The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-20 00:00:00

tent (glop p" rrsent?il on Fri , hv, the ',%h o Juno). Th.L.t this House is of op;ilion ;hat acquit y tau `ht , to be made into the g-otrals upon which the appoint. !a*-mt of chief clerk oe that department has been b•ith- L r ekl t•otia the officer who, as it is alleged by the p-ti , - ,1,7 3. 1 c", would in official order -have succeeded tJ it. ' Postmast er - G eneral had denit-ci p,titioners - „dress, and the a'y now came to the House to look into the s'egod grievance). They did not come to the House to t k ask them to i ncrease their miserable stipends; they only td the Hoes, to see that the rule of promotion-- tbat t,f office, as it had been termed—which th ey Were ent i t l ed to, as well as their salary, might not ip u taken f rom them by the arbitrary conduct cf the stma ster-General, or rather of the secretary of the Poi t-( 'ffice Mr. Rowland It hall fund th4t, wthae„b.e:st Way of . 1 re utn.g econonaisin ;he public money an , public service was to eitablish the prit.ci , ,la af iteniority as the proper claim to any of toe hieher posts ~.a _ the public offices as they fell vacant. The Post-office was suppcsed to act on that principle, at least th., I)'inCPle WAS adopted and acted upon (until last ); .. ear) General th e money -order office. The present Postmaster tieneral had broken through that rule in the case of th Q h • that o clok of tilt. money-order office, and it was mrcurnstance which had lel to the present app•=al Parli ament. The Hon. and Learned Member ',ere t i," into a min u t e hi story o f t h e gr i evance o f t h e peti jf:ll", from w hi c h i t appeared that the comp l a i nt too k by rise in 1549, in consequence of an alteration made • "Ir. Rowland Hill in what was called the sick-fund or atieklurlough. (The Hon. and Learned Member's state ment was made solely to Hon. Members on the Govern• e meat benehes, there not bein a single Member on the lititire.rvative e,from which he a side thee individual who had been passed over, and who,_ on claim of seniority, was entitlei to be presented to j i , a vacant post of chief clerk to the money-order Unite, i t - pad his claim disregarded because he refused to cc fj"'edge having signed a memorial which contained a ‘ehood. The person put in office, who had previously eedea declared unqualified, was taken from the money : tlf:b r "floe of the post-office at Edinburgh. He had 1/O —ar ged a public duty in calling the attention of the us e to this matter, and now left it to the House to nay ..at ought to be done. th r • WILLIAMS seconded the motion, and contended "e t an inquiry ought to take place into the Sys em Ta°P" to the Post-office, and more eAprcially of the Were office, the books of which it had been asserted t e, kept in a most slovenly and objectionable manner. better had been submitted to Mr. Rowland Hill for the s „ e r management of this department, and a better :stea l of . d one Keeping the accounts, but nothing had been thereT k , IIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said ie - th w ,...as great inconvenience in not having any officer 'louse to represent the Post-office department t pas such matters as the present came before them. I s act true that seniority alone was the ground of pro nioth, ea n ' According to seniority a person might rise to a I nt -rt ! s hi position, and receive a certain increase of salary, lioneniority were to be made the sole ground of pro yiee . enould be impossible to conduct the public ser reaekuetly.—(Hear, 'hear.) In private establish kr-s when trusty persons were wanted. those best fitted eitiathpe situations were . selected ; and the same principle se a , 1 •Y applied to public establishments. In the pre -1,,e-e cue the individual alluded to was selected by r`eLl Lerisdale to regulate the in which Dublin ; and 1114 ,delisteyquozasof the manner in which he,discharged promoted to the office of chief clerk ile„tithlnurgh, and was now considered fully qualified ilttne situation to which he had been promoted. or tae "NIG WATT understoodalthough every one to e thirteen entlemen who had been passed over in a q e lll , l ' ; ‘, v , hat unusual manner had been reported as duly f t4 , l '"e . d, the gentleman who had been selected out of his charge 4 ( l , in the year 1844, been reported unfit to .dis . the duties of his office. Such a charge required lithsonite e xplanation. Although it might not be an estab kaed reguletion in the public departments that every tip s hould rise by seuiurity, he believed it was acted Z 1 with very few exceptions.—(Hear, hear.) ittp ; r- I'ER protested against the House interfer f4l,4 matters of this kind, inasmuch as it was not eer -1- oy , t jude pudiche qualifications of persons hold eittenitions in offices. de AGLIONBY protested against the doctrine laid chef tee the Hon. Member, and expressed his conviction is bs House wa s quit e justified in instituting inquiries e re l l'lY eases. Such power, however, ought to be ex. ;;IQ' " with great caution. At the present time he did 11 0 think there was sufficient evidence to warrant the in assenting to the notion, 'tfr a few words from Mr. IlumE and Mr. ANSTEY, explanation, the motion was withdrawn. Th e ye SUPPLY. eie k -. o Use then went into Committee of Supply, Mr. 5 . 144 L in the chair. hee e ir •INGLIS said that as the Museum estimates had sot fro 40 frequently explained to the Committee, he would se r , tt i e : ahle them on the present occasion with any oh- Rr .° " °ll2 , but at once propose that a sum of 45,3221.. h be lea se toward s d e f ra yi ng t h e ex p enses o f the Brie ese ute. beel!r•_, HUME wished to know whether anything had t e etl " oone in consequence of the report of the Corntni the state of that important establishment, in te e ," 4 0 alteration in the administration of affairs was eltaeneed. He trusted that some effectual measures tt ° lo a v id i, e taken for expediting the publication of the ca- Plai^" e . resPecting the great delay in which many core st.'t4 had been made. 1 )7 Gr„. GREY said, that no steps had yet been taken trust kiovernment with respect to that report, but the sad e 's of the Museum had taken it into consideration, Ist,t4opted several plans founded upon it. 1 ,1 1 . " vote was agreed to. eh ar r_ next vote proposed . was 24,0801, to n d st e n f r r n ay nn t a h s e t of Z i s e et the civil establishment on the V? tit r b . r. C„ OI3 DEN trusted some explanation would be tek ert el the grounds on which the Commit'c© were to " to vote this sum. He observed that 10,0001. was oft P I Paid to the Danish Government for the purchase ,eqoltf Coast, and stores at the Danish settlement at the The qu - ° 4, t, on their transfer to British authorities. t it l' e3tie ° was, whether we ought to extend our ter tu a rt e s od the coast of Africa. His opinion was that that r e ?P l eal possessions were already too extensive, and ss ete " t e ought not to extend our sovereignty. What Oar t er 6 grounds on which it was proposed to increase be toc,xrittory in Africa? The first object appeared to ,la va t end our operations f ,r the suppression of . th . e l izsti o ra e , and the next an endeavour to diffuse me- Cr e w e eu the continent of Africa. Now, was it de of the 4 ', ! Luke an increased outlay for the suppression be e , - B taVe trade on that coast? Many doubts had se a fo"Pressed as to whether we ought to continue our hark i r n e es for that purpose, but here was a project to ern endemehow operations on s h ore —t o b u ild f or t s , and hadpe ?ur t o put down single-handed on land that which /\•,11 failed t o d o on t h e sea i n conjunction with ihf ere e 's", (Hear, h ear .) Th e case h a d b een f a i r ly p ut said ti ne House of Lords by Lieutenant Winniett, who 8 1 84 in his opinion slavery would never be done Ile ttin with except by blockading the Bight of mast ho wed building forts along the coast—that it iity t hr tl sUch a blockade by seaward as not to allow tases4tteen g•P Pass. and the erection of forts every ten or , e '. s, es like the marten() towers on the coast o ereeet, -- (A. latigh.) Some fresh plan was continually taet" 1C ward to extinguish the slave trade. At one ties qf • was to b e effected in two or three years by the Was attstewhiers—then came the Niger expedition, which the et , e htied with such a horrible loss of life—and now !tele I; Jee t was to b e accompl i she d i n two years an d a ad hY Mar tell° towers and forts.—(clear, hear.) He t his 4 the opportunity of examining Earl Grey on I N a s Je ?t , and the evidence given by the Noble Earl ~natheent reason fur delaying the vote. Earl ep pl f o tic the opinion of Lieutenant Winniett, and 141 0 ° ,,T 1 ,0f the la f extending forts along the coast. set eecael'ilro exp P res n se o d barlGrey was very alarming, u eing a Cabin t y Minister, he was doubtless do u hwith the concurrence e f his colleagues, and un ut, 6 o te e :'tert e project fextending sanctioned this Jr t h nht „ e fteolisli the slave trade. He (sir. Cobden) l et pt irne _nad edready made too many sacrifices fer h e r _ s u• If we could not prevent the transport of t‘t ,ritie:_:,%, it was absurd to suppose we could d o so it tie ten T ar, hear.) The next object professed was elt w as °4 of trade on the coast of Africa. Now the business of that House to pur -1 eaza No t , • 'lad t lot Africa, in order to promote trade, and we, the t , a ree with the petitions on this subject which of e sented from Manchester and Liverpool. It wi l l l e artic e i2 of Parliament to consider, not the interest e • I thee th e merchants, but the ge,teral interests; and It el, rose were about to vote money on sound prin a said I , t ,h the consent of the taxpayers at large. 1; 4 1 ' 1 ' 1 iv„ • 'flat the purchase of these Danish ferts it i t why hatiocrebased facilities to the growth of cotton. fi u 4 :0 p, rti that article not been produced before, when q h e cee?-- (t Pti ef the Gold Coast was under our in ti,44ua Ne et „ . 'ears hear.) The soil and climate of British het well adapted for the cultivation of cotton, the thet Obstacle thrown in the way by the Colo a: wh e t,' t n 4 t cowry would grow cotton enough for teei e , world, When we have in British Cruia.na, ; % 1 1 1. , ° 11 7 4 11: 11 1 )5 f 4 s n eo d tt t o h n e East Indies, sufficient territories for the he did not see why the public money ,o,Qpntri inv ested i n a new t e rritory.