The Sun. — London, England, 1845-03-20 00:00:00

a 'arc i ng th ueed rate of duty, because sheep farmers, possess -14 6 °llsan ds of sheep in the falls of Westmorland and ,LiePtlani, would d er i ve a vast benefit from suc:i a re. N : l %, for i t was by no means uncommon to expend dia l e e tw % three, or it might be 4091. a year in the p ,„ , ur- A of grea,e for what they called " serving sheep. ' illter, a few Words from Mr. EWART and Mr. Danny, e. VILLIERS could not, in this case, join in the 11, t ' h ul t lll ation of the i on. Member for Cockermouth % at e 'ton. Member for Essex, for he certainly thought 14 that Rol. Memb( r had as good a right to object to dci ng away with the duty on grease as any other on Ate . Itt keti g mber. They had had, in that discussion, a th ilie cal illustration of the working of the protective A nd - 8.---(ticar, hear.) An lion. Member came forward ti lot faid that they were protecting one country against %ert r•—(Laughter.) That meant, certainly, that they (44,b ri ; b hing the one coun t r y t o assist the other— litotiy,i'er)—but eac h wou ld w illi ng l y en d th e quarre l, public each might w ith i m p un ity ro b the g eneral tou t i[s (L aughter.) The lion. Member for Cocker g;4w• ished that greas e s h o uld be imported at a lower e°eoaue he wished it for sheep in Westmorland. t ne Ron. Member for Essex eld not wish to see (C o , t e . imported at a cheap duty, for he had it to sell— d l aughter) —and thus it was that the man of Iton s „ r ree°mtriended the man of greuse not to divide the %In k - thought the a hole system a robbery on the t ile ih irl q, but Hon. Members might, as they pleased, e seoSe or nonsense of the House upon the subject. l i r er a f ew words from Sir W. JAMES, keii',A.GLIONBY had no objection to Hon. Members t ilie n r e cse. so long as they did not impugn the reputa the D -io dividuals. He had a character to maintain with ll 'tiih o lL ,, lie ; who ' might misunderstand what the Hon. m ~ e and Wolverhampton had said of him in a jocular ttene ll4 he, therefore, was anxious to correct the Bon. . 1 4, 1 , ‘ 9 , 1 'i1l the interpretation of what he had said. The Neernher for Wolverhampton had evidently miscon c4...e'rerything he had said, or he could not have la 81 :i into the error of supposing that he had an interest lit ter ee l ) , or that he wanted grease For sheep. He had !ios anything which could lead to such a supposi -1144 - Q , had he, in the slight , st degree, advocated the of the agriculturist. He dependel a good deal but, nevertheless, since the first time he had h0",,,,1wat in that House, he had always voted with the k r ",, l etnher on his motion for a repeal of the corn-laws. ; '3IIA.MSTON withdrew his motion. ‘, t ' If '„"DEN, however, wished to take a division on • -4• 3 9 however, not supported, and the motion was 0 4 ti l _ i eta was then agreed to. ha im ue item being put for the admission of raw and hides at a reduced duty, b lq ea nt MURPHY said he had been requested by a o Ph te : 4 tanners, who carried on business in Cork, to 41ta;ptcis reduction, because it would give the f01t0111,0,4 lt0 111,0, 4 advantage over the British manufacturer. It rklat 4ll . l. Put one-sixteenth of a halfpenny into the N tti .°l ,,_ t he English tanner, while they gave the fo L l bPO A r ca 'lle difference of the whole twopence, the lel 4 amount of duty to be imposed on these 41/41,4" There were peculiar circumstances affecting the Ste,l l ,, lll ,is country which rendered it advisable that t "' the ion should be postponed for the present. Most NO rit ' i sh manufacturers imported hides largely from L e ‘inz A t „, 4l crica and the district of the River Plate ; and ti l l(1 1, - „,the present disputes between Buenos Ayres 1 ▪ ;"'s Video, they were compelled to pay an addi. exile se of 30 per cent. upon all articles they im „ltia,,, Then, again, the American tanner had an ad hl/11°: of being able to got bark almost for nothing, or, tie e-ea ts h h per than the British manufac• t t s ; ; Wh ile ' in Belgium ea th tarn er's labour was about half th tt;F e e r e what it e w - a i s u in England e or Ireland. He should, hak move that the item be postponed. GL ADSTONE had heard a similar statement ttl kt e ll : 1843 , when the whole question relating to the 1t 4 14 in , the district of the River Plate L i lly 11 " Y discussed, awl, he believed, . thesesatisfac ttled. lie thought it was advisable to NE,ztPeriment of admitting a great number of Zit thege bein g s i m ply articles of raw materials, or ki Nte ti V. B ,,in the fi rs t s tage of manufacture, into this 'itl':ree of duty, and the question now to be con h was, whether this particular article was one vttß ' ll .ght be safely freed. Now, for his part, he Sti b h t Wa d he would tell them why. The ted -tttli rt of the an tanning trade was predicted when ,tln it etion was made in the duty in 1842. Previous . I._ l4 th tits ° the duties varied from 6d. to ls. OP., and it 111 4 ti e l n ,, r educed in some instances to 10d. What had t Zt .;effect of this change ? Why, in the first year, 0,4" 5 , 5 a 0001b5. of tanned . leather brought into this ti ll iso, oo ;_m in the second year thess,ooolbs. had fallen to, °L—(llear, hear.) This proved clearly that etiC i gners could not stand their ground in the Ve`ll karket B t the advantage which resulted to aatr f • U tly from the reduction of 1842, was more ma- Chki,„ * . c elr . n in the returns of the importation of hi , i t_nce the Act of 1842, the importation of increasedby 200,000 cwts., while the 1 0 0 1h t u _ • tanned leather had only increased by d o id r a n b o o t u t th l i n 5 ,0 0 0 cwts. Under these circum k there was any ground for the 4 ()f e, t he non. and Learned Member. _ his v LIONBY had also been requested by some t constituents to oppose this item ; but after the X4B o f the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, he refrain from going into any lengthened state ,the - e l e begged, however, to remind the Committee itta:'orernment that this was not an article in the . tZle'4, (3l manufacture, but it was an article which A t ; ',intents and purposes, considered by the Bri- VIP 4racturer in a finished state. 17 4 . tl s c EEI , was confident, from what he had gleaned tip,\-ePtitation which had come up from Liverpool to rkiZr4l -11 him respecting this subject, that the British e:tlrer had an infinite advantage over the foreigner. li kl ol i N tlea,,, t :tatnined the two qualities of leather, and this I.t. ; b e t , op every doubt he might have had upon the hear.)ltlth - Since the year 1841, burdens li t ; s ed upon the tanner had been removed to the It ' 1 , 00,0 001, and he could not understand what prni:a,(-1 to complain of. It was said they removed !t4:4(1 tee ett ve duties of the manufacturer, but never ri c , t s t r , -cs e which bore upon agriculture. No . w this tia for they did not propose to do away with the 11 4 1 14 ti lt tk to benefit the tanner.—(Hear, and cheers.) tbn tt. t l . (lo o/. llt ,a%es the tanners had had was not less ki`„tin,i`le hoped the House would not think t y I , 4 +l.lbali f .'`llg the home manufacturer of leather to com • tl7. 1 . t hey allowed the free importation of that he -a Was the tanning trade were perfectly td a sure f ar competition with any country. !f t ,;k4z ri -11( ICK believed that the fear of competition 1 1,: s tin i a -ar Y , and was surprised to hear the advocates !tk n 'th ;"e asking for protection upon such an article 4 a - 1 ' 1 AI%; Vor himself, he shoulHalways vote theftfo the tiZ t at ly protective duty. believed r tb - IC% t • i ; e contry were perfectly able to . compete with Y',..1: 1 1 in the world. Every facility given to t t ritt 4 , 1411 ge with all nations extended commerce, tlio'iotended with universal good. NIL ti v :PNG could see no necessity for continuing al; k i -, h uty on tanned leather. 41 1 would not press the subject after what o, e t 4 from the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of .91 t t tl: 4 11 t1 111 . eat and the Noble Lord the Member for t p, t l viugs' then ordered strangers to withdraw,. ti t !l r r• Sergeant Murphy left the House amid 6, 11 11; (4 , 11 tY said a division took place he should kiNp, 4 PPort the p roposition of the Government. ( 1 • 1 1 ,1 43 . , Were then p ordered to withdraw and the Com • , When there appeared— A n .', '' L ne remission of the duty ''aat it. y 9 pr Majority tjl a h g u t Position of the Government for the remission y t t , as consequently carrie d. _ teq• (i h ki il Mission into the gallery, we found I , l it"N t e" C ''AN on his legs, moving that lard be omit- Ce list of articles upon which it was proposed it f mtp lltt°l33B duties should be repealed. Every I.,:ng • 'te was interested in the question; and especially t w / t ) . et s t : Iri s h peasant and small farmer affected by the klk,..taig•''' Proposal. Although the duty of 2s. per hoZt I,ol:Tear small, to persons of small weans the ▪ t - t l fnPortant. The loss , of a protection of 2s. ' l %l ", home producer, would be a serious one k kl e t q . dir classes. e at'i L LIIK did not think that any case had been . k4ll r ejectir , the Government proposal. This ittit of article 0 of 'great importance to the manufac 11 / 4 4 % h Country. A new application of this 4e k 4 1 ,4 ' , b . een discovered which rendered the Particularly desirable. By the exhaus keit), "o ; from it would be of great utility Y, s es ; ;;,, t ,he finer b ranc h es o f machinery. Looking 1 04 ' 0 iW"Ce of the last two years, he was convinced J: l ry Would be inflicted upon any class of the if the House sanctioned the proposed 1 , 1 4 -Lear, 4 1t fl isoN ar.) supported the Government proposal. , r at e NE an n EGATE said the people of the United th t c'tk"`ciPated that they would be able to make lard 1 , 4 11 1 11 : 51 0,a e ll ; s taPle commodities. It was impossible that ▪ J111,, -l ' A s c ,of this country could compete with those , "))' W4', otates when the latter had such facilities Ir; °ll .cliiv." ° w ll" to have for roduction of hogs. ' NI)11 VAI said he cood not refrain from ti k his 1 ' • II sentiments on the question before the tQI S L e considered the manufacturing representa e ( et lik e • is,, Nat Jacks in the box, presenting themselves t ,,Pren e ,„ et the country.-( Laughter.) Although % -Lative of an agricultural constituency, rh o e re cons , go with the ultra party—(Hear)— h ,cn, h on k atantly forcing themselves on the notice . tZt'ia„ 4- lar , , In i nai tY.—(llear hear.) When the Right 0 ' t ea °-e ' (Sir R• feel) ' brought forward there, .11:014ttsaieclattilirdalveirnyt great measures the a . n ) (l , tit his interest would, lie believed,. profit th q 1 8 1 ,1 - very other interest in this country_ 14 t ultr a Friends said to him, at the conclusion Ns p 1,1; what '` )11 . Baronet's speech, - 4 ' We are all in "th el is there for us?" His immediate reply Oa t* " t et e '" nothing for , you."