The Sun. — London, England, 1845-01-16 00:00:00

nected vtith his name. He ought never to have been the Mumber for Middlesex. His election was ore • Ditto College at Seville Interpretation of Languages i)ern:itg ..viLn,ssed for many y tar, 11..0 us that " Freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell." Liberalism, if it did not weep, ought to have done so, wh-u Mr. Woad, or Tom Wood, as he is familiarly called, was chosen Member for so important a county as Al:dd'escx. His presence in Parliament, as the reprr si-ntative of that county, is one cf those things for which the friends of popular principles have cause to blush. An opportunity is now afforded of getting rid of him. If the free traders who possess the means Kill only, without the loss of a day—for, literally, a day is nut now to be lost—purchase some little cot.. tage, valued at forty shillivgs per annum, there will be an overpowering majority of free traders at the next election for Middlesex. We need not, in that case, name the result—the legislative services of f:iend 'l'om" will be dispensed with. Monies Pius Employments granted Arrears expected from taxes, hereafter to be extinguished Ecclesiastical revenues, during vacancies 600,000 Three per cent. on offerings to Rome Pusses to cross the lines of Gibraltar Reimbursements—Tax levied on grandees and titled men Excess of colonial revenues 3,750,000 40,000,000 1,250,635,353 The taxes to be taken off, and the arsears of which are included in the budget, are the following :—Rentas Provinciales yielded 101,800,000 reals. Equiva lents, &c., 40,000,000. Frutos Civiks, 17,800,000. Tax of Culto y Clero 74,000,000, together with the- present duties levied at the gates of :towns, IliCh is merged in the general tax on consumption, and the small taxes called Manda Pia, Med‘ls A natas, Donatum'from Navarre and the Basque pro :;;!es, ditto from cemmerce, half per cent. on morgages, on right of succession to property &c., and the one I akd on householders in Madrid, in place of billetting troops. 1 4 . 1-4 - 3 •a ih „ fi tit U tttOti THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES, BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Reduced 3 per Cent. Consols New Wi t per Cent Long Annuities to expire Jan. 1860 12 1.16 Ditto 30 years, Oct. 10, 1859 Ditto 30 year:, Jan. 5, 1860 Consols ... ........... ...... ..... Exchequer Bills, 1,0001., 1 11 / 2 d 58 pin. Ditto 5001. Ditto Small ... 60 pm. FOR FUNDS. Columbian Bonds 6 per Cent 14% Dutch, 2% per Cent Ditto, 5 per Cent 994 THE SUN, LONnON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 16 1 10,500 FRANCE. wishes for the English alliance ; he has not proposed or 20,000 CHAMBER OF PEERS—Shreve OF JAN. 13. I even hinted in the questions which we have had to treat 150 000 The (Ms mher et its , pen i eg was very miseh crowded of any solution very different from that which we have a- voch uy Peer, and stran g er s . L . great number of mem- adopted. He cutlet not help acknowledging that for four 130,000 leers of the Chamber o f D eput i es occupied. the seats re- i y ears , all that he demands h as b een d one b y the Cabi -1,100,000 serve d for them. Th e s i tt i ng was opened at a quarter- : r e t. P eace h as b een ma i nta i ned ; the English alliance past two. Among the Peers present was the Duke of is in full vigour ; the questions which have arisen be ' Nemours and Marshal Suult, as well as the whole of the j tween the countries have been regularly and pacifically Ministers. i settled. He has reminded us of one w hi c h rema i ned in The order of the day h av i ng b een read furthe general !suspense—the question of the right o f searc h. Si nce your discussion of the Add ress i n Answer to the Speech from ; last session, I have followed s er i ous ly an d atten the Throne, tively the negotiation of which I accepted the burden. I Count Mole mounted the tribune, amidst some cheer- have represented to the English Government the neces ing, followed by deep attention and silence. He said:— I sity of searching, in order to attain on e c o mmon en d ( an Gentlemen, for four y ears I have kept silence in this end to which we are, and shall always b e as s i ncere l y Chamber, from respect f or my party, from respect for devoted as the Engli s h nation or it s G overnmen t), the repression of th e s l ave t ra d e — o f searc hi ng , I say , f or the Conservative party w hi c h supports, the Cabinet, and , from respect for myself. I f eared that my words might carry some disunion into th e ran k s o f t h e Conservative other means than th e r i g ht o f searc h, w hi c h h ave b ecome majority, inefficacious for th e su pp ress i on o f t h e s l ave t ra d e , at t h e and I feared no t t h e l ess to appear actuated by same time that it threatens to compromise the relations a wish for revenge which would be unworthy o f me . of the two countries. The English Government has un- Revenge is the consolation of the vanquished, but the derstood this po s iti on . It h as compre h en d e d t h e reasons President of the Co unc il o f t h e 15th of April had not on which our proposition is founded, and mixed commis been so, and he for me d no other wish since his volut. sioners are to be charged immedi a t e ly t o i nqu i re toge tary retreat than to see t h e affairs of the country ther for new mea ns t o p u t d own t h e s l ave tra d e — means directed with prud ence , an d conducted with intelli- which will be equally efficacious, or more efficacious even gence and firmness. More than once, however, I than the right of search. The question is thus as far have seen great faults done, and I asked in my con- advanced as it can be at the present moment. The Ho science if I was really not at liberty to point them out ; pourable Gentleman may thus be satisfied. There is up but the same scruples always prevented me. I should to the present moment no question pending between the have abstained even to-day if the best accredited orgaus two countries, which is of a compromising nature. Yet, of the Minister of F ore i gn Aff a i rs did not every morn- although the Cabinet has done all this for the last four ing throw me a d e fi ance to explain myself from the tri years ; although the Honourable Member admits at hots bune with respect to t h e i r pol i cy, and if they did not torn, and in the whol e , our policy, h e cr i t i c i ses a part o f join to that defian ce th e on l y i nsult which the care of our conduct. He thinks that he can see that at one my personal dignity will not allow me to disclaim. The time we might have done more, at another less. That Minister of Foreign Affairs and his friends must neces- we might have done otherwise, or might have done sexily reckon much on the benefits of time, and place better. He finds faulty errors which will compro much confidence in want of memory on the part of the miss, according to him, hereafter, the results country, to speak as they do of intrigue, of renewed at present obtained, and which we at present coalition; or they are endowed with considerable auda- enjoy. I shall discuss, in the course of this debate, city, or as they call it, courage. To whom, then, have the special questions to which these particular criticisms we given the right t o t hi n k that we could be drawn by apply. But even if that should be true ; even if such the spite or ard our o f am bi t i on:so far as to disavow our and such particular reproaches should be well founded, whole life, to tread under foot the maxims which we do you believe that they would be sufficient motives, that have constantly sustained, and to become the hottest de- they they are sufficiently grave to induce a grave man, lenders of principles and of doctrines which we have al- who approves in principle of our policy, to commit (allow ways opposed. Do you wish, gentlemen, to know from me the word) an act of opposition such as has new what comes all this noise, all this wrath, which satisfies been made from this tribune ? Is the Honourable Count itself with so many unjust insinuations, and even with Mole ignorant that the policy, the principle of which he the faults, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs? The em- approves, has many obstacles to surmount, many ene barrassmeiit which it has created for itself, the evidence mies to overcome, many dangers to run ? Is he igno of these faults, and above all the gravity of the rant that it has had to struggle against national preju consc quences which they may have produced, dices, which are worthy of respect even when they err ? have affected the minds, nay the ranks of the Is he ignorant that the revolutionary factions have con majority. From that moment they became alarmed, spired against that policy, and endeavour without ceasing and the word intrigue is nothing more than a cry to ruin and upset it, because it is the real obstacle to of alarm. Is it necessary, then, that a mode of con- their designs ? Is it an act of prudence, is it an act of ducting th e a ff a i rs o f th e coun t r y, w hi c h may p l ace the patriotism, to gi ve a ll o f a su dd en enem i es, w h o threaten interests or the dignity of the country in peril, should so violently, a policy which he approves on the whole, become indifferent to the majority for the sole reason, and for the principles of which he desires success ? No, that the Opposition combats it, or has pointed it out ? I these are not sufficient reasons for such an act of oppo should be unjust to insist more ; a word sh ou ld b e su ffi- sition. I still seek the true reasons —th e peremptory cient to r e p e l i mputat i ons which cannot reach us. I o we reasons —which could h ave d ec id e d C ount M o le . P erhaps it, however, to the Chamber, to lay before it my whole he think s that good policy is now not the question—that ideas of that system of policy of which they are about to it is so well established, and so sure of success, that it appreciate the acts, and to justify that which I have may be treated severely, that no respect should be ac already said in regard to it. If I were :to characterise corded to it, and that it may be treated as harshly and the policy of the Minister of Foreign 'Affairs, in one as exactingly as