The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-01 00:00:00

tee absolutely us tees to examine tteteal gonna of it 'resentment which was never anticipated or wilfully pro reit 'severe* Vera past the Times has heard complaints Appeals to reason may not improbably fail in arid reinonetraticei 'from India of a nature to affect very I their effect, bill humble deprecation of a revenge which is disastrously the reputation of cotton goods manufacturers assumed to be just will only invite aggression. Recent in this countiy. or their own credit's sake, no less than liistory fades so rapidly from the memory in stirring times for their own future interests,which are greatly jeopardised that the conduct of the English Government and people by the systakehey seem to hiee adopted, it might have at the commencement of the civil war is perhaps but been supposed, they would have striven to avoid giving I imperfectly undefstood. On justification occasion it may occasion for a repetition of these charges. The agents of perhaps appear that the moral of the national the manufacturers themselves repeatedly wrote, from proceedings was even more complete than the diplomatic Calcutta, Madras, or Bombay, to warn their princi- apology. Mr. Fawcett is a little pals that their reputation for fair dealing was being I In the opinion of the Spectator, destroyed, that the native buye rs no lon g er bought too vague and a little t o o premature on the land laws. an English bale in the full assurance that it was what The real point for statesmen to decide, and to decide after it pretended to be, that in the Bazaar the English careful scientific inquiry, pursued with caution, but with guarantee had ceezed to be respected, and that business ' out preconceived determination to uphold a particular was crippled and injured through the avarice and folly of s y s t e m, i s whether the advantages derived from the legal manufacturers at home. They nevertheless persisted in privileges attaching to real estate are greater than the adulterating cotton goods in every stage of their menu - ! disadvantages. To deny those hi advantag It ei from many s seems to u s facture at which adulterat i o n was p ossible. Frequently at once unfair and u nphilosopcal. s bale after bale was found to be mildewed long even before points of view an acivanta,ge to a State that there should they left the " godowns" of the firms to whom they were exist within it some mode of investment so perfect that a directly assigned. No wonder that the goods would not ' proprietor can protect his children, or widow, or bene keep until they were transported to up-country stations ficiaries of any kind against their own extravagance and for distribution among local buyers. English houses corn- I i m b ec ility, or against fraud, some one security which, in a plained to English manufacturers, the junior partners to commercial sense, may be considered absolute ;on the the senior partners, the clerk to his employer, so that there other h a nd, it is a great disadvantage that the most ina could be no doubt as to the facts ; but the temptation to ! portant manufacture of the country should be forced into make an exorbitant profit prevailed against these aro - ! the hands of middlemen, that the tenant farmer should menu and appeals. Some manufacturers may have aban- I supersede the yeoman, that ownourer should never have Cloned a course which must eventually result in driving a chance of working on his soil—of carrying out the away their customers, but the practice of adulteration " allotment system," so to speak, to its logical conclusion still goes on. The old complaints come home by every —that in one important industry ownership and nuance mail, and are duly answered and other bales are sent out should never go together. It is also a disadvantage that to rot almost before they are passed aver the sides of the *e should artificially create a system under which less ship. The native merchant in India is too great an expert than 8,000 persons are believed to hold a third of the in sharp dealing not to readily detect all the forms realised property of the kingdom, thus confining that in of imposition which the home manufacturer chooses to tense patriotism which springs of self-interest, that adopt. When he buys a hale of cotton goods of a long- healthy pride which comes of independence, staid that ex established and respectable house, and pays the price de- treme sedulousness of industry which is developed by mended, he does not expect to find the contents disco- tos-nership to a limited class. It is the balance of these loured and rotten ; and this is the appearance that cotton t •ngs which has to be struck, and we believe the balance goods sometimes present within a few hours of their being 11 lines to the free system, that the great benefits derived stored in the merchants' " godowns." That the native Os lerivable frdr the existence of one perfect security for growers adulterate cotton before it is despatched to the im :eetment are derived by a class at the expense of the home markets we all know, but the fraud was checked i mole community. That is our belief, formed after care- When they found they received so little for the false good s fal investigation of many tenures, and we are prepared to that they actually lost by tamp erin g with them. The justify it ; but we have no patience with men who argue English manufacturers do not appear to have learnt as if the opposite belief had no foundation whatever, or as wisdom from the same lesson. In the end they must lose if the matter could be decided off-hand by a resolution in by wholesale adulteration, and they know it. A ruined I the House of Commons. The House might as well decree reputation is not easily built up again. It may be that that a new system of logarithms was sounder than the other competitors will enter the market, and gain that old, and should be adopted by all men. All we contend credit which once the English merchant possessed. for is, that the subject shall be investigated by men wbo The circumstance of the Prussian Minister at the Court are not pledged to the conclusion most favourable to aris of St. James's being duly accredited as representative of tocracy, who can see that agriculture is a great business as the North German Confederation is regarded by the Post well as an agreeable and useful pursuit, who, in fact, bring as the official declaration of the political demise of the scientific minds to one of the most complicated problems several States, with the exception of Prussia, which in political science. constitute that Bund. It will be in the recollection of The John Bull can only compare the mischances of the all that her Majesty's Government, with something Caledonian and other railways, financially speaking, to approaching to haste, withdrew their representative from the strange oblivion that living within one's income and Dresden immediately after the formation of the new Con- regular accounts means success ; extravagance and confu federation ; but, though they might have been open to at gen of accounts the reverse. When Pitt offered a reward imputation of bad taste, the justice of their policy cannot for the discovery of the best method to defray the national reasonably be questioned. It was distinctly declared by debt, it has been remarked that of the multiplied proposals the Prussian Government that, under the new regime, the he received he never had one which cut down expenses to external relations of the several States constituting the below income. Now in the matters of the Caledonian Northern Bund should be regulated exclusively by the Railway it is clear that they have been brought to contro. Cabinet of Berlin, and her Majesty's advisers simply re- versy by a pursuance of no direct plan or standard on the corded their adhesion to an accomplished fact. Their questions cf maintenance, and of renewals, and of distinc. example was practically followed by the other European tions between revenue and capital. Nor have they been States, and now Prussia has formally declared that her alone in this, for the Brighton and other boards found envoy is alone authorised to arrange all matters of