The Sun. — London, England, 1868-07-28 00:00:00

Emu OP TEE PUBLIC 3OVRNALS, The Times takes the thin attendance in the House ;Hiring the discussion of the Indian Budget as a sign of the prosperity of our Eastern Empire. A commercial or political crisis would bring something which might be :ailed by compliment a crowd to listen to the Minister's statement. Speaking of the item of £3,092,000 an account of " Public Works Extraordinary," our con temporary says the single question, of India finance arising at present is, How shall this expenditure on public works be met ? It is acknowledged that the outlay is incurred in respect of remunerative works which press for completion. A Government which acts the part of alandlord in a country like India, where colossal works which cannot be undertaken by private energy are required, must be pre pared every year to lay out a considerable portion of the rental it receives in the improvement of the land whence it derives its revenue ; but it seems established that there is at this juncture occasion for charging what may be called the inheritance with a portion of the cost of the exceptional undertakings required. Would it not be as well to adopt Mr. Laing's pol_sy, and raise a loan? A sitting of the House of Commons devoted to finan cial statements is seldom, according to the Daily News, except when Mr. Gladstone speaks, very fertile in debates of thrilling interest. This is the case even when the English Budget, which touches everybody's pocket, is under discussion, and of course only the most simple. minded or sanguine of men could expect that the fiscal interests of India would avail to keep together a very attentive House at this period of heat and exhaustion. The fact was, that the instant the questions on the paper had been exhausted, the legislative energies of members appeared to be exhausted also, and the debate on the India revenue accounts, or the Indian Budget, as it is usually but incorrectly called, took place in a house of some twenty or thirty Anglo-Indians, official and ex-official. It must, however, be admitted that the statement which Sir Stafford Northcote last night sub mitted to Parliament was not `,3f si kind from which any debate of a practical character could possibly arise. An Indian Budget, indeed, is so much a matter of estimate and conjecture, even as regards the past, that its elements merely flit before the critical eye, and elude the grasp of the moat vigilant financial reformer. By taking the averages of the accounts of a con siderable number of years we are enabled, it is true, to arrive at the conclusion that the financial positi on of India has steadily improved and become consolidated; but so far as each particular financial year is dealt with in the Secretary of State's Budget the case is different ; nor was Sir Stafford Northcote in any degree an exception to the usual ill-success of Indian Secretaries in his attempt to convey to the House a clear notion of the intricacies and uncertainties of Indian finance. Our contemporary condemns the custom to include in the ordinary accounts of revenue and expenditure extraordinary outlay upon public works of a permanent and reproductive kind, which should properly be reckoned as a charge upon capital. With regard to public works, a rule has been laid down by the Secretary of State, in a recent despatch to the Govern ment of India, which seems in every respect a sound and wholesome one. " Extraordinary " charges are for the future to be made only for public works, either of a repro ductive kind like irrigation canals, or " special fund works," which are undertaken for an immediately valuable object by some local municipality. This rule, it may be hoped, will at once encourage a fair expenditure on public works, and repress' effectually the disposition of Indian officials to shift ordinary expenses on every occasion to the extraor dinary balance-sheet, and so to nibble away at the capital of the country for charges that should fall on income. If this rule were observed and extended, much of that hazy uncertainty which always enshrouds Indian finance would be dispelled, and future debates upon the Indian Budget would be less wearisome, less wandering, and far more business-like than that unprofitable conflict of crotchets and groping after light of which last night's discussion was a somewhat dreary example. The Standard strongly condemns the motion Mr. Bouverie had threatened, on the discussion of the Budget, to deprive the Indian Council of its financial control. If the control of the expenditure of India is not to be vested in the Council, it must be assumed by the House of Com mons ; and it would have been utterly ludicrous to pro pose such a transfer to the empty benches which conclu sively demonstrated the House's conviction of its own incompetence to such a duty. Mr. Bouverie is not easily shamed into reason or moderation ; but surely, after what he has now seen, he will not again pretend to believe that the finances of India would be better administered if the duty of checking and revising expenditure, now assigned to fifteen men who know India thoroughly, were transferred to some fifteen other gentlemen, self-appointed to the ofF.c., who know little or nothing about it. It considers Mr. Laing was justified in his remark that the Ministerial statement presented the financial condition of India in a less favourable light than was absolutely necessary. She is raying out of revenue for all ordinaries and extra ordinaries, except the remunerative improvement ( f her estate ; and this is as much as England herself has ever done. This result is no doubt owing in pa; t to the strict watchfulness exercised by such Altesmen as Sir Stafford Northeote at home an .l Mr. Massey in India ; a! d it affords n reason col omitting or disregarding any of Vie financial precautions recommended by the former. But it certainly skews that there is no ground for uneasiness or apprehension ; that the time of chronic deficits and yearly additions to the debt is over, and that the Budget of India is likely, at no distant period, to exhibit a constantly increasing surplus of revenue over all expenditure, except that expenditure on paying improvements which itself tends to increase and not to burden the revenue, and which adds to the comfort and well-being of the people far more than proportionately to its effect on the income of the State. The Post devotes a leader in the memory of Lord Cram worth. It remarks that the career of a lawyer more dis tinguished for uniform good fortune than for any brilliant ability is not very interesting in itself or valuable to others as nn example. If Lord Cranworth is destined only to have a place amongst second-class statesmen and second class judges, the many virtues which graced his character, his kindness, his impartiality, his moderation, and, above all, his love of justice, will cause his memory to be loved and respected by all those who hold the opinion that private wortlA adds dignity and lustre to the highest public (nee. Lord Cranworth was never greedy of patronage, and on th.. occasion of the establishment of the Divorce Court, handed over the whole patronage, amounting to more tl.an thirty thousand a year, to the first judge appointed—tl:e late Sir Cresswell Cresswell. The decisions of Lord Cranw(irl were always regarded with respect. The Daily News, eulogising the homely qualities of Lord Cranworth, and recognising the fitness of Lord Romilly's expression of the dece:,scd baron's " candour, fairness, and common sense," remarks that his death does not remove a conspicuous figura from public life, or create a gap which it will be difficult to fill. He slides from his place, and as the ranks close he will scarcely be missed from them. But of the men who have lately departed from us there are few who have carried with them the more complete and unqualified regard and respect of the profession to which he belonged, and of his political asso ciates and opponents, and the more cordial affection of his private friends. The Standard pronounces the life just closed well worth the living. Less prominent as a politician, less eloquent as an orator than his contemporaries Brougham, Lyndhurst, and Pollcck ; less eminent as a lawyer than Lord St. Leonards ; less attractive as an advocate than Lord Chelmsford, the nobleman whose loss we have now to regret will, nevertheless, hold no mean or subordinate place in the legal history of the present century. He belonged to the class of counsel who are more in favour with the bench, and more in repute with the bar, than with the outside public ; to whom the most learned legal discourses are frequently but as caviare to the general, and on whom a good rattling speech at Nisi Prius makes more impression than any amount of argument which only a professional audience can appreciate. A Sim. BLOWN Ur AND SUNK.