people may choose. If it were so, word I should say, that it is every where and at all if this were the motive which induced the Honourable times a policy a outrance; it is a policy of extremes Gentleman to speak, he will allow me to thank him even in its weaknesses. From the moment that the in the name of the Cabinet, for if the peace— Minister of Foreign Affairs adopts a principle he exag- if the alliance :with England—if the good relations gerates it. He allows himself to be drawn rapidly over between the two countries are secured to that extent, the to the extreme consequences, as if a mind such as his could Cabinet has the right to take some credit to itself. It is be ignorant that the extreme consequences of a prin. a great service which it has rendered to the country and ciple are surely exhausted by provoking an inevitable to the Opposition itself. It is that which has given the reaction against it. Thus, the Minister of Foreign Opposition the security and the leisure which it sets to Affairs wishes for peace; and all France, all opinions in work to-day against the Cabinet itself. lam neither the country, commencing with the political men of each surprised at this, nor do I complain of it. I know that of them, wishes for it as much as he does, and yet he the Opposition is not bound to be grateful, but lam en speaks of it in such a manner, he shows so much titled to remind it of the benefits. Another motive, ardour and anxiety for its maintenance, that he makes perhaps, has influenced the Honourable Gentleman. Per people believe that for that end he would make haps he thinks that, from the position which he takes in such sacrifices that the most pacific could hardly his present conduct, it will be easy for him to maint a i n consider themselves as pacific as he is. H e w i s h es f or the g oo d p o li cy an d to avo i d the faults which he thinks the English alliance, and I believe that there is not in he discovers on the part of the Cabinet, and which, ac- France a well-wisher of his country, a sensible man, and cording to him, will compromise that policy hereafter. above all, a political man, who does not wish for it, and Let him permit me to inform him that he will be com mitting a serious err or . T o practice efficaciously —to who does not p erce i ve it s i m p or t an c e as muc h es he does; but, with ou t w i s hi ng it, and without knowing it, maintain solidly—a good line of policy, it is not suffi he exaggerates the consequences, and he speak s in a cient to be anxious to do so ; it is also necessary to have way to compr om i se an d t o rouse the national suscep- in the political arena, and in the midst of the contending tibility against it, and to give to the French a di s lik e to parties, a position i n h armony w i t h t h e pol i cy wh i ch it that alliance of which I believe I laid the foundations in is wished to support—a position which will give it 1830—a dislike which, if it does not cease, may lead to strength. When the confidence of the King called the great embarrassment hereafter. What are, in fact, present Cabinet to office, the Conservative policy was gentlemen, the two questions which, as is said in the gravely compromised, peace was seriously menaced, the speech of the Crown, have created some difficulties in English alliance was weakened, and the good understand our relations with England, at the same time that in ing between the two countries hardly existed. The Ca- France they have, to a considerable extent, agitated binet was formed to change that state of things. It men's minds? The first of these is the right of search ; formed itself under that banner ; it has carried it high the second, the question of Otaheite. Do you wish in front of it, and all the men who wished as it did ral that I should say who has been the most dangerous lied around it. It was under that banner that the Con enemy of the right of search ? My God, it is the servative party reunited, and that it has lived for four Minister of Foreign Aff a i rs hi mse lf. I t i s hi s convent i on years, in spite of su c h diffi cu l t i nc id ents and trials. Here iof 1841, to extend the operation o f th a t r i g ht, w hi c h h as is a clear, simpl e , an d strong pos i t i on for the majority, brought about the reaction of the public mind and of the and for the Government which marches at its head. Chambers against the right itself. In seeing him make What, on the contrary becomes of the Hon. Gentleman that concession, which was so long asked and d es i re d b y and his position, after w h a t h e h as hi mse lf sa i d from England after the treaty of 15th July,lB4o,;the Chambers, this tribune? I admit it ; he would enter into power not content with having prevent e d— a thi ng wi th out to practise and to maintai n th e goo d po li cy, w hil e h e example, and to some extent to be regretted—not con- would endeavour to disen g a ge it f rom w h at h e calls our tent with having prevented the ratification of that con- faults. But he would enter it by the impulsion and with the support ef all the men who h ave no t cease d to corn vention, demanded the abolition o f th e r i g ht o f reci procal search, and the elective chamber unanimously bat that policy. He would take power to do the same, forced the Minister of Foreign Affairs to announce that and to do better (as he says) the affairs of the Conservative he would enter frankly and loyally i n to a negot i at i on , party ; but he wou ld t a k e t h at power pushed forward, of which he had previously said in this tribune that it carried in, sustained, and raised by all the phases of the could only end in weakness or folly. When or how can Opposition. It does not require much reflection or much he escape from this net, in the meshes of which he bas experience to see that that is a false position, and one entangled himself ? without power. Do you know what would happen if you The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l demand the word. were put to the proof ? Y ou wou ld fi n d yourse l ves be -(Sensation.) tween a powerful, a considerable, and an important posi- Count Mol6—Will he be able to make England yield, tion of the Conservative party—discontented, mistrust or will he be able to make the Chamber give way ? ing, and irritated ; and on the other hand, between ex ['here are other interests besides his at stake, and I ar- acting branches of the Opposition, which would, in fact, dently wish that be may be able to answer by announc have good reason to demand something from you, for ing that this negotiation has had a favourable result. lii the support which they gave you on your entering into the affairs of Otaheite, gentlemen, the faults have been office. Would you call that a good situation for the af such a nature that I must give up the attempt to ex- Government ? Is that a good position for a good line of plain them. It was when he was at full and entire Policy ? You would do well, you would wish well, at liberty that the Minister of Foreign Affairs ratified the the very moment when that policy would be in your taking possession of that island in the Pacific, and that hands enervated, abased, and compromised. Perfection he chose to form an establishment there for France with or amelioration would then be entirely out of the ques the title of Protectorate. How ! It is so warm a par- tion ; the very foundation and principle of affairs would tisan of the English alliance, who has chosen to form an be compromised by you. If that is the motive which establishment in that part of the globe which is so re- has has decid e d y ou —if i t i s con fid ence that you can in that mote from us, witho u t i nterest for us, and from w position maintain and rectify the policy in question, and the first cannon-shot fired upon the sea would force us which is your policy—undeceive 3 ourselves, for that will to retire ; it is he who has chosen to place the protecto- be impossible for you. rate of France in the face of the protectorate of the Eng• Count Mole —I demand the word.—(General move lish missionaries, who so many years have ruled the ment.) population and the consciences of that country, and M. Guizot—The Hon. Gentleman reproaches the who directed with their counsels the Government, or Cabinet, and especially me (and I do not hesitate to rather were themselves the veritable Government. say, that I willingly accept, as he seems to wish to The more we reflect upon that the more strange and repose it upon me, the responsibility of the whole of incredible it appears. We are forced in this instance the policy of the Cabinet) with compromising even the to accuse the Minister of Foreign Affairs, at least, policy which it supports. If that policy has dangers yet of levity. It could not be sufficient for him to to run, it is itself that has created them. The difficulties hope, or even to believe, that the Cabinet of Londcn which exist, it is the Cabinet itself which has raised would be tolerant with respect to his projects. He ought them. It is its own f au lt s w hi c h create t h e embarrass to have remembered that in England—and I say it to ments which good policy feels. In truth, the reproach the honour of that groat nat i on — the Government reckons upon it is a strange one, and I un d ers t an d t h ose w h o say upon acting, and is obliged to do so, with the religious that these are alliances more natural to France, and more men and the religiou s f ee li ng, and that no Cabinet can conformable with its interests than th e E ng li s h a lli ance , refuse its support to th e i r e ff orts to propagate the fa i th. and that it is necessary to culti va t e th em . I un d erstan d Such is the fundamental principle of the Otaheite ques- those who, while they wish for peace and a good under lion. I cannot sufficiently express my surprise that the standing with England, say that it is necessary, never- Minister of Foreign Affairs did not understand it suffi- theless, on account of ancient recollections, on account ciently soon to spare our good relations with England of certain peculiar interests, to live in good report, but this second and dangerous trial, and to spare France the coldly, with England, without alliance, without intimacy. blood