain France, but they had been modified by the ancient monarchy which used them as the arbitrator of the balance of power in Europe. France had become the pivot upon which peace or war turned ; she could make the balance bend to her will. But when the Emperor joined England against Russia, pro tected Prussia in her attack against Austria, and placed Italy under one crown, he destroyed at one blow all that the ancient monarchy had. realized, and France lost her• supremacy.— coreespowiew of the Westminster Gazette. COMMISSIONER ROLLINS ON CORRUP TION. Commissioner ROLLINS his rec3ived a snub from he Secretary to the Treasury, who returned his Letter embodying his reasons fur resigning the C mm- missionership of Internal Revenue with the follow ing enlorsement :--" Thursd iy evening, June 11. —The within communication, just handed to me, although bearing date of the Bth instant, is consi dered partial and incorrect in its statements and dis respectful to the President. It is, therefore, returned to Mr. RoLuNs.—H. M'CuLLocA, Secre tary to the Treasury." The Commissioner was, however, not to be thus easily suppresses, so he sent the letter back again with this further endorse • went :—" Unless the Hon. Secretary shall point out wherein the enclosed communication is either par tial and incorrect' in its statements, or unjust and disrespectful to the President,' I must consider its return to me as unjustifiable, and the reasons there fore other than those assumed." Mr. M‘CuLLoca then gave his reasons at length, to which Mr. ROL LINS returned a searching reply, bringing forward facts to show that many of the most corrupt arc assessors and collectors, especially in New York, over whom the Commissioner has no control. Whether Mr. ROLLINS' motives be wholly dic tated not by disgust of a corruption which he cannot counteract, and, indeed, in a degree while in office, must be a party, his action deserves the support of the country, for it aims a blow at the wicked system so injurious to the Public Service of the United S ates. The result of the War has made the Treasury Department the most important of the Government, and that one, above all others, which requires the greatest capa city and the most sterling honesty for its manage ment. The Debt and the Revenue of the United States have grown up so suddenly it need not sur prise that the machinery for the management should as yet be imperfect. The Secretary of S Late has long ranked next to the PRESIDENT, for he is a real Minister, with well-established power from precedent and usage extending over a century. The foreign affairs of the United States have not increased in importance further than in the increased weight a nation now so powerful must exercise. But though the internal affairs of the United States, more especially cmnected with revenue, have become of vital in terest, the Secretary of the Treasury Department counts for less than any other. It is almost im possible for the Minister of Finance—if the United States can be said t) have one—to embody in legis lation his own policy, however well digested. It must be scrutinized by the House Corn nittee of W a ys and Means, of whom the Chairman exercises the chief influence, and be is selected by the Speaker. It is only through hilt that the Secretary can act, yet though he controls, it by no means follows that he is chosen for any aptitude on financial questions. Even supposing that he works hand in glove with the Treasury Minister, the measures have first to be discussed in the Committee, and after under going this ordeal to be brought into the House which they cannot reach without material changes. Whose the measure is—what portion is due the to the Secretary of the Treasury—what to the Chairman of the Committee, ant what to the Mem bers of the Committee, the Representatives can not tell, and the bill is therefore wanting in the weight which could not fail to be given to it if known to be the production of a responsible Minister selected for well-proved qualifications. Thus a measure is brought forward for which no one is responsible, to be discussed by Representatives who, in all probability, will have no seats in that House, when all its defects have become apparent on trial as a law. But this, grave as it may be, is not half the drawback. It is one thing to pass laws for which no one is responsible, it is another and more serious thing to execute those laws, and here at least the responsibility ought to be fire