The Sun. — London, England, 1868-01-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIu JOURNALS, The Times discusses the que-tion of the Alabama claims, with reference to the letit.rs of Lord Hobart and " Historicus " which have appeared on the subject. It argues that if unconditional arbitration be reasonable at all, it must include far more than Mr. Seward contem plates. The policy of the United States, as well as the policy of Great Britain, must come under review from the first outbreak of the rebellion, and the validity of all the captures made during the war must be judicially recon sidered. It is the strangest of delusions to suppose that Great Britain did not suffer as much as the United States from the effect of the Queen's proclamation. But for that proclamation British subjects would have deemed them selves entitled to trade freely with the South, and, it molested by United States cruisers, would have justly looked to their own Government for redress. Admitting the existence of war, England has no claim against the United States except for any wrongful transgression of belligerent rights, just as the United States have no claim against England except for wrongful transgressions of neutral rights. Upon any other assumption England has been quite as much aggrieved as the United States. Let us, therefore, dismiss all considerations of this kind, and ask ourselves whether an unconditional resort to arbi tration should be accepted by Great Britain. There are two classes of motives which must be resolutely put aside before we can arrive at any sound conclusion on a question of national responsibility. On the one hand, we must rise above the blind instincts of pride and jealousy. Because the sentiment of large classes in this country was enlisted on the side of the South, because the claims of the United States have been preferred in too peremptory a tone, or because they have not been preferred, on like grounds, against France also, it does not follow that we should turn a deaf ear to complaints—even to unreasonable complaints —of our conduct in recognising the Confederate States. On the other hand, we must banish with no less firm ness, not unmixed with indignation, those motives to which Lord Hobart appeals when he reminds us that it is plainly intimated in the Alabama correspondence that the United States Government " may now be obliged t) conform its principles and policy to those which it considers to have been the principles and policy of this country during the American civil war." The answer of " Historicus " is here absolutely conclusive, supposing the demand of Mr. Seward to be palpably groundless :—" If the Government of the United States quarrel with us on the question of the recognition of belligerent rights, it can only be because they are determined in any event to quarrel with us." Happily, this conclusion is doubly hypothetical, and we are by no means prepared to adopt one of the hypotheses which can alone render it inevitable. We do regard Mr. Seward's demand as palpably groundless, but are unwilling to believe that the Government, and unable to believe that the people, of the United States are so far committed to it as to harbour the desig,na. which Lord Hobart imputes to them. It is natural that Mr. Seward, having once taken his stand on an untenable position, should adhere to it with more tenacity than Lord Stanley did to that of his predecessor. We can make allowances, too, for the pres sure of political exigencies, especially at the present crisis of American politics. Considering these circumstances, we venture to counsel the utmost patience and forbear ance on the part of our Government, but we are not pre pared to counsel submission where submission, instead of promoting reconciliation, could only lower us in the eyes of the American nation. The Standard is of opinion that the Alabama claims are not such as we could submit to arbitration. To submit a question to arbitration is to admit that it is one upon which we may rightly be asked to justify our conduct towards a foreign Power. Suppose the American Govern ment were to call us to account for hanging or imprisoning Fenian who claimed American citizenship. If Lord Ho bart's argument were worth anything, we ought to submit to arbitration our right to hang traitors and filibusters. And, again, it would be impossible to carry on the govern ment of the Queen with honour and independence, if we were not resolute in asserting our immunity from any foreign complaint or interference in respect of acts of policy. Take the case in question—the American war. If the North may hold us liable for recognising the belligerency of the South, the South might (and as we think Edith more reason) have called us to account for not according her complete diplomatic recognition. And so, in every civil war, England would be liable to answer for any course she might adopt—to the original Government, if she recog nised the rebels ; to the rebels (should they succeed) if she did not. Lord Hobart ought to see that a proposition en tailing such consequences is not only wrong, but ridiculous. The preparations for the campaign in Abyssinia have, according to the Post, been made upon so large a scale that they embarrass us from their magnitude, and we find that most of our calculations respecting them have been hastily made. The admirable behaviour, courage, and endurance of the 3rd Cavalry upon a march every step of which was a new difficulty is beyond all praise. Their sufferings from intense heat by day, and intense cold by night, rocks, deep sand, and thorns, may be better imagined than described. With provisions at war prices, and even water costing the Government a shilling to eighteenpence a gallon, there was nothing but sheer pluck and spirit to sustain either officers or men. Much that we now know of Abyssinia inevitably leads to the conclusion that our previous information