of her brave sailors, of her brave soldiers, who I believe that both believe themselves, and that in the have paid with their lives for our doubtful occupation of present state of affairs and of opinions in Europe, they a rock, when it appears that the Minister of Foreign seriously deceive themselves; but, in short, these are Affairs doesenot knowhow to remain or how:to',get out die serious opini ons , an d w hi c h must b e ser i ous l y di scussed. The war with Morocco is the only one of all the difficul- But to come and tell men who, since 1830, have never ties which have occupied the country between the two ceased to support the peace policy and the English alli sessions, which the Cabinet could not have avoided. fleece, who have a hundred times developed the reasons Our forces by land and by sea, and their illustrious of that policy, that it is they who compromise it, really leaders, have there covered themselves with glory. I will is not a subject worthy of being taken seriously, espe not examine in detail the treaty which has been termi- cially when the men spoken to are persons who for hated—not years past have don e more th an spea k— who have re-es sich a s to attracth that its blished the p eace an d t h e E ng li sh all i ance, which had i th te e tenor does attention not aod appear to observation m e of fo the be years Chamber of Peers ; but because I have not undertaken been left to them too much compromised, and which for to enter into a detailed examination of the policy of four years they have defended and sustained against the Cabinet, and in particular of the Minister of many different parties; who have supported them in the Foreign Affairs. It is he and his- friends who have midst of trials and diffioulties of great gravity—who forced me to speak. I never have and never shall have done more—who have carried, as the result of oppose systematically any Cabinet. I have proved this their policy and of their efforts, the peaceable and re - for the last ten years; and with regard to all the Cabinets lar arrangement of many stormy questions raised be which have succeeded each other, I have voted for all tween the two countries—to men who have carried the that I approved, and even for some thing s of which I journey of the ,Queen of England to the Chateau disapproved, so useful and reasonable did I think it in d'Eu, and the journey of the King to Windsor Castle, the present times to aid in the regular march, whether and all the pacific, amicable, and salutary manifes more or less enlightened, of the Government. In short, tations which have taken place on this double occa gentlemen, the difficulties which the Minister of Foreign sion. lii the presence of such facts, at the end of four Affairs has accumulated around him are grave, and Ido ) ears, to come and tell the men who have brought about not think he w ill b e a ble to resolve them. Perhaps, such results, at the moment when the questions between nevertheless, he may find resources and have abilities the two countries are settled, that it is they who have which Ido not foresee. Between him and me there aro compromised the English alliance and the peace, is really few means of our understanding each other. We do not not a matter worthy of refutation. Shall I tell you who start from the same point ; we do not look to the same compromises the English alliance, and ,the persons who end ; and we differ, besides, as to the legiti ma t e means are really dangerous for the peace and the good under of attaining them, standing between these two countries ? In the first M. Guizot—l acknowledge that the speech of 'the Place, it is those who, whether by design or from blind ness, seize upon every difficulty, upon any incident, up on Hon. Member ha s a stonished me. To w h om d oes he reply? Of what does he complain P Who i n t hi s p l ace all the questions which are rai se d b e t ween th e t wo coun has as him of that of which he compl a i ns ? Wh o tries, and aggravate and envenom th em , an d, w h et h er ever has spoken to him of such things e H e rep li es to voluntarily or unintentionally, run th e r i s k o f pro d uc i ng rumours from without, to the conversati ons d e sa l on a rupture, or at least a coldness. These a re the prin , and to newspaper articles. True or fal se , a ll t h ose cipal, the true compromisers of peace and th e E ng li s h al iance. The second are those who wh en suc h quest i ons things cannot eater into the Chamber, n or mount the I are raised, when opposition exaggerates an d envenoms tribune. The public acts of public men, th e reasons them, meets them half-way on, or by halt' repel the at thefor their conduct publicly given by them, these so e tacks of the Opposition ;then, while they talk, good only proper objects, the only objects deserving politicians, of their love for their country, and of their of your debates. Ido not undertake, either to jus desire to maintain peace, and to support the English al- Honourabletify or to explain, nor to contest that of which the fiance, lend a distant—very distant, and very indirect Gentleman has complained, and I should not have thought of saying one word resp ect i ng t h ose assistance ; but, in short, w h o l en d th e i r ass i stance, an d incidents which are o c curring outside, if h e h a d not give an additienal strength to men wh o h ave seize d upon spoken of those himself. He has also spoken o f t h e cu every incident, and on every ques ti on , t o em b ro il t h e two coals- countries. It is those perso ns , also, who, whilst they tion of 1839, and has compared it with th a t w hi c h i s profess a desire for peace and sound poli nd a certain passing at this moment. In another place the Oppod. aid to men and parties, who seize on add le questions in two has often endeavoured to open a discussion upon order to set the two countries by the ears. We oppose that subject, and to get me to join in it, I have always them both—. refused ; I did not think that, for the sake of m er " Les uns, parrs qu'ils sent mgr leans et malfaisans, sonal defence in past times, I ought to sacrifice, ate he c present time, th e i n t eres t s o f my party, th e C onservative Et les enters, pour 4tre aux er e hens complaisans, party, of it s cause an d a its p hey. Evid ent l y the fi rst Et n'avoir pas pour eux ces h a i nes v igoureurs, es. of these int eres t s i s th e ma intenance of' the uni on , th e Que le vice fait naitre au x li mes vertueus medians firm and compact action of the majority whi c h sustains The Prince of Moskowa—Th e re are neit he r that policy. With an anxiety for that interest, I have nor complaisans here. Here. c refused all discu ss i on , all retrograde expl anation w i th M. Cousin—There is no hatred the haters. respect to o ld an d di s t an t disagreements. I w i ll act in ree hans, M. Mole—You should name the the same manner to-day, and to a certainty I have the Name them. right to do s o more t o -d a y than ever. Let us lay aside M. Guizot — Allow me to finish. You do not know all petty p ersona l com plications, and let us arrive at what I am going to say. No one can suppose that I e once at the r ea lly p u blic policy—the affair s of t h e coun- apply to the policy of our adversaries the meani ng o f and I ask for hatred for no person. try. The Hon. Count Mole admits, at bottom, the whole the words of Moliere, a _ . intention of making any personal application. of the policy of the Cabinet. Ho wishes for peace—he I have no . If hatred exists, it is not in this assembly, but outside 345. its walls. The present situation is said by many to be difficult, but I find no one able to prove it. I declare that, ou the contrary, all the difficult questior s have been arranged. With whom is the position one of diffi culty? In all the assertions made on this point I see nothing but factitious emotion in men's minds. and factitious tumult in the public journals. The Chamber will not allow itself to be led away by such manoeuvres,, but will perceive the truth through the mist thrown around it. For my part, I shall show that in the affair of Otaheite, as in that of Morocco, all the acts of the Government have sprung naturally from the nature of the questions, and have been altogether in accordance with true Conservative policy.--(Hear.) Count Mold (from his place)—l rise to reply in a few words to an observation of the Honourable Minister. He has told you that there is an intention on our part to come forward and assume the reins of Government, because the present situation of affairs is so good that it is not feared to compromise affairs ; and that proves to me th4t the Minister of Foreign Affairs also considered the situation excellent in 1838 and 1839, for I believe him to be too good a patriot to suppose that he would have attacked the Government with so much bitter ness if there had been any danger in the position of I,affairs at that time.