—(flear.) If the ti s sieet es e ht wished t o ass i st trade, let them remove the °ll, and *l nch now existed—let them diminish taxa ee. ist Put down the Custom house officers and exc. Z t :h e 00 7 t, Pith respect to the extension of civilization d 44 rhS Africa, Sir C. Trevelyan, in a letter ere e r e 4ed s •44orY Chambers, Dec. 12, 1842," and ad- Yoy • m - b „. erlvale, Esq., said, "I era to request that n t yt t aio n „, ; ',"ialu . n s t Earl Grey that my Lards concur i It ' ll h e heulelliaali Lordship and Viscount Palmerston ns results that mabo expected from trarauge teent ee as respects the suppression of the slave Vtith ' a, thsuch Pro e A M 's Part of 0 probable extension of our trade Africa, in consequence of the im ttd4"ttediteciveniltizeantiort of the inhabitants of the coast and , e , isur.i. ,,u ntries , which may be anticipated from s T ravel In a lett er f rom Mr. Merivale to Sir i) 4 " Written in th© name of Earl Grey, he to t nea lnulabl e eic"sarY to point out to their Lordships di T n r p9rtance of these results with a view abet. ° gradual the great continent of Africa, and to .by„e,xt,h: tt.equailionriotifah commerce; but I am to observe the Danish forts would not only, wo letidi ng the 6 t ode er stir face thP h d, b ere of B r i t i s h i nfluence, spread over benefits with which it has been at rtaapoliey %, ,,, liiicid.further give in crease d efficiency to how Y Sub ject to ba g been pursued in the territory al of asked to our jurisdiction." The House was v as e t t abalki ng ic i °t : a s sum of 1 . 0,000/. for the purpose horn contin ent of Ystem to civilize and examine the etabataeca. But they ought to look at a atoen before r e • 8 thro w the (Ni t tog in such a scheme, for within t ut t eg thei r e, na re Was dense mass of the population t ere Was another attention and care.—(llear, hear.) _er question deserving of consider!), Was What were e going to buy from tho Danes? to aet ended w to 17 Within eiPrurchftse merely the forts with the range, or extensive dependencies? This was not very el- er. I, epp'tired that hitherto we had never claimed the eight of sovereigety over any put of the Gssli Coast. Ile feurei from the report o e a tour made by Lieutenant Wintsiett, who had gone beak es Governor of the Gold Caat, to tske possession let these Danish settlements, that he was not cerifinit g his perearinatery tour to the Dutch farts. He talked of the natives deelarieg fealty to the British Government; anti went among tribes, tie chief of ono of which he says. " teleitig a sword by its point and elevating the handle towards me, holding the sword almost at arm's length, voeed. recording to the fashion of the country, fealty to her 'alhjssty the Qieen." Ile then says:—" I have endeavnat e.i to place before you a narrative of un adorned facts relative to the transfer of these settlements, and connected with my tour; but it still re mains f ir me to make a few remarks on some parts cf these dependencies through which I have not had an opportunity of travelling. The most d•stant and important of these is Akim, bor dering on Ashantee, from 80 to 100 miles into the in terinr. A country of considerable extent end great fer tility of soil, occupied by one of the largest tribes of these regions. I can give no definite account of the ex tent of the Akitn country ; its passitien your Lordship will fled on the accompanying map, furnished me by Governor Care'eneen. Farther to the eastward, bor dering on the Volta and its tributary streams, are the Aquambus and Crepees, and othsr smell tribes, all of which, together with those before-veer:Coned, have tes se.ssed Danish flees, and recognised the authority of the Danish Crown." That did not seem as if we meant to con fine our territory within range of the guns of the forts. Allusion was made to a country a hundred miles its the interior, bordering on the Ashantres, a formidable tribe, with whom we bad formerly been at war. What gua rantee was there that we should not some day hear of another war - with the Ashantets, if we took occupation of the territory in question? He wished toknow whether we were about to buy the forts only, or the territories also; and what regulations we proposed to extend to the populous tribes: of these territories. Esrl Grey spoke of raising a revenue from the natives; but it that were done, protection mast be afforded them by this country. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies might say that there was a scheme attsched to the purchase of these forts by which a large revenue would be raised. He never knew of any purchase ot territory which was not to bring in money some way or other; yet, strange to say, the result was to take money out.—(Hear, hear.) The present project was to raise a revenue by establishing custom-houses on the coast of Africa at these forts. But how was a revenue to be raised if they had no territory, and what could prevent the natives receiving goods entered at other points of the coast? It was proposed to levy 3d. per lb. on to bacco, and also a duty on ruin. Now, if we were only to possess certain houses, and no territory, the landing of rum and tobacco would be certain to lead to a contra band trade. He advised the House not to trust to the promised revenue until they were made aware of a mode of raising it. 1,1501. was the esti mate of the increased charge of the five Mulish forts. It was a most fallacious estimate. The three years which he had sat on the Committee of the army, navy, and ordnance estimates, had convinced him that nothing could be more fallacious than the estimates of the expenses of our establishments in the colonies. The civil establishment gave no idea of the total expense. In the army estimates of each year there was a vote of 6.0001. for a black corps on the coast of Africa. The Right Hon. Under-Secretary might say that the West India corps was to be withdrawn, but still there would be an absolute increase of 6,000/. year. He exhorted the Committee to pause before they sanctioned any extension of our possessions in tropical countries. There was a great difference between our possessing a territory within the temperate zone, and one within the tropics. In the former we might make our race indigenous, and afterwards derive benefit from them as a self-governing community; but in tropical countries our race could not become indigenous—and the native inhabitants must be governed by force. So far from extending our tropical possessions, there were many of them we ought never to have ecquired at all. The notion formerly was that exclusive trade and taxa tion would meet the expenses of their government. Mr. Burke, in his speech on the American colonies, noticed both these points; but stated that taxation of the colonies must be abandoned, and that a re compense must be found in exclusive trade and the maintenance of the Navigation Act. At the present day, however, we stood on a different footing, for we had thrown open trade and given up the Navigation Act. 'the Committee ought therefore to pause before adding, even to the extent of a square yard, to our possessions in tropical regions. No doubt he should hear of the great benefits to humanity from the abolition of the slave trade. He appealed to the House whether some consi deration was not due to those whites who were sent to the coast of Africa, more especially to that part of it known as the Gold Coast, or " white man's grave." In his eviderce before the Lords' Committee, Mr. Lander stated the mortality among the whites to be 25 per cent. annually; and another witnets, speaking as to the health of the white officers, said they were generally attacked with fever, and that those who survived and became seasoned were often attacked with fever and ague. Was it consistent with humanity to persevere in a system which involved a sacrifice cf 25 per cent, of the white men sent to the coast of Africa, more espe cially as all attempts to prevent the slave trade had failed ? It was no excuse to say that the men volun teered to go out. He would regard himself as almost guilty of homicide if he hal been a party to the Niger expedition. When it was first proposed he denounced it, at a public meeting in Manchester, as little short of murder. Bel eying there was not the slightest ground to justify them—either as economists, pailantbopists, or politicians—in extending their territory on the coast of An ica, he opposed the proposal, and begged to move that the vote be reduced to 10,0001. The question having been put, Mr. EORSTER said be had ene advantage over the Hon. Member for the %Vest Riding nn this occasion—he knew something of the subject. —(flcar, hear.) The lion. Member, in his opinion, never departed from the the discussion of the corn-law and such questions without injuring his reputation. The Honourable Member had statsd this question to be one of extehding our territory on she coast of Africa. It was no such thing. Neither was it a question of build ing forts. As to the assertion, that it would increase the mortality on the coast of Africa, he had only to remind the Committee that one great object of the plan was to lessen the mortality by substituting a black corps in place of troops commanded by white officers. He be lieved that the present proposal had been entertained partly in consequence of the outcry raised by the finan cial reformers—the Hou. Member fir the West Riding and his friends—against the expense of our colonial es tablishments. Earl Grey, anxious to reduce colonial ex penses, had ne doubt considered that the expenses of our establishment: on the Gold Coast might be met by a revenue raised on the spot. Our settlements on that coast lay between the Dutch settlements on the one side and the Danish on the other; and it was impossible to raise a revenue without coming to an arrangement with them. For 40 years Denmark had maintained its forts on that coast at an expense of 3,000/. a year, without deriving the slightest benefit from them.—(Loud cries of " Hear," and laughter.) lie did not mean to say that no trade had been carried on; but it had been carried on, not by Denmark, but by England.