—On Saturday the brig Julia, of Seaham, Captain Robinson, with coals, while on her way from Llanelly to Dieppe, and when about twenty miles off St. Ives blew up, and sank twenty minutes after the explosion. Two of the crew, named John Hancock and William Hook, were badly burnt about the face and hands. The crew, six in number, took to the boat, and were picked up by the brig Ibis, of Harwick, Captain Palmer, and when about eight miles off Newquay they took to their boat, and rowed for the latter place, where they arrived about nine p.m.—Western Morning .IVelrs. DAraso ESCAPE FROM PmsoN.—An extraor dinary escape Las just been made from the prison of Lille. The prisoners were exercising in the yard, and the time Ix their return to their cells having arrived the gaoler went to open the door of the passage to let them in. The distance was n ,t more ti an wo metres, but the time suf ficed for twu brJ hers, niim d Delanm y, confined fur smug gling, to mount the roof of an adjoining outhous and thence spring to the top of the inner wall. There the warder saw them, but, as he could not leave his post, he inereiy gave an a'arm. The two nen, however, jumped to the oater wall, two metres from the former —leaving a vacant space all round the building—and descended into the street, a depth of twenty feet, at about forty yards from the sentinel. The governor, on being informed of the incident, immediately gave chase with some of his men, but the fugitives got off, and have not since been heard of. The whole affair was managed with a rapi.'ity which denotes a marvellous agility in the ma:eract;as. THE ~7/lURDER IN NORTON FOLGAM, At the Worship-street Police-court, on Monday AMP toon, Alexander Arthur Mackay was charged with' vilful murder of Mrs. Emma Grossmith, aged 45 years, m Friday, the Bth of May last. The facts of the case vill be well remembered. The deceased was the wife of Ur. George Grossmith, who kept an eating-house, and the prisoner was employed to do the menial work of the house. !firs. Grossmith appears to have found fault occasionally with Mackay for the manner in which he did his work, and the theory of the prosecution is that this was the :ause of the murder. On the morning of May 8, about twenty minutes after nine, Mr. Grossmith went out for a short time, leaving his wife, his two children, and the prisoner in the house. The children were sent to school, but one of them, not liking Mackay's looks, lingered for some time, until the latter called Mrs. Grossmith's atten• tion to the boy's loitering, and his mother then bade him go to school at once. Thus left alone with the unfortunate woman, Mackay seems to have made a savage and deliberate attack upon her with a chopper, for a. neighbour, named Stevens, heard her exclaim, " Don't, John ; you'll murder me ! " and a voice, which she believed to be that of the prisoner, reply, " Hold your row." On entering the place she found Mrs. Grossmith suffering from the most dreadful injuries, and on her charging the prisoner with the commission of the crime, he denied it, and quietly walked away, saying he would fetch his master, who had " just gone sound the corner." He thus escaped, and was not heard of until last week, when he was discovered under an assumed name in Maidstone gaol. Mrs. Grossmith expired on the 20th of May. At the police-court exami nation on Monday, the evidence given at the inquest was repeated, and the prisoner, who declined to say anything in answer to the charge, was committed for trial at the Central Criminal Court. THE FATAL EXPLOSION AT PORTSMOUTH. The adjourned inquest on the body of William White, who was killed with the Hon. Lieut. Meade, in consequence of the explosion of a torpedo at Portsmouth, on Friday, was held before Mr. W. Swainson, at the Royal Ports mouth, Portsea, and Gosport Hospital, on Monday. George Wilkinson, confectioner, of 142, Queen-street, Portsea, deposed : I am a brother-in-law to the deceased. About five o'clock on Friday evening I went to the house No. 36, Union-street. When I arrived there found the deceased lying on a sofa upstairs, immediately over the room in which the occurrence took place. There Were some medical men in the room. I said to him, " Are you seriously hurt ?" and he said, " Very." Some more doctors came into the room and examined his arm, and then I could see that he was seriously hurt. Shortly after wards I was left alone with him while Dr. Rowe consulted with the other medical men who were outside. I said, " Tell me, William, how did this accident arise ? " He said, " I had just finished putting the cap on a cast-iron tube, and handed it to him." I understood he meant the Hon. Mr. Meade, although he mentioned no name. The deceased continued, "He requested me to light a candle, which I did. I saw him begin to melt the gutta percha to seal the cap with, and I turned my head for an instant to look out of window. My impression is that the gutta percha was applied when alight, and that he did not take the precaution to blow it out." I put no further question to him. William Dart, a sergeant in the Royal Marine Artillery, wh was working with the deceased and the Hon. Mr. Meade in the preparation of the torpedoes, was also examined, and described the nature of their occupation on the day in question to be that of filling canisters or tubes with an explosive compound. Lieute nant Meade told him to tell his friends that it was not his gun which was the cause of the accident, but the over• heating of the composition used in sealing the shells. Several other witnesses gave evidence, and a verdict of accidental death was returned. The inquiry into the death of Lieutenant the Hon. Herbert George Philip Meade was also resumed, when the evidence taken was precisely similar to that at the other inquiry, and asimilar verdict was returned. LAW AND POLICE. APPLICATION TO BE REMOVED FROM THE LIST OP CONTRIBUTORIES.—Before the Master of the Rolls, Captain Raleigh King applied to have his name taken off the list of contributories to the Merchants Company in respect of 100 shares. In 1865, the year in which the company had been organised, Captain King, being desirous of becoming the possessor of 50 shares, and not clearly understanding how to secure their allotment, deputed, it seems, a certain Mr. Astley to apply for them. Mr. Astley accordingly did so, but applied for 100 shares ' instead of 50, under the mistaken notion that it was neces sary to make application for twice the number required. Captain King had handed over to Mr. Astley the price of the 100 shards in question, but now sought to cancel the allotment on the plea that the application had not been authorised in writing by himself, as the forms of the company demanded. The court considered that as the allotment bad not been repudiated Captain King's applica tion could Lot le granted. THE IMPERIAL SILVER QUARRIES COMPANT.—In Vice- Chancellor Malins's Court an application has been made to wind up the above-named company. The debenture holder who petitioned stated that the company had paid £185,009 in paid up shares for the purchase of a mine, about which they made no inquiries, and which, since the year 1865, has realised a profit of no more than £7,000. The Vice-Chancellor thought it would be a beneficial thing to accede to the prayer of the application. TIIE CASE OF GENERAL RIPLEY.