—(Great laugh- L tl l4 nae tell you" (continued the Ho tlittt.l,l3s,ile:Mbber, with almost dramatic . action), I, ll‘ tin es arhament, you have at this time three of °lieYou have the . Conciliation hum laga , - , -- kLaughter)—the Anti-Corn-law League Ointa r"en Theatre, and the Proli -Pudor House 4 ik h to i 4.0 to B ond -street.—(Great laughter.) to a eV c onstituents and to the country—l am 4 t it ) r s ition of self-defence—l have been driven " seat t he sword is drawn.—(`The remainder P t lio,*e h, e t n ,„?e_vy . tts lost amidst roars of laughter.)— s;.itre al y,v t h i s protection society, the members of 1 38., .noblemen 1, hi, ih ei , en and Members of Parliament... Sty 3, a , r dictates to the minor associations the Rs t h e „ • th tl gh at ribert minor associations take, I contend, _a • 4 , !kr.) I dYounpotn themselves with respect to us. bait one inch of my adherence to N'tj2tiellitural interest, but I never will be one of those i 4l tt "len whom l oee o f 00l I have described. Let me take th,„ e Nei , au agricultural society.—(Hear, hear.) 11 Nap a _ 'ed a letter from one. Now I entertain my county and try constituents, and I I THE SCN, LONDON, TLIRSDAY EVENING, MARCH 2O, 1845. damaged, he would prevent the importation of the foreign artiel: by a protecting duty. The Hon. Member then contended that injury hal been done to the trades of thi; country by the removal of the duty on raw hides and bark, and that the same results would follow the present proposition. Sir IL PEEL said he could not help expressing his regret that the discussion he had been listening to-had arisen on this subject, although no doubt a large and not unnecessary amount of interest was attached to it. But he could not help saying that some lion. Members opposite him, had dune injustice to Hon. Members be hind him.—(Bear, hear.) Let him here observe, that a great deal of forbearance had been exhibited by lion. Members on his side of the House, while going through the tariff the other night, until they came to the item of cotton ; but the moment the removal of the duty on that article came to be dis cussed, although it was then one o'clock in the morning, it was suggested that this was an item of so much im portance that it should be postponed; and he (Sir It Peel) should say that that was so reasonable a propo sition that he at once assented to it, in order that public attention might be called to it.—(Hear, hear.) How ever, that had been now set at rest, and he had no doubt but that its operation would be found effectual.—(Hear.) And now he would come to this item of lard; in regard to this he would say his impression was, that very great benefits to the people of this country would follow the removal of the duty on this article. Some observations had been made against such a proposition; but he felt so convinced of its ultimate utility that he had deemed it right to propose its removal, particularly when he re coPected the great advantage that would follow the measure, to the manufacturing portion of the commu nity.—(llear, hear.) On these grounds he hoped Hon. Members at his side of the House would not persevere in their opposition, while, at the same time, he could not sit down without congratulating lion. Members opposite on their having so well avoided the use of personalities. Lord J. RUSSELL had heard some objections raised to this discussion ; but he should say that, to him at least, nothing appeared more reasonable than that dis cussion should have arisen. —(hear.) For his own part he would say, that with regard to this, as well as many other articles, he thought the House and the country were in a most unsatisfactory state as to the information they onht to have on them.—(Hear.) lie did not think the Government had given anything like satisfactory reasons for those alterations.—(Hear, hear.) Surely if it was expedient fur the benefit of the country to remove the duty on this article of agricultural produce, why would it not be equally beneficial to the country to have the duty removed upon all other articles of agricultural produce?—(Hear, hear.) surely the Right lion. Baronet opposite could explain why- and how this distinction between the removal and the upholding of certain protective duties was made, ?nd prove to the country that it was for their benefit one class of articles were admitted free, while others were prohibited by a duty.—(Hear, hear.) There were many Honour able Members opposite who held out for protection, and if they did, let them be consistent, and stoutly maintain it all through—(Hear, hear)—not with regard to the small or trifling article of lard merely, but to any article hitherto subjected to such prohibition—(Hear) —let them say, " this is our position, and bo it good or had, we will stand to the last."—(Hear.) Let them not be doing things inch by inch in this way, and advocating protection in theory.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE— . Whatever might have been the advice of the Noble Lord who had Just sat down, he (Mr. Gladstone) would say he felt assured that Hon. Members on that side the House would vote in accordance with that which they crenceived to be consistent with the national policy, and not render themselves ridiculous by descending to discussions on suck minute and trilling articles as this. But the Noble Lord's argument was to maintain the corn-laws, and take 2s. a cwt. off lard.— (Laughter.) That might be a very good advice for the Noble Lord to give, but certainly a very odd one for Hon. Members at his side of the House to take.— (Laughter.) And the Noble Lord further said, if the duty on lard was so very light, why remove it ? But he (Mr. Gladstone) should say this article of lard should not be regarded now as an article of food, for if it were it was either too good or not good enough. But he looked upon it as an ar ticle of trade and of raw material, and as such it was of importance that it should be had with facility and in abundance. In fact, it was of so much importance to manufactures that its importance could not be overrated. It was well known that the supply of sperm oil was be coming scarce, and therefore there could be no better substitute for it than lard-oil, and another reason why they should have this lard in abundance was, because they couldeiot have lard-oilin sufficient quantities from America. But the lard-oil of America, though valuable for manu facturers, did not possess that degree of purity which would render it eligible as an oil for machinery in this country, and, therefore, the lard-oil of this country would be preferred. But it was not in machinery alone that the oil was used. Ile apprehended it was also used in the manufacture of soap to a considerable extent. He stood on the general principle that lard was a valuable article with regard to its application to the raw material of British manufactures. - He regarded it as being an article to be used in manufactures, and not as an article of food. He excepted against the doctrine of his Hon. Friend behind him, that the lard from foreign countries would displace the home lard, or be substituted for it. But that was not the question. The question was, whether they would allow the remission of the duty of 2s. on an article so important for manufacturing purposes, when it would have no perceptible influence upon the lard pro duced in this country, but, on the contrary, by extending trade, would increase the production of the article at home? Sir %V. JAMES said that the Hon. Member for Stock . port having said that his object was abundance, and asked them what their object was, he merely rose for the purpose of replying that their object was abundance with security.—(Hear.) Mr. GROGAN replied, and said he would not press his motion. _ . quence of the measures taken by the Government in 1842, it was not now worth as many hundreds.--( Hear, hear.) It was said these alterations were merely of an experi..nental nature, but surely when they found that the same experimental alterations which were adopted a few years ago, had only thrown the people out of employment, they ought to be satisfied that thee experiments could produce no good. Sir It. PEEL regretted exceedingly that the former mea sures of the Government should have thrown parishes, which had previously enjoyed prosperity, into a comparative state of distress, but his Hon. Friend must bear in mind that the rea son they had lost their manufacturers in Dorsetshire was, be cause steam-power had been so improved as to produce fabrics at a less cost than water-power. It was, therefore, not a want of exertion on their part that had caused this dis tress, but it was the introduction of increased capital and competition into their branches of trade. There could be no doubt, then, theoe unfavourable changes were liable to take place,. whether they reduced the duty or not. And if by reducing these duties the . ;' could stimulate the manu facturers of Manchester, and other larje towns to compete with foreigners, he hoped they would not deprive the country of this advantage, because the experiment when tried on a former occasion had failed in one or two iostances.—( Hear. ) They could only, however, judge of the efficacy of these ex periments by taking a large and comprehensive view of the ex ports and imports extending over a number of years. In 1844, and since the duty had been reduced, the quantity of raw silk brought into this country to be wove was not less than 4,303,0001b5. Now, there never was so large a quantity of silk brought into this country for the purpose of providing em ployment for our manufacturers since 1836,'a year of great and inconsiderate speculation, which had the effect of depressing the market for sometime afterwards. From 1835 to 1344, the quan tity of raw silk brought into this country to be wove increased from 15,214,0001b5., the amount of the former ten years, to 37,954,0001b5.—( Hear, hear.) But what was tire case with thrown silks? Why, in the former period it was 3,6130,0001b5., whereas in the latter year it was only 2,900,000145., clearly showing the advantage of the reduction which tc ok place in 1842.—( Hear, hear) Was it not worth while then taking steps to give the British manufacturers an opportunity of entering into competition with the foreigner, which he believed they would be able to do at some time or other, and perhaps at no remote period with success.