—(Hear, hear.) France had been anxious to obtain the Danish settle ments, but Denmark had wisely preferred transferring them to England, as she had been more zealous than others in attempting to put down the slave-trade. It was not till the proposal of raising a revenue on the Gold Coast was made that England agreed to purchase these settlements. Holland, on the other hand, had agreed to be a party to the arrangement of raising a re venue. In fact the measure was a measure of economy, and ho was prepared to defend it on that ground. If it did not turn out to be a measure of economy it would be the fault of the Colonial-office. He held in his hand a petition from the merchants of Liverpool, in which they expressed their satisfaction at the purchase of the Danish settlements on the Gold Coast. He had also a petition t rem the Commercial Association of Manchester in which a belief was expressed that the acquisition of these poseessions would increase trade and extend civilisation. But to show that a due sense of the value of the acquisi tion ens entertained by the people of Manchester, he might refer to a copy of the Manchester Guardian—a paper which represented the feelings of the manufac turers—in which much surprise was expressed that the lion. Member for the West' Riding should oppose the vote of 10,000/. for the purchase of those forts, and that the two lion. alsmbers for Manchester should support him, part :easily as not long ago one of those Hon. alesneheis had brought forward a motion relative to the growth of cotton in India, which, if carried out, would have involved an expenditure of at least 100,0001. In his forty years' experience of affairs connected with the coast of Africa, he must say that this was the first vote he ever knew likely to be attended with beneficial re sults to the trade and civilisation of 'Africa. He could show that, from first to last, 1,000,000/. had been comparatively thrown away.—(Elear, hear.) He had tried to dissuade the Noble Lord, in 1841, from countenancing the expedition to the Niger, for he knew how it would end. lie recollected speaking to the Noble Lord, in the library, on the subject, but the Noble Lord received his su4gestions a little coldly, and though he could not say he was snubbed, he felt his advice was disregarded. Unfortunately his pre dictions had been realised. The whole affairs of western Africa had, fur the last forty ye are, been completely mis llaaadnabeen thrown away,ged, and it was too bad, aft r all the money that that this, the first useful vote fur Africa, should be objected to. Mr. JACKSON was surprised that the Government had not explained the reason for proposing this vote. to llon t . his lele c m oa b s e t r ; saidbut lettb the Liverpool b e , rp e o l o 0 1 , m 0 o e o r le.hi year nts d idn spento t there, along with ether sums, an d t h ey m i ght d epen d trade The upon it the Liverpool merchants would be found trading there as well as the Hon. Member himself—(Laughter.) When they themselves had got possession of the West India islands, they assisted the Africans in committing a great crime. Thanks to a Clarkson and a Buxton, they had put an end to that crime; but how did they put an end to it? By paying themselves—that was, it was like taking the money out of one pocket and putting it into another. If they had paid the African chiefs half as much for putting an end to the slave trade as they wasted on their fleet on the coast, they would have put an end to the slave trade long since. Mr. HAWES said his reason for not rising earlier was that he desired the opinions of those trading with the west coast should be first known, in order that the House might hear the commersial value 0f the proposition now made to the House. It was conceived that one of the best means of putting an end to the slave trade was by promoting legitimate trade on that coast. Wherever British possessions had extended there the slave trade had ceased. As they encroached on the slave coast they diminished the amount of slavery.—(Cheers.) The Danish forts extended over 200 miles, and along the most fertile territory on the coast, but they did not profess to assert a jurisdiction over the natives and territory. The commercial world viewed_ this proposition with favour, I' w Ir THE SUN: LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1850, for it was boli vcd by them it Would tend to increase rint Ert:lsh ttede winch s.rved to diminish, or to the ex- Cr_ation absolutely of the slave trade. The mere rea ter•:ds they were about to purchase wer3 equal to the money value that was about to b 3 given for them. Then the lend was favourable to the produc tion of cotton. The trade wns iticressmg, on that coast.—(hear.) The return of British inat,ufactures exported to the west coast of Africa was in value as follow:—in 1844, 421,0001.; in 1847, 518,0001.; in 1848, 1i71,0001. lie btlieved that the revenue raised would meet the whole of the annual expenditure. This would not be done by high, but by duties so low as sufficient to deter the practices of the smuggler. One of the chiefs of that coast declared that he found his trade by slaves was diminished, as his subjects preferred directing themselves to the peso& ill pursuit of industry, and acquiring profits of trade.—(hear, hear.) He said that " his people were betting; rich and setting his as thority at defiance."—(hear.) This showed the value of extending their ferts, which were not military for tresses, but stations fur carrying on trade, and effarding protection to British subjects and natives. In these placei it was not proposed to have a white force, but a native force. As to the growth of cotton in toeir pos sessions, it was to be remaiked they had hitherto dis c , uraged it by the high protecting duties they had given for sugar. And he was sure the 10,000/. now proposed would do far more for the growth of cotton than by sending commissions to India. On these grounds he trusted the Committee would sanction thevote. Colonel THOMPSON was confident that he spoke the sense of his constituents by giving his support to this vote, as it appeared to him calculated to increase the trade of this country. There was a rampant hostility against this country in other parts of the world, and that might be detected in America, amongst those who were descended from the slave-drivers, who originally found refuge in their country, and were far diff.retit from the descendants of those great men who had gone over from this country, because the country was not worthy of them. Under these circumstances, if Great Britain did not take advantage of the opportunity of playing off free Africa and free countries, wherever they existed, against that surging power that was destined perhaps to occupy the whole of South and North America, she would greatly injure her own interests. He objected to any prejudice on account of colour. Englishmen would not be anything the worse fir a little of the infusion of the blood of Ham.—(Great laughter.) He com plained that so little had been done iu the way of employing the natural. born inhabitants, in protecting their settlements, and extending their commerce eon their power. Ho thought the British merchants ought to be competent judges of whether the expenditure would or would not be attended with beneficial results; and, in the present case, they bad given their approval to the proposition submitted by the Government. Mr. M. GIBSON said there was one point of the an swer of de Hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary fur the Colonies which he did not distinctly understand— namely, the tariff of duties that was to be imposed; be cause it would appear that the large revenue that was to be derived from the trade with Africa was to be obtained by taxing the free negroes. He contended that they had no right to impose any tax upon these parties. He did not think that the abolition of the slave-trade would ever be accomplished by coercion; end he should therefore give his vote in favour of the amendment of his Hon. Friend. Mr. CARDWELL took a review of the slave ques- tion, illustrating his argument by reference to the map, of Africa, and contended that it would not only be pre judicial to Liverpool, but also to Manchester, to refuse to obtain possession of that part of the Gold Coast, which would complete their territory. Unless they cut off, and completely put down the slave trade, they would cut off their own power of export, for their export must neces sarily be curtailed and incomplete so lung as the slave trade was suffered to exist. He was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Milner Gibson) would agree with him, notwithstanding the facetious remarks in which the Hon. Member indulged, that the sooner the nefarious traffic in the slave trade was suppressed, the better ; and if they wanted to put down slavery—if they wanted to promote Christianity, and to serve the inte rests of humanity, he asked them with what consis tency they could object to the proposed vote of 10,0001, which was to be devoted towards the carrying out of those objects. Mr. VERNON SMITH said, whatever opinion he might arrive at with respect to this Tote, he wished to offer his humble meed of approbation to her Majesty's Government for the candid spirit in which they ap preached this question. He should be the last to treat, and to treat lightly, so momentous a question as the ex tension of Christianity; but it appeared to him that this was less a matter of proceeding by moral influence than it was one 'Of extending our colonial empire by force of arms in every part of the world, and of increasing our military expenditure for that purpose. The papers on this subject contained all the arguments which had ever been urged in favour of the expediency of our colonial ascendancy, and it struck him, notwithstanding anything that had been said to the contrary, that this was really the object, let them disguise it as they might, which they contemplated. He must say that in his opinion it was most inexpedient of this country to avail itself of every opportnnity which offered for extending the British ter ritory; and it was for those reasons that he should vote with the Hon. Member for the W6st Riding, in opposi tion to the proposed vote. Sir E. BUXTON said that when the question of our expenses on the Gold Coast of Africa were being spoken of, it should be recollected that we already had a colony there. It appeared from a correspondence which had passed between the Foreign Office and