diplo- themselves in the same dilemma, so that the former has matte intercourse between foreign Powers and the various been forced to advocate teetheth system oof si nged d op capital States which are north of the Maine. accounts. But whatever A superstitious fear of Mr. Disraeil, an unreasoning the necessity being immediate, the remedy must be so belief in his magical power o f unitin g his own ranks and likewise, so that we, after all, come to the same point, dividing those of his opponents, is , in the o p inion of the viz, that the strictest arrangement must be adopted by , Dai2y News, a sourcaeof Conserva tive stren g th and of which so much is put down to income, se much to expe n- Liberal weakness. A little reflection, however, will dispel diture, it being remembered that the increase of teee fo r m er this alarm. The trick of last se ssi o n is one which, in the under good management is actually the sole means of extri nature of things, cannot often repeated. Mr. Disraeli eating the concern from its present difficulties under bad. waited his opportunity for years ; and when it did come, To meet debts already incurred it is presumed stock he used it with astonishing skill and boldness. But such must be issued at a depreciated price; after that occasions occur only once in a generation. The settle- the capital account must be closed, and interest, ment, in principle, of the Reform question has removed revenue, working expenses at per cent., must be placed under separate items, so that , as in the case of the Bri g hton the grounds of dissension between the various se ctions of statement, the shareholders may at once sec what sur p lus the Liberal party, and once more allows the line t o be remains for profit. drawn sharp and clear between the party of movement When this common-sense plan is fol and the party of resistance. On part icular p oints timers lowed difficulties will vanish, and that it must be f ollowed will be, as there ought to be, divergent opinio n and hale- is evident—why it has not hit herto been is amazing. Doubtless, the basis of railway law was obscure, but Lord pendent voting ; but bold, judicious , and conciliator y Cairns has removed that evil , or most of it, b y his recent leadership is all that is needed to em bod y substantiall y accordant sentiment in united action. What is t he pros- judg,ment ;moreover, the culpable neglec t, or more than poet of such leadership? This is a question which culpable chicanery of parties interested, has been difficult Liberals are everywhere asking and various l y answering to eradicate, but the sufferings of the p ublic, and coercive and it would be false delicacy to ignore it. riehe party legislation, have much restric ted these. Na}-, even these treason of imagining, or contriving the deposition of the ward explosions, like oth ers, clear the air, and we sec after them much present leader, or even of speculating on a p remature than we did before. The special accountants, Messrs. Allot and Tletelier, in the Caledonian succession, cannot, we believe, be fairly imputed t) even the most disaffected of his followers. But there is indis. investigation have had much uninerited odium to incur; putably a certain minor - Int of discontent, and a still larger and the directors have also behaved in a manner utterly amount of misgiving, though a loyal and hopeful spirit indefensible, but the sequel has been a revelation of reek -)revails over both. lessness in passing accounts which it will be the pro ne most remarkable similarity seems to the Standar(' pretors' own fault ever to be subjected to hereafter. So to exist between the occurrence at Duncannon and that at far, therefore, good has b e en ac hieved, y et, after all, where Cork, and suggests the idea that the actors on both occa- management is concerned in any way , th e physician mils{ sions were the same. The result was very different , for in heal himself. the Cork case the authorities were taken by surprise ; in the affair of Monday night they were thoroughly prepared and seem to have been able to give their assailants such a reception as will probably lead to the identification of some of the party. If it should prove that the fire of the military took effect, it is hardly possible to suppose that in a country swarming with informers the police will be un able to track out some of time assailants. When, a ter the contemptible failure of the rising at Tallaght in March last, the police were rather anxious to avoid than to hunt down the wretched boys who participated in the assembly, they . yet had several instances o f wounded fu g itives in the purlieus of Dublin forced upon their notice by the officious zeal of informers. In the present conjuncture of course it will be the most anxiously desired object to trace out and identify the perpetrators of the outrage. The report speaks of the party of assailants as well armed ; and this was also the report of the performers in the several ex ploits at Cork. It would be a rash inference to attribute these exploits at Cork, at Newport, or at Duncannon, to the energies of the local circles of the brotherhoood. Our contemporary has no doubt it will turn out, when the police can get a clue to the perpetrators, that these acts have been all committed by the same, or nearly the same, • parties—a few Irish-Americans of a peculiarly bold and adventurous disposition. But however that may be, as regards the diagnosis of Fenianism, either these occurences mean action on the bart of the Brotherhood — and may look upon them as promising us a more speedy eradication of the conspiracy than we had hoped for—or they are only anether cycle of Fenian bids for popularity with Irish disaffection, and they are symptoms which the public have made up their mind long since to regard with equanimity. The Saturday Review has an article on the feeling be tween England and the United States. It draws attention to the fact that while the controversy has kindled in America feelings of animosity, the feeling in England has hardly been unfriendly. There is a certain class of poli ticians in America who would welcome any rupture be. tween time two countries. And yet a war with England would involve an enormous addition to the army, to the navy, and to the National Debt of the United States. When the maintenance of the Union was at stake, the American Government surprised the world by the un limited resources in men and money which were available for the struggle. Recruits were always forthcoming, although in the latter part of the war each soldier cost, in addition to his pay and rations, about fifteen hundred dollars in the shape of bounties ; and loans and taxes were voted by Congress as fast as they were demanded by the President. If the same issue were once more raised, former sacrifices would be repeated or exceeded ; but the evils of war and of debt have been better understood since the peace, and it is scarce l y p ro b a bl e th a t new burdens wou ld be readily assumed for the purpose of wreaking an ' irrational vengeance, or even of accomplishing an unjust conquest. The weight of taxation is severely felt, and all attem pts to discharge the princip a l of the debt will for the present probably be abandoned. The revenue avhich Congress will consent to levy will only be sufficient to provide for the expenses of administration, and for the interest of the debt. A war with England would deprive the Government of the g reater part of it s customs re ceipts, while it would render a lar g e addition to the revenue indispensable. The credit of time United States will always be negotiable on more or less onerous terms ; but at present American secu z•ities pay about 8 per cent. to a purchaser, and the growing popularity of repudiation will not increase the confidence of the money market. If time honour or interest of time country were engaged in a quarrel, the people of the - United States would not wait to count the cost; but eor:ene politicians will consider the consequences before wai.t , inly commencing a mere war of spite. Canada , vould out he surrendered without a struggle which would tax. even the undoubted energies of the invader ; and if British North Amorica were ultimately wrested from the Crown, England would have in turn become invulnerable to American attacks. It would be imprudent to taunt a great and high-spirited nation with the limits which are imposed by circumstances on its means of offence, but it is not unnecessary to reassure a peaceful communal against . the vague fear which has been inspired in some -4 orre by American menaces. The unfortunate ani !"