—In the well-known case of Greenwood v. Ripley, which was a bill to restrain an action at law by General Ripley, formerly a distin guished general in the Confederate service, against the plaintiff for a large sum of money in respect of machinery for the making of rifles originally manufactured for the Confederate Government, Vice-Chancellor Malins gave judgment that the action was wholly unsustainable, but he would allow it to proceed. At the same time execu tion would not issue without the leave of the court. SERIOUS CHARGE AGAINST PILOTS.—At the Maidstone Assizes a North Sea pilot, named George Baker, and two Deal pilotmen, named William Middleton and William Frost Spears, surrendered before Mr. Justice Willes to take their trial for unlawfully conspiring together to defraud Richard Aichison Burstall, the agent for Lloyd's Salvage Association at Deal and Ramsgate, of £426, by means of false and fraudulent pretences by falsely representing that certain salvage services had been rendered by them when such was not the case. The prisoners Spears and Middleton made a claim for the sum mentioned in the indictment for salvage services which they alleged had been rendered to the ship Olivia when in the Downs, as that vessel was proceeding to Hull. After the examina tion, the captain, who himself had spoken to the truth of the prisoner's statements, when he thought the money would be paid by the underwriters, now de clared the statement to be false. The trial is still pro ceeding. ECCLESIASTICAL SIIIT.—In the Consistory Court an action was brought before Sir Travers Twiss, the Chancellor of the Diocese of Loudon, by the Hon. Rev. R. Liddell, incumbent of St. Paul's, Knightsbridge, to recover the offertory alms collected at Belgrave Proprietary Chapel. The answer was, that, although the chapel was within the district, yet, as St. Paul's was only a district chapelry at present, the incumbent was not entitled to them. Judgment was reserved. CONVICTION OF " CAPTAIN PLUMIT."—At the Surrey Sessions, George Whitlock, 18, alias Captain Plummy, and James Gregory were indicted for assaulting and rob bing John Quirk of two sixpences and sevenpence-half penny in copper, in Kent-street. The prosecutor, a working man, named Quirk, was asked for some tobacco by Whitlock, and he promised to buy some and give him a portion. Quirk had no sooner turned the corner of the 3treet than he was set on by the other prisoner and robbed of ls. 70., all the money he bad in his pocket. The exact sum was found on Whitlock when searched. The jury found the accused Lewarne, the detective officer, said that they had not been tried before, but he believed both prisoners had been concerned in at least a dozen highway robberies lately. The chairman sentenced each to five years' penal ser vitude. DEATH PROM SUNSTROKE. —On Saturday a farm labourer in the service of Mr. T. Lord, of Treskeily. Corn wall, received a sunstroke in the harvest field, and died in a few minutes. DISTRESSING BOAT ACCIDENT ON TIIE HUMBER.— .1 melancholy disaster has occurred on the Humber, resulting in the death of two mariners. It appears that an annual boat-race is organised in the neighbourhood of Barton, and the course is from Ferriby Sluice to the Hebbles. On Thursday three boats were manned, each boat carrying three men. In one of these the crew con sisted of James Oldridge, master mariner, 44 years of age ; Thomas Oglesby, and James Forth, both mariners. Oldridge's boat took and maintained the lead to the Ilebbles, where a violent gale capsized his light craft. Firth, the survivor, states that Oglesby sank at once, and that Oldridge was carried away too quickly to hope to give Lim any material assistance. Firth, after supporting himself upon an oar for a consider. able time, was picked up by some boatmen from Paull. Neither of the bodies have as yet been recovered.— Eastern awning New:. THE SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 28, 1868, THE "DUBLIN REVIEW." (From the Westminster Gazette.) One merit characteristic of the Dublin Re view is its alertness. It is keenly alive to the questions of the day and to discussions on matters in which Catholics are especially in terested. It never waits until Catholic opinion is formed, but by putting forward argumenta tively and persuasively its own views, contri butes towards the formation of a sound judg ment on questions under discussion. In deed, the Dublin Review often anticipates the criticisms of the weekly Catholic Press. In its present number there are three articles of prominent interest, to which readers instinc tively turn on opening its pages. These articles are—" The Irish Disestablishment ;" " National Tendencies and the Duties of Catho lics ;" and " Mr. Renouf on Pope Honorius." We strongly urge such readers as have taken up Mr. Renouf's pamphlet, or have read the review of it in these pages, to study the article in the Dublin Review on this pamphlet, which has excited so much indignation, for they will find, as it seems to us, a thorough and con clusive refutation of the various assertions which Mr. Renouf has so lavishly indulged in. On the general character of Mr. Renouf's pamphlet, the Dublin Review makes the fol lowing observations : " Certain of his readers will probably be so taken in by his arrogant tone, as to fancy him an authority ; and it is a duty of charity to do what we can towards relieving such timid spirits from their wholly unnecessary alarm. Nothing, indeed, can be feebler and more desultory than his remarks. He makes no attempt whatever, either to state and de fend any theory of his own, or to meet the arguments which Ultramontanes have drawn out for theirs ; he does but put together, with out order or arrangement, a few miscellaneous facts, which present a superficial appearance of difficulty. As there is no connection of argu ment in his pages, we will encounter his little pellets as nearly as we can in the order in which he flings them." We cannot attempt to go through the arguments which the writer of the article brings to bear against Mr. Re nouf's objections ; we have only space to recapitulate his conclusions. " 1. There is not," says the writer, " the very slightest — the most superficially colourable—pretence for saying that any Pope or Council ever con demned Honorius for having taught heresy ex cathedra. You might just as plausibly say that Benedict XIV. or Pius VI., or any other Pontiff you like to name, has been condemned for teaching heresy ex cathedra. 2. It is most absolutely certain that he did not teach heresy or error ex cathedra ; that neither expressly nor by implication did he issue any command whatever of interior assent to heretical or mistaken doctrine. Mr. Renouf, intending to deny this statement, in fact corroborates and affirms it. 3. It is far from improbable, but by no means certain, that the Eastern bishops anathematized him for having fallen into heresy ; just as they anathematized Ser i, gins, Syrus, and the rest, for that offence. 