Captain Winniett, that the effect of this purchase, so far from adding to our expenditure, would enable us to dispense with a ccn.iderable portion of it. He confessed he was greatly astonished at the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Manchester, when he said he was entirely opposed to the system of taxing the in habitants which was still in force on that coast. He had no hesitation in giving his support to the vote. Mr. ANSTEY called upon all those who were opposed to the gre vest blunder ever committed by any Adminis tration—the maintenance of a fleet on the African coast to put down the slave trade by force—to oppose all votes like the present, which, by maintaining establishments on the coast, directly promoted the continuance there of the squadron to protect them. Mr. BRIGHT was anxious to make two or three observations, because, after many other excuses had failed, the interests which he was supposed to re present were dragged in as a justification for the purchase of these forts. lie agreed with the Right Honourable Member for Northampton that this was neither more nor less than the old excuse for planting colonies in every part of the world on the ground of advancing trade, civilization, and Christianity. He did not attach much weight to the authorities which had been referred to, of Liverpool and Manchester mer chants, for he knew that there were a few merchants everywhere who were not more enlightened than other people. He certainly protested against the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester being quoted in support of such views. The proposition, as connected with cotton, led him to the consideration of what was done in India. They had conquered India, but what bad they done in the way of cultivating cotton? But cotton had always been brought forward when some political job of this kind was in contemplation, and it was sufficient to refer to the conduct of the Government with respect to the re• cent motion made by him (Mr. Bright) for an inquiry, to test their sincerity in the matter. He repudiated the scheme on his own behalf and that of those whom he re presented, and believed that if it should be carried out they would not get 100 bales of cotton from Africa in the next fi!ty years. On these grounds he would support the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. Sir DE LACY EVANS opposed the amendment. He considered the vote intimately connected with the sup pression of the slave trade. Mr. HUTT agreed in the views expressed on the question by the Hon. Member for the West Riding. He looked upon the proposal as another of those costly and unfortunate experiments by which the people of the country had been so long deluded into imagining that they were magnanimously suppressing the slave trade. — (Hear, hear.) What was the result at which they had arrived after thirty years' experience? They arrived at the conclusion to which the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Canning carve in 1822, that it would be welt for the cause of humanity if none of those experiments were undertaken.—(Eltar.) The Under-Secretary for the Colonies had said, that although they had failed with regard to other cases, in this they were to be successful. He did not doubt that the Hon. Gentleman believed what he expressed, but he would whisper in his ear that persons as honest as himself, not less sagacious, and as much experienced on the subject as he could be, had predicted success for every one of those experimentr,, as they Imd arisen, by which this system bad been protracted to the present year. They had failed, and he could not see how they could prove that this plan should succeed.— (Ilt.ar, hear.) The slave trade was now as extensive, and carried on with circumstances of as great horror a 4 a t any former period. It was but six weeks ago he had been informed by the President of the Brazilian Associa tion at Liverpool, that the slave trade was carried on as actively as ever, and that slaves were now sold in the markets of Brasil at a lower price than ever. What, then, was the value of their contract?—(Haar, hear.) Unless they were prepared hermetically to seal the entire coast-line, no good could be done by occupying a few isolated points. He saw in this measure the com mencement cf a system of national aggrandisement and lavish expenditure which might lead to very deplorable consequences. He could not sit down without en tering his strongest protest against the course which the Government had resolved to pursue. Viscount PALMERSTON said the question had r i sen to an altitude disproportionate to its merits. One party said it would establish the dominion of England in Africa, in the same manner as in India; another that it would promote the slave trade; another that it would do some thing else. The only one who took a practical view of the question, however, was his Hon. Friend the Member for Gateshead, who advocated an agreement between England and Brazil for the purpose of a limited and modified slave trade. _ . Mr. lIUT T said the Noble Lord had misrepresented him. Viscount PALNIERSTON said that at all events his Hon. Friend imagined that this country should cense to make further efforts to suppress the slave trade; hot if he was not deceived, he had not only argued in public, ably, as was his custom, but in private also, that this country should have a regulated slave trade. If his Hon. Friend did not entertliin that opinion, it was his (Viscount Palmerston's) mistake, and ho begged his pardon. Mr. BUTT said he had advocated no such doctrine. Viscount PALMERSTON was bound to yield to his lion. Friend in that case. But his lion. Friend had asked, where, after the long and costly endeavours made by England to suppress the slave trade, was the success of those efforts? Ile (Viscount Palmerston) would answer him. In 1845 the utmost that it was considered could be accomplished by :,the combined . , powers was to put an end t, the slave trade south of the hue. At pro s-nt fte slave trade waa superessed all the way between W:lydah and Lagos, with the exception of a small por tion of the cast. It was not, th,reforo, correct for his Hon. Friend to infcr that the etf , ris to put down that trade had he,n nesuccessU. His Hoy. Friend hadstated that the slave trade in Brazil was at this time more ex tensive than it had ever been; but his Hon. Friend was also mistaken iu that fact. By the accounts Ix-fore him (Viscount Palmerston) it appeared that the importation of slaves in 1847, though still considerable, he was sorry to say, fell very much short of the importa tion of 1848 into that country. His Honourable Friend was a1, , 0 mistaken if he supposed that the price of slaves had fallen in the Brazilian market; on the contrary, the accounts in his (Viscount Palmerston'.) possession showed that it had risen. With respect to the question under discussion, one would suppose, who did not know the fact, that the object of the vote was to acquire a vast extent of terri tory in Africa, at an enortnnus expense to the people of England, whereas it was the very opposite. The only question really at issue was, whether this country should accept an offer made by the Danish Government, of two or three trading post:, defended by a few black sol diers, f the purpose ofaacuring the inlets of commerce to the interior of Africa from the jealousy of active commercial neighbours. If these forts were not secured for England, they would pass into the hands of some other power ; and all those persbni who knew the African trade knew very well the difficulty already ex perienced by too close a neighbourhood to a jealous commercial rival. The way the thing happened was this : the Danish Government had communicated to him (Lord Palmerston), that, seeing the anxiety of England to suppress the slave trade, and knowing the extent of our commerce with Africa, they were desirous of hand ing over these forts, of which they had no longer any us ~ as their traffic with Africa was insufficient to justify their further maintenance, on condition that the price of the materials was paid for—a sum of 10,0001. A more handsome offer had never been made on the part of one country to another; and a more unwise refusal could nut be imagined if the House refused that offer. It was difficult, if not impossible to please everybody. One day the House was told that it was important to obtain a supply of cot ton, and it was engaged to send a Commission to India, which would not be able to report for a long period, and which would possibly end in no useful result. And yet when the Government was now offered two or three torts on a coast where cotton existed in the interior in the greatest abundance, the House was asked to refuse that offer, and forego, perhaps, of all others, the most likely mode of obtaining an unlimited supply of that in ' dispensible article. The Hon. Member fur Manchester seemed to treat the supply of cotton from that quarter as not available; but Mr. Beacroft bad already gone out to Dahomey to arrange, in the first place, such au agree ment as it was urged would put down the slave trade— namely, by offering the chiefs pecuniary allowance for a certain period on condition of ceasing from that trade; and in the second, to collect specimens of cotton in the colonies, and arrange for their transmission to this coun try. Whether, therefore, it was to afford an additional opening for the commerce of this country in the centre of Africa, or for the higher purpose of extending Chris tianity and civilisation in that land, he contended that the acquisition of these trading stations, which filled up the gap between the posts already possessed by this country, would materially further those objects. Mr. HUTT rose to explain. The Noble Lord bad said that at some time and place he (Mr. Hutt) had ad vocated a modified system of slavery. He (Mr. Hutt) distinctly denied it, and he trusted that when the Noble Lord made charges of that nature again he would be prepared with time, place, and circumstances. No one looked on the slave trade with greater horror than he did, and it was because lie looked upon it as one of the greatest possible crimes that he took the course he did on this occasion. The Noble Lord thought he had put down the slave trade; but the Noble Lord would excuse him when he said that ho believed him to