—( Cheers. ) After a few words from Mr. TATTON EGER.TON, Mr. LABOUCHERE believed that the steps the Govern ment were taking would not turn out beneficial to those for whom they were intended. He had not consulted his con stituents, but he believed the measure would cc eate great alarm among them; but he should be ashamed of himself, if he resisted a great improvement on that account. He trusted, however, that in other matters the Government would recollect what they had done with respect to silk. He believed the silk trace would improve under a revision of the duties. He thought the whole of the silk duties ought ;to be revised, and not those on thrown silk alone. On the whole, he felt inclined to support the proposition of the Government. Mr. BROCKLEHURST believed that the reduction of the duty on thrown silk would not do any good for those it was intended by the Government to benefit. Mr. HUME had heard with great surprise the alarm will which the Hon, Member had viewed this measure. He had visited the factories of this country, as well as those of Belgium and oilier countries, but the factory of the Hon- "Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Brocklehurst) was that which he had found in the most perfect state of any. He thought the Government would have done better by removing the duty altogether from manufactured silk, for by this means they would have prevented smuggling, and allowed the fair trader to enter into fair com petition. He thought the Government deserved every support the House Gould give them, and he hoped the House would not refuse to let the reduction pass. Mr. 'WILLIAMS agreed with the policy of taking the duties off the raw materials of manufacture ; but if they took the import duties off the manufactured articles, great distress would be caused. They should first take the tax off corn, and give their labouring population cheap food, or they would do great injustice. He contended that great reduction should be made on the article of waste silk, for it was of very little value. Mr. ENTWISLE said that he visited a country district. and the people told him that, if they had free trade, they would not mind those duties at all. For this reason, he would lend his aid to any proposition for the removal of restrictions on commerce. Dr. BOWRING—The duty on India silks in France was not half so high as that levied on French silks imported into England. After a few words from Mr. BROCKLEHURST, the Com mittee divided, when there appeared For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —59 On our return to the gallery, we found Mr. E. BULLER addressing the Committee. He had a notice of motion on the paper to introduce tallow into the reso lutions, but at that late hour of the night he did not wish to press it. He wished to know whether another opportunity would be afforded for bringing on the question. Sir. R. PEEL said the Hon. Member would have an op portunity of moving in Committee on the Bill. It would greatly interfere with the operations of trade if they were not to report the proceedings of this Committee before the holidays. A desultory conversation arose as to the propriety of pro ceeding with those articles, including butter, cheese, tallow, and railway sleepers, with regard to which Hon. Members had motions. And it was finally determined, that an early day alter the holidays should be set aside in Committee upon the Customs' Act, to enable those Hon. Members to bring for ward their motions, on the understanding, however, that no discussion should be re-opened with regard to those articles in the tariff upon which the Committee had already decided. Sir R. PEEL hoped a discussion would not be re-opened on those questions of the tariff which had been already before the PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. House. Lord J. RUSSELL agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, and hoped the agricultural Members would not re-open ques tions already discussed. Mr. DARBY said he knew nothing which had been of more service in cultivation than the sowing of tares, and he would be sorry to see any principle adopted which would cheek their growth. Sir IL PEEL said the Hon. Member need have no such apprehensions. Colonel SIBTHORP sail, however trifling the question of taxes might be, yet it showed a disposition on the part of the Government to injure agriculture, or at least to be very careless of its interests. The resolution was then agreed to, and the House resumed. The CHAIRMAN then reported the resolutions to the House. SUPPLY. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the house of Commons.) WEDNESDAY, MARCH 19. CUSTOMS ACTS.—(IN THE COMMITTEE.) Motion made, and Question put, " That the words ' hides, tanned, not otherwise dressed,' stand part of. the Resolution." Tke Commit tee divided : Ainsworth, Peter Al4lam, William Colonel Baring, F. T. MAJORITY-AYES, 73. The House then went into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Greene in the chair, and tw• sums, of 100,000/. and 740,000/., were voted on account of the Ordnance Estimates. Forster, Matthew Gasket!, J. M. Gibson, T. M. Gladstone, Captain Plumridge, Captain Polhill, Frederick Pringle, Alexand& Scrope, G. I'. , . Baring, W. B. Goulburn, henry Smith, T. B. C. Barnard, E. G. Graham, Sir J. Somerset, Lord G, Bentinek, Lord G. Grey, Sir George Somerville, Sir W, Borthwick, Peter Guest, Sir J. Stewart, Jelin Botfield, Beriah Hawes, Benjamin Stuart, W. V. Bowles, Admiral Ilindley, Charles Strutt, Edward Bowring, Dr. Howick, Viscount Sutton, henry - - Bright, Jehn Jermyn, Earl Tennent, J. E. Buller, Edward Johnstone, Sir J. Thornely, Thomas Busfeild, William Law, C. E. Tunicll, Henry Cardwell, Edward Legh, G. C.; Villiers, Charles Clerk, Sir G. Lockhart, William Ward, 11. G. ,_ _ . Cobden, Richard Lowther, Colonel Wellesley, Lord C. Colebrook°, Sir T. Marsham, Viscount Williams, William Collett, W. R. Marsland, Henry Wood, Colonel Coote, Sir C. H. Martin, C. W. Wortley, John S. eripps, William Mitchell, T. A. Wyndham, Colonel Hamer, Colonel Nicholl, John Entwisle, William Norreys, Sir D. J. TELLERS. Escott, Bickham Fedi ell, Captain Baring, Henry Ewart, William Peel, Sir Robert Young, John Forman, T. S. Peel, Jonathan Tho motion was accordingly withdrawn. On the remission of the duty on rosin being proposed, Sir W. JAMES moved that a duty of Is. be retained. All that he desired was that they should proceed gra dually and with caution. He did not mean to say that the article of rosin was not of importance ; but, in order to protect the home manufacture, he thought it would be better to divide the duty. Sir GEORGE CLERK opposed the motion. They still had a protective duty of ss. per cwt. on the most valuable product of distillation—the spirit of tur pentine ; and, with resgard to rosin, there was not the slightest apprehension of their being sech an importa tion as would materially reduce their profits. Sir W. JAMES contended the reduction would have an injurious effect. He knew a case in which a person engaged in this trade had said he should be compelled to transfer his establishment to New York, if this pro position was adopted. Mr. GLADSTONE said if his Hon. Friend had been as much accustomed, from almost every class of manu facturers, to hear the threat of removing their business to another country, as he (Mr. Gladstone) was, it would per haps lose much of its force on him. But in what his Hon. Friend had said, he had supplied the point which was requirvl—if any point was wanted—in the explanation of his Right Hon. Friend. The largest profits in this business were made by manufacturing on the largest scale ; and the Government had enabled them greatly to extend their business by the reduction of duties made in 1842. The trade had increased 50 per cent. in the two years following the change in the law, compared with what it was in the two previous years. So far from the trade being injured, be believed it was in a fair way of becoming an export trade. It was certainly perfectly independent of the effects of any change of duty. The reduction on rosin was then agreed to. On the item of thrown silk being proposed, Mr. TATTON EGERTON said the reduction of the duty on this article would materially injure the silk throwing business, and would not give a corresponding benefit to the manufacturing interest of this country. In fact it would only benefit their continental rivals. No trade had ever been more tampered with than the silk trade, and he could not tell on what grounds the present reduction was proposed. Supposing it did benefit the manufacturers, what right had they to sacrifice the British throwster ? What right had they to sacrifice a trade which gave employment to 40,000 persons. He should no doubt be told that the reduction would make no difference to them, but the House should recol lect that it was the last feather that broke the horse's back. If they passed the present reduction, they would almost, if not quite, destroy the " throwing trade of this country. He knew it was useless to appeal to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, with their theories of free trade, on this subject ; but he did appeal to the Go vernment to prevent this injury to a large interest. Sir G. CLERK said no interest had been more frequently under the consideration of Parliament than the silk trade, and for the last 20 years they had been told that every reduction in the silk trade would involve great numbers in ruin. But not withstanding these reductions, the proportion of foreign thrown silk had not increased with the quantity of raw silk con sumed. He believed the alteration would be fur the benefit of the silk trade itself.—( Hear.) Mr. GRINISDITCH entered into a long history of the silk trade from the time of the war, and would oppose the reduction. Mr. STRUTT said that he would point to one example where private interests had given way to the general good. About a week or two ago, when the intentions of the Govern ment on this subject became known, a memorial was drawn up and signed by the great majority of the silk throwers in the borough and county of Derby. He would not add one word, but at once read the memorial to the House. The first part merely related to gentlemen whom the memorialists stated did not represent them in London ; but in another portion of the memorial they stated that although the abolition of the duty on thrown silk must be particularly injurious in a pecuniary point of view, yet, believing that the country would be benefited by it, they were willing to bear the loss they felt must accrue to them.—( Cheers.) It was their opinion that private interests ought to succumb to the public good, and they trusted that their representatives would support those measures which would remove restrictions from commerce—restrictions which they believed to be the main cause of the distress in commerce and in agriculture.—( Hear, hear.) He would only eV, that the example ought to be fol- The House then resumed, and the Chairman reported accordingly. Captain PECHELL moved for a return from the clerk of each petty sessions in England and. Wales, of the description of the building or place in which the justices of the petty session district hold their usual sittings, with the amount of rent, if any, and the parties to whom the same is paid. The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Five Minutes past One o'clock. MINORITY-NOES, 27. Darby, George Neeld, John lowed. Mr. IBANKES said that the Honourable Member seemed to think it a matter of duty to vote against the interests of his constituents.