4. i is quite certain that no Pope ever anathema tized him for such an offence. St. Agatho, as a matter of private opinion, thought that Honorius had rendered the Church good ser vice on the Monothelite question. St. Leo 11. —possibly in consequence of having heard much from the legates as to the evil results which Honorius's letters had wrought in the East—declared ex cathedra that that Pontiff had grievously injured the Church's Faith. But neither St. Agatho nor St. Leo suspected him for a moment of having himself fallen into the Monothelite heresy. For ourselves, we are thoroughly prepared to defend Hono rius's orthodoxy on intrinsic grounds alone. His letters contain no one syllable savouring of Monothelism; and his first letter, the only tone remaining entire, is conclusive for the perfect Catholicity of his doctrine. We will not, however, here enter on this discussion; for it could not be satisfactorily conducted, unless we had far more leisure and more space at our disposal. Such a discussion, moreover, would oblige us to consider with some care various matters of dogma—concerning the Hypostatic Union, the Sacred Humanity, the mutual relations of Christ's two natures— which imperatively claim a separate treat ment. No solid result could be obtained, by thrusting incidental remarks on them into the midst of an article, which is occupied with matters entirely heterogeneous. Nor is there any practical reason whatever for our here attempting such an inquiry. Mr. Renouf him self hardly enters at all into the theology of the controversy, but contents himself for the most part with peremptory assertions. ' Modern theologians betray an utter ignorance of the real nature of the controversy' (p. 14). ' Nothing can be more grossly untrue than the assertion that Honorius was misled by Sergms ' (ib). ' His own letters are the best proof that he understood the question at issue ' (p. 15), and held the Monothelite tenet. The author states peremptorily (p. 18) that those propositions of Honorius, which that Pontiff's advocates allege as inconsistent with Monothelism, are not really inconsistent with it ; but he does not state what those proposi tions are, or how reconcilable with the hereti cal tenet. We will defer, therefore, the whole dogmatic question to a future number. A dis tinct doctrinal inquiry, however, may be raised concerning Honorius, on which a few words will be in place. However firmly he clung to the orthodox dogma at issue—did he not hold that the phrase " two operations " is an tunsuitable phrase for its expression ? That he did not teach this ,opinion cx cathedra we have shown most abundantly ; but did he not had it ? We are not very clear, but we think not. He undoubtedly held that, under exist ing circumstances, the use of this phrase was most inexpedient. But we really see no proof that he even asked himself the question, whether in itself the expression were or were not inappropriate. •He left the matter for ' grammarians ' to decide. He looked into the details of the controversy most super fi cially, and he was profoundly mistaken on a most vital question of ecclesiastical prudence ; but we know no evidence of his having held any positive doctrinal error whatever. We will conclude our discussion on Honorius with I three remarks :-1. It is very suitable that a Pontiff after his death should be censured for gross neglect of his primary duties. As we argued last October (p. 299), " many holy Popes have been canonized, as for other reasons, so also because of the unwearied assi duity with which they have guarded purity of faith. It is no derogation then from the Papal office that a Pope shall be honoured after his death by the Church, for his espe cial diligence in defending the faith. Neither, therefore, is it a derogation from his office, that he shall be anathematized after his death for his signal neglect in the performance of that duty." 2. Moreover, Honorius's con demnation places in emphatic light the diffe rence in kind between the Pope and any other bishop as regards their respective offices in guarding the Deposit. Here is a bishop anathematized for no other offence than that of having failed to repress heresy with suffi cient activity, in a place removed thousands of miles from his own diocese. To no other bishop in Christendom, except the Roman, would any historian dream of alleging that this could by possibility occur. 3. The nar rative which we have been considering is by far the most plausible historical objection against Ultramontanism which has yet been raised ; and so evidently thinks Mr. Renouf, by the prominence he has given to it. Yet when you look closely at the circumstances, how completely every difficulty disappears !" The Dublin Review has done great sen ice by the promptitude and fulness with which it has examined Mr. Renouf's superficial and mischievous pamphlet ; but the audacity of such an attack, had not its argumentative and historical worthlessness been at once exposed, might have led the unwary, or the unlearned, or the hostile, to suppose that there was at least some foundation for such sweeping asser tions. The next article to which we wish to call attention, and we can scarcely do more than call attention to it, is " The Irish Church Disestablishment," a question which has already been much discussed by Catholics. As might have been foretold by any one fami liar with the sound and Catholic instincts of our great Quarterly, there is, on its part, not a moment's hesitation as to the duty of every Catholic to lay hand at once, heartily and unreservedly, to the work of abolishing the Irish Church. " The Irish Establishment," says the Dublin Review, "while it lasts, practi cally proclaims that the Catholic faith is con sictered a more desperate and irreconcileable enemy to the English nation than any other creed, Christian or Pagan, over the face of the earth. No Catholic can account himself admitted within the pale of the Constitution until this ignominy has been wiped out." The writer having borne his testimony to the "almost complete unanimity among Catho lics as to their appropriate practical course," proceeds to notice the speculative difficulties which have occurred to some Catholics. In the course of this examination the writer in the Dublin Review effectually demolishes two opposite theories which have been publicly maintained by some Catholics —one, namely that the separation of Church and State, " except at Rome," is beneficial, if not neces sary to " vital religion;" and the other theory, that the disestablishment of the Irish Church is a violation of those Catholic principles of Church and State enforced by Pope and Syl labus. On the first theory the writer observes that " the Syllabus infallibly condemns the proposition (LV.) that Church should be separated from State, and State from Church:' and the Mirari Vos,'—also an infallible Rule of Faith—teaches affirmatively that the 'mutual concord' of Church and State has always been propitious and salutary for the interests of both.' We are, of course, the very last to call in question the peremptory obligation, incumbent on all Catholics, of acceptins , the Church's doctrine on this head. If—which God forbid !—there be really any Catholics in England, who consider that the union of Church and State in a Catholic country is essentially otherwise than beneficial ;—that promotion of the people's spiritual welfare is external to the civil ruler's legitimate province; —that the Church's divinely given authority extends only over the individual, in nowise over the civil government as such ;—we hav e not a word to say in defence of such Catho lics. They rebel against the Church's infal lible teaching, and commit mortal sin. But we are quite unable to see, how the most hearty renunciation of these grave errors can throw any difficulty on the question of Irish dis establishment." On the second theory, which has been put forward by some other Catholics, the Dublin Review speaks thus :—Occasionally, indeed, you hear language almost implying that the Irish Establishment is the Church, instead of being the Church's determined enemy. To say that the Church-State principle is ipso facto violated by disestablishment, is simply un meaning. As well might you say that that principl was violated when the English Go vernment forbade the religious practice of Hiudoo widows being burnt alive. An adult Irish Protestant, if in invincible ignorance, may be travelling towards heaven ; but in strictness he is no more a member of the Visible Church than is an idolatrous Hindoo. Other Catholics urge with great truth a different consideration. The Church-State doctrine, they say, involves a condemnation of the tenet that the province of civil government is con fined to ends purely secular. We have already strongly maintained that no Catholic is