is untrustworthy, an 1 we seem in almost every respect to have systematically magnified our resources and diminished the impediments before us. The extraordinary variations in the temperature, the extremes of heat and cold, the want of food and water, and the total absence of guides or maps, will embarrass and delay our operations greatly. Sir Robert Napier is declared to have no idea of advancing without six months' provisions, and he cannot properly be blamed for exercising caution when placed in a position of such responsbility. When a summary is made of all the facts which have come to our knowledge, it will be found that the war budget for 1869 must exhibit an expenditure much in excess of the sum which was modestly anticipated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and as a necessary result, we must prepare for a heavier taxation than we have been accustomed to for some time past. A load is lifted from the national mind. Dr. Living stone is safe. While geographers have been discussing the chances A his life and death he has been steadily pursuing his way in completion of his great work of African dis covery. The Daily News thinks it possible that we may next hear of him from Egypt, and that, if no unforeseen obstacle interpose, he will return to England b 3 the Medi terranean, having worked his way from one end of the African continent to another from the Cape to Alexandria. The intelligence which has from time to time been re ceived through traders and natives has prepared the popu lar mind for this happy solution of its doubts Their nar ratives have given us strange and distant glimpses, as in a panorama or a magic glass, of the white-clad and black capped figure, solitary but for a handful of barbarous at tendants, making its way through jungles, and across sands, and over the streams of a country untrodden before, amid perils of savage men and savage beasts, deserted by timid or faithless comrades, but still toiling onward with out abatement of heart or hope. Th e repor t o f the Search Expedition which has just returned to England has esta blished beyond all question that Dr. Livingstone was not slain at Lake Nyassa, but had pressed on into the interior. It justifies the incredulity which disbelieved the story of Moussa and the Johanna men.' They appear to have feared that they themselves would be slain by the inland tribes ; and to excuse their cowardice and abandonment they gave out that the fate which they dreaded had actually befallen Livingstone. The Cretan reputation of these worthies always warranted and half compelled scepticism ; bit even apart from this ground of distrust, their point blank and cleverly dovetailed statements had less aspect of truth than the casiud information gathered front traders and caravan servants, which was not shaped to any con clusion, or fitted into any connected tale. The Morning herald does not think that either tne Servians or Montenegrins arc now disposed to light up the flame of war. They will. still do -it, of course, if Russia urges them and promises them their support, but there are very goof grounds for believing that Russia will do nothing of the kind, and, on the contrary, repudiate, with all the solemnity she can; the mischievous intentions which are generally attributed to her. Too much importance must not be attached to her pecuniary difficulties. The army, let people say wliat they will, is quite ready for a campaign ; and the authoritative denial that the Russiam Government has made any preparations on the Pruth, and has massed hit army there, is worth nothing at all. Nobody who knows a,nything about the matter has ever alleged that troops had been concentrated in Bes sarabia, but there is no doubt that for many months the Russian army has gradually been gathering on the fron tier 'of Galicia ; that Poland is full of soldiers, stationed there not to keep in subje c ti on t h e miserable remains of insurrectionary aspirations, but to be ready for employ ment further south. If the Russian. Government should decide to go to war against Turkey it could carry out that original and necessary part of its plan, a demonstrat ion t o compel the neutrality of .Austria, to-morrow, and still have a large force on the Danube before the Turkish array was But Russia will not go to war now, becauseaa she is disappointed of the ally upon whom, s h e had reckoned. Prussia is not at all disposed to risk the great acquisition of the last eighteen months in a war which could give her, however successful, no other ad vantage than that complete destruction of the Austrian Empire which she has now no reason to desire. We have yet to learn the grounds on which George Francis Train was arrested, and even the offence with which the prisoner stands charged ; but whatever may be the state of the case, it opens up some interesting ques tion .; of public law, with which the Fenians are likely to it.; better acquainted than people in general cared to be a short time ago. This gives an opportunity to the Telegraph to state what the international law really is. By the law ;if nations, as understood in England and the tinit•Al States, its true that a country cannot punish ciinie:; committed againA its own mimic/pa/ law.; I.y a ft,r,..i:;n-r in a foreign country. If an American were, to forgo in New York a counterfeit note of the Bank of England, he could not be punished for it here, liecause the law of nations, as we understand it, has nothing to do with counterfeits on the Bank of England. But if ;in American in New York aids and assists in any way to get up a private war for. the overthrow of the ivernment of a foreign country, he commits an offence both against the mu n i ci p a l l aw o f th a t coun t r y an d the law of nations. We have stated these propositions as strongly in favour of the foreigner as possible ; since it is a not everywhe re admitted that a foreigner cannot be punished