/1 PrAvills may Perhaps be incurable ; yet it ' .4411 1 4 a 0 that thug are some - Minds in tarEctitimts 49t erafl OF 'THE PUBLIC JOURNALS- THE FA CANT LORD JUSTICESIIIP. Lord Justice rmit, we are glad to say, continues to strengthen. His convalescence, in fact, progresses as well as could possibly be, mad his enforced idleness is not very much to his taste. Meanwhile, some of our contemporaries have been Seduously appointing as his lordship's successors various members of the bench and the bar. The fact sisrply is that the question of Sir John Itolt's retiring from office depends upon the length of time which must elapse before he can safely resume work. The matter is there fore in the hands of the Lord Chancellor. In a short Uwe, probably, it will be determined within what space Sir John Ilolt can, with safety, resume working ; mean while, it must be at least some months before his lordshiy ought, in justice to himself, to co mmence his labours, though in all probability he would, if left to him self, shorten the period of his inactivity. If, therefore the public service admits of the business of the Court of Appeal in Chancery being transacted by the Lord Chan cellor and Lord Cairns for the requisite period, Lord Justice Bolt will continue his convalescence until he can reappear upon the bench. If, on the contrary, the Lord Chancellor should consider that the public service cannot, in point of fact, wait, the Lord Justice's resignation is in the Lord Chancellor's hands. This being so, the minds of most members of the profession will be divided between the desire of again seeing Lord Justice Pelt upon the bench, and anxiety lest he should permit himself to rcsum work too hastily.— Solicitor's Journal. Judicial appointments should not be governed entirely by political considerations. Something is due to party clams, but these shluhl not be preferred to others mere weighty. We have many times applauded nominations by Whig Ministries of distinguished lawyers politically opposed to them to jmigeships for which there existed great professional claims. Therefore, we cannot but com mend the reported offer of the vacant Lord Justiceship of Appeal to Sir Roundel' Palmer, who will be acknowledged by the whole profession to possess pre-eminent qualifica tions for the high office vacated by Sir John Ro imes. The resignation. of Sir John Rolt is now confirmed. It had been hoped that, in consequence of the great difficulty of adequately replacing the learned Lord Justice, his lordship might have been induced, at least, to attempt to resume his judicial functions. The state of his health having, however, precluded this, his lordship's resignation has been finally accepted. Rumour says that the Lord Justiceship thus vacated has been offered to Sir Roundell Palmer, and declined by him. Although many names have been mentioned, it is most probable that the ap pointment will be conferred upon Sir Char:es Selwyn, who will, in that case, be succeeded in the Solicitor-Generalship by Mr. Balliol Brett, Q C., M.P. for Ifelston. —lmperial .Peview. ~ua'_L MR. TRALYS PROTEST. Mr. George Francis Train, " a native-born American citizen," has addressed the following protest to the Right Hon. Gathorne Hardy, Secretary Home Department, 'or Major-General Sir Thomas Larcom, Dublin : " Police Barracks, Queenstown, Jan. 18, 1868. 4. " PROTEST. "As American citizens under our naturalisation laws of 1802 are not acknowledged to be American citizens by British law ? I beg to state that I am a native-b orn American citizen ; that while on my way on important Jusiness to Paris I landed, with Thomas C. Durant, the Vice-President of the Union Pacific Rail road, from the Scotia, at Queenstown, to take the special mail exp re s s , rid Dublin, to Liverpool and London; that I was ar res t e d on th e t u gboat, and passed the night on the floor of the police barracks ; that l spoke no word, wrote nu letter, made 1111 obs,rvationi to a»yon-5, had no intention of interfering with the laws ; therefore I hereby -)rotest in the name of the American people-- as the Ameri can Government are powerles3 timiirutect their e:tizens— %gainst this outrage, the offencNlPiug v:ords spoken in America or on the high seas, and of having Irish-Ameri can newspapers in my trunk, together with other late papers and copies of my speeches made five or six years ago in London. I deny the right at all times of the Government of Great Britain arresting and detaining American citizens for words spoken in America, and hereby hold the British Government responsible for this unwarrantable delay. My only object in passing through Ireland was to ascertain the osition of my concession for _ p street railways in Cork and Dublin. "Againgst these acts of arrest and detention I hereby solemnly ancl publicly protest. , • • " GEORGE Puna" pteazt. Wiliam 11, Q, K4TW. 7 2 VAS:9IV4.7.;_ wu•- THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1868. FENIAN ARRESTS A 7 DLP7FORD. GREENWICH POLICE-COURT. The following appeared in our Latest Edition of yesterday evening:— James Richardson, Florence M'Carthy, and Maurice Lyttleton, were placed before Mr. Maude for further examination at the above police-court, charged with treason-felony. The men were charged with attempting to ad minister the Fenian oath to a young man named James Bendall, an American, with the view of in ducing him to commit treason-felony. Mr. Wontner, jun., appeared on the part of the Crown for the prosecution, and Mr. Pulling de fended M'Carthy and Richardson. Mr. Wontner said he proposed to press for com mittal of the prisoner 3, under the 52d Geo. 3, c. 101, which made every person convicted of admi nistering an oath binding any person to commit treason or murder shall be held guilty of felony, and suffer death, without benefit of clergy, and any person who should take that oath, not being compelled, should be adjudged guilty of treason, and be transported for life, or for any such term of years as the court should adjudge. Some discussion then took place between the legal gentlemen attending for the prisoners, but Mr. Maude said it would be better to proceed with evidence. The following witnesses were then examined : James Mitchell, potman at the William IV., said he was acquainted with the prisoner M‘Carthy for the last ten years whilst he was working at the docks. He had known Lyttleton for about two months. On Sunday week he saw some men in the passage, and tney afterwards went into the parlour, but did not see who they were. A short time after the bell was rung, and on his going into the parlour he saw Lyttleton, the other two prisoners, and some other persons whom he did not see in court. Boa tell and O'Leary were there. They ordered some beer, and then O'Leary came ou t and told Lyttleton to go in as he was wanted. He made a mistake when he said Lyttleton was already in the room. He (Lyttleton) went into the parlour, and then the door was locked. Six persons were then in the mom. About four minutes after he went to the door of the room and told the people they must leave the house. Some one inside said they should not be three minutes before they were out. Ile did not see any person leave, but he went to the back gate to let the people out of the house. Lyttleton came out first; three others were behind viz., M'Carthy, O'Leary, and Boutell. They left the house just as the church bells were going. A very few minutes a ft e rwards he s aw Boutell in custody, as he exp ected. One of the men took hold of his collar and went in the direction of the station-house. Mr. Willes, for M'Carthy, said if the magistrate would say whether he intended to dispose of the case, instead of sending it for trial, he should know how to act with respect to his cross-exa- mination. Mr. Maude said he could give no answer to such an