—(Noise.) Th e Mi n i ster of Foreign Affairs asks me what I would do the day after my assumption of power, but I had no idea of the kind when I spoke. The Hen. Minister designates as op position anything which is an obstacle to his personal policy ; he sees nothing, absolutely nothing cloudy in the horizon ; does he then consider the affairs of Ota heite and the right of search terminated ? My convic tion is, that it was the unseasonable convention of 1841 which aggravated the great difficulties of the question of the right of search. I say more—l say that he en tered into engagements which he cannot keep. I re proach him with having been wanting in courage to wards the other Chamber. I am accustomed to public affairs, and I can see no measures which would be ac cepted by England, which can ever replace the right of search—the mode at present employed for the suppres sion of the slave trade. The affair of Otaheite, you say, is also terminated, and nevertheless it is still burning, and I am still at a loss to know how a mind so eminent as that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, could have allowed himself to be lured into such conquests. On those points in the South Seas, where we find ourselves opposed to England, it will be necessary to offer some system of action. You well know the results which may be anticipated from the concurrence to Catholic and Protestant missions. What system do you propose to adopt in this case ? You have chosen just the part in this affair which appears to throw you into inextri cable embarrassment. The result of this fault has been the shedding of much blood, and the greatest state of uncertainty with regard to our new possessions. This is your work, these are the embarrassments which you have yourselves created. If these difficulties can be sur mounted, I shall rejoice with all my heart. You speak of private ambition—we act through patriotism, and not ambition. You imagined, perhaps, that I would not da: e declare what I thought ofyour policy, but you were mis taken. I have no ambition to possess your place. I de sire simply that you may get with honour out of the embarrassments which you created for yourselves, and which, I confess, alarm me. I wish nothing more. M. Guizot—As I intended in the beginning of my speech, I shall not at present enter into any details as to the question of Otaheite. I shall reserve that point to another part of the discussion. I ascend the tribune to remark on one of the Noble Peer's assertions relative to the right of search. Has the Noble Peer considered maturely what he has just spoken ? He wishes the question to be arranged, and yet he declares that he cannot imagine any other efficient measure but that now in force to repress the slave trade. It would, therefore, be necessary for France to renounce either putting down the slave trade, or changing the present mode of repres sion. No, France does not find herself in such an alter native. When I undertook the management of public affairs I thought that it was possible to find more effi cient means than the existing ones to put down the slave trade I undertook to resolve that problem, and I have strong hopes of doing so in a manner satisfactory to our interests. I am glad that the Noble Peer has furnished me with the opportunity of repeating this double assertion—that we believe that the present system of repression has lost much of its efficacy, and that at the same time we are determined to repress the slave trade with the same vigour as before. This is what we are seeking to do, and I have the firm conviction that the two Governments, united by a mutual good feeling, will attain this object. Both at Paris and at London this object will be steadily pursued, and finally attained, notwithstanding all the prophecies to the contrary, that are furnished so unsparingly on both sides of the Channel. Count de St. Priest made some general observations on the ensemble of the address, certain parts of which he criticised ; but after addressing the Chamber for a few moments, he pleaded indisposition, and requested per mission to retire, reserving to himself the right to speak on the discussion of the paragraphs. Viscount Dubouchage expressed his indifference to any change in the Cabinet which would not bring about a change in the policy pursued. Candour should, how ever, be observed. It was not the present Ministry which had prepared the treaty of October 29, 1840 ; it was not to it that the fault must be imputed of having aban doned a powerful Prince of the East, an ally ; nor was it the present Ministry which had made the treaty of Mexico, which imposed on them fresh sacrifices and fresh expenses ; it was not the present Ministry which had made the treaty with the United States for the pay ment of 25 millions of francs. A Cabinet succeeding another took affairs as they found them, and it was not just that they should be accused for not bringing every negotiation to a successful termination, for they were compelled to accept them or to sanction them. The speech from the Throne, in his opinion, was the most remarkable that had been presented to the Chambers for the last fourteen years. It was remarkable for what it said and for what it left unsaid ; it was still more re markable for its being couched rather in the language of an absolute than of a constitutional monarchy. He also com plained that it was silent on many most important subjects. It devoted three paragraphs to the entente cordiale, two to interests purely monarchical, and one only to foreign policy, and in this one paragraph there was not a word said of the changes to be made in the treaties of 1831 and 1833, or of Spain. In conclusion, he said that the speech from the Throne did not satisfy him, and as the proposed address was merely a paraphrase of that speech, he should vote against it. Count Boissy d'Anglas, in a written speech, but in reading which he was in many parts inaudible in the gallery, demanded whether the present Cabinet had pro perly fulfilled the mission confided to it. It possessed a numerous army, a powerful fleet, and considerable finan cial resources ; but had they, with all these advantages, known how to make France respected ? Had it con cluded advantageous alliances, or entered into any pro fitable treaties ? To all these questions he should reply in the negative, and should vote against the address. Baron Pasquier—As there are no more names in scribed to speak on the general discussion, it is now closed. Marquis de Boissy rose and demanded to speak on the general discussion. He was, he said, one of those who complained loudly of the acts of piracy committed on French vessels. He was a good Frenchman ; but was strongly opposed to England. He gave due homage to the good faith of Count Mole ; he had said that he would never carry on a systematic opposition, and never theless he had opposed the Cabinet. He should follow iu his steps, and he thanked him for giving a chief to the Opposition against the present Ministry.—(Comme tion and laughter.) That, he repeated, was what he wished ; he desired a complete change in the policy pursued ; he desired that the plan of making too great sacrifices to perpetuate certain alliances, and of repulsing others, should not be per s i s t e d i n . T o j ust if y hi s w i s h , ' he would remind the Chamber of some facts which had been already enumerated, but which did not the less prove the necessity of the measure which he proposed. In 1830, it was said henceforth France was to be governed with sincerity, but this sincerity was far from being prac tised. So far indeed from it, that a public writer had declared the present Government exceeded all others in falsehood and deceit ; and he much feared that the speech from the Throne, delivered this year, would be a chef d'oeuvre of that kind.—(Loud marks of dissent. and exclamations.) The Noble Peer then referred to the occupation of Ancona by the Austrian troops, notwithstanding the principle of non-intervention laid down by France, to the rupture with Switzer land, to the affairs that took place in the East, and to the treaties of 1831 and 1833, relative to the right of search, as proofs that the Cabinet had failed in their foreign policy. The Noble Peer reproached M. Guizot with having, when Ambassador in England, concluded these treaties without taking orders from those placed by the Constitution over him. Unless the Ministry changed its line of conduct, he felt convinced that it would shortly be the last of the Government of July.—(Cries of" Oh, oh," and laughter.) The Noble Peer then alluded to the visits to Eu and Windsor, and declared that, in his opinion, they merely proved that M. Guizot was the most popular man in England, and the most unpopular in France.—(Agitation and marks of denial.) He should not at present detain the Chamber any longer, as he re served to himself:the right of speaking on some of the subjects which he had just adverted to when the para graphs of the address were brought forward separately. The general discussion was then declared to be closed, and the first paragraph of the address was read from the chair: e Sire,—We have received with respect and gratitude the words of your Majesty. Witnessesequall.Y with yourself, of the interior prosperity of the State, we return thanks to Providence for p e r m itting our national e activity to multiply, on all points of the territory, the precious fruits of peace. W e t a ke delight, Sun in re i cognising with your Majesty, that these blessings are due to the wisdom of our laws, to the faithful and int:lli gent.manner in whichthey are carried into execution, and to the progress of public reason. Count de Montatembert supposed that the Committee in speaking of the prosperity of the country, meant nut only to allude to its material prosperity, was sperity , o b i v a t to a t l a so lly to ci i if ts . moral condition. On that po in t ferent opinion, and would even assert that the moral prosperity of the country was gravely att ac k e d b y the coorso adopted in religious matters. In speaking on that point, be felt that he should carry with him but li tt l„ympathy, but it was not for the mere pleasure of hearin h i mself speak that he h a d come forward, but t throug a conviction and sense of duty. Six months back, after the long, luminous, and profound discussion of the new Secondary Instruction Bill, most eminent me n had asserted, that if the prelates kept silence, the reprosems which were dits cted against them would fall to the ground, and all be arranged according to their wishes, How, he would ask, had that prediction been accomplished? The bishops, after having protested against the law that had been brought forward, remained silent, and the mass of the clergy followed their example. Was the Church at present more respected? Unfortu nately facts were there before them to prove the con trary. This silence was re2lied to on the part of their enemies by demonstrations more and more hostile in cha racter; nothing was spared or respected, neither the ceremonies of worship, nor the lessons in theology, nor the morals of the clergy nor their pious devotions, nor the estimates of expenditure are stated as follows _ Reals. Queen and Royal Family Legislative bodies .... Aiihistry of Foreign Affairs Ditto Grace and Justice Ditto Home Department Ditto War, including the new Guardia Civil 323,419,845 Ditto Marine and Colonies Ditto Finance 362,558,540 Sinking Fund Board Clergy and Public Worship 1,205,522,688 The above estimates, supposing the new taxes can be levied, show an excess of revenue of 45 millions of reals. Senor Mon also presented the following project of law:— " Art. 1. Tne expenses of the State for the year 1845, are fixed at 1,205,522,688 reals. " Art. 2. The Government is authorised to proceed to the arrangement of the national debt, both foreign and domestic, and to satisfy, according to that arrangement, the interest of that not comprehended in the estimates of expenditure for 1845, with the excess of public revenues and contributions, and with a prudent increase of the same. An account to be given pi due time to the Corte: of the use made of this authority, " Art. 3. The right of cesantea and jubilate on,' i.e., retirement from office on a pension, is only to be con ceded to those who serve by royal appointment, and whose salaries are equal to or exceed the sum of 16,000 reals per annum. This disposition is not to have retro active effect, all rights acquired previous to this law being hereby recognised." The above projects were sent to the (committee of the Sections to report upon. They were received in silence, there being no marks either of approbation or disappro bation from the Chamber. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. CITY WEDNESDAY EVENING. CHRONICLE.—The second notification from the Railway Department of the Board of Trade, which ap peared in the Gazette of last night, disposes of seventeen proposed schemes of railway in the southern district and vicinity of the metropolis. The first division consists of four lines ; and the second, or metropolitan division, contains•thirteen lines. As respects the first, the Board , has decided on reporting to Parliament in favour of one only, namely, the Guildford, Chichester, Portsmouth, , and Fareham Branch, being an extension of the South- Western line from Guildford to Chichester. The pro posed direct line from London to Portsmouth is rejected by the Board of Trade, as well as the proposed line to Portsmouth, with branches to Shoreham-bridge, Fare ham, and Reigate, and the proposed branch extension, by the Brighton Company, from Chichester to Ports mouth, now to form part of the south-western branch from Guildford. Of the second, or metropolitan district, the Bsard has decided to report to -Parliament in favour of three lines only ; namely-1. The extension of the South-Western from its present terminus at Nine Elms to a more centrical and convenient position ; 2. The Richmond and West-end Junction ; and 3. The pro posed line from Richmond to Staines. The Epsom and Dorking, one of the numerous irons in the fire which the Croydon Company has in hand—the London and Croydon Dorking Branch, belonging to the same family—the London and Brighton Dorking Branch :—and the South-Eastern Dorking and Reigate Branch, are recommendend to be postpOned until a future period. The Board has decided on reporting against the Grosvenor Railway; the Great Western, Uxbridge, and Staines Junction; London and Brighton and Wands worth Branch; London and South-Western Epsom Branch; Metropolitan Central Junction; and the South London and Windsor. Four lines, then, out of seven teen, only are to be favourably reported on to Parlia ment; four when are postponed; and nine are thrown overboard by the Railwa; Department of the Board of Trade. The result is in favour of the South-Western line ; protective of the interests of that Company, nearly as much as the previous notification was in favour of the interests of the Great Western line. The pr anoters of rejected lines will prove a formidable and numerous body to all appearances. It is not to be expected that they will submit without further effort to the opinions of the Board of Trude, or at least it is nut likely that many, it any, of the Provisional Committees will relax their efforts until they have an opportunity of perusing the report to be presented to Parliament, which, no doubt, will explain the principles on which the notifica tions have been made, and the reasons which actuated the members of the Board in forming their decisions. The labours of the Select Committees on Railw a y Bills in the House of Commons must, in that view of the question, be of a very arduous and extensive character. What effect the previous opinions of the Board of Trade may produce upon their proceedings it is difficult to say, but we see no cause to depart from the belief already ex pressed under this head, that it must have great weight, as emanating from a department of the Government. At the same time, it is to be kept in view that Members of Parliament are the representatives of particular consti tuencies, whose interests will be more or less affected— favourably or the reverse—by the result of their delibe rations, and when the decision of the Board comes into collision with the wishes of the constituencies of Mem bers of Parliament sitting as judges, it is not to be pre sumed that the Committees will confirm the adverse views to be expressed in the report by Lord Dalhousie and his colleagues, without allowing evidence to be ad duced, and giving full scope to those parties interested in the new schemes which have been rejected or postponed, or which may be hereafter reported against in the future " notifications" which are yet to be made in the Gazette. SUN.—A decline occurred this afternoon in some of the English Stocks owing to the state of the Account, which will be arranged to-morrow. Consols for the opening dropped to 100, and were l as t mar k e d 1004. Reduces'. Three per Cents, were 1004 ; and the Three-and-a- Quarter per Cents., 104. Exchequer Bills receded to 58s. premium, but left off at GOs. premium. Spanish Bonds have advanced a little, as the Bears have their accounts to make up to-morrow. The Five per Cents. were 27 to for the 31st inst.; and the Three per Cents., 37 to 4. Mexican were 344 4; Colombian, 144 4; and Brazilian, 894. The additional transactions in Railway Shares have been there :—Birmingham and Gloucester were 8; Bristol and (sloucester, 134; Cambridge and Lincoln, Dublin arid Belfast, 24; Eastern Union, 1 to 14; Great Southern and Western of Ireland Extension, 2; Great Western, 894; Birmingham, 130; South-Western, 394; Croydon, 34; Newcastle and Darlington, 41 to 40; Ditto and Berwick, 7i; North British, 24; Northern and Eastern Scrip, 12 to a ; Ditto, Quarter, 124; Richmond and West-end Junction, 2i; South-Eastern, 94 to 4; South Wales, 4; Boulogne and Amiens, 2i- to 24; Orleans an d Vierzon, 64; Ditto and Bordeaux, 64- i; Great Northern of France, 14; Paris and Orleans, 24i 4; and Paris and Rouen, 21 to 204 premium. Eastern Counties have been 84 1 discount. Londoa and Westminster Bauk Shares were 7 premium. IMPORTATION OF SEED.—The Commissioners of Customs having had under their consideration the report of the practical officers on an application, requesting that Niger seed, Teel seed, and all other seeds not .particularly described or enumerated in the tariff, commonly made use of fur expressing oil therefrom, may be permitted to be landed at the first-class sufferance wharfs, orders have been isst:cd that the seeds above-mentioned be added to the list of articles allowed to be landed at first-class sufferance wharfs as requested, of which the revenue officers at the sev,ral departments have had notice, for their information and government. EXPEDITION IN THE SHERIFFS' COURT.—This morning the names of two juries were caled over ; two juries, sworn and charged on two cases, returned verdicts departed. " by leave of the Court," in 15 minutes. All the othercases were struck out of the list, the parties not having arrived. On the last Court-day a nearly simi lar occurrence took place. These cases seldom get into the list again. ATTEMPT TO POISON.-MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.- This morning a man named Benjamin Anderson, who was brought up on Tuesday last, at the Borough Court, upon the charge of having attempted to poison his wife and two children, was brought up for further examina tion. The prisoner, whois a ferocious-looking fellow, appeared quite unmoved at the situation in which he stood, and rad lost the vacant stare which he exhibited on the occasion of his first examination. The evidence previously adduced went the length of showing that sugar of lead had been found in some sugar in a cupboard in the prisoner's house, and that the prisoner's wife had re cognised it in a basin of tea which she had made. It was also proved that the prisoner had been seen doing some thing in the cupboard where the sugar and poison were found, and the reascn of his being remanded was in order that the police might ascertain where and when he had purchased the poison. Mr. Beswick, the chief superintendent of police, having drawn the attention of the Court to the case, called Mr. James Croft, druggist, of Pollard -street, who stated that on Friday night week tne prisoner came' into his shop and asked for a pennyworth of sugar of lead for eye-water. He gave the prisoner an ounce of sugar of lead wrapped in paper. He had no doubt but that the prisoner was the man. In cross - examination by Mr. Ha r di n g, th e w it ness sa id h e did not mark the paper with the word " Poison." The prisoner was fully committed for trial at the next Liver pool Assizes. Dispatches from the Governor-General of Canada, and from the Governors of the other North American Provinces, were received yesterday at the Colonial office. SHARES, Birmingham and Gloucester, 100 paid Bristol and Exeter, 70 paid 7B Brist*,l and Gloucester, 30 paid .. 43 Cambridge and Lincoln, 1 1 /, paid Chester and Holyhead, 5 paid Eastern Counties, 25 paid... Great North of England, 100 paid ... 149 Great Western, 75 paid 169 Ditto Half Shares, 50 paid 99 London and Birmingham (Stock) ... .. Ditto, Quarter Shares, 2 paid 2B London and Brighton, 50 paid 514 London and Greenwich, 12% paid London an . South Western, 41a paid Bl Ditto N !w London and York. 2% paid Matiche:,..l cud Leeds, 70 paid 3.lidland, 100 paid ... Ditto New, 2 paid NoW.IIS.:t- and Berwick, 1% paid Richmond and Test End Junction, 1 paid 3 l/ South Eastern and Dover, 33A paid 43 Ditto, New Shares,2 paid 13% South Wales, 2 1 / 2 paid Trent Valley, 2 p a id • 9. FRENCH RAILWAYS. Great Northern of France, 4 paid Orleans and B or d e is Y. 2 pa id B4 Paris and Lyons, paid Paris and Orleans, 20 paid 41 Paris and Rouen, 20 paid Pet (From the Morning Chronicle.)