for e Vt ' ll municipal offences against a Govern went, if he “Atultarily soles Vi its jurisdiction. TAMPERING WITH THE MILITARY. At Dover, a compositor, named John Whetstone, has been charged with endeavouring to persuade Robert Bordner, a private of the 27th Regiment, and other sol liers belonging to the same corps, to join the Fenian Brotherhood. _ The prisoner, a young man, was employed at Dover about a twelvemonth ago as a compositor on the Dover Express newspaper. He had not again been in Dover till Saturday last, when he paid a visit to the town, and on the following day, on passing the main shaft guard, he got alto conversation with some of the soldiers of the 27th Regiment, which arrived here from India only a few days ago, and asked some of them to drink with him. After wards the prisoner, according to Cordner's evidence, asked him if he was going to be a Fenian, and join the Fenian Brotherhood. Cordner did not give any direct reply, and asked what kind of rifles they had, and the prisoner said L they were breechloaders. Cordner asked how many men were enrolled, and prisoner replied, "About 17,000 at Cork." The prisoner knew Cordner was an Irishman, and he said he was not true to his country. He also said, alluding to the Fenian Brotherhood, that the men were all right if they had good officers. This witness said the prisoner had been drinking, but knew what he was about. Another soldier, however, said the prisoner was beastly drunk. James Anderson, another private of the 27th Regiment, corroborated Cordner's account of the conversation, so far as the statement of the 17,000 and the breechloaders was concerned ; but the prisoner did not ask him to join the Brotherhood. The prisoner addressed him in Irish, and told him he belonged to the south of Ireland, but had been across the Atlantic, and had since been living in Dover. The prisoner had previously told the landlord that he was " for the green flag," that he had come from the " green banks," and was " green to the back bone." A policeman, who apprehended the prisoner on the charge, said, in reply to the magistrates, that he knew the prisoner when he was working in Dover, and always believed him to be a respectable man. The prisoner said he was entirely innocent of any corn plicity with Fenianism. He came to Dover on Saturday, and had been drinking more or less ever since. He had no recollection of what was now alleged to have transpired, and if he had said what was attributed to him, he had done so under the influence of drink. The police officer, in reply to the magistrates, said that the prisoner, though he had been drinking, knew what he was about. The superintendent having applied for a remand, The Ma 3 or said the prisoner was charged with a serious offence, and the circumstances were sufficiently susuicious to induce them to remand him for further inquiry, The prisoner was then remanded till Friday. THE LAST ARRESTED. —The New York Tribune of the Bth announces Mr. Train's departure from America in the following terms :—" Mr. George Francis Train sailed for Europe yesterday, to take charge of the affairs of all the kingdoms and principalities of that unhappy country." There is an unusual amount of distress through _ut the Wolverhampton Union. Until lately, the highest number of inmates in the workhouse was 800, but the number is now 920, and the applications from able bodied men for relief are rapidly increasing. Amongst the paupers are found skilled ironworkers, as well as labourers, miners, and bricklayers. The guardians have resolved to resort to the labour test, and all able bodied applicants are to be offered stone-breaking for road making. ENFIELDS FOR THE KING OF BIIRMAIL—There have lately been discussions as to the policy of acceding to the wishes of the King of Burmah to be supplied with 10,000 Enfield rifles. Colonel Fytche is reported to have promised what was required, and, further, to have urged the King to obtain the supply through him, and not, as is usually the custom, through professional agents, as by so doing his Majesty will pocket the com mission on the purchase which would be charged by the latter. FEMALE MEDICAL SOCIETY. —The second half of the fourth annual session of study has commenced at the college, No. 4, Fitzroy-square. The lady students now amount to about seventy in number, and a large propor tion of those who have recently entered are relatives of medical men. Many of the past students are settled practice in various parts of London, and the public may obtain their addresses by wliting to the lady secretary at No. 4, Fitzroy-square, W. Two GAROTTERS CAPTURED.—TWO young men, named William Johnson and Thomas Manning, have been brought before the magistrates at Manchester, charged with a garotte robbery. Mr. Armitage, shopkeeper, Stock port, said he had come to Manchester early on the mor l ins.. of the 16th instant, and saw the prisoners in a public' house in Deansgate, at which he called. They followed him out, and near the corner of John-street Manning seized him round the neck, pressing his throat, while John son stole a watch and 30s. from him. The pressure on his throat rendered him insensible, and he fell on the pave ment. A policeman and some witnesses of the robbery gave chase, and captured the prisoners. The watch was found in Johnson's possession. The prisoners were com mitted for trial at the ass:zes. AP'OTIIER COLLIEILY EXPLOSION IN SOUTa WALES.—Another of these explosions, for which South Wales has of late obtained such notoriety, has occurred at the Tylacock Colliery, Rhondda Valley, by which seven men were burnt, four of them seriously. The cause of the explosion has not been clearly ascertained, but it is rumoured that it was occasioned by one of the doors being left open for a time, and, as the natural result of one of the men opening his lamp, an explosion followed. Although the injuries received by the unfortunate sufferers are more or less of a serious character, it is gratifying to learn that no lives were sacrificed. About two years ago an explo sion took place at the same colliery, when Mr. Bedlington, mining engineer, and one of the workmen, were killed while engaged in making an examination of certain work ings. The colliery is the property of Mr. Tdomas Jones, Cardiff. THE OAKS COLLIERY EXPLOSION.