be the most practical promoter of it in existence. The Noble Lord said that he (Mr. Hutt) was mistaken in saying that slaves bad fallen in price in Brazil; but he (Mr. Hutt) had not made that assertion without reason. One of the great merchants had assured him of the fact; and that at no period had slaves ever been offered at a price so low as now in the markets of Brazil. And yet this, as he (Hr. Hutt) had stated, was the result of 30 years' efforts. Viscount PALMERSTON was under the impression that in an interview which ho had with his Hon. Friend at the Foreign-office, his Hon. Friend had said that there was a natural tendeiscy of labour flawing from Africa to America, and that he wished him to weigh in his mind whether a limited amount of the slave trade could not be carried on between Africa and Brazil, subject to arrangements less injurious to the slaves on the passage. Mr. HUTT denied that be had ever stated what the Noble Lord bad given utterance to respecting him. He had had an interview with the Noble Lord at the Foreign-office, in which he pointed out that as it was almost impossible under existing circumstances to pre vent the influx of slaves into Brazil, it might be desirable to net in concert with that country so as to secure a sufficient supply of free labour in the same manner as it took place in the British colonies, which would in his opinion effectually put down the slave trade. Mr. HUME did not consider the offer of the Danish Government so liberal, for they offered these forts to a private merchant if ho would only hoist the Danish flag, an offer which was refusk d. He thought it mad ness to suppose that they could cultivate cotton in a territory which was limited to the rauge of a cannon shot. In one case they would get a fort of 40 guns, a marten() tower, and a burial. Two or three others were in complete ruins, which would require repairs, and which would involve an enormous expense. Three hun dred natives were to be raised f,,r the defence of these forts, which would cost 6,0001. a year, but they were told this was for the promotion of civilization. He should oppose the motion. Mr. MUNTZ sail that they had been discussing all the night a question respecting a miserable 10,0001. — (Hear, hear.) Why, he had laid out 10,000/. over and over again without anything like the consideration that the House of Commons bestowed on this wretched sum of 10,000/.—(Laughter.) If England had not slipped in and purchased these forts some other nation would have done so. This country had only met the wishes of a very large portion of the people at a very small cost. He did not think any reasonable objection could be urged against such a course.—(Hear, hear.) Sir W. NIOLESWORTH said that this was not a question respectin g an expenditure of 10,000/., but a question respecting the extension of a bad system.— ( Hear, hear.) The settlements of Sierra Leone, Cape Coast, and Gambia had cog this country 53,0001. in 1846, whilst in th a t y ear th e ex p o rts of - Great Britain to these places amounted to only 176,0001.; so that, for p7 7 1 6 1.e / w . o w of r o t th r hi t of s h oefo gu goods otordoysd sent e a s n e i tdn from Liverpool r r pw t o a ao i s n l t m aon e sd r a c yha Man chester fort s e t e 1 v v i e e e r r p y y e 0 1 1 the people of England paid 51. 10s.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he objected to that, on free-trade princi ples.—(Hear, hear.) They had no right to tax the peo ple of this country in order to put money into the hands of certain mercha n t s . —(H ear, h ear .) Let it be proved that the peopl e not object to th e vote. of England paid nothing, and he would After a few words from Mr. FORSTER, The Committee divided, when there appeared—. For the amendment 42 Against is —96 Majority ... The vote was then agreed to. The following votes were then agreed to:-10,875/. for St., Helena ; 7,3791. for Weser❑ Australia; 1,284/. for Port Blessington; 1,4861. fur Heligoland; 5,000!. for the Falkland Islands; 13,2961. was voted to defray the charge of the Colonial Land and Emigration Board. The House resumed, and the Chairman reported the resolutions to the House. EQUIVALENT COMPANY. This Bill went through Coalmittoo. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that ho had stated early in the session that he proposed to apply 250,0001. to pay off the annuity of what was called the Equivalent Society in Scotland. EXCISE SUGAR AND LICENCES BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the object of this Bill was two-foldT•first, at the time the duty on colonial sugar was reduced, no reduction was made on excise sugar made from beet-root, and the in tention was to reduce the duty on home-grown produce to the same amount as that made from colonial produce. He proposed to put such a duty on sugar used in brew eries as would render it equivalent to the malt. The Bill went through Committee. Report to be re ceived on Monday next. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, Sir W. JOLLIFFE opposed it. After some conversation, the House divided, when there appeared — For the adjournment ... 16 Against it... 74 Majority •.. _ 5B Mr. NEWDEGATE moved that the debate be now adjourned. Sir G. GREY said that this was a most useful Bill, and the object of the motion was not to delay it for a day or two, but to postpone it indefinitely. He hoped that the House would consent to the third reading. Mr. HENLEY said that the Government might have read the Bill a third time a week since if they had so chosen. All the delay they now asked was until Mon day next. Sir G. GREY consented to fix the third reading for Monday next. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH (No. 2) BILL. The House went into Committee ou this Bill, and the several clauses were disposed of. The House resumed, and the Bill was ordered to be re portal on Monday next. The Savings Banks Bill second reading was fixed for Friday next. 'rim SUMMARY JURISDICTION (IRELAND' BILL. E BILL. This Bill eras Thii Bill passed th rou g h Committee. lima p and passed, af,er a COLLEC TION OF FINES (IRELAND) BILL. Th e ame ndments to th is Bill w ere considered and agreed to. S protest from Sir WILLOUGHBY against pa s sing a Bill of sucli imp ortance, involvin g p ower s of taxation , alNthTir,Ri A at tha: hour (half rreCaidC past one) in the morning. HIGHWAY RATES BILL. This Bill passed through Committee, BOROUGII GAOLS BILL. This Bill. as amended, was considered. UNION OF LIBERTIES WITH COUNTIES BILL. FISHERIES BILL. These Bills were read a second time. The other orders o f the da y we re dispcsed of, and the Ilcuse adjourned at half - p a : t On e o'clock. SPIRIT of tite PUBLIC JOURNALS. raomlS MORNING PAPERS OfTIIIS DAY. TPlES.—Tiiere is a deep feed of lee-alter hi the It is true that they decepitered cue and drove out another; the, confiscate' the estates of the Crown, arid at proper intervals, have sufficiently vindi ceted the into eats and majesty of the people. But, once charge them with the diguiey of the Crown, and they prcve themselves its best poseib!e guardians. " Office shows the man," and office always makes a courtier out of a Whig. We can only say that the present Duke of Cambridge is a monstrous lucky fellow. His lot is fallen under a Ministry which shows a most amiable anxiety to make things pleasant. Besides various trifles under the late Duke's will, amounting eventually to near 3,000/. a-year. besides va rious military appointments, we should think to as great, if not a greater amount, tae young Duke is to have an allowance of 12,0004 a-year, charged on the consolidated fund. How much more he is to have in other forms, what wardenahips, ranar,erahipit, and governorships, when he is to be ma le a Field-marshall, and, perhaps, Commander-in-Chief, is not announced as yet, and probably de pends on the time when these things may happen to fall vacant. Lord John, too, expressly desires to say noth ing at present as to a possible addition of 6,0001. a-year in the event of the young Duke forming a matrimonial alliance. Much less has he permitted his thoughts to wander to that remote period when the House of Cam bridge will have given fresh pledges to fortune and the • country. Putting these contingencies out of the ques tion. the new Duke of Cambridge, besides his profes sional income, is to have 12,000/. a-year. John Bull must not grumble. fie saves 3,0001. a-year by the change. The late Duke had 27,0001. a-year. Under the new ar rangement the Duchess has 6,0001. a-year, the two daughters 3,0001. each, and the son 12,0001., which makes up 24,0001. a-year, leaving the British public, as aforesaid, better by 3,000/. a-year. Did all the circum stances of the case permit us, nothing would give us more pleasure thaw to indule:e a romantic loyalty, and vote away the money of the nation to descendants of George 111., even to the third and fourth gene rwion. But, unfortunately, we cannot so easily forget what is passing about Iv. here wo are screwing, pinching, cheeseparing, starving, cutting down, abolish ing, appropriating, and all but cheating, in every direc tion. Not a day without some niggardly act, which no thing but necessity can reconcile to the conscience and taste of a gentleman. A Committee has been sitting on official salaries, which is about to recommend a heap of reductions to the amount of some 20,0001. or 30,000/. a year. If a judge now receives 7,0001. a year, his successor is to receive 6,0001., and so in proportion; be sides that various incomes are to be wholly extinguished. Some scores, aye, hundreds of persons, will, in due time, succeed to offices with perhaps augmented duties, equal position, but diminished income. Already the chill blast of retrenchment has passed over every de partment of the public service, blighting present salary and future promotion. Only last night, immediately after the above vote, the House heard the case of more than a hundred clerks in the Money-order Department of the Post-office, who, out of 70/. a year, have to pay a substitute for every day of absence over and above the regula- Lion three•days' holiday in the year. In fact, the public service is becoming about the worst a man can take, and , is even losing its old character for certainty. Now, when the first lawyers in the land are to devote their days and nights to the public on short