per mitted to hold such a tenet. But so far from being exclusively, it is not even princi pally on secular grounds, that a good Catholic would overthrow the Irish Establishment. His hatred of it is different in kind from his hatred of any tyranny which is purely oppressive and anti-social. He detests it pre-eminently, be cause it is so injurious to the spiritual welfare of Irishmen, Catholic or Protestant. A third difficulty, founded on the Church-State doc trine, requires more prolonged consideration, though we think it quite as baseless as the two preceding. The Catholic bishops, it is urged, decline receiving for the support of priests any portion of the available property ; and by consequence disestablishment involves a substitution of the voluntary ' principle for with the principle of Churc h and State." Aft er examining the , different senses of this phrase, " voluntary ' principl e , th e wr it er o s c on tinues, " The , h voluntary ism,'c contrasts the implies Church-State thatthe forme r pr i nc i p l e neces sarily involves a S tate payment of priests. principle But there is no shadow of ground for such a supposition. The Church's endowments did not come from the State, but from the pious gift of zealous individual Catholics ; and in those countries where at present the State confers on priests some pittance, this is but an infinitesimal restitution for some peeceding robbery of the Church's revenues. Doubtless it is quite imaginable that the State might enforce a voluntaryism, which would contra dict the Church-State principle. It might re fuse to secure to the Church possessions left for her service. And, indeed, th e presen t l aw of superstitious uses (so far as it goes) is a direct violation of the Church-State principle ; it despoils the Church of property which is really hers. But as to the Irish Establish ment, it was itself founded on one of the most monstrous transgressions of the Church-State principle which was ever perpetrated ; we mean, of course, the plunder of Church pro perty, while the whole nation remained zeal ously Catholic. Nor can any one in his senses allege that the law of superstitious uses ' will derive any further strength from the success of Mr. Gladstone's present proposal. No doubt Cardinal Cullen and the other Irish bishops, for most intelligible reasons, refuse to place the Irish Church in that relation towards a bitterly anti-Catholic and tyrannical Govern ment, which would result from State support of the clergy. But as to voluntaryism in any objectionable sense, it is simply monstrous to say that they do otherwise than abhor it. Do they ask, then, that the State shall take from the Church what pious donors have given her during the last century ? do they ask that the State shall require Catholics to pay rent for the use of those chapels and schoolhouses which the preceding generation of Catholics have built ? This would be voluntaryism,' in the only sense in which that principle is opposed to the principle of union between Church and State. And we will venture to say that no men living would regard such voluntaryism' with greater abhorrence than the Irish bishops. Why, they have actually accepted a State subvention for Maynooth, and desire one for the Catholic University. Nay, put the impossible case, that Parliament should frankly admit the Church to be the one legitimate owner of all Church property in Ireland, conferred in Catholic times. Put the impossible case, that Parliament should wish to restore her that property, as to its one legitimate and indefeasible owner. We do not see the slightest appearance that the Irish bishops would hesitate to accept such restitu tion as their legitimate due. That the Church should re-enter into possession of property conferred on her by pious Catholics of the past, as the confessed and absollste owner of that property—this is one thing. That she should become the stipendiary of a violently anti- Catholic nation to which Irishmen are politi cally subjected—this is a different, and, indeed, most opposite thing." The judgment of the Dublin Review will, we trust, tend to correct the passing and scarcely, perhaps, conscious errors into which some Catholic writers have been betrayed either from unfamiliarity with the great principles at stake, or from a sudden and hasty judgment, partially blinded, maybe, by too great a politi cal partizanship. The concluding remarks and emphatic warn- ing of this thoughtful and observant writer descrve3 attention. "We cannot then," 'he says, " see any force whatever in the specu- lativc difliculties which have been raised, on Catholic principles, against Irish disestablish meat. But we do think there is one most serious evil in the present situation ; viz., its tendency to strengthen the connection, already (we think) far too close,. between Catholic public men and Liberal politicians. It is now more than a year since we earnestly protested against the Catholics of this empire identifying, themselves with either of the two great politi cal parties ; and every month which has passed since that time, has but increased our convic tion in the same sense. But of the two parties, the Liberal seems to us more anti-Catholic even than the Conservative ; and we are pro portionately the more alarmed at this particular feature in our present prospect." Ile then proceeds to point out wherein this danger consists, and shows that Liberalism, both on the Continent and at home, is opposed to the principles of dogmatic religion, or, in other words, of a definite revealed faith, which it regards as an evil against which the State ought to contend, that it insists upon the divorce of politics from religion, and that the principle of secular education, as opposed to denominational, is rapidly becoming the prin ciple bond of union for English Liberals. The question of education is of the most paramount importance, but the Liberals are the avowed enemies of denominational education. On these grounds the writer says, "It is to us then, a matter of keen grief, that this attack on the Irish Establishment—an attack in itself so just and so necessary—has incidentally added much strength •to the Liberal ranks.' The political conclusion which the writer arrives at is this—" When the struggle now looming in the distance becomes present and energetic, it is most important that Catholics shall have fixed themselves in their true political position. That true political position consists in union with each other, and non-union with externs. They can have no deep and permanent sym pathy with British Conservatism ; and still less, of course, with Liberalism, whether British or other." THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CON VENTION. Tammany Hall, of brick and freestone, is a building of five storeys, with a flat roof, from which rises a dome. It is substantial, the stairways being of granite, and the whole constructed to last many generations. The great hall resembles a theatre, of which the platform is a stage. It has its pit, calculated to accommodate 2,000 persons, and the raised circle ascends behind, with places for 2,000 more. The ordinary seats are benches, but there are a few hundred cushioned chairs to the right and left for ladies. On each side the platform are the telegraph operators with their forty boxes dissemi ❑ating the intelligence of all said and done. On the platform are the officers of the Convention, the executive committee, and the most distinguished members of the party. Although the official re porters have places on the platform, those of the daily press sit below at oblong tables, the other correspondents and reporters being to the right and left. The delegates draw lots for their positions, which are indicated by flags with the name of the State in gilt letters. Beyond their seats are the public, who throng the house from the red railing up to the passages, where the uniforms of the police may be observed. Flowers and flags innumerable ornament the platform in the hall, draping