inquiry. He (Mr.les) knew quite as much about the case as he did. Mr.lVilles replied that under these circumstances he should reserve his defence and refrain from cross examining any of the witnesses. Charles Shave, a ssistant bailiff t the Greenwich County Court, said he knew Ma'Carthy, and also that he was engaged at Deptford dockyard. In September, 1865, the witness issued a judgment summons against John M'Carthy. Mr. Wontner was about to put certain questions to the witness relative to expressions used by M'Carthy on that occasion, when Mr. Maude said h e had no ri g ht toput questions to raise a prejudice against the prisoner. Mr. Wontner said the prisoner was in fact charged with being a Fenian. Mr. Willes objected to such a term being used, the prisoners were not so charged. There was no offence called Fenianisin, so it could not be charged against the prisoners. v t e h r e ts p e t r o s n t h t e a ki Fenian n g the c o au, ath s e a a s n b d o t u h n a d t Mr. Wontner—The prisoners we re char g ed with obtaining orth that w setf to further the objects of the Fenian Brotherhood, which was to overthrow the British rule in Ireland. Mr. Maude said he thought Mr. W ontner had a right to put the question under certain reitric ' ti..)ns. Mr. \Vinci retnarked that, as his objection had been overruled, he was glad he should have the op- pertunity of raising it before another tribunal. The expression " Fenian " could only hays been used to prejudice the prisoners in the present ex cited state of the public mind. He thought two years and nine months was rather too long a time to make the prisoner responsible for opinions then expressed. After some further observations from Mr. Maude Mr. Wontner said he would defer putting the ques tion until another opportunity. Samuel Long said—l am a detective, and I have known Lyttleton since the 22d December last. lie was pointed out to me, and I watched him on that occasion. Constable Yardley and Inspector Ebbs were with me. I watched Lyttleton that night from the Noah's Ark publichouse, and three other men also, who are not now present were with him. Two of the men that were with Lyttleton advanced some few yards in front of him. lie (Lyttleton) then put his hand on one of these men's shoulder and said, " You know what you are, and what you've got to do." I will not, however, swear that these were the exact words. The man said " Yes, Maurice, I know now I am a Fenian, and I will stand by you," or 'be with you,' I don't know which. The two went down to the Rodney publichouse and found the other two men in whose company they had formerly been. 'They then met another man, and then I crouched behind some bricks in order to hear their conversation. I distinctly heard Lyttleton sly, " It will not want half of that; that will blow it to the —•—; that will blow it to sbivereens." I think that was the word. .Lyttleton—l have never conceived that word Repeat it, sir. The constable did so, and then Mr. Willes objected against the reception of such evidence, as it prejudiced the other prisoners for whom he appeared. Witness continued—A woman then joined the three men, and Lyttleton got very much excited. I could not understand what was said then, as they seemed to be speaking Irish. Lyttleton, some time after ; put up his hand and said, ' 6 It's high time," or " quite time that this Government was over thrown," and then I heard these words from one of the three, " A monarchy will never do; we want a republic, and by God we'll have it," or " we must have it." They then left the place I bad been watching, and all three went to the Little Shamrock beer shop. This took place at about half-past 11, and they remained at the beer shop until a few minutes after 1. Lyt tleton,the woman, and the two men then separated, Lyttleton and one of the men going into a house in Dock-street. That is all that took place there. Lyttleton—lt's time you were tired. Witness —I know O'Leary. I have seen him in company with Lyttleton. I know Boutell ; he is a relative of mine. On 20th January I and three other constables watched the house at which Lyttle ton lived, 103, New-street, Deptford. I afterwards knocked at his bed-room, and sail, " Maurice, I want to speak to you," and a voice replied, 66 lie' s not at home ; he's been out all night." I said, " Open the door ?" but this not being done, I went to the front of the house, pulled open the shutters, and there I saw him in be 1. I again demanded that the door night be opened, and Lyttleton said, " All right." I went to the door again, leaving a con stable at the window. I then told Lyttleton lie must consider himself my prisoner, and he then told me to stata the, charge in his wife's hear ing. I said it was for treason-felony. He then dressed himself, and said to his wife, " You ought lobe gibetted, as it is you who have done this." When he got o'itaide the house Lyttleton said, " I ex pected this ; I suppose it's my Yankee friend has done this." I searched the prisoner at the station house, and found the memorandum book I now produce is his coat pocket. [lli* is the book re- ferred to on the last examination, and which con tained the paper upon which certain verses were written, which we have already published.] Cross-examined—l was a chorister of Ely Cathe dral before I joined the police, and have been in the force since 1861, and most of that time I have been engaged as a detective in plain clothes. I first began to watch Lyttleton on the 22d of December. I was about four or five yards from Lyttleton when I heard the observations I have stated between Lyttleton and the other man about his being a Fenian. When the men separated out side the Rodney public-house, they appeared to kiss each other. You, sir, may call it " fraternal greet. ing," but I can only say some of the men kissed each other—(laughter)—and did a great quantity of shaking of hands. (Laughter.) The men, when I was watching behind the bricks, talked about Government, but it was not until they had talked about blowing up some thing or somebody. I know they said a monarchy would never do, a republic was what was wanted, and that they were determined to have it. I did not bear the word " democracy." I know the meaning of the word monarchy. I first heard of the word at school. (Laughter.) I received my direction to watch the prisoners Lyttleton from my superior officer, but I had been watching M'Carthy long before that. Boutell is now stop ping at my house under my protection. I first saw Boutell, my relative, in Lyttleton's company on the 10th of January, and I was very much surprised. When he told me what he and Lyttleton had been talking about, I told him I had been watching Lyttle ton for some time as a suspected person, and I last saw Lyttleton on the Saturday previous to my mornihg. o M ut o e n ll da a y bout what hadl ssome m g e him conversationon th followingwtwith i bad taken place on the Sunday night, and it was after Boutell had been at the police station I re ceived orders to apprehend Lyttleton from Inspec tor Griffin. I went on duty before I apprehended Lyttleton. Mr. Willes—What do you mean bfsduty—spy ing ? Witness—Police duty. Mr. Wontner—Such an observation is scanda lous, and ought not to be made use of by a profes sional man. I cannot allow it to pass. Mr. Willes (very excitedly)—But I will. It is an English word, and I have a right to use it. Mr. Wontner—Oh, you may disgrace yourself if you please. The witness then went on to detail various other circumstances connected with the apprehension of Lyttleton. The case was then again remanded for a week. nate. CONGRESS. SENATE. WASHINGTON, Jan. 6.