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") lie understood that the Hon. Member took credit to himself for that principle. --( Hear, hear, and No, no.) He (Mr. Bankes) thought he could better discharge his duty by consulting the interests of those he represented. He agreed with the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, that trade had in many instances degene rated from the alterations made from time to time in those duties. One case in point would show the ruin which had re sulted from those alterations. An Hox. MEMBER—Where ? Mr. BANKEs'—Sherbourne. The Hon. Member had a perfect right to ask where. That town had had two flourish.. ing factories not long ago, but at that time only one of them was in operation. Perhaps the reason was, that steam power had usurped the place of water power, and it might be said that they had no right to complain of this, that they ought only to struggle against the disadvantage. To a certain degree the former reductions had ruined the trade of the county to which he belo7ged, while in the neighbouring county of Somerset, still worse results had been produced. Some time ago, he believed, there was a manufactory esta blished in that county at an expense of 20,0006., but, is; come. will do everything which I can for them ; but, can it be supposed by any person who has two ideas in his heal, that a far:err —a farmer who is entirely among his turnip-field, his ,heop, and hi.; barns, can have a com prehensive view of what is proper to be done for the country ?—(Tremendou; laughter.) A parson up to me, and says, Vote for Mr. Miles.' I reply, • I won't vote for Mr. Miles.'—(Renewed laughter.) Let me tell such persons that I will not vote fur any man or any measure at their dictation.—(hear, hoar.) I have been in the I rouse ever since 1811, a•'d I consider that I have done my duty.—(Hear, hear.) I am not speaking to you, gentlemen—l am addressing my con stituents.—(Laughter.) I have done my duty—l say honestly, conscientiously, and to the best of my ability ; and when my constituents find fault with me, or discover a person of greater talent—as they easily may—who will do their business better than myself, I shall be happy to resign the representation into their hands—(llcar, hear) —but never, as long as I hold a seat in this House, will I be dictated to by the Protection Society in Bond street, or by any agricultural society in the country.--(hear, Bear.) Now, let us analyse that Bond-street Protection Society.—(El•ar and laughter.) There are a number of country gentlemen in that society, several members of Parliament, and many noblemen and men of the highest station and rank in the country. They issue their mandates to the minor societies.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches.) Here is my Lord Duke pulling the strings behind the scenes ; and all these little goes are got up to personate agricultural represen tatives.—(Great laughter.) It strikes me that these gentleme❑ are something like Polyphemus, they have but one eye in their head—they can see nothing but a turnip field.—(Hear, hear, and bursas of laughter.) What I mean is, they can see nothing in the world but their single interest."—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Hon. and Gallant Member concluded by stating that he should support the proposal under the consideration of the House. _ Lord A. LENNOX said he would not have risen but for the extraordinary speech which had just been deli vered. He could nut suppose that His Hon and Gallant Friend had meant to insult those who had returned him to Parliament, but he did not think the Sussex farmers were likely to elect him again as their representative.— (llear, beer.) Mr. WARD said, as one who was . himself connected with land, he felt that it was a degradation of that inte rest that the time of the House should be taken up by discussing these miserable little monopolies:—(Hear.) — Ile had presented their petitions, but always said ho would nut support them. He had never curried favour with his constituents. The Hon. Baronet the Member for Essex had twitted him with deserting the landed in terest ; it was true he belonged to that interest—what little he had was bound up in it. But he believed that the course which that interest was now pursuing was not calculated to benefit them at all. He could not but express his contempt—lie meant in a Parliamentary sense—(Laughter)—of those who were upholding this course—who name forward with these beggarly mea sures instead of boldly advocasing those which were large and comprehensive in their nature. If he held the views of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, he would vote to morrow for the repeal of the Corn Bill and the Canada- Corn Bill. The course which those Honourable Gentlemen were pursuing was throwing eternal disgrace upon their party. They opposed the introduction of lard, simply because there was one country which could produce it better and cheaper than any other country in the world. That was one reason why they should go there ; and he believed that the peasantry would be greatly benefited by the repeal of this duty, and he, therefore, gave his cordial support to the Government. Sir JOHN TYRRELL said the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had made two vituperative spesches'against the agriculturists. He had only fol lowed the example of the Hon. Member for Northamp ton, who had imputed to that interest the basest and most beggarly motives. He (Sir J. Tyrrell) had thought that it was understood at the beginning of the evening that they were not to discuss principles, but confine them , elves to details, yet, notwithstanding this, Member after Member had indulged in vituperative language ; and he did not, therefore, feel that he was justified in remaining silent. The Hon. Member for Sussex had made a speech which was very amusing. He (Sir John Tyrrell) had partaken very largely in that amusement. He thought he had seen the Hon. Member occupying a very conspicuous place at the Freemasons' Tavern, and he thought that there was some little inconsistency in the course which the Hon. Gentleman had adopted, but he did not think that inconsistency was confined to the other side of the House. In researches which he had lately made, he found that the lion. Member for Wol verhampton (Mr. Villiers), who dealt so largely in accusing the landed interest of participating in public plunder—to his very great surprise, he found that the Hon. Member was in the possession of a situation in that sink of iniquity, the Court of Chan cery, and blest with the possession of a large salary. Now that situation must be a sinecure, seeing that the Hon. Member's time must be almost wholly occupied by the Anti-Corn-law Leage. Now why did not the Hon. Member apply his free-trade principles there ? No doubt that office could be performed for 500/. a year, instead of 1,0001. ; and under these circumstances he must say that the Hon. Gentleman's principles and prac tice were much opposed. He (Sir J. Tyrrell) had no hesitation in saying, with respect to the protection societies. that they were a great libel on a Conserva tive Administration. He thought that the Right Honourable Baronet would derive much advan tage from the study of some speeches of the Hon. Member for Stockport, for he would there find that the object of that Hon. Gentleman, and those with whom he was connected, was to displace some of the ornaments of that House, and to bring in, for instance, the Brights and Cobdens, and to displace the Egertons—that was the prospect which the agricultural interest had to look forward to. He would be glad to hear the principles of protection fairly and boldly discussed. Mr. VILLIERS inquired why the lion. Gentleman did not do so. The Hon. Gentleman had already made two speeches that night, but not one word had been said in justification of protection, and what was the charge he had brought against him (Mr. Villiers)? He (Mr. Villiers) had never imputed base motives to any one— he had merely stated what was the effect of the law_ and it was no answer to him to bring the charge which the Honourable Gentleman had that night made when he said that he (Mr. Villiers) held a place in the Court of Chancery. The Hon. Gentleman said that place was a sinecure. It was not. Was not a man worthy of his hire? Hit was not a sinecure, why could he not hold it ? It was no sinecure ; ho was paid for his work. He did it ; and he told the Hon. Gentleman that the Hon. Gentleman was paid for work ho did not do.— (Laughter.) lie came to that House to get paid. The landed interest passed a law to swell their rent-rolls; and in this opinion he was supported by the highest authorities. That law was to provide settlements and maintenance for younger children. Now, what did they do in return for that? If they did anything, let them show it. He (Mr. Villiers) did something in return for his office, and he would venture to say that it could not be done for less than was paid. He wanted to know what the landed interest had done? They benefited their property without working. If they were to be de prive f of that property, he would pity their condition. He would recommend the lion. Member for Essex not to deal in personalities, for it could never be looked upon as answering the public in favour of the present corn-law. Mr. S. O'BRIEN said that the object of Hon. Gentle men opposite was to get every thing cheap ; but the question 'of cheapness was not the only question which they had to consider. There were many other conside rations to be entered into. With respect to protection societies, he could only say that if any attempt were made at coercion in any society to which he belonged he would resist it at once He could not but regret the personal turn which the discussion had taken. Mr. COBI)EN -said the lion. Gentleman had laid down the principles of the free traders as that of cheap ness. He (Mr. Cebden) would venture to correct the phraseology of the Hon. Gentleman. The free-traders desired to obtain the greatest possible abundance of all those articles which were essential to the comfort of man. If by cheapness the Hon. Gentleman meant abundance, then the) were perfectly agreed. Now, if the object of the free-traders was to obtain abundance, then that of the Hon. Gentleman opposite must be to produce scarcity.—(No, no.) Then what was it ? Dearness and scarcity were the same thing. Was not the iniquity of the present system apparent when those who advo cated it did not dare to face their own principles? change, however, was coming over Hon. Gentlemen op posite. A gr. ater change had come o ver them within the last two months than had previously taken place in two years. This was shown by the exhibition which the Hon. Baronet the Member for Essex had indulged in that night. It must be a bad case indeed which required personalities for its support.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Lancashire could, no doubt, sit in that House as long as he liked, for he was one of the most consistent of his party, and one of that Hon. Mem ber's arguments was, that lard was necessary fur the use of the manufacturers of Lancashire, and that, therefore, English manufactured lard should be protected. But he (Mr. Cobden) begged to say that those manufacturers did not consume lard, because they were paid well enough to enable them to use butter; but it was the farmer and agricultural labourers who, from their low rate of wages, could not afford to use butter, were com pelled to buy lard.