allowance, and many thou sand small officials are to maintain wives and families, and have good coats on their backs, on pay varying from 701. to 300/. a year, with here and there a prize of 8001. attainable by one man in a thousand, under these mise rable circumstances, we think with our old friend, the Member for Montrose, that 8,000/. a year for the Duke of Cambridge would, to say the least, have been much more suitable to the spirit and necessities of our times. Ungracious as it may seem, y( t the truth must be told. The late Dake, with his 27,0001. a year. for so many years, and his numerous other sources of income, not to speak of his long Vice royalty in Hanover, ought to have made ample pro vision fur all his children; nor can we admit any extent of lavish generosity in private alms or public subscrip tions as an excuse for the prior obligations of justice to his children and his country. But, it will be said, are the children to suffer for the improvidence of the father? It is so in every other class of life. Nay, her Majesty herself la is cheerfully undergone no trifling amount of inconvenience and self denial, which was all the heri- 1 tage she ever had from her father. The young Duke of Cambridge should have been made aware that the country will not always go on replacing the children in the exact position of their fathers. Under the arrange ment so hastily sanctioned last night, it is very probable that eventually the Duke of Cambridge will be more burdensome in the second generation than in the first, whereas the very. most that can bo expected is that the original grant should be kept up for two or three lives. For some other very telling considerations we must refer to the debate. If the second Duke of Cambridge is to have 12,0001., basides many other sources of income, what are the Queen's children to have as they grow up? It might have been expected that the Whigs would have had warning enough from the scandal created by Queen Adelaide's 100,000/. a-year, and from the untimely fate of the 50,0001. a•-year they proposed for Prince Albert. There was a time when statesmen might bribe Royalty with no less of credit to either party, but it is not so now. The age professes purity, honesty, independence, and economy. Never before were such enormous sacrifices demanded and exacted in the name of public good. Whole classes have been ruined for the sake of principle. Rank, property, life itself, ye been held of no account when an act of national justice or national repentance was to be perfermud. We are reducing our prelates to apostolic dimensions. Once or twice a year the nation sees the catastrophe of a noble house with great equanimity. Never, in fact, did public good assume so stern an air. In the midst of this just severity a Whig Government procures for the grandson of a King a larger settlement than was thought sufficient in the last century for the sons of a Kiug, though the former is wholly out of the reach t,f the succession. If the precedent of the Duke of Gloucester was to be followed, it would be well to carry it out by a more gradual ascent to the maximum, That, however, would not have laid the young Duke under a permanent obligation to her Majesty's present advisers. Happily we can afford to inflict a momentary uneasiness, and therefore we venture to tell his Grace that we would much rather have seen him win his way to his father's position, than lifted into it by an obliging Minister. DAILY NEWS.—Twenty years ago, the rival par ties in office and opposition were led by two men the most dissimilar in character and sentiment, but who might equally claim the merit of having raised themselves by their own ability and perseverance to the distinguished positions which they held. Sir Robert Peel was Ministerial leader of the House of Commons; and Henry Brougham was chief of the Liberal opposi tion. Both have since passed away from popular sight, though hardly as yet from popular remembrance. Both have ceased to sway the thoughts and acts of men. The one by a premature fate has absolutely been removed from the iurmoil of a troubled world; while the other, by a still more heavy dispensation, has been allowed to survive in the flesh his own moral and political extinc tion. It hardly violates, therefore, the maxim of the classic sage, that the true estimate of men cannot be formed until their career in life has closed, if we venture to compare the characters of these distin guished individuals, and to contrast their relative ser vices to their country. Circumstances gave each an early opportunity of displaying the peculiar gifts wherewith nature had endowed him. Before entering the arena of public life the ono had gained as high a reputation for classical scholarship as the other had for scientific at tainments. Both seamed at starting to possess in an eminent degree the faculty of eloquence; S and it were difficult to say which of the two wai the more indefati a b rtbly industrious. Between their entry into Parliament there was no great interval of time. The Oxonian started as a suppor: er of the Tory occupants of power; the Edinburgh Reviewer avowud himself a candidate for the post of future spokesman of the powerless, and, at that tiara, almost hopeless, Whigs. Bigotry was imputed to Peel, as a reproach; sedition'Was the muttered taunt perpetually on the lips of Broughain's enemies. Neither, probably, was just. The youthful Secretary for Ireland found himself flung into a lion's den, and the accusation against him is, that he made friends of the Orange beasts of prey, and eventually tamed them. In like man ner, when a meeting at the Crown and Anchor or a crowd at a contested election was to be amused, excited, and sent quietly home, without doing themselves or any body else any mischief, Brougham was the readiest and verbally the most reckless man. Where steam was to be got up, and at the same time let off, noisily but harmlessly, there was scarcely to be found a match for him. He was at once boiler and safety-valve; and this double function was well understood and appreciated by the calmer and more earnest men of the party whose co lours he wore. It is a curious and not uninstructive point of resemblance, however, that while the two champions were for years the most applauded and ca ressed men in their respective camps, neither was ever able to win that personal loyalty which many persons confessedly their inferior in every intellectual respect are known to have inspired. From some cause or other per . s o Peell seldom appearsconverse t d ) , haveand been all always more rarely wa nt ingwrote even to his most intimate frien ds, the p l atitudes about Church ascendancy or the maintenance of landlord monopoly, which twice a year his position required him to put forth intsr shrewdness w p t oldapnc persuade sr i ss n u Parliament. lt Ih T ues h rt e rtih z oa e u a ts l i o t zealots dared eRi not repudiate, and yet they could not cordially trust ll warning gtiethhcaet at tt intervals celebrated l him.muti neer, rt ; bTuht consummateey they were incessantly anxious, perplexed, and o a r t c h o is ns m er a v r a v t e i l s l m ou: m o y r s:e h r o iou d s o n e e s forgottenhftiyipl criesthe o on; w y who was ultimately destined to overthrow the dic tatorship remember the t to i o m , with r e ffoorr t h atl e h—e v ae Westhn c a m e t n hß t e ix a nu m gl ,toaunrte thatr utt a ahn n teho i afir n sp j t ured Queen—the irrestrainable advocate boaster, oft laets eev a sroo, s evuai a gntw r hed o hti o s ce o fatnht d ei eduo can didatenruicnaog his long reign, that " the cause was in danger?" So, suf frages of the people on the ground that he possessed ' neither property, station, nor influence." Had his laugh at las Colleagues for their really thinking their royal client innocent never been over-heard—had his future desertion of the cause of four universities never been foretold—had his latent longing after title and rank not been self-betrayed to all who had op portunities of judging—Henry Brougham would still have failed to win the affection or confidence of the better men of his party. The fundamental cause of this result in both instances was doubtless the same. Both were egotists—egotists not in the vulgar sense of the term, but in the deeper and sub:ler meaning of the phrase—men thoroughly self-engrossed and unsympa tbising, wrapt up in their own vievrs, projects, and thoughts, not without sincere opinions for the time lining., but essnntislly without fixed or noted faith la I any opinion. And mankind are wisely furni s hed with au instinct that f n•bids Or - in to put much feith in those who havolittle in themselves. Pe. lin his latter days seems to have keenly Fit and silently to have ' mourned over his pditical Isola ion. But, even to the last, he }mew not - how to confide frankly or affectionately ; the habit had been never formed in early life, and when the solace • of chiv.t;rous and intimate sympathy would have been rriceless to him, it came i.ot, for it could not come. As fur . the contem porary with whom we have been comparing him, it may be enough to say that the difference between them in this essential respect was, that while Peel listened to every friend's thoughts without disclosing his own, Brougham was ever ready to tell every one all that came into his mind without caring to hear what any one felt, or thought, or desired. The physical propensity was the most opposite; but the moral want and tendency was the sane. Their dreams and their aspirations who shall venture to surmise? The eagerness of the one to snatch a coronet, and the interdict imposed by the other on his family receiving the distinction of ennoblement, are rather indications of diversity of temperament thal P• ofs of diversity of feeling. It is ton soon to pry too ' curiously into these things. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Un 'Thursday a Court was held for the dispatch of public business. The principal subject for consideration was tL•at of the removal of Smithfield market, thq adjourned discussion upon which was fixed at the last Court. FILE INQUESTS IN THE CITY AND BOROUGH OF SOUTH- WARK. The Tows CLERK read the following communication from the Coroner of the city of London:— "My Lord and Gentlemen,—l trust you will permit me for a few moments to occupy your attention on a subject of considerable importance to the city and its liberties. The decision which you came to on the sth instant regarding the communication I had the honour to make to the Court on the subject of tire inquests in London and Southwark, I presume I must consider as an intimation of your opinion that those inquests ought no longer to be held. As a justification of my having continued to hold them to the present time, I may be permitted to say, that when I revived those inquiries in the year 1845 the proceeding was honoured with ap proval by the Lord Chief Justices and other judges, by the daily journals, the fire insurance companies, and the public in general; and the Government Board of Health, in their report of the 28th of May, 1850, have expressed their opinions of these inquiries in the following terms:— " The frequency of fires led Mr. Payne, the coroner of the city of London, to revive the exercise of the coroner's function of inquiring into the causes of fires mostusefully. Out of fifty-eight inquests held by him since 1845, it ap pears that eight were proved to be wilful, tweuty-seven apparently incidental, and twenty•three from causes un known, including suspicious causes. The example of Mr. Payne has been followed in several counties, and a marked decrease in the number of fires has been ob. served, whilst sufficient reason has been elicited fir the belief that a more regular and systematic prosecution of such inquiries would be of great public advantage.' " The Corporation readily paid the expense of those inquests for three consecutive years, and although in the last year the result has been much more useful than in any preceding year, you have declined to take any cog nissnee of them. " It is impossible for me to conjecture the cause of this sudden change, unless it be intended as a means of admonishing me that I am to hold them no more. " I deem it right to state that the fees and expenses paid by me on holding those inquests during the last and the present year amount to 1301., of which I presume I shall be the loser by my eff,,rt to render a public ser. vice; and whilst in those parts of the metropolis in which no inquiries are instituted some hundreds f fires occur in the course of a year, I have the satisfaction to state that since the month of February last, in the ex tensive district of the city of Londo❑ and borough of Southwark (in which inquiries have been hitherto held), there has been only one case of house-burning, and that was accidental. If it be not a matter of public impor tance whether incendiary fires occur in the city or not, I em content; but if it be, I must not, under the circum stances, bo held responsible for the cessation of those public investigations which by many are considered one of the most effectual means of checking and preventing their occurrence. " I have the honour to remain, " My Lord and Gentlemen, "Your faithful servant, " Temple, July 18. W. PAYNE, Coroner." Mr. H. L. TAYLOR thought the question had already been decided by the formal refusal of the Court t , ) en tertain it, and suggested that the letter should be laid up ,n the table. Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR said it would be a great public calamity if inquiries of the kind were checked.—(Hear, hear.) Ho considered that the causes of fires were ne cessary to be investigated as well as the causes of sud den deaths, at the same time that he admitted the pro priety of limiting the expenditure. Impressed with the belief that the conduct of the coroner in holding the firs inquests was highly commendable, he moved that the letter be referred to the Coal, Corn, and Finance Committee. The great majority of the Court were of Mr. R. Tay lor's opinion, and the report was accordingly referred to the committee. REMOVAL OF SMITHFIELD MARKET. The Towx CLERK then announced to the Court that the order to proceed in the adjourned debate upon the reports of the Market 3 Improvement Committee must next succeed. The following is a copy of both the motion and the amendment. Motion:— " That this Court do agree with the committee in their reports, and that it be referred back to the committee with instructions to send an answer in cnfdrinity with their report to Mr. Cornewall Lewis, and with power to communicate or confer with the Governmmt, if neces sary, and to report to this Court." Upon which the following amendment was moved— namely:— That the consideration of the reports be adjourned, and that the committee be directed to ascertain the na ture and extent of the powers her Majesty's Govern ment would be disposed to confer on this corporatio❑ for the control and management of a new market beyond the limits of the metropolis." The Tows CLERK having read both the motion and the amendment, Mr. Deputy OBBARD considered that as a matter of commerce the removal of Smithfield market would be most unwise. He was quite certain that if the market was removed from the locality of Smithfield the inhabi tant tradesmen of Newgate-street and other localities contiguous would feel it in a very great degree. He thought that, all things considered, it was for the benefit of the entire metropolis that the heart of commerce should be confined to the city of London. Alderman SIDNEY said, that he had taken great inte rest in the question then before the Court, and he would at once state that it was his intention to oppoao the amendment of Mr. Norris, as he trusted that the Court had to) high a sense of its own dignity to condescend to " ascertain the nature an I extent of the powers her Majesty's Government would be disposed to confer on the corporation, &c." The market of Smithfield had for 523 years been vested in the citizens of London, and it did appear to him that the remarks which had been made respecting the anxiety of certain authorities to crowd live cattle into the City was a great mistake. The fact was, that it was the trade of the City which they, as guardians of the citizens were most anxious to preserve. Improvement of the present market, certainly, he ad mitted to be desirable, but for that the corporation had provided. They were willing to stand in the gap, and with regard to the removal they ought to say to the Government, " You may remove the market, but in doing so respect our rights as ciaisens."—(Hear.) They had as much right as the greatest nobleman to ask for the maintenance of such a privilege. For all losses they were entitled to compensation, and it wag only fair for the country at large to be asked, whether they were willing to pay for the removal of Smithfield upwards of a million of money out of the Consolidated Fund?— (Hear, hear.) No joint-stock company, formed for the purpose of providing a new market, would pay such an amount; then, why should the citizens—the meat con sumers—be so taxed? No argument in justification of the removal had yet appeared, and theretbre be be sought the Corporation to pause before they gave their sanction to the amendment.—(Cheers.) Mr. BENNuell said that the arguments which bad been used by the worthy Alderman who had just sat down were of the worn out and tattered character they had been for some time in the habit of hearing. It had been said that no complaint had been made us to Smithfield being a nuisance. That was not so, as their present Markets Improvement Committee had been formed in consequence of petitions which had been read in that Court, from parties who prayed that the market might be enlarged. He wished, however, without further com ment to cut away all the extraneous matter which had been introduced into the debate, so that he might inquire into the real state of the matter. The simple question put to them by the Government was this---e, Are you prepared to undertake the management of Smithfield market in a spot removed from within the City bound ary ?"—(No.) The question before them was not so much the enlargement of the market, as the management of it.—(Hear.) In the case of London-bridge, and the erec tion of docks some years since, the corporation had acted most unwisely, and the City now felt the conse quences, as the proceeds in the shapa of dues might now have formed part of the revenues of the City. He be lieved that the crisis for Smithfield-market had then come, and that the wisest course they could take would be to agree with the Government and take the manage ment of the proposed market. As it regarded the pro posed plan of the corporation he admitted it to be ex ceedingly good, but the locality beat them. They were "Cabin'd, eribb'd, confined;" _ _ and it was impossible for them to do any good under such straitened circumstances, however they might de sire to do so. He admitted that the present market was most admirably managed, but the situation was objec tionable, and he believed that any attempt to improve it would be found to be perfectly, abortive. Public opinion he felt was against any such an attempt, and Mr. R. Taylor at their last meeting had well said that he once was "in favour of the continuance of Smithfield, but he (Mr. Taylor) had found that times had changed. and therefore it was for them to consider before they com mitted themselves hastily on that matter. He (Mr. Bennoch) considered that if they did not act carefully they would be committing the suicide of the city of London. Mr. ELLIOTT Leaved that the parties residing in Smithfield would be benefitted rather than injured by the removal, and that a great public benefit would be ac complished in c onsequence. Mr. BARKLEY said chat he bad made several inquiries, as the late chairman of the Board of Health, of medical gentlemen; all of whom united in opinion that Smith field was decidedly a healthy locality.