—The memorial of the National Convention of Massachusetts was referred to Finance Committee. A Bill to amend the Judi ciary Act of 1789 was read twice, and Mr. Sher man's bill on the coinage of gold and silver was referred to Committee on Finance. Mr. Johnson rose to a privilege question, and asked to take up the resolution providing for the admission to his seat in the Senate, of the Hon. Philip F. Thomas. Mr. Johnson pointed out that the charge of con spiring with his successor, to depreciate the Go vernment credit, bad, after investigation by the committee, been proved to be without foundation. He reviewed the circumstances of the loan nego tiated by Mr. Thomas while Secretary to the Trea sury, and those which led to his resignation, show ing the allegations to be untrue. Finally, he gave a detailed account of the charge that Mr. Johnson's son had 'entered the rebel army, showing that it was opposed to his father's wish and in spite of his oppo sition, and that Mr. Thomas had advanced him $lOO to guard the boy against starvation on the road. In the course of the debate which followed Mr. Howe contended that Maryland was a State in the Union as much as New York, Massachusetts, or his own State, Wisconsin. One of her rights was to be re presented on that floor by two Senators. The Con stitution prescribed their qualifications, and if they possessed these qualifications, they had the right to be admitted. Mr. tioward asked—Were the State of Kentucky to elect Jefferson Davis to a seat, would the Senate admit him? Mr. Thayer, from Nebraska , sible case !" exclaimed, " Not an itnpos and Timothy 0. Howe, himself a Republican, replied, "If the Legislature of Kentucky were to send Jefferson Davis here, or John C. Breckinridge, rankling as here, or been in treason fur the last six years, he could not refuse to admit them. They had no right to try before ad mittance. After admittance they might expel him on a motion for treason. If they could try him for one thing before admission they could for another —if for disloyalty, or even for mur der ; but they had no right to add to the Con stitutional requirements." Mr. Stewart supposed Breckinridge to be elected by the Legislature of Kentucky while acting as Confederate Secretary of War, to which Mr Howe replied that in such a case Mr. Breckinridge would have been hanged before he got to the door of the Chamber. Mr. Trumbull introduced a joint resolution appointing an d Peter Parker, of Washington, regents of Connecticut, William A. Th eo dore Woolsey , Astor, of New York, John McLane, of New Smithsonian I n s titut e to fill vacancies. — J i n e r stehye, Passed. • Jan. 7.—After the introduction of a few resolu. tions, Mr. Sumner said, that on making inquiry at the desk, he found that the bill for the further security of equal rights in the district of Columbia had been presented to the President oa December 10, and, as it had not been returned, he now would ask leave to introduce it again. The bill was read, when Mr. Sherman said there were strong reasons for believing that the action of the President had not endangered this bill. In his opinion it was now the law of the land, and he thought the proper course would be to certify the facts of the case to the Secretary of State, whose duty it will then be to promulgate it officially. -,) suggested that the subject be referred to the Judiciary Committee. Mr. Sumner thought that perhaps it would be better to have the opinion of the Judiciary Com- Mittee, and had no objection to the reference. Mr. Johnson alluded to the law of New Hampshire as being similar to the law of the United States, ex cept that three days only were allowed to the Exe cutive of that State to return a bill, and the Supreme Court of New Hampshire hal decided that an adjournment was not an adjournment in the sense in which it seems to have been taken by the President. If that decision was correct, then this bill was now the law of the land. Mr. Suniner.--That might - be, but unfortu nately the President and Congress entertained such different views that there seemed to be no choice of reconcilement of opinion, and it was probably best to have the whole matter considered by the com mittee. The bill was then referred to the Judiciary Committee. On motion of Mr. Davis the Com mittee on Commerce was instructed to inquire into the expediency of regulating the fares of the rail roads of the country, so as to make them uniform and just, particularly in reference to connecting railroads in two or more States. The unfinished business, the bill exempting raw cotton from in ternal tax was taken up, the question being, on the motion of Mr. Conkling, to postpone it until the third Tuesday in February, and finally the amend ment of Mr. Conkling, exempting raw cotton from tax during the year 1868 only, was agreed to by a vote of 24 ayes to 21 nays. Mr. Drake offered an amendment that nothing herein contained shall be construed as preventing the levying again of the tax after the year 1868. —Adopted. Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, offered an amendment suspending the duty on imported raw cotton from April 1, 1868, to April 1, 1869.—Adopted. The bill was then passed, and now goes back to the house for con currence, and the Senate adjourned. Jan. B.—Mr. Trumbull reported in favour of the indefinite postponement of the bill amending the Bankrupt Act.—Agreed to. A resolution was passed instructing the Committee of Finance to inquire into the expediency of affixing a penalty upon any officer of the Government who shall au thorise a payment or appropriation of any money for any purpose not previously authorised by law. Mr. Edmunds, by unanimous cogent, offered a resolution of inquiry addressed to the President, reciting that the bill for the further security of equal rights in the district of Columbia had been repre sented to him, and not having been signed in the ten days allowed by the Constitution, whether it had been transferred to the office of the Secretary of State to be published among the laws adopted. The Senate then went into Executive Session, and afterwards adjourned. Jan. 9.—Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on Finance, reported the House Bill, to prevent fraud in the collection of the tax on distilled spirits, with an amendment striking out the words " in bond," so as to make the provisions of the bill apply to all whisky, whether in bonded warehouses or otherwise. The amendment was agreed to and the bill passed. Mr. Williams, from the Committee on Finance, reported in favour of the indefinite postponement of the bill to authorize the conversion of common bonds into registered bonds.—Agreed to. Mr. Morton called up his resolution instructing the Ju diciary Committee to report a bill abrogating the existing State governments in the rebel States, and providing proper governments in lieu thereof. After some discussion, the House Bill to suspend the further contraction of the currency, was taken up. Mr Sherman said it was understood that this reso lution contemplated further legislation during this session, and some broader financial provisions would yet be made. The passage of this bill was now necessary to allay the anxiety in the public mind. There was great stagnation in business, and that all knew; many thought it was owing to the unparallel ed contraction of the currency, $140,000,000 out of $7,000,000,000 in less than three years. Whether this opinion were wise or not, it was held by many, and it was but right that this action should be taken to relieve the apprehensions. Mr. Morrill, of Ver mont, would say nothing, but that he was unwilling that it should go forth to the country that this measure expressed the unanimous voice of the Se- Mr. Corbett was of the opinion that the measure would be in the interest of the gold specu lators, who were fattening upon the distress of the country. Mr. Fessenden saw no good to result from the passage of this bill. In his opinion, it was only by a reduction of the currency that the country would be in a condition to resume specie payments. Mr. Sprague said it was generally understood among business men that the Secretary had retired at one time twenty millions, thus destroying at one fell blow this amount of the property of the coun try. Mr. Henderson argued in favour of the pas sage of the bill. The bill was further discussed by Mr. Howe and others. The Senate at 3.45 went into Executive Session and then adjourned. January 10.