I. Not a bit—for the President, the Secretary, and the Senate play battledore and shuttlecock with it. The Secretary tosses it to President, the Pre sident to the Senate, the Senate back to the Secre tary, an l all agree in attributing the thieving and plun ler to the system. But it is a system that suits the politicians, and, therefore, however injurious, not easy to get rid of. The PRESIDENT —although, as Mr. ROLLINS declares, he has removed many efficient Republicans-=has never been known to re move an inefficient Democratic Revenue officer, and ANDREW Jo lINSON complains that the Senate refuses to sanction the suspension of a Republican for mis conduct. When plunder is the order of the day and nobody is responsible, it could scarcely be expected that the Secretary should not put some of the good things in the way of his friends. Mr. ROLLINS asserting that, as an honest man, he cannot ' continue in such a Department, throws the blame on the PRESIDENT, but Mr. M'CuLLocti main taining that it is, in part, due to the want of harmony between the PRESIDENT and Congress, and mainly to the blunders in legislating whereby duties too high are attempted to he levie I; returns the letter. A quarrel between Congress and the PRESIDENT can scarcely excuse the whisky ring for I its outrageous plunder, nor the revenue officers for participating in the dishonesty. But such will be the answer to complaints, so long as the nation cannot put its hand on the responsible persons. In the meantime the Ring triumphs, and with it grows the spirit of corruption. The tax upon spirits as n ew collected forces every distiller into joining the organization or ruin, and therefore it makes a whole class dishonest. As the revenue which ought to go into the Treasury mainly goes-to the ring, its power is enormous, and it keeps up a complete machinery to carry out its nefarious designs. Every year of such a system tends more and more to de moralize the people, and it is a good thing for the country when men like Mr. Rollins come boldly forward to make a stand against it. While all acknowledge the evil, the Republicans blame the PRESIDENT, and the Democrats the Radical Senate and the party in power. But the mischief in truth springs from the want of system, the nation not having as yet had time to inaugu rate one, consequent on the suddenness of the change wrought by the war. No reform will avail which does not erect the Civil Service into an honour able profression which young men will be educated to enter, and to which they will look for their ad vancement in life, and on this the natioa seems inclined to insist. Congress may endeavour to burke Air. JENCKES' Bill, and may strangle that which the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means has taken so many months to prepare, but the people are becoming aroused to the over-ruling necessity of breaking down the system of plunder now growing into such gigantic proportions, and the action of Mr. ROLLINS has done much to attract towards it public attention. He has forwarded a full reply to Mr. M'CuLLocif, and we presume he has been able to maintain the position he first assumed. Mr. SCHENCK, who endeavonrel to reform at least. the Revenue Department by erecting it into a sepa rate bureau, and by making its head responsible for the conduct of the officers employed, was check mated in the House ; and although we go for the total reform of the Civil Service, yet even this instalment in breaking down the whisky-ring would have been acceptable, but the Representa tives could not see it, though, as Mr. SCHENCK said, it embodied the very soul of his measure. It is mere vanity for him or for the Secretary of the Treasury to attempt to estimate revenue until they can be certain that the sums collected will pass into the Treasury. The Managers of the whisky ring are much more masters of the financial posi tion, and Mr. SCHENCK ought to ask them what portion they intend for the Public Service. While all this muddle is being made by the Government and the House, it is believed that Secretary 11‘CuLLocti is to be got rid of by the PRESIDENT, whose organ, the National Intelligencer on the 15th June, came out with an article demanding the Secretary's removal for incompetency and an in difference to the int2rests of the Administration amounting to hostility. The PRESIDENT has now his gallant defenders to reward, and it matters not what may be their qualifications for the post, so long as the post is