_ _ i cor , i-law 14,:ue shrewdest opponents of the 1, 0 4 11 e have been apt to think that its ' Chief trial 'dot (I be found in a season of commercial prosperity.. If th a lew of its friends have been of the same cpunon. e. sts a Influence of the League depended on temporary eest or if it were merely an expression of that diZsPo'ipatient discontent which arises from physicia. As e s, the opinion would have been well founde‘ . , own nßlishmen do not love palitical agitation fur its thsij a kei and with comparatively cheap food and a tilos‘nB' trade, they would have cared little for the a,ell'i eloquent philippics against loonopoly. The nalk h " not only not borne out, but has i.i...;- poi, and totally falsified these anticipations. The p rosp 'r ei ioiLth.e League has been tested by a seson of lest n i ght. 'r and for the result look to . the meeting of torato Never since the metropolitan asserrib!..„,, az_ .tied was the vast area in which they Q t cled by a larger or more enthusiastic mass of liv: ofl)eing Never did the agitation present an d e „_e. more resolute or more triumphant confi -1,07 This remarkable organisation displays li ons of the fitfulness —none of the alter,ii a_ s of success and adversity which are rea l egml -"111y said to mark popular movements. Nuila iglu retrorsum is its motto. It lose s n gs to,(1 7st it has once gained ; but moves steadit; 0-ns°vard p i th s l ag . aci . ty and courage —never hesitating. to 1..0k rag. cu ties in the face, or failing to take practical to a ures .to overcome them. A body like thi s will something more than repeal the corn-laws, it that iii t l be delayed much longer. Surely Sir Robert ~‘_,t_ind others professing Conservative principles s,,,,"n4h_4l?ieditate on the position taken by the Les gue lltnrtilug the campaign for the new year. They iso se ti yiwn as an axiom that nothing is to be loped Net," Present house of Commons. The repeal of .4.1 •)t 1:,, I , 1 ; 1 111 W is to be carried out of doors. How ZeStt,4l,3' revolutionary change, nor yet by mere ezi ai skty a tsilliply by acting on the constituencies. at ßiti "i'•Cobden use the means at our disposal for Feat eollaatilld securing" the constituencies of the three Ill e . 'the fs's, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Middle- INZPre.a'hs"rzie counties which . have been raised to of gupoly miiiieliee, not by the aristocracy . or by any Pro d pe 2 4 2 ie t ern, but by the indomitable w i r n h d a u t .st l r i y . Will :des is • Mr. Cobden is right. • oe d un doubtedly practicable, and if done IA p ecisi kidar tun . I ye The day which sees fre . estraders e4 t for Yorkshire, Lancashire, grid 14 thee) will be the last of the_ corn-laws. 10 ge'Ss L'lne, what are the indirect _ this turn ? s. con l3 se u - t ll:: : 1:144:1:e. agitation having taken . t't eotlPitabie oted:i..,senns, consequence is, to bring the Home fo r "‘vsisi t t ,as now constituted, into increased . dis. : r va T i _shoet y , 4 ° people. Is it worth while, merely l 411.4 the r ! st Peneinent of the inevitable fate which .11„.°,, oil sl'°l'n-law, to keep discussion constantly f 107211riketli'ue discordancy between the opinions o seest el le t uld the opinions of the people. The ti alst freki er if those that greeted Mr. Cobden last ti:lve3 that immense assemblage of the middle 1 4 t t i lnit tee which. was called forth by his declare to . ti /tt th_ constituencies required to be enlarged, (1, 1 1 ; 1 e s o ig,l sooner the power was really transferred .e, eti hi nted e and working classes the better. Mr. sea.. is qt b e „at no organic change, and evidently -° ell eo _ k'tner extension of the franchise than could , s 4 "titea ..(1 llikl • • , er existing laws. But his audience ' a d .° Put ail e , l 'espo ridea a larger meaning in his words, t k , 4 " 1 41 ` 4 to them with an earnestness which t ° Ordin 1 , 4, 10 s ate n ), ~,,, ary discontent with the pre ! e..li ead 'Ye cannot think it wise fur those li tl ' e di se „ ?rganie change to drive men into ei 1! taken-33'0°ns. The idea of free trade has 4,, ti ob whie it by the public with a strength of con 4tuea 4 deo „,. will not now stop at any obstac:e. A lst, Ptei; -4 ' l 3' be sacrificed in the attempt to check i;slitt afs'itfi s r n, 111 . 1 t no object can possibly be gained to 1 „ 4 tne sacrifice. Sir Robert Peel has all his thettlhoeit6litrilaniclee mistake of looking more to what as, aht i n the house of Commons than to what i s or the _ tiiell , theeaocoun. try. He judges only from hear t' ' It w St vigorous expressions of public opi y g v i sit .nuld really do him a great deal of good to (I.°L ovent-garden. Olie Le (F tom the Morning Advertiser.) taoli at , :Rue met last night, and afforded the mo ;i111g. b et llother proof of its vitality. It looked any- So k :ar. P4l,:e. Never did it manifest greater , 0 es reer_ever did it seem more resolved to li ve _ ftil'plisheci determined not to die, until it has ac il. T he t ile great mission which it was formed to ti,,, s l !) a fl , l f ,°,Peakers were, as usual, eloquent, ener ,:''''astie full of hope. The audience was most en ,,,,rir p it ' rt 4,he number present was immense. d i, e syzal the house was crowded. There was a ( 140 . Path between the speakers and the an tis! Ace 4 • ktt ki e ll, bd.' sentiment was uttered by Messrs tk..l allset,s t tneir Gibson, and Fox, which the thou 'l,Ce.....in-:"ed did not greet with a cordial re- SPAIN. tilts ptnot_a_rdly felt where not audibly expressed. " of the t sot k illeip ei ~ county registration s was one or NIADral:, 't d budget in the Congress l new taxes, t ort topic Lopii s of the evening. It is an impor i'''' ' xil' - ' 'ncome for 1845 embrace severs t t !ligh t r-all the more sn, because before a brief I'S tlrnat e . of 1 repealed. The JAN. B.—Senor Mon brought to f . o d r a w y a . rd T h h i e s litlo 453 el dthe ' • „ lii A cou rt Pse , door of the county regis- ,• , the estimates as presented,. of others re rt will be rul. wipe Pre new ones, in place tr h , ‘rt. T,_ shut Evoinst forty shilling free- %%tide a great number . of old . taxesare source,, of revenue being w i f, of she counties therefore, who mean to qualify for , , t lipt,,, ,by Purchasing a property which oeinei::— the first five pr uee th e _inpos 14 3' th or ;.. tn . ferty shillings per annum, must tent I- I ), rt t y on revenues derived from real pro )o,. gr eat ' ions into effect without delay. A, s ,„ ss ~L t 1„rt.,,,:.:t ‘li lth the metrofpoli articles used for in• tan county is one of the' places • I),, t y• , n the principat lI4OIIN free-tradere feel confident of being able, ternal cunsumption yoen nary exerlons, to wrest from the grasp of . polist t h y esten, S, Imo as our paper circulates to a very 4, .' it i ', i t ': i.,4:11,1 partther v c; , n f u c rent of houses fry obse__‘l.4 that county, we wish to make one or ci t i . i ., it e r t i u b r u , t s ions levied on trade and manu tifAhlse.:4!l°N on the subject of a forty-sbilling 1 , ,,,,t h e 12, ‘ Ith the view of enforcing the exhortations ' a gile 47,!rs ilee , n to qualify without delay. Our Ines decreed by tri a , sot:leset .il o ot be told that a free -trade triumph in ; tampe d paper, &C. , I . :' ,:: l i r p l e i rcent. on administration.confiscations! &c._ bnelsae. of property tii:. 1.4 01 10 ,,_ w , tild be of inestimable service to the , 'wniy per cent. on Crown property htLgteteTY cause. There is a moral influence ,':cite s r,nted ofd whwich the metropolitan county, t great- ..b Jew liOtoten."l.ll it would to impossible to pe ors'e-rate. 1t t ai :1,11 114 is'', aliddlesex is represented by a rank mono -11,"4:ii f ati t s Y 341) advocate of a fixed duty. The veoe- I i lag cards 41141 f nth of the House ofCoi , , tteries t ,„ C m nons, who identiiiss .: • slip, Ire, sulphur, and gunpowder 1 the Cruzada r att c rsi„,,o tne corn -law views of Lord John Rus toOlt;„1 probably be induced, did he see a N . 4 '; he' the constituency avowedly favourable to b it % af. itnitediate Mines called m ll th i l i t ii ; t i t o g ° ry e ne Ln d i e u n l t d o as C , uz e d re gesi ra a 1 .... Illat he Wh' corn -law repeal, to desert the h t . e ra s c , ig leader, and enlist under the btehei` Messrs. Cobden and Bright. W ho pe State property ,. e and NA , ar Marine, . 14 4 th e , for Navinf e tern of i inane , .nuse, &c 3lou!itains 1 ,,q ~,f co nsis ,_ . g, or more than half a centur yr Tuns of roads, c,,, .1 - 1 0 ,, tiqh.s, Lent and uncompromising representa \Ent Noe al.wiar principles and popular interests in the ''`'``tonal printing. office A e ‘Jo ill Iti sh ik ,0 Olons, it would cause us a pan g w, , rf-• :;c:.ta de Poblaccon B...enmailns,isht:gehretdh by the'Minis ah tn,. 1)01 , v,4st, j ) b e . - e" to part with him. The natiaeal l'i:x on wine and oil, kr lid lik e . t ° see Mr. Byng die in harness. W e lusia . . de Amortization 1 li d to , • Arbitrios I tl,. dl ese _ se him close his life as the Member ri.ix called li . rds of Commerce ter il .N . liv ed ' , And we doubt not he will die as Ditto from 0,. d . of Health exported from Anda- T- 4 tlv- ---t4e friend of the people, and the r ep , e . Ditto „ 11,ar s lofpublic instruction 4' 4 ) j i cif th e N s 0 l sa , u greilt metropolitan county. Of his 'th e ; e we must speak in very diffe..ent , 1 1 . 1 ) . :i d tc g e ra f p ro h l i e e i i.,, c , l ,a u r o d ..s From Astronomical Observatory e are no hallowed associations c,n- 1 Dim, College at Malaga JOINT STOCK BANKS London and Westminster, 20 paid, RIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. 'IOM THE EVENING PAPERS 07 THIS DAY. GLOBE.