—The work of clearing the ill-fated colliery is progressing somewhat slowly. The explorers have this week brought out two horses and a donkey, but no bodies have been found. There are more than 300 bodies still entombed in the mine, and an application has been made to the Barnsley Burial Board to have them interred, when recovered, in the Bartley Cemetery, and as to the terms they may be interred on. The colliery is in the parish of Ardsley, a village about two miles from Barnsley, but the interments cannot be made in that churchyard, as it is too small to allow such a great number of bodies being laid there. Several times during the explorations this week the men have had to retreat to the mouth of toe pit in consequence of the gas becoming too strong for them ; and one man was overpowered, but was rescued by his comrades. T:IE SUPPRESSED BRANCHES OF THE REFORM Le-touE.— A meeting of representatives of the Holborn, Chelsea, St. Luke's, Cromwell, and Clerkenwell branches of the Reform League and of the Old National Reform League has been held at the offices of the Reform Leagv.e, Adelphi-terrace, to take into consideration the suppression of their meetings in the various licensed victuallers' houses in which they had been held, and to devise the best means of carrying on their proceedings. The chairman explained the object of the meeting, and said that the Holborn branch, of which he was a member, had always conducted their proceedings openly, fairly, and above board, and had never any secret meeting whatever. What they now wanted was to get back to their old places of meeting in the public-houses. The police were acting under the Mid. diesex magistrates,. but it was well known that the direc tions came from the Home Office. After considerable discussion, the following resolution, moved by Mr. Radford and seconded by Mr. Pollard, was passed unanimously : " That this meeting, composed of the representatives of six branches of the Reform League whose meetings have been suppressed by orders of the police or the Government, protest against such suppression, and hereby declare that all their meetings have been open, free, and public, and that nothing illegal or unconstitutional has taken place at them, and considers it beyond the proper duty of the police force to prevent the freedom of public meeting." The meeting then adjourced, pending the report of Mr. Beales on his correspondence with the Government. THE PRINCESS OF WALES. —A correspondent of the Post, writing from Sandringham. says : Her Roya; Highness the Princess of Wales continues to drive out daily in her small pony carriage through the gardens and and grounds in the neighbourhood. The Princess has been engaged in a very interesting ceremony in connection with the parish school. Their Royal Highnesses have ever manifested the deepest interest in the education of the children of the poor on the estate, and .there are no fewer thanfour sch oo l s , w hi c h are pr i nc i pa ll y supporte d b y t h e Prince and Princess. The principal school is that of San• idrnigtnhelipamark‘,VlhViht f or hlNa ni s a er n lA Y e e d ars ne h ar as been the c b h u e r l c d h h i,y a f r a )°, l ll- 3 Harriet Cowper about ten years ago, b came into the ha n d s o f th e Prince. Amongste f , ore : t h e e v projected alterati ons o f th e R oyal domain was the tion of the sch oo l an d sc h oo l house, and this c 1 further provision, which has been made by the . '' C 's r - e t c ' 'i te on d by the Prince of a very excellent schoolroom, and hous e fear the mistress, on a convenient spot of ground between e the rectory and Park House. In this school the children belonging to Sandringham and Babingley are taught, as also are some from Dersingham. The children of this and the other schools receive a dinner on the occasion of her Royal Highness's birthday, and a New Year's gift of hats and caps and cloaks and jackets ; and her Royal Highness has just given another evidence of the interest she takes in the progress of the children by being present at the 0114Azauation and personally distributing the pries, THE SUN, LONDON, rUESDtAY EVENING, JANUARY 21, 1868. LORD HOBART ON THE ALABAMA CLAIMS. Lord Hobart, commenting on the despatch from Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, dated the 29th of No vember, breaking off the negotiations between this country and the United States respecting the Ala bama difficulty, writes to the Times : —There can be no doubt that the failure of these negotiations means nothing less than unfriendly relations be tween Great Britain and the United States ; that unfriendly relations meant the risk—more or less imminent —of war ; and that war between Great Britain and the United States would be a calamity as great as any which could afflict the world. But there is a consideration more imme diately urgent which enhances the evil. The Gover nment of the United States has hitherto loyally done its duty to this country in regard to the proceedings of Fenianism within their dominions, but it plainly enough intimates in this correspondence that it may now be obliged to conform its principles and policy to those which it considers to have been the principles and policy of this country during the American civil war. Nothing else is wanting to make Fenianism, which is now only troublesome and vexatious, serious and formid able. It is most important that the people of this country should clearly understand the posi tion in which they are placed in reference to this subject. When all deduction