—(Rear, hear.) Well, now, he would ask, was it not deplorable to think that Hon. Members, who were so anxious for the welfare of the farmers, or who professed to lae such, would not allow this article to come into the country at a cheap rate ?—(Hear, hear.) But many of those agricultural Members opposite .who were such advocates for protec tion, had not said a word upon this subject, but left the defence of it to be carried on by the Hon. Member for Essex in personalities.—(Cheers.) Now, suppose he (Mr. Cobden) was to go down to Lancashire to-morrow, what would the constituents say to him of those Hon. Members who would not let them have cheap lard while they could not afford butter ?—(llear, hear.) Why they would stare at him with astonishment, and ask him could such be the fact.—(Laughter.) But to be serious, he wr uld say to the advocates of protection opposite that whether they gained nothing or whether they gained 10,000/. individually a year by it, they should not sup port a protective duty on this article of universal con sumption.— (Hear, hear.) Mr. DARBY was sorry that this subject had created such a prolonged discussion, and lie begged to assure the lion. Member for Stockport, that Hon. Members on his side of the House had just as much to complain of— with regard to the language that had been used.— (Hear, hear.) As far as he (Mr. Cobden) was con cerned, he would say, that upon any occasion when subjects of this sort were brought forward, be would vote up°n them as he conceived his duty called upon him to do.—(Hear, hear.) lie begged to remind the Hon. Member for Stockport of the principle laid down by Mr. Huskisson, which was to this effect, as applied to the article of lard, that he (Mr. Huskis son) was anxious that the working people inshould have c heap lard, if produced by manufacturers this coun try ; but in order to prevent these nileAufuttiren being EAST INDIA HOUSE. A Special Court of the Proprietors was held yesterday at the East India House on general business. The chair was taken by Captain Sheppard, and the mi nutes of the last Court were read. THE EX-RAJAH OF SATTARA. Mr. Tnoursox proceeded at considerable length to eluci date this subject, and concluded by moving that certain papers connected with it should be printed. The CHAIRMAN, after some diseussion, expressed his regret that the Hon. Proprietor should have made charges against a party who was not present, especially as perjury had been im puted. The present subject had been discussed fifteen or six teen times, and was thought to be entirely disposed of. He con sidered that the interests of the ex-Rajah were damaged by the conduct of his friends in that Court.—( Hear, hear.) As the case would soon again be brought before Parliament, it was not necessary for him to say anything more upon the subject. He wished the Court of Proprietors to suspend their judgment until the whole facts were before them. He questioned the prudence or the friendship of the parties who had for two years brought the subject forward. He would order a copy of a di spa t c h that had been received upon the question before the Court to be read. The Clerk read the correspondence, which was as fol- lows : rr (Copy) Political Dispatch to Bombay, No. 9, dated May 30th, 1843. " Your political letter, dated Sept. 30th, (No. 37), 1842, transmits to us a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Ovens, sub mitting observations and affidavits, in refutation of the accu sations against his honour and character, contained in certain papers, read in the Court of Proprietors, at this House, on July 29th, 1842. " Your letter, No. 38, of the same date, further communi cates to us papers which you have received from Mr. Wil loughby and Lieutenant-Colonel Ovans, in reference to the letter of Major-General Lodwick, to our Chairman, dated June 13th, 1842, printed by order of the Court dated June " You express your opinion that Li eu tenant-Colonel Ovens and Mr. Willoughby are entitled to whatever protection we can with propriety afford to them, against attacks upon their character similar to those of which they complain ; and in the case of Major-General Lodwick, you farther suggest that such means should be used for compelling them to bring the ques tions to a fair and open issue, as his position in our service leaves it in our power to employ. " We have felt it our duty to address a letter to Major- General Lodwick (a copy of which is enclosed), on the sub ject of a passage in his letter to our Chairman, which might be construed as imputing to Lieutenant-Colonel Ovans the crime of suborning evidence. " The answer of Major-General Lodwiek, a copy of which we also transmit, was not such as we could have received as a satisfactory disavowal of the supposed meaning, but within a few days following Major-General Lodwick, in the Court of Proprietors, publicly and distinctly disclaimed having imputed, or intended to impute, subornation of evidence to Lieutenant- Colonel Ovans. " We have, therefore, thought it necessary to continue the correspondence with Major-General Lodwick. " We feel it due to Lieutenant-Colonel Ovens and Mr. Willoughby to record our opinion, that the investigation and discussions which have taken place have left not the slightest stain on their character, public or private, nor have tended in any way to lower the reputation they have justly acquired by their previous public services. Mr. Titomesorr having replied, the motion for production of certain papers was subsequently withdrawn. Mr. Sergeant GAZELEE inquired as to the execution of two coolies in the Indian army, after nine months had elapsed since the alleged offence took place. The ChAtitsrAN and Sir JAMES LAW LUSHINGTON said the course pursued was perfectly legal. The most mischievous results might take place if discussions were entered into upon sucb subjects. Mr. TWINING concurred in those remarks, and the subject was dropped. THE FATE OF CAPTAIN CONNOLLY. Mr. WEEDING said he had no doubt that all present were acquainted that Captain Connolly was in the service of the East India Company, when he was imprisoned and murdered at Bokhara, and he (Mr Weeding) wished that some testimonial should be granted, either pecuniary or otherwise, to the next relative of the deceased, if required. Major-General BRIANT said that Captain Connolly cer tainly died, as well as Colonel Stoddart, in the service of the East India Company, but that it would be advisable to wait for particulars until the return of the Rev. Dr. Woolf. Mr. WEEDING assented, and the Court adjourned. The Royal Hotel, at Slough, has not been idle, in spite of frost and snow. The interminable winter may have kept some of Dotesio's friends away, but still we learn that himself and his establishment have been pur suing the even tenor of their course through a six months' winter, and that the fame of the cook still ranks as high as Monsieur to Chcf at the Reform Club—at least, so says Sir George Warrender, and he is accounted a first-rate judge in these matters. By the way, we are not a little pleased to disabuse the public mind in re spect to the charges at this hotel. " Splendour" is the motto made conspicuous on the outside of the Royal Hotel, and comfort within ; and to this may be appended, moderate charges throughout the establishment. Allix, J. P. Antrobus, Edmund Dickinson, F. 11. Newdegate, C. N. Arbuthnott, 11. Douglas, Sir 11. Palmer, Robert Arkwrlght, George Egerton, W. T. Pusey, Philip Rankes, George Fuller, A. E. Tollemache, John Barrington, Viscount Grimsditch, T. Tower, Christopher Benbow, John Grogan, Edward Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Bowes, John James, Sir W. C. TELLERS. , Bramston, T. W. Kemble, Henry O'Brien, A. S. Broeklehurst, J. Long, Walter Sotheron, T. 11. Motion made, and Question put, " That the words Silk, thrown, not dyed,' stand part of the Resolution." The Committee divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 85. Ainsworth, Peter Forster, Matthew Patten, J. W. BaiMe, Colonel Gaskell, J. M. l'echell, Captain Baring, F. T. Gibson, T. M. Peel, Sir It. Baring, W. B. Gladstone, W. E. Peel, Jonathan Beckett, William Gordon, Captain Plnmridge, Capipain Boldero, H. G. Goulburn, Henry Ponsonby, C. F. A. Botfield, Denali Graham, Sir J. Pringle, Alexander Bowles, Admiral Hamilton, W. J. Posey, Philip Bowring, Dr. Ilastle, Archibald Russell, Lord J. Bright, John Hawes, Benjamin Russell, Lord E. Brotherton, Joseph Herbert, Sidney Smith, T. B. C. Brace, Lord B. Hindley, Charles Smythe, George Bruce, C. L. C. Hope, G. W. Somerset, Lord Q. Buller, Edward Hume, Joseph Strutt, Edward Cardwell, Edward Ilumphery, Alderman Sutton, 11. M. Childers, J. W. Hutt, William Tennant, J. E. Clay, Sir W. Inge strie, Viscount Thornely, Thomas Clerk, Sir G. Jermyn, Earl Trotter, John Cockburn, Sir G. Jocelyn, Viscount Tunicll, Henry Copeland, Alderman Labouchere, Henry Warburton, 11. Cripps, William Lincoln, Earl Ward, 11. G. Dodd, George Lowther, Sir J. Wellesley, Lord C. Duncan, George M`Geachy, F. A. Wood, Colonel Duncombe, A. 3PlCeill, Duncan Wortley, John S. Egerton, Lord F. Marsham, Viscount Yorke, H. R. Entwisle, William Mastennan, John Escott, Bickham Mildmay, H. St. John Ewart, William Mitchell, T. A. Flower, Sir J. Morris, David Forman, T. S. liicholl,:John TELLERS. Young, John Lennox, Lord A. - MINORITY-NOES, 26. Allix, J. P. Fuller, A. E. Repton, G. W. J. Antrobus, Edmund Grimston, Lord Ryder, G. D. Bankes, George Henley, J. W. Sibthorp, Colonel Barrington, Viscount Legh, G. C. Sotheron, T. H. Bramston, T. W. Lockhart, W. Tollemache, John Broadley, H. Mundy, E. M. Tower, Christopher Brocklehurst, J. Newdegate, C. N. - Darby, George O'Brien, A. S. TELLERS. Dickinson, F. H. Palmer, Robert Egerton, W. T. Eaton, R. J. Palmer, George Grimsditch, T. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday morning in the royal gardens of Buckingham Palace. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, accompanied by the Princess Royal, and attended by the Viscountess Canning, Lady in Waiting, left Buckingham Palace in a carriage and four, at a quarter before three o'clock yesterday afternoon, escorted by a party of the 17th Lancers, for the terminus of the Great Western Railway at Paddington. Colonel the Hon. Charles Grey, Equerry in Waiting, and Major• General Sir Edward Bowater, Equerry in Waiting to Prince Albert, followed in a carriage and four. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, and the Princess Alice, accompanied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton, occupied the next carriage and four; and the Hon. Miss Stanley and the Hon. Miss Hamilton, Maids of Honour in Waiting, and the Earl of Hardwicke, Lord in Waiting, were in another carriage and four. Her Majesty and Prince Albert were conducted to their carriage by the Master of the Horse, the Vice-Chamberlain, and Sir George Anson, Groom in Waiting to the Prince. The royal party left the Paddington terminus by a special train for Windsor Castle. WINDSOR, WEDNESDAY.