the pillars, festooning the windows, and hanging from the walls. Inscribed over the platform are the arms of the States. After Saturday's business the real work commences on Monday. A cordon of police men from an early hour keep the gathering and pushing crowd at bay ; the public are admitted by tickets, the colour each day changed. The dele gates and reporters wear blue badges, before which the doors yield. The meeting having assembled by 10 o'clock, the reports of the committee are read ; lloratio Seymour, being named, is conducted to the chair, an 1 when the acclamation ceases, he addresses the multitude on the sins of the Radicals, on the virtues of the Democrats, and on their mission to unite cordially for the rege-. neration of the country. Then commences the hearing of the resolution of the delegates. Chief Justice 'Chase is thanked for maintaining the in tegrity of the Supreme Court, and loud cheers greet his name. The President also receives a resolution of thanks, but the reading of his Amnesty Procla mation is voted down. Among the addresses is one written by Susan B. Anthony on behalf of the Woman Suffrage Association. It is presented by the chairman, and read by the clerk in a clear loud voice, while Miss Anthony and Mrs. E. Cady Stan ton sit there as delegates, and listen to its recep tion. Regarding this reports differ. Miss Anthony describes it as meeting with a most enthusiastic and respectful hearing; but she acknowledges in a leader, and explains, the shouts of laughter, which she asserts were not derisive of woman surfrage, but called forth by the happy hits in the letter showing the inconsistencies of the Republican party. The Standard's correspondent, who gives the fullest and most graphic account of such scenes of any of the London dailies, says :—" Their address is received with screams of laughter ; their faces, normally not of lily whiteness, flame like peonies, and in a little time they retire with some precipitation to the re fuge of the Revolution office, where doubtless they are at this moment preparing lightnings to scorch the cajoling, unbelieving Democracy." The corre spondent is, however, wrong ; perhaps soothed by the extraordinary politeness he represents them as receiving from veteran politicians who dangle about them, while they criticise with sharpness the pro ceedings and the actors, they treated with contempt the rude vulgar in the galleries. The " lightning" of the Revolution is against the Republicans, but there is not a word to say against the proceedings " within the sacred walls of Tammany Hall." Susan's address declares—" We are not idiots, lunatics, paupers, criminals, rebels,' nor do we bet on elections.' We lack, according to your consti tutions, but onequalification—that of sex—which is insurmountable, and therefore equivalent to a de privation of the suffrage ; in other words, the tyranny of taxation without representation.' " Minorities can be moved by principles, majo rities only by votes ; hence our appeal to De mocracy. The party in power, unmoved by their efforts, have proposed to their States to insert the word " male " in the Federal Constitution, and thus erect a new barrier against women, who, roused by this fresh insult, have ap pealed to the Democrats, who are asked to save the Constitution from this desecration. " Over this base proposition the nation has stood silent and in different. While the dominant party have with one hand lifted up two million black men and crowned them with the honour and dignity of citizenship, with the other they have dethroned fifteen million white women—their own mothers and sisters, their own wives and daughters—and cast them under the heel of the lowest orders of manhood." The De mocrats placed the poorest ditch digger on a politi cal level with the proudest millionaire, and were rewarded by power from that time, with few inter ruptions, until the war. A similar boon to women will insure the political power of the party for de cades to come. While demanding it on the eternal principles of justice, Miss Anthony happily alludes to this consideration, likely to weigh with: infinitely greater force, in " the sacred walls of Tammany." She then gives some ideas on the late war, and con cludes with these words :—"I desire, therefore, an opportunity to urge on this Convention the wis dom of basing its platform ort univers d suf frage as well as universal amnesty, from Maine to California, and thus take the first step to ward a peaceful and permanent reconstruction." s After two sessions, the committee not reporting, the Convention adjourned till Tuesday. On that day, at ten o'clock, the hall is again filled as before, and the following platform is sanctioned with a shout that shakes the solid building : "First —lmmediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union under the Constitution, and of civil government to the American people. Second— Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens. Third —lt calls for payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable ; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government, economically adminis tered, being honestly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. Fourth, —Equal taxation of every specie of property according to its real value, including Govern talent bonds and other public securities. Fifth—One currency for the Government and the people, the labourer and the officeholder, the pensioner and the sol dier, the producer ~ and the bondholder. Sixth—Eoo nomy in the administration of the Government; the re duction of the standing army and navy ; the abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau and all p)litical instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system, and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assess ing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalised and lessened; the credit of the Government and the currency math) good ; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces in time of peace ; and a tariff for revenues on foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the Internal It .•>- venue laws as will afford incidental protection to donaostic manufactures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and en courage the great industrial interests of the country. Seventh—Reform of abuses in the administration, the ex pulsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of use less offices, the restoration of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive and judicial depart ments of the Government, and subordination of the mili tary to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease. Eighth—Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens at home and abroad, the assertion of American nationality which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish an example of encouragement to people struggling for national integrity, constitutional liberty and individual rights, and the maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their jurisdiction." Then comes the next great business—the platform has been erected, the candidates must be selected ; who are to take their place upon it ? In the Chi cago Convention there was a little clap-trap when Grant was named, a curtain being drawn aside re vealing his likeness, and an unoccupied pedestal with the words " Match Him " over it. This was answered by the Democrats placing a clown in the unoccupied position, but they did not intend to as sert that they deliberately selected a clown to run against Grant. The States are called in their alpha betical order as at Chicago, and the chairman of each delegation responds and names the choice of his State, sometimes prefacing it by a brief speech, and each well-known name is greeted with accla mation. The balloting then begins, and the Chair man of Alabama's Delegation, rising on the Secre tary's call, says—" The State of Alabama casts her 8 votes on behalf of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee;" and