is made for faults of national character there is in the generality of Eng lishmen a fund of good sense and right feeling which would, if only they were fully instructed as to that which the Government of the day were doing, or about to do, prevent, as I believe, any very great or frequent errors in our foreign policy. Three fourths of the wars in which this country has been engaged would have been impossible if the nation could have been made fully aware of what was tak ing place in the " drifting" period. But blue books are tardy of appearance, inaccessible to the gene ral public, and unalluring to the repre sentative mind. The matter, then, stands thus : The United States Government has pressed upon the British Government a formidable list of claims on account of losses inflicted upon American citizens by the depredations of the Alabama and other ves sels of her class, and has at the same time stated very clearly the grounds on which it urges the settle ment of those claims. Those grounds are recapitu. lated by Mr. Seward in his despatch of Aug. 27, 1866, and are shortly as follows :—That by the Queen's proclamation of 1861 belligerent rights were wrongfully conceded to certain slaveholding States then in insurrection against their lawful Govern ment ; that in consequence of such concession those States obtained, among other advantages, flower to assume a national flag, and to seize and de stroy goods and shipping of the United States ; that thereupon, from the very nation which had mainly occasioned this injustice, there proceeded swift and powerful vessels of war, which became the recognised property of the insurgents, and in flicted enormous injury upon American trade and navigation ; that, to prevent such vessels from leaving her shores, no serious, or, at least, no suf ficient effort was made by the Government of this country—that, moreover, such vessels were re peatedly harboured and protected in various ports of Great Britain and her colonies, and that Great Britain owes to the United States indemnity for the losses which have thus been sustained. The British Government, while refusing to admit the validity of this reasoning,offers to refer the question to arbitra tion ; but on one condition—that in the case sub mitted to the arbiter no account shall be taken of the recognition of the insurgent States as belligerents by the royal proclamation of 1861. On this condi tion it insists, because it considers that the question as to the legality or propriety of that recognition is of a kind upon which " every State must be held to be the sole judge of its duty." The United States, on the other hand, while assenting to arbitration, desire that the " whole controversy" may be referred to arbitration as it stands, not for decision upon its merits, but in order that their demand for compen sation may be laid before the arbiter accompanied by the arguments on which it is founded. It comes, then, to this, that the British Government has re fused, not only to yield to the demand of the United States, but to submit the case, except in a very partial and limited form, to arbitration. Is the British nation prepared to accept the respon sibility ? To decline to comply with the requisition of a foreign Power because you cansider it unrea sonable is one thing ; to refuse to adopt the only existing method, except of war, of settling the dis pute is quite another. And it may well be asked whether, if a question such as that of the recogni tion of the South as belligerent, inflicting as it did serious loss and injury upon a friendly State, be not a proper subject for arbitration, any great question of foreign policy can never hereafter be decided by any other than those time-honoured but some what illogical authorities—bullets and cold steel. In par t i h s e protocols in 1856 there e p s p ta ended to the ndsreoorded , Declarationonthepart of the ton four the g u r n e a a n t i P m o o w n s e rs e x s p i r g e n ss i t i a o r n i es of of a that d t e h c a l a t ra i 1 - 1 future nations in disputewill,tions to h beforete judgment declaring war, refer the matter neutral State. It was a British Minister who proposed that inomen th to a u t s p now ar , a o g n ra t p h h ;it is the British efirstopportuoi.tyfor Govern mentapply- ing it, prot hi e ecn s caeg t avm s ,de uae against memories tnhhaedpe eds guidance,av possible ro ap cda p t; i l en i c ao a nf t cost dh i mt o eoi n utfic . t character But Go vernmentssgnwi e o : n 1 not ni ensurprising,rha:lnaspi peacemaker a ds af r l aapoaceont ha r t fo ai re op a o s ns : f t t a n c o i r d i a n s l o w f a r n , a t o i o n n a t l h e s o m v e o r s e t i g e n x t t y r e . m e T h a e nd re is i :ohroowus eatGhvn re e ye r Great en Britain presentrs n i to e an e i o d nas s t h otoaoi it happens r e eb l y ee o upon eo that u t tn h h e i s e ndaboreugol upon n u i og m e ne p e r tren proposes pe . c syr F eog sfoh that in South. The United States do not require—on the n co lo n n t t r s— ary a , ny the s y nn e h x a p r r b ess itr ly am ex e c n i t. exclude from tthhenipr particular r question to be submittedblotiofluiitchteedarblly nations are e agreed. and iter, h which is the question whether compensation i s d ue to the Un i ted t Alabama S States for coadjutors,the losses inflicted That such an arbitration may be resorted to without prejudice to national dignity both arc also agreed. But one of them demands that certain facts and inferences which the other considers material to the issue shall be excluded from the case laid before the arbiter, simply be cause his decision might otherwise be influenced by the solution, in the hidden recesses of his own mind, of a question upon which " every State must be the sole judge of its duty." The decision given by the arbiter will amount, neither directly nor indirectly, neither expressly nor by implication, to any opinion upon