—The Queen and Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, and the royal suite, arrived at the Castle a few minutes before four o'clock this afternoon, in four of the royal carriages and four, escorted by a party of the Royal Horse Guards, under the command of Lieut. Bastard. Soon after the arrival of the Court at the Castle, her Ma - jesty, attended by the Lady in Waiting, the Viscountess Canning, rode out in a pony phaeton to visit her Royal High ness the Duchess of Kent, at Frogmore House. His Royal Highness Prince Albart walked out, soon after his arrival, in the Slopes and pleasure-grounds. Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal was taken a walk in the grounds adjacent to the Castle. The royal suite at the Castle includes the Viscountess Canning, the Dowager Lady Lyttelton, Hon. Misses Stanley and Hamilton, the Earl of Hardwicke, Captain lkleynell, Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courtenay, Colonel the Hon. Charles Grey, and Sir Edward Bowater. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the Countess Wratislaw, and the Lady in Waiting on the Royal Duchess, will join the royal circle at the Castle at dinner this evening. Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden, accompanied by Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar and the Marquis of Douglas, and attended by Baroness de Strum feder and Baron Roth de Schreckenstein, honoured the Sacred Harmonic Society with her presence, at the performance of the Messiah, at Exeter-hall, last evening. The Grand Du chess visited her daughter, the Marchioness of Douglas, in the afternoon, at her residence in Connaught-place. The Mar chioness is going on most favourably. Sir Howard Douglas, M.P., and a deputation of Tanners had an interview wish Sir Robert Peel yesterday. The delegates of the Hand-loom Weavers, accompanied by their Secretary, Mr. W. H. Lowe, had an interview with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the office of the Board of Trade. The deputation was headed by Mr. Brocklehurat, M.P., and Mr. Aglionby, M.P. The American Minister transacted business yesterday at the Foreign-office. Mr. Pellatt and Mr. Christey had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official resi dence in Downing-street. Mr. Egerton, M.P., Mr. Tollemache, M.P., and a deputa tion, had an interview with Sir R. Peel yesterday. Dispatches for the Governor of Gibraltar were sent off yes terday evening, from the Colonial-office. RE TAWELL. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,—In your issue of yesterday, No. 16,406, I find In column 5, page 1, the following paragraph : " In deference to the wishes of the members of the Society of Friends, he will not be executed in the garb of a Quaker. Well knowing that you have ever stood the firm friend of toleration and religious libert y , - may I, as a Dissenter, inquire why s. small and respectable a body of Dissenters should be allowed to cast the stigma upon Dissenters generally? I would in all Christian charity ask the Quakers whether they would be contented if an Independent, and a true one, without any nonsense, was to ask the executive power to allew a Protestant Dissenter, and not a Quaker, to assume the garb of a member of that body, under such circumstances, "in deference to the wishes" of the aforesaid members. What would be said by the purities? My conviction, and that of many of my friends, is, that some one more qualified than ourselves should take the mat ter into consideration ; and, whether Jew or Gentile, let each bear their opprobrium. The honest press is, we feel satisfied, the best qualified to bring the matter before the public. I remain, yours most respectfully, AN INDEPENDENT DISSENTER, Manchester, March 18. And a lover of Fairplay. Osboandrner e H f a o r u m s e s , ( w r with its e n tl purchased prettily by th e Que demesne en, but, it should seem, is not quite large enough), is, through the instrumentality of Lady Isabella Blackford, placed in Mr. George Robins's hands, to sell by public auction in June. In the mean time Thornhill Park estate, upon the purchase of which, and the completion of the splen did mansion, it is said 50,0001. was expended by Mr. Barlow Hoy, late M.P. for Southampton. Mr. Robins's commentary in respect to the next vacant seat, shall speak for itself. Thus it is—" It is a fact not to be im peached—that if the new purchaser partakes of his hos pitality, and be of sound political creed, he will walk over the course, whenever the next election arrives." otherrroema rb adm DEAFNESS—ACOUSTIC INSTRUMENTS.-39, Albe marle-street, Piccadilly.—lnvisible Voice Conductors, when fixed in the cavity of the ears, are not more uncom fortable nor perceptible than having a small piece of wool in its place. They enable individuals at an ad vanced age, and of forty or fifty years' standing of ex treme deafness, instantly to join' in general conversation, and to catch the sound of a distant, low speaker, at church, theatre, &c. They pour the conversation into the ears to such an extent, that in most severe cases deafness cannot be observed. Also original Ear Cor nets, French, German, and Spanish Artificial Ears, and improved Hearing Trumpets of every description. Many of those instruments have received the approbation of the Royal Society and Royal Institution of Great Bri tain. The Newly Invented Spectacles, immediately they are placed before extremely imperfect vision, it 's brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Also Achromatic Telescopes, Opera-glasses, Micro scopes, &c.—Caution : Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, jpticians and Aurists, are not in any way connected with person of the same name in their immediate neigh oourhood, nor in any part of the country. To prevent nistakos, be cautious, and observe—Only to be had at 19. Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel. DEATH OF ADMIRAL CARPENTBR.—We regret to announce the death of Admiral Carpenter, which took place at his residence, on Sunday last, in Cumberland-street. He was in his 86th year ; was the senior admiral of the white, and the eleventh from the top of the list; and had been an officer in the Royal Navy for nearly 69 years. Admiral Carpenter entered the Royal Navy on the 11th of April, 1776, and was midshipman of the Sultan, in Lord Byron's action, off Grenada ; he was made a lieutenant on the 18th April, 1782, and as such served in Lord Hood's action oft" St. Kitt's, and in Admiral Groves's action of the Chesapeake. He also was at the reduction of Martinique, in the beginning of 1794, serving there with a detachment of seamen, under the orders of Capt. E. Harvey. His commission as a commander was dated the 9th January, 1794, and for his gallant services he was made a post captain on the 25th of March of the same year. He was appointed captain of the Alarm, and with that , t ie h ns the tt hi,ne India islands, do S ns Sir jot ? ti a hl,9 r e l : . s c Grey and attained at S s i t r . iral 12th August, 1312 ; vice -admiral, 12th August, 1819 ; and full admiral, 10th Jane, 1837. t l ßv l r e l a i e s n l spcerhelanntAkabneotrfl co-ope rated c THE CURRENCY. A Lecture of a highly interesting character was de livered at the National Hall, Holborn, last evening, on this subject, by Duncan, Esq., which was attended by Mr. Pattison, one of the Members fur London, and several other gentlemen of rank and influence. The at tendance, also, of the working-classes was numerous, and the attention with which the observations of the lecturer were received, indicated an intelligent appre hension of a confessedly difficult subject. Those obser vations, however, were so perspicuously put, that a matter on which but little information is possessed in the mass of society, was rendered perfectly clear, and, as the writers of school books would say, " easily under stood by the meanest capacity." The lecturer began by stating that he conceived the currency to be a subject of paramount importance, and that it was his own appre hension of its importance which had first drawn his attention to it. It not only affected those who were distinguished as the property classes, but, also, the working population. He did not like to see the spirit of antagonism which was now exhibited by the several portions of the community in Britain, because he felt that it was a necessity that all should prosper, and not only a few ; and it was as necessary that those who followed the plough should enjoy their existence as those who plied the loom. There had been what appeared a species of opposition intro duced into society, and he conceived that the interests of all classes of the State, whether it was seen that they were so or not, were identical. The matter on which he had to speak was of a highly interesting nature ; but still he found that the introduction of a new subject would be attended with some difficulty, and that it would not at first be very inviting. As some justifica tion, however, of the topic, he might refer to the cir cumstance of Sir James Graham having, in the House of Commons, made the astounding statement that one-tenth of the whole population were at the present moment subsisting on the poor-rates—that out of a popu lation of 15,000,000, more man 1,500,000, whose only property was their labour, were at the present moment absolutely depending for their daily sustenance on the exertions of others. Sir James Graham had ac companied this astounding, fact by another of equally startling character. He had in the face of the House of Commons affirmed that since the conclusion of the year 1815 no less a sum than 200,000,0001., equal to one quarter of the debt, had been paid for the support of the poor. Sir J. Graham made this statement on the Tuesday, and it was a natural expectation that the Prime Minister, under whose notice this fact nad been so prominently brought, would in his budget on Friday have provided a remedy for the evil. But he did no such thing. There appeared in fact to be a sort of collusion by which the whole question was set aside. It seemed to be admitted as an axiom that when one great interest in the State was prosperous, that the other must suff r—that there must be an alternate sacrifice of the interests of the two great classes in the community. It might very well suit the objects of politicians to paint the bright side of the question and omit the gloomy one, but he did say that the Minister of State who pursued such a course, who was either deluded himself, or wilfully or ignorantly a party to the delusion of others, was altogether unworthy to rule the destinies of a great empire. He did not wish to see one, but both, of these great classes flourishing. He did not advocate any of that system which left the currency of the country at the caprice of any man, or any body of men. He was