—Attention has been re-called to the Otaheite sffair by the publication of the official correspon dence bstvveen the Charge d'Affaires of France, M. de Jareac, and the French Cabinet, on that ques tion. The disclosures there made are so curious that c return to the subject. Some little is said about Morocco, but the Otaheite affair forms the staple, as indeed, it was the most critical, point in the relations between the two countries. The style of M. de Jarnac's dispatches is clear and intelligible, and with far less of ambiguity than belongs generally to displomatic com munications. It exhibits clearly his sentiments as to the great danger of the interruption of friendly relations between the two countries. In plain terms, M. de Jarnac thought the risk of war was imminent in August, 1844, fully bearing out the extreme suppositions of the coett mporary press of that period. His expres sions are explicit enough. He " hopes the counsels of eistlem and moderation may prevail," implying that he :'ears greatly they will not : he speaks of " self- love SO fatally engaged on both sides," of " lively iequie ele and sinister presentiments," " rupture on the point of taking pla ce ," " f ee li ng t h at a strugg l e was inevitable for England;" and many other phrases of a stmilsrly unequivocal character. So, then, we were, in the estimation of the diplomatist who conducted the affairs of France in this country, extremely near a de claration of war during the last year. Several re ties: ions arise out of this assumed fact. Under the theory and practice of protectorates, as ex p. unded by M. Guizot in his dispatch of August i 9, authorising the expulsion of any individual at the virtual discretion of the authorities, and considering the ardour of French naval officers and employes for advanc ing the national honour after their own fashion, a similar ease may probably occur again. And in such an event we canoot but think that a very awkward precedent lias teen established by the Government—that, we mean of waiving admitted claims without ob taining an equivalent. Our Cabinet seems to have acted in the right direction, but to have at rived at it by course injudicious in itself, and likely to cause future embarrassments. The end and object of its policy was the unexceptionable one of peace ; but, att. r a h:ng silence on the part of France, Lord Aberd,:en caught at the most distant approach to collet scion on the part of M. Guizot, although quali tiei by so much objectionable matter respecting the protectorate of the Society Islands. Let not our mean ing be for a moment mistaken ; none but the most rash and criminal policy would have risked a war with France on any grounds but those of absolute necessity. But we should have liked more dignity and reticence on the part of our Cabinet. The concession was the mini mum possible. Tnere was no abandonment of the elastic theory of protectorates shown in practice to be absolute sovereignty ; on the contrary, the right of removing any individual " who may trouble established order," was triumphantly maintained in M. Guizot's latest dis patch. The description of benefits and blessings of the French rule in the Pacific, stands is painful cont.' adietion with every narrative, official or other wise, of what has taken place in the Society Islands. Yet on the bare intimation of a disapproval of the mode and plan of Mr. Pritchard's imprisonment, and the pro clamation of the 3d of March, backed by a hint at a pecuniary indemnity to that gentlemat., Lord Aber deen hastens to proclaim the acquiescence of this country in the proposals of France, rendering it im possible " that incidents of this nature, if treated in a spirit of justice and moderation, can result in other than an amicable issue." It is, no doubt, safer to err on the Side of placable contentment than that of irritable jealousy, in our relations with foreign Powers. Yet it may well be asked, is there no medium ? Cannot a statsaian, without captiously objecting to all offered terms of concession, avoid acquiescing in such as are ludicrously disproportioned to the cause of complaint ? Is, in short, no juste milieu attainable between a policy marked by rashness and one charac terised by timidity ? Our Ministers seem gto have chosen the latter, and it is, as we said before, because we firmly believe that abandonment of mational dignity leads less sorely to the maintenance of pacific relations with foreign Powers in the long run, than its due and moderate exercise, that we object to the tone taken by our Cabinet in its communications with that of France relative to Otaheite. There seems, indeed, little reason to envy the French their forci ble occupation of that island, which, to be main tained at all, must be so by continual exertions of an armed force. Assuredly, neither commercial power or military renoen are to be reaped in the distant field of Oc,.::nia by such course as Messrs. Bruat and D'Aubig,i,y are disposed t , take; but from England some-thing more might well have been expected, both in vindication' of the national honour, insulted in the per son, of its functionary, and in behalf of that oppressed nation who have received the rudiments of Christian civilization at our hands. Reals. 350,000.000 18,000,000 160,000,000 25,000,000 15,000,000 120,000,000 1,500,000 2,000,000 2,230,060 1 7,210,000 5,500,000 200,000 13 5,000,000 33,000,000 5,493,243 200,500 5 9,875,000 11,600,000 1,100,000 3,458,000 3 8,026,000 173,000 682,300 12,500,000 2,800,000 1,297,500 520,000 400,000 6,000,000 2,400,000 750,000 6,652,577 186,000 210,000 25,358 '~ _ `"' (346ci else w h ere, wit,.!l th ese societies ; ave seen a real colli s i on for whil e th ere are as °Alladon s for all thesepurposes, th e re i s a l so at) as sociation for leavi ng the poor needlewo man una bL ti ? ) bnY more than three-fourths of th e b rea d w hi c h i n might purchase—there is an association fur mak - g a POOr man spend so much for food, that he can -114 b uy a stock f linen to go to wash !—(Cheers)— ridthere is a society that so interferes with the rights liewants of the poor, that they lose all a r and desir e to put themselves into better de,, ltat!.ons—• ...tLere is a society that has a direct ten to"'Y to diminish the amount of work for the poor, w en ttail their employment, and to deteriorate the ceotrth of that employment—there is an antagonist so andl to all these professed benevolent institutions, that • tu g . is the Central Society for keeping up the :1!ion on bread ! They are the parties who cietteptobe accused of those who are so much ht th these special charities. On their heds th ei e thunderbolts to fall. It is they who are a , on L. l. tr ial, not the leader of the League. The a f a gne on its trial, inded ! Why, providence has ;ivtlemnpihtanattirial, and they have stood it bravely and wintered it Y- eers. (Ch • ) They have summered and told 2 .; in the season of heaviest suffering h ar _ 4 times of comparative prosperity they t6e haveaded the cause before the Legislature ; taZ.:e pleaded it before assemblages of tremendous phi lll4l es; they have been to use an apostoc m ate, "instant in season and out of season ;" every th e n u been to them a time and season for advancing tot great cause of Justice and charity. They stand k i d InerelY acquitted, but deserving of all honour Praise. It is the other party that ii premi" itt l t • of t 1 e erto thrial—it is the moral courage at is on trial ; it is his disposition to carry eon practice his own professed principles; it is the oph e i t t i l l t utiort of the country that is on trial, to see gr eat el ' it Can furnish the means of redressing thi s elf,ro,n,and Pervading . wrong ; it is the spirit, n n.i are wi and determination of the British people that out " 14 °, 11 trial, to see whether they will 1).14 th e 0 1 they do th emselves right by putting down teeticr)ression of a class. They call themselves pro ansocietf.sneieties ! Why, we are the true protection d h ,l' s • They are a protection society for the rich_ the re.w,e6lll—Ae are a society for the protection of proteet ,..,,y a , on ", helpless. They are a society for the , f 7 th e ' - cs ' high prices of food —we ki4o lkt Prptection of the are a society s highest worth of wag Prot_ cheers.) TheY R .,_ ectior t o f tec are a society for e the indolence and rent—we for the ro 79 :11I. i ndustry ti_itructive and enterprise. They are a society an;i fier'ne protection of a demoralising, degrading, , sYstem--we for the protection of universal rsal cg r t e , justice, and charity !—(The conclusion ntlitu t , h , e l ehe eri ss was received with loud and long-co T h n B%) Dr-- , 6 eusaiockx then thanked the meeting the the cisZ,Llorder that had been kept threughout. h pro day nlttbarid announced the next meeting for that seltte c i ter g iv ing three cheers, the immense assembly 27% inexhaustible resources, the'chari ty of the Catholic Church , nor, above all, the different religious communities. An error Lad been fallen into, and which was still persevered in, that the clergy alone were interested in the freedom of education, wh.!reas it was the lait . ), it was the citizens who were more interested in it than the rricsthood. The hick prudence of the clergy was the Lest guarantee for the citizen. It was pretended that the liberty of the church, as it was understood by them, would be the continued encroachment of the spiritual over the temporal poser. At an epoch like this—at a moment when in Switzer land, in Russia, in Poland, and in Spain, the spoliation of the church was being carried on, and it was compelled to defend its cb gmas— when the greatest liberty in Pro. testant countries, such as Holland and England, was formed in the midst of so many dangers and storms—to affect thus to fear, not the encl. sachment of that old in structress of nations, but its aristocracy, its absolute power, was indeed to give proof of either grt at ignorance or of singular blindness. Far from favouring the triumph of the spiritual over the temporal power, it was on the contrary the Catholic doctrine which rendered such a thing impossible ; it was that which had at all times pro claimed the distinction of the two powers ; it was that which commanded believers to render unto Caesar that which was Caesar's, and unto God that which was God's. To affect such fears was, he repeated, contrary to good sense. Th e C at h o i s clergy claimed its part, its legi timate part, in political liberty and common right, the fruit of two revolutions ; it was under the shelter of these great principles that it sought to exercise its em pire over men's souls. He accepted the revolution as a fact, liberty as a right, the charter as a