that question. He may consider it ; he may arrive at a conclusion upon it, and his decision may be influenced by that conclusion. But what that conclusion is, whether he has been able to form one, or whether he believes that the question has any such bearing upon the particular issue re ferred to him as that he need consider it at all, no one will ever know. Acts and words, supposed to derogate from national honour, have, throughout all time, been guarded against or avenged at a ter rible cost to the world ; this is probably the first time that it has been thought necessary to defend national honour at the risk of the most calamit ous consequences against the secret thoughts of the heart. I trust that it may not be even now too late to hope for a renewal of the negotiations. Will the English people, tacitly acknowledging the morbid sensibilities imputed to it by its rulers, or actuated by the childish fear of being thought afraid, allow itself to be committed to an irreconcilable quarrel with a nation of whose friendship it stands just uow peculiarly in need, and to be at peace with whom is of incalculable importance to itself and to the world ? or will it insist on the settlement by way of arbitration, without captious and sensi tive reservations, of a question which ought not to be kept open for a single day, and which au im partial tribunal can alone satisfactorily decide? An invitation has been sent from Berlin to Munich, Stuttgart, and Carlsruhe, to send delegates to Berlin, for the purpose of deliberating on the foundations of the new postal treaty with Switzerland. The Norwegian Govern ment has opened negotiations for a new postal treaty, and has for this purpose sent Herr Rye to Berlin, THE CO2VSTITUTIONAL CO-VVENTION AT ALBANY ON THE JUDICIARY. Since the article of last July in the North Ameri can Review, preferring grave and sweeping imputa tions upon the administration of justice in New York, more than ordinary attention has been directed to the Judiciary. The Constitutional Convention at Albany has given much time to the discussion of the subject. Judge Daly, of New York City, argued that the courts ought to be so thoroughly upright and independent that no one could even suspect them of corruption or favouritism ; and alluded to the article in the North American Review as an example of charges against the administration of justice in New York, which, though proceeding from a respectable quarter, still remained un answered. Such an event under the old judicial system was unknown, and the mere fact of wide spread doubt as to the probity of any of the judges was strong evidence not of the want of integrity in the particular persons who might be suspected, but of the defects of a system which left room for suspicion. Mr. Schumacher declared the article to be a foul libel by a notorious corruptiouist and an Eag - lish ticket-of-leave man ; " the former referring, we understand," says the Nation, " to an eminent lawyer whose worst enemies do not suspect him of the slightest use of corrupt influences, and the lat ter to a well-known literary maa of perfectly re spectable character, who, we have good reason to believe, had no more to do with the article in question than Mr. Schumacher himself. This per sonal abuse was the staple of the argument in de fence of the judiciary of this city." Although a general assertion was made that the article in question was false and scandalous, yet, it is well known that many of the charges are true. The Nation asserts that the line of argument pur sued by those who vindicate the existing order of things is personal abuse, which is attempted to be justified by the fact that the imputations so met are themselves attacks on personal character. Charges of corruption must necessarily be personal. It will not do to argue that the accuser is unworthy of be lief because he makes such charges. It must be clearly made out, if the defence be based on this, otherwise it is reasoning in a circle of the worst kind. " The fact is, that the rumours affecting the integ rity of the courts, which are now so widespread, have originated among the most reputable members of the bar, and are most firmly believed by the best classes of citizens. The deterioration of the courts in this city is so universally admitted by all who deal with them that it is impossible to find a respect able lawyer who doubts it. Indeed there has not thus far been found any man, respectable or other wise, who will publicly assert the contrary. It can not be said that this is a mere result of a lawyer's habitual reverence for the past, for there is no want of commendation of the new system in those por tions of the State where it has worked well. The lawyers of those sections are so zealous in their sup port of the elective system as to constitute the greatest obstacle to any change in the mode of select ing judges. Why it is that the bar of New York city presents an almost solid front in favour of a life tenure, and that the great majority of that bar, without reference to party lines, are in favour of an appointed rather than an elected judiciary ? Obvi ously because their experience has taught them that a steady and uniform administration of justice is not to be had under the present system. Even those men who make a profit out of the corruption and favouritism which are now rife feel that their bold is uncertain, that some new power may come in suscept ible to new and adverse influences. They are not, therefore, so unwilling to consent to reform as might be expected, especially if they are men who could command a good practice under a better system. The great obstacle to reform at present lies among the lawyers and farmers of the rural districts, among whom justice is satisfactorily administered, and who do not come in contact with the abominations which sicken the city practitioner. But they will surely suffer in time from the taint of