—(Hear.) No ewes of oholtra had occurre-cl either at St. Bartholetnew's pital or in the vicinity. Mr. G. TAYLOR supported the report of the Vcrii,. Ri m ; Imptov ,, ment Committec. Mr. Deputy PEWTiIESS that the pariti4._ r 012.. tending ler the remavt4 lof Liao. ma- t had notftthide their case, and ther‘fare they (tin , corporation . ) ought to defend the continuance of the market. Mr. Deputy STACEY was of a similar opinion:., Alderman LAWRENCE raid, that the corporaticii, had always done their best for the public with rekar'cl 't i o\ ' ; 'mithfield, but they had many times been opposed by the Government, He contended that if the market were removed to a distance from town the cattle would inevitably cause a greater nuisance than existed et pre sent, inasmuch as they must he driven through ra much greater number of streets. They had to deal with Mr. Lewis's letter, and they ought, instead of rejecting the proposition contained in that communication, to emlea your to ascertain by a confer.. nee with the members of the Government its accurate report. The tnanage ment a new market !night be attended with some advantage which it would be tic the corporation to rejEct. The new prison at Holloway, although at a distance from the Cit , , would be still as much under the control of the City authorities us Ras that which it would sutistitute. Such might be the ens° with respect to the new market, under circum stances which it might he advisable not to re jrct on the ground of public convenience and advan tage. —([leer, hear.) Ile wished for the protraction of a positive decision There was time enough for the consideration or this important subject. He was not bound by the opinion he had expressed relative to Smi•Aifiehl-market. It' he saw reasons for changing that opiniou he would with sincerity acknowledge the change, in accordance with the example of a deeply lan.ented and illustrious statesman, who did not hesitate to avow the honest convictions of his understanding.—(Hear.) Mr. J. Wool), shortly reFerring to the, position he bad had the honour t-. 3 hold in the loyal Commission, and to his having undertaken the responsible duty com mitted to him (in conjunction with his colleagues) with independent feelings and an unbiassed judgment, ob served that he had, after mature inquiry and delibera tion, conscientiously arrived at the conclusions to which his name as a member of the Commission was attached, and whilst, therefore, he did not feel himself called upon to take part in the discussion in that Court, the import ance of the question required, and he was satisfied would receive, the calm and serious consideration of every member, and he hoped the result would be honourable to the corporation and satisfactory to the public at largo.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BLAKE said it was certain that there was a loud public demand for the removal of Smithfield-market. — (Mingled shouts of "No, no," and " Hear, bear.") They were bound to know from the Government the exact views entertained by the Government on the question of the removal. He would not like to see the door bolted and barred by any hasty or intemperate act of the cor poration. Ile referred to a familiar instance of the im prudence of rejecting an offer of conciliation in the case of the City gas companies, the directors of which bolted and barred the doors against all concession, but soon found that their opposition was of no avail, and that the advantage which they night have obtained had totally disappeared.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ANDERTON—The gas question has nothing to do with Smithfield-market. Mr. BLAKE —The corporation wore in a difficulty similar to that in which the gas companies were plunged. By adopting the. motion they would bolt and bar them selves, and voluntarily surrender any prospective advan tage.— (Cheers.) Upon the motion of Mr. HALL the debato was ad journed. A good deal of excitement prevailed during the day. THE WEST INDIA MAIL. SOIiTHADIPTuN, FRIDAY MORNING.—The Thames royal mail Ititeaui-ship, Captain Abbott, with the usual West India and Mexican mails, arrived somewhat unex pectedly at four o'clock this morning, having made an excellent voyage. The latest dates brought by the Thames are—Vera Cruz, June 15; Tampico, June 12; Havannah, June 27; Dc , mcrara, June 18; Jana C 2, June 22; Trinidad, June 20; Barbadoes, Juno 27; Antigua, June 29; Gre nada, June 23; St. Thomas's, July 1. The Thames brings or; freight 44,889 dollars OD mer 7 chants' account, and 282,733 dollars for the Mexican dividends. She has also manifested 386 serous of cochi neal, 11 serous of julapa, 46 cases of cigars, 138 bales of tobacco, 11 cases of pine apples, 29 turtle, 33 bales or indigo, 252 packages of arrowroot, besides a variety of other packages and merchandise. Stations of her Majesty's Ships—At Halifax, the Wellesley, Sappho, Plumper, and Helena; at Port Royal, the Irnaum and Trincomalee; at Burbadoes, the Ber muda, and Scorpion off Nassau. The following is a list of passengers by this arrival:— Mr. C. 0. Ledward, from Vera Cruz; Mr. and Mrs. Holt, Miss Melville, Mr. Motgoaiery, Mr. Jackson and servant, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Laird, from' Mobile; Mr. Hencke and servant, Mr. Montero, and Mr. Arrietta, from Havannah; Mr. SeJtt, Mr. Fryer, and Mr. Gar land, from Jamaica; Mrs. Doris and child, from Nas sau; Mr. Dawes and Mr. and Mrs. Lebret, from Deme rara; Mr. Wylie, from Trinidad; slr. 1)a Silva Porto, from Barbadoes; Mr. La Rosyery, and Mrs. Poncy end three children, front Martinique; Mr. and Mrs. Garra way and family, from Dominica; Mr. Mackeuzie, from Guadaloupe; Mr. and 73ts. 'Changer and two servants, from Porto Rico; Mr. H. Eiseublat, Mr. W. A. Andral, Mr. G. Latrose, Mr. Ilengelberg, and seven distressed sed.rnen. from St. Thomas's; Mr. Maitland and servant, Borubsdier Proctor, R.A., W. Chancellor, R.A.. and E. Se.mtlebury, frcm Bermuda; Mr. R. Shears, Company's officer. JAMAICA. Our dates from this colony extend to the 22d of June. Business, though not very lively, has evidently im proved; and there is no doubt but the periodical visits of the American steamers from Chagres, with their nu merous passengers, contribute a life and spirit to the city which it would not otherwise possess. The weitther had of late been very favourable, al though warm. Fine rains had fallen all over the coun try, and still continued in moderate showers when the packet left. The Jamaica Legislative Assembly was to open on the 27th June, and was looked forward to with some degree of interest. The intelligence of the vigorous proceedings of the Protectionists of the mother country received by the last packet, had raised the hopes of the colonists, and the manifesto by Lord Stanley had afforded them great sa tisfaction. Pat ties were still leaving Jamaica for Chagres and Panama, en route to California; and many had also left for Angostura, in Venezuela, where gold had been discovered to be very abundant, especially in the Juruary River. The Avon steamer, which arrived June 20th, from St. Jaz() de Cuba, brings little additional intelligence from that island. The authorities were under undis guised apprehension of the invasion being renewed at other points than that attacked by Lopez, and were making adequate preparations for resistance. The French islands of Guadeloupe and Martinique continued under martial law, in consequence of the repeated acts of incendiarism committed by the la bourers. The dates from Havannah are to the 26th of Jame. The cholera, although it had not entirely disappeared, was considerably on the decrease, and the fatal dase were not so numerous as at first. From Mexico there is nothing in addition to the news already received via New York. Our private advises, however, state that the cholera was raging in that city, and had extended very considerably into the inmost re c,sses of the country, and as the proper mode of treat ment was not generally known, the fatal eases were ex tremely numetous. In the city several additional hos. pitals has been established nor receiving patients, under guidance of the Sisters of Charity, who had rendered themselves extremely useful in alleviating the sufferings of their fellow-creatures. Rain was sadly wanted. A severe drought prevailed, and cattle had died by thousands for want of rain. COMMERC'IAL INTELLIGENCE.—JAMAICA. (From De Cordova's 3fercantde Interligencer.) No improvement has taken place in the condition ;If the market since the date of our last issue; in fact, business bas been more than usually dull, while stocks geueraill are accumulating. The trade purchase very cautiouslyr in expectation of a decline in prices. The flour market is largely stocked, but hulders appear to think that pre sent rates will be maintained, if not increased, in conse quence of high prices in the United States. The supply of pickled fish is still enormous, particularly of herrings. The stock of cod-fish is very nearly cleared, and prices are looking up. REVIEW OF MARKETS. (Unless specially stated to the contrary, long or duty paid prices are always given, and aro to be considered as wholesale prices.) Flour—We have heard of a sale of 370 barrels Phila delphia flour at 325. Smaller lots of Baltimore are being moved at the same rate. Meal-170 barrels Philadelphia have changed hands, at 17r. Rice—The stock of Carolina is enormous, and the market quite stagnant. Holders, however, are firm at 18s., but the trade refused to operate thereat. East India has been sold at 145., but that rate cannot now be obtained. Butter—Sales of Philadelphia to the extent of 170 kegs have been made at 71d. The market still continues heavily stocked with Irish, for which only 10d. is offered. Bread—Wattson's pilot is moved at 18s., and crackers at 225., in small lots as wanted. Mackerel—The stock is very heavy, and more than 28s. cannot be got, at which rate the article is dull. Herrings—lt:main as last reported. Alewives are scarce, at 225. Oil—The market is overstocked. Cod remains at 21, 2d., and whale and lard haie been sold at the same rate. Lard is very inactive notwithstanding that the stock has diminished to a considerable extent. The large quantity of lard oil at market checks the consumption of this article as soon as prices are attempted to be raised. Not more than sd. per lb. can be got fur it. Codfish—Last sales were 13s. per cask, and 16s. per box. Salmon is wanted. Polk—Mess is taken at 68s. to 70f.; prime is almost unsaleable at 545. name—American change hands at 3d. to 6d. per lb. , and Lancashire at Bd. The market is largely supplied, p a S r t O i c a u pl — ar We quote ly witht O he ne's former. 501bs. at lOs , and 601bs. at 1 le.; Steel's 481bs. at 10s., 561133. feather at 11s. 6d., and sGibs. and 601bs. crown'at 14s. Gd. Candles—A well-assorted lot from 'Philadelphia was placed at Cid. pe•r lb. Sixes are plentitql and dull at 6d; short eights are wanted. Cheese—D. G. is worth 11d., Araeri can 7d. per lb. Lumber—Part of a cargo Prow (Taint) has