no advocate for that which was generally termed flimsy, or kite-flying, and he was quite anxious that the instrument of exchange should be one for which there was every security of value to the public; but this he would say, that the money laws of the present day were based on nothing, either more or less, than a system of insidious iniquity. The prin ciple of that system was simply and solely to exonerate the rich from bearing their share of the burdens of the State, and to throw them on that class which, for six teen hours every day, whether man, woman, or child, had to work for their bread—on those who, if the greatness of the country, or their importance in the community was considered, were the most im portant part of the population. He was aware that it was generally thought this was a subject diffi cult to understand, but he thought, with a little atten tion, it would be perfectly clear to all. He would, for the sake of elucidation then, take money in three dif ferent points of view. Money, in the first place, he would take to mean or represent land, the structures on land, minerals, metals, and all the other property within the bowels of the earth; secondly, fisheries and all other species of property of a similar kind, on which labour had been expended ; and thirdly, the means by which all this property was made transferable from party to party, so as to be available for the general benefit of the community. It was important to make this distinction, as otherwise money, and the object of money, would be confounded. It was the object of money to represent value; now it was not any particular thing, or the pos session of any particular thing, that rendered it valu able, but the labour which had been bestowed upon it, that gave it value; and money, symbolic money, the means by which the enjoyment of this product of labour was transferred, was only the symbol or emblem of value. Money, indeed, might be divided into three classes. Notes or authorities issued from the Exchequer—bills of exchange—and that third class which consisted partly of coin and partly of paper, but which we were in the habit of using so as to distribute the exertions and the property of individuals for the general benefit of the community. Bullion in itself was not money, and the mere impress of a likeness of the Queen on a piece of gold did not alter its character as a commodity; it only indicated to the public and assured them of the weight and purity of the piece of metal upon which it was im pressed. Ile hoped he should be excused for reverting, for a few moments, to the days of Rome. The term money was derived from die Latin word Moneta, and had arisen in consequence of the Homes having applied to Juno, when they were in some strait or difficulty, and who had advised them to act with justice and honour, and their success was certain. In consequence of the good effects of this advice and of the suc cess which attended their following it, the Romans erected a temple in honour of Juno Moneta, and as the object of money was to indicate merely value, and advise the receiver of benefit he ought to derive by exchanging it, the proper designation was money. Money was simply the token and representative of value, the instrument by which all portions of society were enabled to satisfy their wants. It was, in fact, the dis tributive agent of industry. If it was desired that there should be a true notion of money, he would refer to the principle which prevailed in what was called savage life. The only means which the savages on the coast pos sessed for obtaining the benefits which they felt to be necessary was an interchange of their labour —or, if he took the shepherds in the interior of the country, it was still the same—the exchange of the produce of their labour was the only means which they possessed for ob taining the comforts they needed. Was it then to be a matter of wonder that there should be a great depres sion in the state of the industrial classes, when the in strument by which their efforts was made valuable was so greatly reduced in quantity? Adam Smith, the great father of political economy, had compared money to a road, and what would be the consequence if the whole country were again to revert to the position and the inconvenience which the country had suffered before the days of macadamization. As population increased, roads were multiplied and im proved, and why not the money ? And if thus much was said of roads, what would be said of railways? Sir R. Peel, in introducing his measure for the better regu lation of financial affairs, in a gross ignorance of the facts of the case, stated that it was his desire to revert to the ancient standard of value ; but he did not wish to revert to the standard as established by William the Conqueror, to Alfred, or Julius Caesar. The object of Sir R. Peel, so far as could he gathered from the vague and uncertain language which he was in the habit of using, was to return to the standard of money in the time of Elizabeth,:which would make money as scarce as it was in 1601. He wished to give to the country the same standard as had been used nearly 250 years ago, and bring society back, in 1845, to the standard and in telligence of 1601. Why what would be the consequence ? They might just as well decide upon restoring the town to the condition it presented before the time when the various lanes and dark streets of London possessed thoroughfares, which, in the present day, would be to tally impossible ; or recommend blocking up that great artery of London from the Strand to the Bank : he would restrict all the operations of custom and finance to his own confined views. What would be thought of him if he had directed that the whole railway from London to Liverpool should be traversed on bars of gold, and no thing else ? He thought that the outcry which had been raised of the evils of society was far beyond its mark. He could not accede to the propositions of those who were always ready to tax Divine Providence with neg lect and disregard for the interests of the poor. The evil lay, not in any deficiency of the blessings which we enjoyed, but in the imperfect distribution, which pre. vented a fair enjoyment of the benefits which we pos sessed, and he thought this was not the act of God but the act of man, and he believed that the aggregate wealth of the country, if honestly distributed, would more than suffice for the full enjoyment of every member of the community. And was there not every reason why this distribution should be made? It was the labour bestowed upon the several articles of commerce which gave them all the value they possessed. This labour and degree it was which constituted the standard of value. Now, he found that there were natural equivalents subsisting between the several great articles of consumption, and it was the labour expended in procuring them, or in adapting them to the use of mankind, which gave them all the value they possessed, and which constituted the rule by which these equivalents were measured. For the sake of elucidating this position, he would take the three articles of corn, gold, and silver. lie would sub stitute corn for labour, as that was the main staple of subsistence, and better represented the value of labour than anything else. That it was labour, and labour alone, which gave to each of these equivalents their peculiar value was . evident from the fact that, in times of danger and trial, it was on the sinews of the strong that the country relied for protection and :safety. Yet how miserably had this Bill of Sir Robert Peel's effecte d the population of the country and cut down their powers. It appeared from the report of the Health of Towns Commission that the people in the manufacturing districts were fast degenerating both in size and power, and it was a noto rious fact that the tall and powerful men who, in former times, were readily obtained in Cumberland and West moreland for the regiments of the Guards, were now but seldom met with. Sir R. Peel wished to dwarf every thing to his gold standard, and with an ignorance of historical facts, or a wilful misuse of them, if he was not ignorant, he had passed his Bill of 1819 to perpetuate that oppression under which the poor were destined by him at least always to groan. The whole mistake lay in this—the confusion between the standard of value and the measure of value. Now, by Sir Robert Peel's scheme, gold was made to perform the double function of both the measure and the standard of value. The fact was, that if indirect taxation did not come in to defeat the natural order of things, it was comparatively .?7" ,14 13 14 - • • Aes." , e ` ) , 4 4 of little consequence whether gold was or was not the measure of value. There were three natural ,:eietees lents in corn, silver, and gold. It took about the same , quantity of labour to grow and produce a quarter i;.tl(E. l wheat as it did to produce 5 grains, 3 dwts. of golel . , or -81 ounces of silver ; and thus it was that these speezatleZelS.Ma"' commodities were natural equivalents for each 'bitter; and acted as parallel rates of value. Now an ounce of silver was rated in the exchange markets as being worth ss. was, in fa,,t, we - mil only 4s. I Id.. but for the sake of argument he would take it at its exchangeable value, and call it ss. 2d. Now it was ascertained that, according to the natural worth of gold, and the equiva lent value of silver, that a quarter of wheat, when not subject to taxation, ought to he worth 33s 7d., and con sequently' that 61 ounces of silver ought to purchase that quantity of corn ; but by the effect of indirect taxation the price of this corn was raised to 50s. It was taxed more than 50 per cent., but the gold and the silver which was used to purchase it were untaxed, and the consequence was that the farmer and the manufacturer had to give one-half more of their labour than they used to do. Gold could not rise in price ; it was positively required by Act of Parliament that it should be re:- stricted to 31. 17s. 101 d. an ounce, and by thus placing a taxed equivalent against an untaxed equivalent the pro ducer only got 84 dwts. of gold for that which ought to have produced him 124 dwts. Mr. Canning had de scribed Sir R. Peel as the acme of sublime mediocrity, and Mr. Dlsraeli, the other night, had stated thata Con servative Government was only an organised hypocrisy; but he would go further, and assert that Sir R. Peel. when introducing his Bill of 1819, was either shamefully ignorant of historical facts, or criminal in misrepresenting them. He had stated that his object wa, to restore the standard of Elizabeth ; but what was the fact ? They sovereign of the present day contained only 5 dwts, 3 grains of gold, or, in other words, 123 grains, whereas • the sovereign of Elizabeth contained 172 grains, making a difference, at the rate of twopence a grain, of no less than Bs. 4d. between the value of the sovereigns of Elizabeth and Victoria, so that this profession was like many other of his professions, a vain and a false one: his object was to keep down gold to the Mint price of 31. 