maladministration in so important a part of the State as the city of New York. Indeed, it is well known that the same in fluences which have degraded justice there, are work ing gradually into the rural districts, and although there is at present no reason to suspect that any thing more than favouritism has obtain a foothold in the courts outside of the city, yet there is an entering wedge which may yet lead to worse results. We believe that the Convention has not yet made a final-decision against a long tenure of judicial office. We hope that it will yet decide in favour of it. For bad as affairs are in the city, they must steadily grow worse for many years to come under a system of frequent elections. The immense tide of immigration mast and will carry the moral tone of the city lower and lower during the next twenty or more years. Some improvement takes place amongst the settled population, but not enough t o counter balance the effect of the flood of ignorance that is annually poured in. Weak as are the courts now, they will be filled with weaker or worse judges at every succeeding decade, and the bar would far rather let the courts stand exactly as they are than have new judges introduced from time to time during the next twenty years under the elective system. We cannot close without saying that several judi cial officers in the Convention deserve credit for the stand which they have taken upon this ques tion. Judge Monell , we know, and Judge Garvin, webeli for eve'v otedfor Mr. Eva r t s ' s propos i t i on of a life.tenure judges. But to Judge Daly especial credit is due for the courage with which he acknow ledged the defects of a system of which he consti tutes a part, and the earnestness with which he strove to accomplish a thorough reform. The fact that such a man is able to retain his place upon the bench is about the best argument that can be made for the present system. If all our judges were as able and as upright, we should be well satisfied with an elective judiciary. Benjamin Hayes, San Diego ; John M. James, San Ber nardino ; T. E. Jones, Trinity ; John M. Kelly, Yolo ; Bruco B. Lee, Sacramento; Samuel L. Lupton, San Francisco ; R. P. Mace, Fresno; Otto Mentzoll, Cala veras ; L. J. Morrow, San Joaquin ; IL L. Mattingly, San Mateo; John H. Moore, Santa Clara; S. M. Martin, Sonoma . ; John Middleton, San F. ancisco ; Frank Mahon, San Francisco ; W. T. M'Elhany, Santa Barbara, San Luis Obispo ; B. A. Mardis, Tuolumne, Mono and Inyo ; M. Meagher, Tuolumne and Inyo ; Hugh B. Newell, El Dorado ; J. W. Newsom, Merced and Stanislaus ; W. M. Ord, Butte ; Warner Oliver, San Joaquin ; J. J. O'Malley, San Francisco ; Goorgo M. Payne, Amador and Alpine ; George Pardee, Santa Cruz ; Jasper J. Papy, San Fran cisco ; H. G. Rollins, Nevada ; C. T. Ryland, Santa Clara ; Thomas H. Klamath and Del Norte; A. G. Russ, San Francisco; C. G. Spencer, Placer; B. R. Spillman, Sutter; Elijah Steele, SiskiyJu ; Frank V. Scudder, San Fran cisco; J. K. Smith, Yuba; E. C. Talley-, Monterey; C. A. Tuttle, Placer; Charles Westmoreland, Humboldt; John D. White, Nevada ; J. A. Watson, Los Angeles ; M. Waldron, Placer; Chailos Wollob, Sacramento; Stephen Willet, El Dorado ; J. B. Warfield, Sonoma ; and Thomas N. Wand, San Francisco. 711 E L , ITEST PiIASE OF FENIANISM. (From the Nation:) There is, probably, no question of foreign politics which interests the United States at this moment so much as the Irish question. In all other ques tions the interest of Americans may be said to be speculative or sentimental or humanitarian merely. But the Irish question is almost as much a question of American as of British politics. There are nearly as many Irishmen in America who are nominally Americans and bestow their hearts and allegiance elsewhere, as there are Irishmen in Ireland who are only nominally Britons. Moreover, the grow ing power of the Irish element in American politics, combined with the growing determination of Irishmen to make the United States assist, by some means or other, in the solution of the Irish difficulty, opens up nearly as troublous a pro spect, though happily less clouded with moral re sponsibility, for the American Government as for the British. The United States occupies towards Ireland now a position very similar to that which France occupied in the last century. After the Revolution of 1688, and the final overthrow of James 11., the Irish flocked in nearly as great num bers in proportion to population to France as they have during the present century flocked to the United States, with this difference, however, that the Irish emigrants to France were recruits for the French army, while the Irish emigrants to the United States include women and children, and are in search of better food and better cloth ing, and a better future for their descendants. But the participation of the mass of the Irish voters in American politics is due to very much the same feeling as the participation of the Irish troops in the wars of Louis )(W.—the de sire of annoying and damaging the English. Of in terest in France or her affairs the famous " Irish Brigade" made little pretence, although it is calcu lated that in the first half of the eighteenth cen tury nearly half a million of Irishmen died i❑ the French service. With the French Revolution as an uprising against Church and King the Irish had not a particle of sympathy any more than they had with the late war of the North against the slave holders. The Irish in France probably all stood by the old regime, just as the Irish here in the main sympathised with the Confederacy ; whatever sym pathy the popular cause in France received from the Irish at home, was due to the fact that England was opposed to it. But there was one feature common to both the French Revolution and the late war here which caused them to exert a powerful influence on Irish affairs—each brought a first-class Power into an attitude of