qualified for them. Of all the difficult positions to fill at Washington the most so is that of the Secretary to the Treasury. II re quires vast and peculiar qualifications and range of knowledge, and there are few men in any country fitted for it. But the PRESIDENT measures a magi for any post by what he thinks of ANDREW JOHN SON, and Mr. GROESBECK'S estimation of that person age as expressed on the Impeachment Trial is very high, therefore he is the mto to succeed Mr. INI‘CuLLoca. However able a lawyer, Mr. GROES BECK is known to none as a financier, and his no tion of paying the National I)ebt is supposed to lie in the simple expedient of printing greenbacks for the redemption of every bond as it becomes due. We wonder if any person will hereafter be able io estimate what ANDREW JOHNSON has cost the United States. He is afraid that the sum will not be large enough if dependent only on his own exertions, so he desires the aid of other equally capable statesmen. He is therefore about to re-constitute his Cabinet, and give the best posts to those who defended him in the Trial. Even allowing that Mr. 111‘CuLLoca truly stated the fact that the want of harmony be tween the PRESIDENT and Congress is a cause of the gross corruption prevailing in the collection of the Revenue, whose fault is it that this war should pre vail ? Even Mr. JOHNSON'S best supporters must allow that the blame does not lie wholly with Con gress, and whatever truth there may be in the state ments made by ➢Zr. ROLLINS, one fact is certain that not in any degree has the PRESIDENT attempted to break down the fraudulent organization or made appointments with any other end than in support of himself and his policy. His term of office is drawing to its close with one glaring fact—that during his Presidency corruption became organized into a gigantic system of fraud, which, if not aided by him, was at least never interfered with while he re mained in power. At the same time, we must say that he has been well backed by Congress, who have spent the precious moments in furiously at tacking him, and in the end proposed to adjourn, as the time was too short to pass the Civil Service i3ill and the Inland Tax Bill. Having done all they could against him at Washington, they desire now to spread over the country to abuse him for the corruption and frauds in the collec tion of the revenue they have not only per mitted but fostered. They remind us of the Fenians, who resent as a wrong done to the bro therhood any English reform in Ireland, on the plea that it removes a cause of complaint, and if they themselves corrected the frightful abuses pre vailing, they would lose a fertile subject on which to dilate against the PRESIDENT.—AnyIo-Americall Times. Speaking of the Brunswick Biriard Hall, the dimensions of which are 100 feet in length by 60 is width, the Chicagoan claims that it is the largest., hand somest, and most complete room, in every one of its ap pointments, that is to be found either in the United States or Europe. It contains eighteen tables, and is this respect is not larger than Griffith's rooms in Roches ter, nor rooms in St. Louis and New Orleans. The Chica goan alls: "These eighteen tables are constantly occu pied day and night. In the evening, when lighted uP by hundreds of brilliant jets in the heavy chande liers which are suspended from the lofty and richly painted ceilings, it presents one of the most dazzling sights of the kind that the eye ever beheld. Upwards of a thousand gentlemen visit this magnificent worn every day ; and yet, although we have seen all the tables occupied at one limo and hundreds waiting for their turn, there is not the slightest confusion or noise. The im mense room, crowded with people, is as decorous as a draWing-room. Neither is there any confusion in the let tings or payments. A special clerk has these things iu charge; and all the vast multitudes that attend the roOI pass • - in and out with the same decorum and as noiselessly as they would in a private dwelling-house. No iutoxicatei person is admitted ; no playing for money, nor gambling 01 any sort is allows d, the object of the establishment being to provide a place, and games of rational amusement for hundreds of young men in the city who, having no bowel of their own, desire to pass their evenings pleasantly and without reproach." The Manchester Examiner puhlisl es an extract from the " Quaker Encyclical," an address which is issued annually by the executive