- —After some business, the following resolution was introduced by Mr. Henderson, and referred to the Committee on Finance :—Resolved, &c., &c., that the Committee on Finance is in structed to inquire into the expediency of reporting to the Senate, for its consideration at au early day, a bill containing the following provisions, to wit: The consolidation of all the national indebtedness into long bonds bearing not more than three and a half per cent. interest per annum, but payable semi annually. Principal and interest of the bonds to be paid in gold, and to be secured against taxation by State authority. The repeal of the provision in the national banking laws, limiting the amount of the national currency to three hundred millions of dollars, so that any person or persons depositing the new bonds, and otherwise complying with the law, may receive national currency for the purpose of circulation, to the extent of seventy-five per cent. of the par value of the bonds, such an amend ment to the banking laws as shall require the banks already established to deposit within a given time the new bonds, or surrender the circulation now secured by deposit of Government securities. In case the banks surrender any part of their circu lation already issued, so as to reduce the amount outstanding, that the Secretary of the Treasury be authorised to issue a similar amount of United States legal tender notes, and to use the same in the pur chase or payment of bonds which at the time may be redeemable by law. The creation of a financial board, composed in part of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency, who shall have power, in case the national bank currency shall not be materially diminished, to cause the United States now outstanding gradually to be funded or cancelled until the resumption of specie payments be authorised, in times of commercial dis tress or money panic, to cause to be issued and de livered to the banks, in proportion to their circula tion on the deposit of bonds herein provided for, United States legal tender notes to an amount not exceeding $50,000,000. The House bill to sus pend the further contraction of the currency was taken up. Jan. 11. Several petitions were presented, and other business transacted. Mr. Sumner introduced a joint resolution declaring the adoption of the amendment to the Constitution known as Article 14. The resolution sets forth that the amendment pro posed to the Constitution by the 39th Congress, to be known as Article 14, has been ratified by the Le gislatures or 22 States —a sufficient number—and that it is now valid, and a part of the Constitution. Mr. Sumner said there was no doubt in his mind of the validity of the amendment, and moved that the resolution be referred to the Judiciary Committee, which he . appealed to to make an early report. It had been the custom heretofore, he knew, to leave such matters in the handa of the Secretary of State, but he thought it was peculiarly the province of Congress to pass upon it. The bill was then re ferred to the Judiciary Committee. Jan. 13. —Among the resolutions offered was one by Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, requesting the Com mittee on Post-offices and,Roads to inquire whether in the postal convention recently concluded with foreign countries privileges have not been granted to citizens of those countries which are denied to our own citizens.—Adopted. Another by Mr. Ed monds was referred to the Judiciary Committee, to inquire into the expediency of regulating by law trials in cases of impeachment, and in case the public safety should require it, providing for the suspension of officers who are under trial of impeach ment. Mr. Howard moved to go into Executive Session, upon which Mr. Sherman demanded the ayes and nays, when the motion was agreed to, and the Senate accordingly went into Executive Session, and then adjourned. Jan. 14.—Mr. Thayer introduced a bill to reduce the number of major and brigadier generals in the army. Referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. Frelinghuysen introduced a bill to restore the possession of lands confiscated by the States lately in rebellion.—Referred to the Com mittee on Judiciary. The resolution of Mr. Davis relating to the appointment of a tribunal to deter mine constitutional questions was then taken up, and Mr. Davis continued his argument in its favour. Without action on the bill, the House Bill suspend ing the further contraction of the currency was taken up, the question being on the amendment limiting the suspension to the Ist of July next. Mr. Frelinghuysen thought it would be a lack of judg ment for Congress to attempt to fix a day when contraction could be resumed. 'The amendment of Mr. Buckalew was then disagreed to. Mr. Corbett moved an amendment, that nothing in this act should be so constructed as to prevent the Secre tary of the Treasury from substituting notes, pay able in gold on demand, in place of an equal amount of legal tender notes, in such manner and at such time as he may deem best, Which was re jected by nays 40, ayes I—Mr. Corbett. Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, moved an amendment, that the suspension shall cease when the price of gold rises to 140 in United States notes, or to 100 in coin.—The amendment was rej,!cte I. Mr. Sherman moved to amend by providing that the amount of United states notes now existing shall not be re duced until Congress otherwise provides. At 4.30 Mr. Sprague rose and moved to atljoarn, stating that he was too feeble to remain longer. The Chair, by unanimous consent, before putting the motion, laid before the Senate the Report of the Indian Peace Commission. The motion of Mr. Sprague to ad journ was then put and disagreed to. Mr. Sprague then took the floor, and proceeded to argue against the pending bill as being a measure of temporary relief only. After the conclusion of Mr. Sprague's remarks the Senate adjourned. Jan. 15,—Several petitions were presented, and Mr. Sumner reported a joint resolution to provide for the representation of the United States at the International Maritime Exhibition at Havre. Also one to pay the $28,000 to the Spanish Government on account of the steamer Nuestra Senora de la Rega, seized by General Sherman at Port Royal, and afterwards taken for the use of the Navy De partment. The morning hour having expired, Mr. Sprague, who was entitled to the floor, said the present greenback circulation was the most power ful element of speculation now in the country. There was no head of the financial system. The circulation was distributed among three hundred national banks. What would be thought of a man who, on the verge of bankruptcy, would send his money out through a hundred different agents? There is nobody in the world who depreciates the paper of the United States as much as the Treasury of the Government—there is no greater speculator in gold than that Government. Mr. Sherman said it was almost the unanimous opinion of both Houses that contraction should be suspended ; it was the opinion also of the Secretary, and the ques tion might therefore arise, Why pass the bill then ? For the reason that the power to contract has been given by law ; that a new Secretary of the Trea sury might be appointed, and new contingencies arise, and therefore the contraction should be pro hibited by law. The only question is, Shall we withdraw from the Secretary the power to contract the volume of United States notes, or shall we not ? The question then recurred on the amendment of Mr. Sherman, that the amount of United States notes now existing shall not be reduced until au thorised by Congress, which was adopted. Mr. Conkling moved to amend that the amount of such notes shall not be increased until authorized by Congress. Mr. Fessenden advocated the amendment as having the effect to quiet the public mind as to inflation. It would give the assurance that Congress intended to go no further than to suspend contraction. Mr. Sherman said the amendment was of no possible account, as there was now no power vested in the Secretary to increase the currency. Mr. Wilson was in favour of taxing the Govern ment bonds, and ;there was not a bondholder in Massachusetts, as far as he knew, who was not in favour of a just taxation upon them. The bill was further discussed by Messrs. Cameron and Conk ling, both in opposition, and the latter modified his amendment so as to provide that nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect the power of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain the re serve authorised by section 4 of the Act of June 30, 1864. Mr. Doolittle protested that any infer ence should be drawn here or. elsewhere that be cause of the passage of this bill the Senate was in favour of an increase of the greenback circulatiOn. Mr. Morton alluded to the necessity of a return to specie payments, but it could not be done in less than three years. Considerable further debate took place, but of an uninteresting nature. The amend ment of Mr. Conkling was rejected. The bill was then passed, as follows :—Yeas—Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Conuess, Cattell, Cole, Cragin, Doo little, Drake, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Howe, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Norton, Nye, Patterson of Tenne see, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Ross, Sherman, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wil liams, Wilson, and Yates —33. Nays—Messrs. Conkling, Ferry, Morgan, and Patterson, of New Hamphshire-1. The Senate then, at 6.30 p.m., adjourned. Jan. 16.