the announcement is received with enthu siasm. After all the States have voted, Pendleton stands first ; the 817 votes being cast as follows : Pendleton, 105 ; Andrew Johnson, 65 ; Hancock, 331 ; Church, 33 ; Asa Packer, 26 ; English, 16 ; Doolittle, 13 ; Joel Parker, 13 ; Reverdy Johnson, 81 ; Hendricks, 21 ; and F. P. Bair, only 11. The balloting continues, as it had been decided on Sa turday between the repudiators and their opponents that a mere majority shall not decide, but two thirds of all the delegates are necessary for the no mination of a candidate, an old rule, in the in fringement of which lay Mr. Pendleton's only chance of success. Had a mere majority been sufficient, Mr. Pendleton would have been assured of the nomination, but the gold-men were too strong to give him any prospect of securing two thirds: The delegates amount to 634, each of whom has half a vote ; every State being entitled to send twice her number of. Senators and Repre sentatives in Congress, though the votes only equal their Congressional members. Five minutes are allowed for consultation after each ballot, the same time as given to the proposers of candidates to speak in praise of their favourites. On Wednesday twelve additional ballots were taken—Mr. Pendleton started with 1371, and on the eighth ballot reached 1561, but on the last ballot of that day sank to 561. Hancock then took up the running, rising from 421 on the first ballot of that day, to 1441 on the last, when 87 was thrown for Hendricks, and 10 only for Andrew Johnson. The result showed that Pendleton had no chance, and on the evening the delegates met in secret caucus. Sanford E. Church was to be withdrawn, Chief Justice Chase to be substituted by the New York delegation, and Mr. Seymour, as delegate at large was to propose him. A Californian delegate on the last ballot but one of the day cast his half vote for the Chief Justice, when the audience rose and cheered wildly. On the morning of Thursday, the 19th ballot was taken, Hancock receiving 135 votes, and Hendricks 1071. On the 20th ballot, M'Clellan's name came up, receiving half a vote. Four Massachusetts delegates threw their votes amid some hisses on the 21st ballot for Chief Jus tice Chase. Then commenced the last ballot, New York desiring to be passed over to the end. On the previous night the 21 Ohio delegates having de cided to Withdraw Mr. Pendleton upon his own written authority, and present the name of Horatio Seymour, threw the whole vote of that State for the new nominee. General M'Cook, who was spokesman, said he yielded to the desire of every public man in that State, including Mr. Pendleton, in nominating Mr. Seymour, whom he begged to yield to the general wish. Instantly throughou t the hall the utmost excitement prevailed, the 4,000 rose to their feet as one, and for a quarter of an hour the wildest expressions of joy were indulged in. It was not mere cheering, but that continued rolling noise such as is made by a multitude when all strive their utmost to add to the uproar. Handkerchiefs waved and hats flew into the air, giving to the whole hall tl e appear ance of movement. Outside the roar was caught up, and before it ceased it was known in all the great cities of the Union that Horatio Sey mour would be the Democratic nominee. During this time Mr. Seymour, who had risen, stood calmly gazing at the spectacle, his face showing no sign of what was passing in his mind, but when he spoke it was in a tone of evident excitement. With many kind allusions to Mr. Pendleton, he ended by the emphatic declaration, while thanking the Conven tion, that " your candidate I cannot be." Mr. Val landigham insisted on his acceptance of the nomi nation, saying it was incumbent upon him to lay every personal consideration aside. The voting, temporarily interrupted, proceeded, and every delegation successively named Seymour. Those who bad previously voted recalled their ballots, and also threw for Seymour, winding up with New York, who gave her 33 votes. When Horatio Seymour was announced to be the unanimous choice of the Convention for the Presidential candidate, all eyes were turned to the chair, but Mr. Seymour had gone, and a delegate occupied his place. A recess followed, when the Convention re-assembled to choose from the soldiers nominated a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The other candidates were withdrawn or declined to run, and General Francis Preston Blair, of Missouri, was declared to be the unanimous choice of the Convention. He was nomi nated by General Forrest, whose name is insepar ably associated with Fort Pillow, and was seconded by General Wade Hampton, who thought it due to the soldiers of the North that they should have the Vice-Presidency ; and as he took his seat General M'Clernand crossed the hall and shook him warmly by the hand, amid vociferous applause. After adopting resolutions thanking the Chief Justice for his dignified and impartial manner of presiding in the Impeachment Court, and arpoint ing a committee to wait upon the candidates, the National Democratic Convention adjourned sine I A DVERTISEMENT4 —Holloway's Pills—Biliousnoes, Headache, and Deranged Stomach.—Recollect, reader, that most diseases come on with apparently a trifling be ginning, which could at that stage be readily stopped, but being neglected, other and more serious symptoms set in. The stomach becomes disordered, more or less feverish .signs appear, followed by loss of appetite, strength, and energy. As a counteracter of these terrible symptoms, it is only necessary to take moderate doses of Holloway's pills, which will purify the blood, give a healthy action to the vital functions, and restore a robust state of feeling to the greatest valetudinarian. During hot weather,when the spiritsflag, from exhaustion, occasional doses of Holloway's medicine will recruit the failing powers and renew vigour. 7711: DEMOCRA7IC NOMINEES FOR PRE SIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT. Horatio Seymour was born in Pompey, Onondaga County, New York, 1811, being the descendant of an English Puritan family long settled in Connecticut, who were conspicuous in the interest of their country during the war of In dependence. He commenced the practice of law at Utica, New York, after leaving college at the age of 20. The death of his father brought him a good inheritance ; he was elected in 1841 as member of the Senate Assembly, and was returned in 181344-45. He closely contested the governor ship of the State in 1850, losing it by a small num ber, but he was successful in 1852, when he vetoed a law forbidding the sale of intoxicating liquors, and his decision was fully sustained by the courts. Although again defeated for Governor in 1854, and also in 1864, he was elected in 1862. When last he contested the election he took his party by sur prise, as the nomination was tendered on the un derstanding that it was only complimentary, and therefore to be declined, yet he sold his friends by accepting it, and some accuse him of double dealing on the present occasion. He is a man of ability, acknowledged all over America, though he has never sat in Congress, having confined his cal career to his own State. He opposes high tariffs ; on the subject of the finances he spoke fully and strongly just before his nomination ; he is skilful a 8 a politician, thoroughly understanding how to play his cards, nor over scrupulous in conveying impres sions to the minds of others. He commenced as a strong supporter of the war, while denouncing the Republicans, through whose conduct he declared it had become inevitable. He was elected Governo r of New York on the strength of his war feeling, which was found to have very little strength when he attained office. During his term the great riots broke out, and the rioters he addressed as " his friends." The New York World thus describes his appear ance :—" Seymour is dressed in the old style shad belly coat, which is buttoned across his chest, leav ing open a diamond-shaped