safe-guard. This is what they wished. What their adversaries wanted was the reverse of liberty and of the Constitution; their full conviction was that prosperity would avenge this great injustice; it would admit, with some surprise, per. haps, but with gratitude, that all that was favourable to liberty and human dignity, all that was pure and generous in the instincts of 1789 and 1830 had been de fended by Catholocism, and that the declaration of the rights of man had not more ardent defenders than the champions of the faith. The Chamber adjourned at half•past five. SITTING OF TUESDAY, JAN. 14. The President took the chair at two o'clock. The attendance of Peers and of the public was un usually great, and the Ministers were in their places. Count de Montalembert resumed his discourse, left unfinished the preceding day. He complained that there was not a clearly recognised head of religion in France, as there was of the army and the navy. Hence most deli cate and difficult questions were frequently referred to a Minister who was bit little calculated to resolve them. The Hon. Peer proceeded to remark on several points decided by the Minister, in his opinion erroneously. He referred particularly to the favour shown to Protestants in France, and compared it with the manner in which Roman Catholics had been legis lated for in England, particularly the Irish Catholic*. Ile then referred to the gunnel which had lately arisen between the University end the clergy in France, and declared that mutual concessions ought to be made if the diffrences were to be arranged. Those to be made by the Government must, hoe ever, be greater than on the other side, since it had lately endeavoured to curtail that - freedom of religion sanctioned by the charter. This could only have arisen from the fear the Government felt of the influence w hich the admirable conduct of the clergy was sure to gain over the friends of the people. He referred to past times, to the reign of Louis XV., and the periods following, to show that nothing was ever demanded from the clergy of such importance as was required at present. He complained of the calum nies which, he declared, had been permitted, if not coun tenanced, by the favourers of the Universities, against all classes of the clergy and the religious communi ties. Ile instanced a number of cases where severity had been shown against the last-named associa tions. He referred to the conduct of M. Cousin when in power, as having been far more liberal than that of the present Administration. He then adverted to the present conduct of the clergy, to which he gave the h'ghest praise. He sketched the progress of religious opinions in the public mind at present, and insisted strongly on the extent of their advancement. Fourteen years back the crosses were torn from the churches of Paris, and every indignity offered to the ministers of eligion ; now, on the contrary, the churches were filled, the public worship constantly attended, and the preachers of the faith everywhere followed. He considered that the present attacks on the church from the Government were most undeserved. The Noble Peer concluded by declaring that the clergy would still pursue their career of charity and love in spite of any persecutions that might be directed against them, and that if they gained nothing else, they would obtain the respect and affection of all men of worth. M. Mat tin (du Nord), in reply, declared that he dif fered from the Noble Peer on the greatest portion of the subjects to which he had adverted. So far from fhe Government atoisliing or persecuting the clergy and re ligious associatioes, it had been obliged to stand on its defence, and to incessantly oppose the attempts at total independence entered on of late years by the clergy. The conduct of the Government was the best answer to such accusations, for he defied any man of candour to say that it had gene beyond the exigencies of the case. He maintained that the clergy were, to a certain extent, abusing religion to carry out their own plans of tempo ral aggrandisement. He thought it must unjust that noble orators should ascend the tribune every session to make those vague accusations without proving any one of them. The Hon. Minister then adverted to a num ber of cases, in which he had been obliged to inter. fere to check the encroachments of all classes of the clergy. Ile read extracts from letters written by the inferior clergy to their diocesans, in order to show, the spirit which generally animated that body. The bishops, he observed, though men of' education, were still above all, high dignitaries of the church, and devoted to its interests. Hence they sanctioned, to a considerable extent, the conduct of the inferior clergy in various points of discipline. Ile could advert to their refusal to bury in cases where the deceased per son had not lived according to their ideas of proper de votedness to the church. He could also speak of their refusal to serve in private chapels, when required in lawful cases. The Hon. Minister, after dwelling on other points of this kind, declared that the clergy at present appeared to altogether mistake its mission ; fore in place of getting their champions to advocate their cause in the Chambers—a defence required by their aim ing at power out of their own province --it would be more suitable to their sacred functions to confine themselves to their own duties, and not endeavour to assume an au • thority which the law never intended to assign them. On the part of the Government he could declare that such conduct could not be permitted, and, however in clined the Government felt to concede to the clergy in all reasonable points, it must continue to persevere in its present line of conduct. Count de Montalembert said, that when he defended the cause of religion, he had not looked for the Hon. Minister's approbation. He had spoken from an inti mate conviction of the truth of his assertions. He had not intended to accuse the Government of direct persecution of the ministers of religion ; he was aware that the Government could not, with any appearance of propriety, act openly and decidedly in the movement at present in progress against the clergy ; but he did ac cuse the Hon. Minister and his colleagues of partaking of a certain moral complicity in the attempt, by sanc tioning various persecutions against members of the clergy and the religious communities of the kingdom. He declared that several of the suits to which he alluded had been carried from court to court with unusual se verity, and in that point the Government bad kept up ell the movement of which he spoke. He had not even accused the Hon. Minister of having abandoned the clergy—lie had merely declared that he had not per mitted the religious liberty promised in the charter to prevail to its legitimate extent. All that the clergy de sired or demanded was to h ave t h at l ib erty completely established. The Government, he would maintain, had done everything is their power to arrest the free course of religious freedom, and of that the clergy thought they had a right to complain. The speech just delivered by the Hon. Minister appeared to him likely to render all arrangement in this matter more than ever impos sible. Count Pelet (de la Lozire) spoke at some length against the conduct pursued by the Minister of War in the interval between the two sessions, relative to the Polytechnic School. He qualified such conduct as un justifiable. Marshal Soult entered into explanations on the sub ject. He maintained that with any attention to disci pline the condact of the young men at that institutioa could not be permitted. The Commission to whom the matter was entrusted had come to that decision, and such was he believed the opinion of all men who had considered the subject. The Noble Marshal continued for some time to lay before the Chamber the circum stances of the case, such as they have beon already brought before the public. He insisted particularly on the necessity of obedience in such an establishment. Baron C. Dupin attackid the conduct of the Nobl e Marshal in the affair in strong terms, declaring that he had thrown doubt and distrust amongst the young men, of France, who could not now be certain, after yea rs o f severe study, of not having their career stopped short by some capricious decision of the Gove rnment He tained that the conduct of the pupils in the late Case stifled by the examiner being given thera contrar;ll justified Soult ions again ascended the tribune, but his es tdiffered little from those h p the la3inf r aa c tr g io u hn l as a l w he had already Laplagne Barris defended the e th o o ndu h et pursued by given. m. been shown, the exigencies of the case d the Noble Marshal, declaring that, thoug h severity had Count Montalivet ).aid that, as having been himself a pupil of theTolytechnic School, he might be permitted to advocate the cause of the young men who were incul pated. No more generous-minded or patriotic class of :nen could be found in the kingdom. He should, there fore, remind the Government that such a f,eling a, cle tnency existed, and that in no case could it be better ex hibited than in the present one. Count Pelet (de la Lozere) again ascended the tA.I - and was again examining the question under cos sion. VA.-1 Vd (Left sitting.) [ADVERTISEMENT.]—COUGH S , COLDS, ASTIUSIAS, AND SHORTNESS OF BREATH, RADICALLY CURED BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—For some time pat , l it has been known that hundreds of the most distressing cases of Asthma, of many years' standing, havkt been completely cured by Holloway's Pills. There is also no doubt but that they are a sovereign remedy, when taken, for any wheezing or shortness of the breath, even if of twenty, years standing ; and as to coughs and colds, however bad they may be, it ne e d on ly be the work of a fey , ' days to get entirely rid of .them, by the rnean s of this. astonishing medicine. Sold (also Holloway 's Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establitgiment, 244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis), and by almost all respectable medicine vendors throughout the civilised world. Id. oi 1 of 'of /~ trC(~ . . T `;%` f