—The bill suspending the tax on cotton as received from the House, with the refusal of the House to agree to the Senate amendments, was read. Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on Finance, re ported in favour of the Senate receding from its amendments, but inserting the proviso that imported raw cotton shall be exempt from duty on and after July 1, 1868. He asked for an immediate vote, but it was postponed till 1 o'clock, on the motion of Mr. Trumbull. Mr. Chandler called up the bill providing for the appointment of line officers of the navy to consular positions, and asked for a vote on his mo tion to refer it to the Committee on Commerce. Mr. Grimes said since the discussion of yesterday he had further looked into this matter, and had found that numbers of our consuls and commercial agents were in the receipt of from six to sixteen thousand dollars per annum. Mr. Sumner asked for the names. Mr. Grimes said the names could be found by a reference to the list. Mr. Sumner said if such was the fact these officers were acting in direct and palpable violation of the law in retain ing such amounts. Mr. Grimes said the Sena or was wandering from the subject. Some further discussion then took place, when Mr. Stewart moved to postpone the pending business on the Bill to " Establish a National School of Mines" being proceeded with. Mr. Stewart took the floor in advocacy of the bill, reading from printed slips, and first discussed at some length the immense wealth of the mineral regions of the United States, which were superior to those of any country in the world, and it was a reproach to the country that it depended upon foreign . ers for the p r oper management and development ofits mining interests. After a considerable amount of business in supplying deficiencies and appropriations, Mr. Sherman asked to take up the Cotton Bill, which led to some discussion, but without action the Senate went into Executive Session, and after some time spent therein adjourned until Monday. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Jan. 6.—The Speaker called the House to order at 12 o'clock. After the call of States and Terri tories for bills and joint resolutions, Mr. Upson, of Michigan, introduced a resolution directing the Committee on Reconstruction to inquire into the expediency of authorizing by law the several Consti tutional Conventions elected under the Reconstruc tion Acts in the State lately in rebellion, to appoint all civil officers, whether State or county, in said States, to act temporarily and until State Consti tutions shall be adopted therein, and officers shall be chosen and qualified to fill said offices ; and that for this purpose the said Conventions may remove all civil officers now acting in said States, &c. Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, moved to amend the resolution, by adding, to instruct the Reconstruc tion Committee to inquire into the expediency of authorizing the General of the army to detail offi cers for service in said States ; also to inquire into the expediency of constituting said States each a separate military district under the command of the General of the Army ; and also as to the expe diency of providing additional legislation to secure the elective franchise to all, and also to declare by Act of Congress that the Provisional Governments set up in said States by order of the acting Presi dent are not Republican forms of government. Mr. Upson accepted the amendment, and Mr. Chanler, of New York, moved to lay the whole subject on the table. Not agreed to—yeas 28, nays 66. The re , solutions were then adopted. Mr. Eldridge offer a resolution declaring that the thanks of Congress are due, and are hereby tendered, to Major-General W. S. Hancock for his wise, patriotic, and kindly recognition of the first rights of the citizen, and for the patriotic order issued by him upon assuming command of the so-called fifth military district, and for his determination promptly expressed to enforce the supremacy of the civil law within his command. Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, desired to amend by a re solution condemning the President for removal of Stanton and Sheridan, and approval of Gen. Grant's course in relation to such removals. Mr. Eldridge 8 t de clined to allow such an amendment. The resolution resolution w a s laid on the t a ble l b v y is a. co v n o s t i e n o , of offereds yeas a o 28 nays. 71\ d l e r cia l r \ i r n a g h sh t bu a r th l:' of is house utterly condemns the con duct of Andrew Johnson, acting President of the United States, for his action in removing th e ga ll an t s oldier Major - Ge n. P. 11. Sheridan from the corn - maul of the fifth military district, and that the thanks of the house are due to General U. S. Grant, the General Commanding the armies of the United States, for his letter of August last, condemning the act of said acting President for his removal of Secre tary Stanton, as well as for his indorsement o f G en . Sheridan in relat ion to affairs in the State of T exas , Th e resolution was divided on the demand of Mr Chanler, of New York, and the first part agreed to by a vote of 79 yeas to 28 nays, and the second part by 82 yeas to 23 nays. Mr. Wood, of New York, sent to the clerk's desk and bad read a number of letters from American citizens who had suffered from arrest by the autho rities of Great Britain while on visits to England or Ireland. After a few remarks, he observed, it seemed to be impossible for American citizens to obtain justice from the blood-thirsty country of Great Britain. Mr. Ward closed by offering a re- solution directing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to inquire into the circumstances attending the arrest of Daniel Fitzgerald, and others, and that the committee have power to send for persons and papers, and to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, offered a bill declaring eight hours a legal day's work in the navy yards and in all Government workshops of the United States. (The bill is the same as that which passed the Ilouse at the last session of Congress.) Mr. Carey, of Ohio, presented the petition of the em- ployes of the Washington navy yard in this con nection, and urged the passage of the bill imme diately. Mr. Washburne's Bill to facilitate the payment of soldiers' bounties IN as then discussed, and the House adjourned. Jan. 7.—The House resumed 'consideration of the bill to facilitate the payment of soldiers' boun ties, which was finally amended. Mr. Arnell, of Tennessee, offered an amendment that all claims of coloured soldiers for bounty and back pay shall be transferred for examination and settlement to the Commissioner of Freedmen's Affairs. The amendment was accepted, and the bill as amended was passed. Mr. Pike, of Maine, from Committee on Naval Affairs, reported back a substitute for the joint resolution authorising the Secretary of the Navy to dispose of iron-clad vessels. (The Secre tary is authorised to dispose of all vessels not needed for the service, at a price to be fixed by a board of five naval officers.) Which was passed ; ayes, 90 ; nays, 29. The Speaker announced as the Regents of the Smithsonian Institute on the part of the House. Messrs. Garfield, of Ohio, Poland, of Ver mont, and Pruyn of New York ; and on the motion of Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, Senate joint resolution in relation to the Regents of the Smithsonian Insti tute was taken and considered and passed. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, from the Committee of 'Ways and Means, reported a bill to prevent frauds in the collection of the tax on distilled spirits shall be withdrawn from a warehouse for redistillation or any other purpose, until the whole tax is paid upon it.) By unanimous consent the bill was taken up, and Mr. Schenck proceeded to address the House upon the subjects of the frauds perpetrated in the collection of the tax on spirits. Mr. limiter, of Indiana, was not opposed to the bill, but he did not think it would remedy all the evils complained of, and he then proceeded to explain a bill he had some time ago introduced, which he thought was preferable to that of Mr. Schenck. The bill was then passed. Mr. Logan, of Illinois, offered a re solution, which was objected to by Mr. Kerr, di recting the Committee on Retrenchment to re port at an early day a bill to provide for a bureau of civil service, to be composed of three examiners, and to prescribe the duties, qualifications, salary, and term of office of such examiners. 2d. To de signate the number of clerks that shall be employed in each of the departments, and to provide for their apportionment of said clerks among the several States and Territories, and in the District of Colum bia. 3. By whom recommendations shall be made of clerks for examination. 4th. To provide that such appointments shall be given to honourably discharged soldiers and sailors when found to be otherwise qualified. sth. To designate the time and mode of supplying the places vacated under the operation of the law. 6th. To designate when a complete change shall be made under the law in all the offices. 7th. To provide that the law shall not apply to any department of the Government except those located in Washington and the District of Columbia. On the motion of Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the:state of the Union ; Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, in the chair. Mr. Carey, of Ohio, addressed the House upon the subject of the finances and the payment of the national debt. lie advo cated at length the repeal of the act creating the national banks, and argued that legal tender notes were as good a medium of circulation as could be de sired. Mr. Carey concluded his speech at 4.15 ; and the committee then rose, and the House ad ourned. Jan. B.—Mr. Orth, Indiana, from Committee on Foreign Affairs, submitted a report, which was laid upon the table, and a joint resolution requesting the President of the United States to intercede with the Queen of Great Britain for the release of the Rev. John M'Mahon, who was arrested as a Fenian raider in 1866, and is now confined in gaol in Kingston, Canada West. Mr. Paine, of Wiscon sin, moved to amend the resolution by inserting the name of John Lynch, of Milwaukie, after that of Father M'Mahon. Mr. Lynch, he said, was arrested at the time of M.‘Alahon's arrest, and it could do no harm to have both interceded fot. Mr. Orth declined to accept the amendment. The case of Father M'Mahon was a peculiar one. ne preferred that Mr. Lynch's and every other case should stand upon its merits. Mr. Cullom, of Ilh nois, spoke in advocacy of the joint resolution, and demanded that the House•express its opinion against the doctrine of perpetual allegiance, and declare that all citizens, native and naturalized, shall be protected. Pending discussion the morning hour expired, and the bill went over under the rule. The Senate's amendments to the Cotton Tax Bill were referred to the Committee on Ways and Means• On the motion of Mr. Broomall, of Pennsylvania , the Committee of Ways and Means was directed to inquire into the expediency of exempting frore internal tax all manufactures from cotton, Iv 001; or iron. LADVERTISEMENT.] Consumption, and all nervous; biliouS2 stomach and liver complaints in every stage are only aggrava te ' and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfects curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Foot as proved by thousands of cases which had been consider° hopeless; such as indigestion (dyspepsia), cough, asthma, con sumption, habitual constipation, diarrhma, all gastric derang e : , ments, haemorrhoids , liver complaints, flatulency, nervons l3 er biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, c olds, n v , fluenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, inar a ,. rides, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessn ess acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, drops's': cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy or sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the cheTl pains at the pit of the stomach , and between the shoulders, We quote a few.—The Pope's health restored by Du Barri Food. Cure No. 68,413.—"R0me, July 21, 1866 . —The health 11 the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning other remedies , he has confined himself entirely to Du 13arrlai Itevalenta Arabica Food, of which h e consumes a plate.',l at every meal. It has proluced a surprisingly benetlT,o effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise excellent food too highly." Fro m the " Gazette du Mil., July 25. Cure No. 46 , 270 . Mr. James Roberts, timber tee_ chant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased WV.; spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial dea fne Se • of Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lard Lieutent%ag Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousn!,,,ci asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness "Tv vomiting.—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of them a t 30° unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, Iv' a authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audacious l y attache • In tins at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 2s 9d.; 2 lbs., 4 s. 6d, ; 5 lbs. 11;i: 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY Du BARRY and Co., Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Picca. , 76 9, and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4 , Cheapside; 63, 150, an d 2 ed Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all gro cers sud chemists. Births. CANTOR—On tho 30th ult., at 20, Brunswick-square, W•C" Mrs. S. M. Cantor, of a daughter. • of HYDE—On the 31st ult., at 55 , Portland-place, the WII ° F. Colville Hyde, Esq., of a son. t. the NOTLEY— On the 29th ult., at New Brompton, J. , .° 32 wife of A. Franke Notion Esq., Royal Engineer Der ma, of a son. Marriages. CLARKE—AUSTIN—On the 30th ult., at All Souls',ll,o; ham-place, Percy Carmichael Clarke, Esq., Of of shire-place, Portland-place, to Sophia, relict of Bent' Austin, Esq., of Sydney, N.S.W. P P WHITTLE —DRAKE —On the 30 th ult. , at St. Pat?, f ford, Harry Stevenson, son of He nr y Whittle, TOL e ." ir. New Cross, to Alicia Charlotte, daughter of the Jew Drake, Esq., of Boulogne-sur-Mier. Deaths. _,,,„ (DV' HUNTER—On the 29th ult., at 26, Carlten-villae, "-g -i 0.1 vale, Archibald Hunter, and of 10, Cannon-street, '''' L mden. • 1 01 ' NELSON —0 n the 28th ult., at Cannes, France, If. nil ad son, Esq., of 11, Lancaster-gate, W., and ?1, Old Sr ° street, aged 48. P OW ELL—On the 30th ult., et No. 8 , Beaufort-10011156' Strand, George Powell, Esq., aged 81. rota RALLI—On the 30th ult., at 14, Hyde-park -place, Pantia Ralli, Esq., aged 31, WHITE—On the 27th ult., at 15, Bayswater, Lieut.-General Sir Michael White, 1 " - * Colonel of the 7th Dragoon Guards, aged 76. was ______— --- Pembridge-cFssoceS3t:, ATi 13 0 ,1 ' London : Printed and Published by WILLIA3I ,---.,,/, 1.- f of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tae SUN Of10 0 %.,:„ - o ti 12 ' strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the vv — MiddlefieXe•-6aturday, February 1, 1868.