portion of irreproach able white linen and a very neatly arranged black necktie of moderate dimensions. The head is well shaped and set gracefully back on a firm pair of shoulders, and the lower part of the face, below the eyes, is almost a perfect oval. The eyes are of a brilliant brown colour, and shine like diamonds be neath a firmly balanced forehead, which is bald-- the baldness extending back as far as the back part of the skull. The mouth is pleasant and mobile, and when Seymour smiles at you the feeling pro duced is a genial one. This is a cultured man, man of free tastes and high purposes, a man of ele gant diction, and also of powerful analysis. The skin of the face is sallow, and a thin seam of white whiskers encircle the throat under the chin. Why is it that all men of mind or mark in the world's struggles have this peculiar sallow skin ? It has always been an accompaniment, if not au indicator of genius. The Ca3ars, Napoleon, Frederick, Tully, Turrenne, Disraeli, Henry Clay, Webster, and many others of similar celebrity, have had, or have sallow skins. The dress of Seymour is in perfect accordance with good taste, for Horatio Seymour 10 a gentleman first, last, and all the time. When he makes a gesture it is dignified, and yet graceful• His voice, slightly impaired yesterday by a ha d cold, is correct in its intonations, full, and, when approaching a climax, resonant. The hands, whe n lifted in air, are white like a woman's, and the finger slenderly shaped. When speaking all eyes and ears are turned his way, and his influence on a large body of men is magnetic and thorough. His long and stedfast adherence to Democratic principles, persistence in the right, through good and ill report , has made the name of Horatio Seymour a dear one to all Democrats. To the humblest man in the party he is courteous, polite, and kind in his man ner. His knowledge of parliamentary law is full. His manner of recognizing a delegate on the floor 10 all that could be desired ; and no man in the house ever looks at him for five minutes without feeling that lie is worthy of being the chairman of the Cel l " ven t ion." Francis Preston Blair, son of Montgomery Blair , who in Lincoln's time was a Cabinet Minister , Was born in 1821 at Lexington, Kentucky, gra duated at Princeton College, New Jersey, in 184 1 , and commenced the study of law. He served unde r Kearney in the Mexican War, joining the volunteer force in New Mexico, but in 1816 he commenced the practice of law in St. Louis, beginning his c areer as a strong free-soiler, and on that platform wa s sent to the State Legislature and afterwards t° Congress in 1856, where he continued until afte r the civil contest, when he was chairman of al Committee of Military Affairs. On the outbreak ° the strife he was appointed Colonel of Volunteers' quickly reaching to the grade of Major-Gener al ' He was noted for gallantry at the siege of Irick s " burgh, where he commanded a division, as well 815 4 in Sherman's great march, where, with the Army Corps, he was often desperately engage' and became renowned for his contempt of dange r ' for which he suffered by receiving many wound' . Since the close of the war he has acted with 6° Democrats, and been a strong supporter of Andr ei Johnson. He has served long in Congress, and has been noted for strong speeches again,t the i Re construction policy. 11is family are well-known n American political life, and like the old families ° f England in the days whe n a ll s id es were taken, t hat some member might be right whatever occurred, Blair with the proper stripe has always bee" 3 hand when a good office was to be given aWaY• In 'Worcester, Western Massachusetts, people We t° getting ready for the regatta wee k. Th e various c ° T r ; mittoes had been appointed. The college matches id to take place on July 24, and John Tyler of Boston ace of Cold Spring,: N.Y., to row a single scull r_a for $3OO a side. A six-oar race between the Wards Vie, the Harvard crew may be on the week's prograrnTed Base-ball matches between Harvard and Yale are arrani be thus : the freshmen play on the afternoon of July 23, "of university nines next morning. A representation ea Brown University and Williams College was also 11 °P for. 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We Clu Du few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored 00Th, Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866.- 50 - health of tho Holy Father is excellent, especially sines. , to doning all other remedies, he has confined himself entir e 0 0 , Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which ho cons bo efi plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisinglY hi cial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot prais:'lol/ excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi frog 25. Cure No. 49,832.—"0f fifty years' indescribable agon•Y ie jat dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, 1 15 t. a '„ job' , spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Mar l , Miss Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,1 2 <ferts , Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, :';`, 0 401, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low 1101 and nervous fancies Important Caution.—Beware of tbf At boll unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, ,",,c1 1 1 5.. 1 authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attach In tins, at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4s. Gd. ; 5 113 4' 0 .01 0 1 12 lbs., 22s ; nibs ,40s.—Also DU BARRY'S REVALENTA 15-,,ups CHOCOLATE POWDER is packed in tin canisters; For 12 t 300': 25., for 24 cups at 3s. Gd., for 48 cups at 65., for 288 cuP,i o for 576 cups at 555. Being about one penny per cup. 'reeeii and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in Englan d on No. I ' of Post Office Order.—BAßßY DU BARRY and CO-) Regent-street, London and all Grocers and Chemists. Births. of DE WINTON—On the 25th inst., Mrs. De vcrintorl, Maosliwch, ef a son. the fife DUNCAN—On the 23d inst., at Leigh, Tunbridge , --ta of Laurence Duncan, Esq., of a son. ~,mitt VYsE—On the 26th inst., at 7, Sussex-gardens, lir le. ' the wife of Howard Vyse, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. COSTLEY —ThomsoN—On the 23d lust at St• Gdf Hanover-squhre, Captain Costley, late .' of 2 311 „, - "„;;;A Ellen, second daughter of the ate Georg© ' -1 Esq., of Ellingham House, Choltenhtun. , FORTNUM —LAwsoN—On the 23d inst at All Sou, , ha-place, John Hampden Fordhan . l, Esq , ba rl.itt3 tuto law, toCatherine, the younoest daughter of the la Wilfrid Lawson, Bart., of Brayton, Cuniberlaud• Deaths. s rbit' n A.LLENRY—On the 26th inst , at Glamor° nous% Eveiitt Allenby, Esq., aged . 73. i-h CORBETT— On the 25th inst , at Elsham, Lineola' Thomas George Corbett, E;q, • i 0 II °3 NASH—On the 22d inst., suddenly, at his residen9z.;6, Lodgo, Ilford, Essex, William Nash, Es+, ivS ect G e org e THOMAS—On the 21st ins.t., at Bouloome, suddenly' H. Thomas, of Uplands, Surbiton,%ged W°' I N London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.3I A- 9 , o o f of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tao SUNOlic'o3t/ Strand, in the Procinct of the Savoy, t ba - Middlesex.—Tuesday, July 28, 1868. j(1 Tw o Priz e It Sold the Age Ob:3er hare s L I_. iY~ i 1,1 ADvAi hold 0 , able We Forms Ro Entrld l Trape 2 An er the of t th e rno trst ina Miss ] Miss ALF° Corm e; B 'mq, T Mr. E . and M r Spec been m their d( Itonda• Priv; Prome t Mitchel C A innate the on several Christy Child of grand Herr Ca grand ID and Mes Corps di this Hal 14A . ED/NI B te n year 11 in the 411( This m b a ving 1 3, Idssi tor th a e 8010 Cor NVO: Lis pr e hour 3 . re „,r 60 ‘ -qa cirlists 4AT T P Lad Lt d 14:4 % 11EI Col, Al teal -r im 6q, ,y ; B ent enliats witllßos L 811 t i t Ilt e 8431 4 P I4 P VET Ski call tT ee N , 11( e 24 44 4 _ 0 r 114 kl . 11 18 t 41.4 do g the a 4°ll k 411. " 4 br a fr, e. " 'ltr e ' t t , ltp r t, 8 ' . 1 e3 ' s /341