17s. 101 d., for he knew that if he could make gold cheap he would make labour cheap also. That his object was not security so much, was shown by the circumstance that the only bank whichwas allowed to issue 'totes had themselves the other day been obliged to go to the Bank of France to borrow [3,500,0001. There was no cabalistic power in a sovereign, for it was, after all, but a token of valve, and the impression of the Queen's head upon it conferred no additional intrinsic value ; it only was a certificate of a certain weight and fineness, and if the Goldsmith's Company were to issue similar emblems, they would be taken by Mr. Rothschild or any other great capitalist just as readily as .sove reigns. The belief that the intrinsic value of gold gave a greater security to the public was altogether fallacious, but the injury which it worked was a sad reality ; and the Act by which it was brought into existence was that attempt which, after the conclusion of the war in 1815, the landowners made to shift, the burden of the debt from their own shoulders to those of working men, and it was a well-known fact that the working man did absolutely pay 72 per cent. of the whole taxation of the country, and the Bill of 1819 was passed in order to perpetuate the,high price in corn and the low price paid for the labour of the working man. Mr. Duncan then went into a series of statements to show that the foreign trade of the country is not nearly so valuable as it was supposed to be, and he believed that attention was directed to it which might be much better applied to ob taining a better mode of distributing the wealth which labour produced. Ile showed that the attempt devised by Colonel Torrent, Mr. Joplin, and Mr. Jones Loyd, to secure a favourable rate of exchange, was fallacious, and that the only effect wrought upon the exchanges was occasioned by sending a continually-in creas i ng quan tity of goodsi into the foreign market, to bring that gold back to tilt, country which, for our domestic purposes, was totally useless. Gold, he allowed, was a necessary medium of exchange between country and country, but the application ail it as the standard of value in Britain was neither more nor less than obliging Our arti sans to work ;sixteen hours a day to obtain those necessaries which a working man in Germany got for eight hours' exertion. He thought that, as ho had pointed out an evil, lie ought also to point out a remedy, and that was, issuing of Exchequer-bills for small sums to the full amount of the taxation; - and he showed that, as these bills would be based on the whole property of the country, no doubt could be entertained of their validity, and after showing that the present Ex chequer-bills were derived from the old Exchequer tallies, as evinced in the term bill for bille, an old Nor wan French word, and thence applied in its derivative, billet, to the Exchequer tally, which was a piece of wood notched ix a particular way and then divided, one part being laid up in the Exchequer repository, and the other issued and circulated in the country in payment for stores or other necessaries, and which was returnable at thel end of twelve months—he iadduced an instance of the utility of using such notes where a new market had been erected, through the exertions of Mr. Brock, at St. Peter's Port, in the island of Guernsey, who issued notes of a similar kind in payment of the works, and who annually redeemed the notes, to the extent of 4,000 L, out of the rents of the eighty stalls which the market contained. The same system might be adopted by Government and he felt sa tisfied that if the plan were adopted it would at once secure to the working maw a full rate of wages, to those in the middle classes a fair remuneration in business profit, and whether accompanied by direct taxation, of which he heartily approved, or not, would bring the whole available property into play for the benefit of the community at large, and would equalise those burdens which were now grinding all the lower portions of so ciety into dust. Mr. Duncan concluded his long and perspicuous lecture amid the earnest cheers of what had been a most attentive audience. • THE SALT-HILL MURDER. AY LESB URY, WEDNESDAY. —I t is extraordinary with what avidity every morsel of intelligence relating to the mur derer, John Tawell, is sought and snatched up by the public.. Far and wide inquiry and speculation are busily on foot con cerning him, but nearer the scene of the murder he is the general topic of conversation. As may be supposed, many incorrect stories concerning him find their way into circu lation, but nothing can be more absurd and reprehensible than some of the inventions which idle gossip has promul gated. Public feeling is, generally speaking, against him, and every day some fresh amount of crime, in the way of' poison ing, is attributed to him. Sarah hart is supposed by the credulous to be by no means the only person upon whom he has practised his knowledge of chemistry; and it is suspected that while he kept his druggist's shop in Sydney a wide field was open to him for the exercise of his skill. His partner at Sydney is said to have died suddenly, leaving him all his property. His two sons are said to have left this world suddenly. His first wife, it is stated, died suddenly. Sarah Hart had a narrow escape once; and these circumstances, in connexion with her murder, by no means lessen the belief of his g uilt. By those who have any knowlede of the prisoner he is re garded very differently. Lverybody who knows the wretched man speaks well of him, and everybody who has conversed with him has received a favourable impression. Mild, gen tlemanly, and unaffected in his manner, he listens to what ever is said to him with respectful attention, and converses with all the serenity of' a martyr. A convict of the gaol re mains with him at his request throughout the day, as a sort of attendant, and to this man he is particularly communica tive. He received the visiting magistrates yesterday with great composure, and expressed his thankfulness for the con sideration shown to him. It was intimated that nobody would be allowed to visit him but those whom be expressed a wish to see, upon which he observed, that he desired, to see nobody but his wife, and he looked forward to another in terview with her. One of the magistrates suggested to him the propriety of foregoing such a scene, and sparing the feel ings of his wife in particular, of whom he had so lately taken leave. Ile, however, persisted in the wish and hope of again seeing her, meekly alluding to the affectionate terms upon whicri they had lived together. It is remarkable that the culprit has never once com plained of the sentence which was passed upon him. When the hope of escape (which had been very great within him) was suddenly crushed, he observed that " The judge was a just judge, but a stern one." He has once remarked, with remote reference to his sentence, " that he could conscien tiously acquit himself of cruelty or treachery to anybody." But he rarely, if ever, adverts to his crime. He continues to receive numerous letters from all quarters of the country. His time is divided between writing and praying; and he occasionally sees the chaplain, Mr. Cox, but no revelation has yet been made by Tawell. Great care has been observed by the authorities to prevent, what it is thought by many he will attempt, the making away with himself. Mrs. Tawell is known to have been aware of the existence of such a person as Sarah Hart, and eten of Tawell's having children by her; but she was utterly un conscious of his visiting her, and attributes his last visit to purely humane motives. Friday, the 2.Sth instant, is decidedly fixed for the exe cution, unless the Secretary of State orders it otherwise. A petition to Sir James Graham has been this day set on foot :n the town of Aylesbury, praying that Tawell's sentence of death may be commuted to transportation for life. This pe tition is grounded upon an objection to the punishment of death, and the prayer is set forth in behalf of all who lie under such a sentence. The petition is signed by a few tradesmen of the town, nearly all of whom are Dissenters. - - ----- THE HAMPSTEAD MURDER. 110FKLH'S DEFENCE.—The line of defence that will pro bably be adopted by Mocker on his trial, for the murder of Delarue, seems pointed out by his conduct, and by his anxiety to correct the evidence of the policeman who was left in charge of the body in the field whilst the stretcher was brought. He will, most probably, assert that whil s t waiting by the body , he and the policeman agreed to plun der it, and that that was the whole extent of his criminality. Many m •of the c ircumstances would bear out such a d e f ence. First, the great improbability that a murderer would revisit the spot so soon afterwards for no apparent obj ec t ; secon dl y, the withholding by the policeman of the fact th a t an y one h a d been with himin the held; and, thirdly, the buttoned-up„ poc k e ts of Delarue ; as it would not b e likely for the rnar-'' derer to stop and button the p oc k e t s o f t h e man h e h a d killed, whose cries, continuing nearly two minutes, would most probably have been heard. Such a line of defence would also account for the blood on Hocker's clothes, and for the silence he observed on the subject. The presence of the three ill-looking men in different parts of Hampstead, on the day of the murder, who were last seen going towards the place, and have not since been heard :of, would also afford some countenance to the statement that Delarue had been murdered by them, as originally supposed, and that becoming alarmed they had run away before plundering the body. The fact of the supposed murderous weapon having been discovered before the murder was committed, and the absence of proof that the prisoner had possessed any other weapon calculated to inflict the wounds on the head of De larue, are also in his favour, so far as negative evidence goes. He would, indeed, have some difficulty in explaining other, though minuter, parts of the evidence against him ; but the line of defence we have mentioned would be supported by several of the circumstances that have been adduced against him. THE GLOOMY PATH.—WC understand that in consequence of the attention that has been drawn by the recent murder at Hampstead to the gloomy path by the side of Bellsize-park, leading to the Haverstock field, it is intended to adopt mea sures for the removal of the high close wooden fence, which was erected within the last six years by Mr. Wright, the late banker.- The path is inclosed between the black wooden fence, seven feet high, on one side, and an old brick wall.atill. i P' rs fr° lll j e " 1°11 N o ble oe b are as 13° a uti a he '' a l er J3s add to a Or all the f O r° (1 , far c . itr o!C t o dis" co' ue ° th e , f £ l3B , A v A i t. the r igtOln° 0 0 0 be I ,i t! i° rets - ,4 goi" fret yt o 11 :, e, '1111 , 1 1 ; [IN N the" the old