of the Society of Friends to their constituents. The writers say :—" We latneut the increasing departure amongst us from true Christian situ plicity. Whilst providing liberal instruction fur Oleic children, may parents not be drawn aside by the desico for fashionable or merely ornamental accomplishment s, from a course of training awl education conducive to a uso - and honourable life upon earth, and in harmony w ith the discipline that renders meet for heaven? We have receive d ; in the usual course, epistles from our friends in Ireland, and from nine of the yearly meetings on the American conti nent. The accounts therein contained of the spreading el the truth, and of a continued concern in connection with scriptural education, with the welfare of the freedmen, 50 0 with our Christian testimony against war, aro encourag ing. Our lively interest has been again awakened for ou r dear friends in the newly settled yearly meeting of Canada . ; and we desire all our distant friends to ac c ept the renewed assurance of our sympathy and love. Among the subjee:7 which have come before us, few have taken d e eper 11 01 ' of our feelings than the awful fact that in thia, the nine' teenth century of the dispensation of the Prince 0 , Peace, we find amongst the nations of Europe million s of men, including the strength and stay of farnilieS, withdrawn from their homes and all the sacred dutil and joys of life, and forced into immediate contact wit" temptation, vice, and wretchednes s . A n d f or w hat O r ( pose ? That they may become adepts in the science mutual destruction, and that nations called Christian,' under the influence of distrust, rivalry, or a m bition, 109) the more promptly and effectively engage in mortal Cel l i fliet one with another. Although on this solemn sabjec our voice may meet with but little response in the profeSi ing churches of Christ, we feel called upon to en treat a' who love His name seriously to consider the utter ine°, l l patibiliiy of these things with those fruits of the SP" - 4 3 which Christians are to bring forth, and with the go purposes of the Redeemer's coining and reign." ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's firs tulency, bilious disorders, liver complaints, and nervousin'a and general debility, are all evils that may be easily a "„t speedily subdued by these inestimable pills, which are .. once the mildest and most effi c a c i ous me di c i ne eve r yet di bt , covered. They do not merely ge t r id for the time Of particular disease, but exercise so powerful, beneficial, u,1 3 3 lasting an influence upon the whole system, as to prote o ‘ l 4 from the recurrence of the same affliction. They itnP 9 ',,j tone to the stomach, restore the appetite, give strength al 3 , flesh, and make the patient feel himself quite a new mu ci , Being composed of vegetable extracts, without the t t l ig mixture of any mineral substances whatever, those pi ll are as safe as they are efficacious. _ea [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Du Barry s Delicious Health Ices' ter lievalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in ota 0. remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lung healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and ene,',;(l to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily on , e ff ec tually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipe ti o, diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatul ency, fler lo ol, ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, c olds, infleor noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout , impurities, e po l• Lions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, steeples sness, acidity , fi g, pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, drops y, cramps, sPr., l :i t id. nausea, and sickness, sinking fits , coughs, asthma, brone' . ' incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, paint, the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &e. We o°' pe few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored 1 100 Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866. I ,ol' health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, cloning all other remedies, he has confined himself entire'', Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consiu% e eil' plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly be 00 cial effect on his health, and his jlolines s cannot prale excellent food too highly."—From the " Gazette du Midi. f - 1 . 0 0 25. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' in describable agoilY, eo d' dyspepsia : nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flail , ' 101 P, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria o 9 Wortham, Ling, near Dies, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121. oe l.t 5, Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, i pto of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low el ) ti al, and nervous fancies Important Caution.—Beware of the 4 0 0) unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, Ng" authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attacbeito,; In tins, at Is. lid.; 1 lb., 2s. Id ; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d. ; 5 1 10 •', 7 1 ' C0.,12 lbs ., 22s ; 24 bs , 40s.—BARRY DU BARRY and l7„ i ecil; Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, .5. a 5 dilly, and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside ; 63, 1 5 C I Lig, 299, Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers and chete!: Births. DuNKINT— On the sth inst., at Cleveland-square, Tivc park, W., the wife of John Dunkin, Esq., of a clang . ' a. POWELL—On the 2d inst., at 11, Duchess-street, Portla o place, the wife of Capt. P. G. Powell, of a daughter' STEWART—On the 4th inst., at 4, Park-place, Chelteubtitlg the wife of Brigadier D. M. Stewart, Comma' Peshawur Brigade, of a daughter. Marriages. „ 110YLAND —WA IPE —On the 4th inst., at St. Atli wf, o cli Church, Redhill, Edward R. Harvey, son of E. Esq.. to Ann, second daughter of Joseph Waite, 8. 411 Marden House, Redhill, Surrey. Nirreit GREER—On the 4th inst., at St. Marg Ar i Church, Plumstead, Charles Samuel, eldest son -- 0 1 Napper, Surbitou-hill, to Isabella R o bs o n, only 01 1 the late Wni. John Greer, of Surbitou. Deaths . . GARDINER —On the 4th inst , Prince's-street, Cave- - I square, B. Webb Gardiner, Esq., aged 74. OJ' FREEBRIDGE—On the sth inst., at Milton-road, Grav e ' - 0 0 Mr. James Freebridge, late Purveyor of Timber to Admiralty, aged 82. 4 e , KEmr —Ol the 2d inst., Samuel Kemp, Eiq , of O le " Hall, in the county of Essex, aged 83. IV iis Lewis —On the 3d inst., at Rainbow-hill, Worcester , Lewis, Esq., aged 75. f ij° Wieue—On the 2d inst., Mr. Win. John Wilde, late 0 Haymarket, aged 45. doli; YOUNG—On the sth inst., at Highbury-grange, L°l3 r Wm. Young Esi., upwards of 50 years a monl b° Lloyd's, nged 90. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM: ; of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRH SUN 0 • P t e Str md, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Cali n Middlesex.—Tuesday, July 7, 1863. RINAHAN This celebrated Prize Medal. his Pure, Mild, Sold in Bottles, th e Agents in the:i 8, GREAT Observe the Red win's LL Whisky.' MUTUAL ----- neor 14. RUSSELL-' old 310-_Ni hol or Leasehold Weekly, moot Forms free on reel ROYAL 3 TRIMIPE r ls rop ja t ti t nis entireth orst n1::f:t LO s t h . ; JN a r. rn s s, t e i 1 ' 0E ( s t i S I , ti ss KATE NI4 ITTISON. I D AVIS and his Mr. L CET, Private ir v: 1 boll's, Sam': The Whole 1 CA N T iense attra the tnoriginal " Several new so the Invisible Wire Geat success aidlle. Carle, Lille With new scenet "anieal the grew gra nd DEIoN Bti and Messrs, TONi e C orps de Ballet.Assistai Stalls and Doors ope: 11[ADAIVIE A POItT tDINILTEGR, is t Em. Years of age 11 t he morning' A . RGYLL This So] For esers. Rnba., the A.UTIIID ' Ql° Cornet, M. Alt MAN FIE' fectl and -Y pun Strand h (corner FURNISH a~lPer Week ..wr of Fire. pt. unfurnished. aqo.is of '' /I „. en uLT Y .— Partionlat Blear% ROUSES and A or soL D, P IIO PERT an de c o T. HI t eo p tirsnotosi ritotnflos: tra l : LizTpo P e:fai t oos l E ; di res i t lois(i: I.ansierrA A.r RIZ rioase-squ ° UN° Si PIGEoN , ve n t eA _ , ages. It strolls corOlnended t health and braces and stay StreeS?ANISR ALEX. S p e edily prod 110 E 61 , and. to at all Chemists. This 6 o p r o i p n ar at e i hours, O r 8 1: I D ° v E i (or Chemists. sta mp s. 11 - London. Bolls or I at 38. 64. aria 111 statnp'si, Advic Cl REY HA ALEX.;olour irrunlchal AetlY natural .q.; sent by p( ULM R Di ve LOll,lOll s superflu without effect t ; sent for 54 PIMPLE ,„ sn axe 41 ET ki ABLE B , lll3 wness, & e . stamps " 'D S . -- ALE' Chemists. Ad vi C 21-1.. bead Nt .even or ten da re malas so by l ' ar ilPg• —ALE and all Ohemis r ugt Publish ITGLINES. descript leg the appeal born, London. ° Mg 4 , 121, Pi