hostility to England, and each threw out of employment a large number of Irish men, possessing more or less knowledge of the military art, and eager to use it against Great Britain. Each also—and perhaps this is the more importantof their effects—sent a strong tide of Democratic feeling into Ireland, though in Ireland the Democratic wave, whenever it passes over the island, takes a local hue unknown either to Frenchmen or Americans. The French Revolution accordingly produced the " United Irishmen" and the rising of 1793, just as the late war has, we do not say produced Fenianism, but lifted Fenianism from the position of a little whisky-stained conspiracy in a Chatham-street grog-shop into the rank of a formidable association, aping the airs, and exercising some of the powers, of a regular Government. The United Irishmen had, however, a maddened population at their back who rose and fought like furies, though without a trace of military spirit or of military skill, while tho Fenians have only a discontented and hopeless peasantry, who will do nothing for them but keep their secret. The regular Fenian " army" in Ireland, who plunder the gunmakers and hold midnight drills, are gene rally young clerks and artisans from the towns, whose imaginations have been fired by Fenian lite rature and oratory. In campaigning they have proved the most harmless and best-natured men in the world, and will hardly fight as long as any other means of exhibiting their dislike to English rule is left open to them. The immense popularity of the mock funeral rites which have been celebrated so extensively for the men who were hanged in Manchester has been undoubtedly due to the strong dislike to more " active operations " which most of the Brotherhood contracted during the brief campaign against the police last spring ; and the blowing-up of the gao ls and assassination of single policemen is pro bably partly a revival of the traditions of " W hite boyism," which have never wholly died out, and partly a copy of the Confederate operations at, the North during the closing year of the war. The hope of the Fenian leaders now is beyond question that England will get into a war some how, with somebody, and that they will then at last find both an ally and a purchaser for their ser vices. Ireland, in its present state of discontent, would be a very formidable auxiliary to a foreign enemy if England ever lost the control of the sea. It was her complete command of the sea which deprived Napoleon of the aid of the Irish malcontents, and made the expedition which landed in 1797 under Humbert at Killala such a complete failure, and prevented the Emperor from ever again attempting to operate against England on this her vulnerable side. In any future war, also, no enemy will ever be able to use Ireland against England which is not able to teat England in a fair stand-up fight at sea, and keep the Irish ports open. A foreign army in Ire land which did not also hold the sea would find itself in a col de sac. Whether England is still the mistress of the seas, even of her own seas whether the sceptre has not departed from her with the application of steam and iron plating to war vessels—is one of those momentous problems which nothingbut a great war, with France or the United States opposed to her, will solve ; and the solution is so doubtful that we think most Englishmen shrink instinctively—perhaps uncon sciously—from seeking it, just as a man who feels poorly shrinks from having his heart or lungs ex amined, though persuaded in his own mind that they are sound. There can, we think, hardly be a question that this vague misgiving has had much to do with the firm adhesion of the English public of late to a peace policy, and the strange indiffer ence they have of late displayed to any loss of pres tige which is not caused by positive reverses in the field. Foreign interference iu Ireland she would have little difficulty in crushing if she was able to hold the ports ; and the bigger the invading army was, the more rapidly would its fate come upon it. Armies need stores and arsenals ; Ireland would furnish neither one nor the other, and the help the Fenian chiefs would supply would be of a kind that would in three weeks either drive a French general mad or cause him to try his Chassepot rifles upon them. An American general would be more patient, partly from his greater experience of volunteers and raw levies, and partly from his greater sympathy for the Irish, and partly because his army would be largely made up, under such circumstances, of Irishmen ; but his patience would simply bring his destruction on him somewhat sooner. England, too, has her sympathizers in Ireland. One-fourth of the population are on her side, heart and soul, and they happen, unfortunately for the Fenians, to be the fourth which possesses nearly all the education, money, ard orgni4ing power to 3 be found in the January par 105 134 1601 1511 160 February lO2l 1041 153 1721 1571 161 March ...10 11 1021 139 171 1 159 1691 April lOll 1024 146 159 1664 187 May 1021 1041 1431 155 168 190 June lO3l 1091 1401 1481 189 251 July 109 1201 1234 145 222 285 August ll2l 1164 1221 1291 2311 262 September 116 1 124 127 1431 185 255 October 122 137 1401 1561 189 229 November 129 1334 143 154 209 260 December l3O 134 147 1521 211 244 1865. 1866. 1867. N -- ti 1: 1 t.".. c A di o Si ' .4 cra 0 or• 1 0,.. ,.. % ~. gr c' . Date. • r" °., '. • r• . t : January February 1961 2181 1351 1401 135 1 1401 March l4Bl 201 125 1361 1331 1401 April May l2Bl 1451 1251 1411 1348 1381 June 1351 1471 1371 1671 1361 1381 July l3B 1461. 147 1511 138 1401 August September October November December ETICES IN NEW YORK IN 1867. PRICES in" When the days ho omitted days are ei NE YORK IN 1867. do not appear in numerical order ther Sundays or holidays. JANUARY. Opening. Highest. 1324 133 132 1 135 1 134 134 A 1331- 134 1 t 1344 1351 1341 1341 1341 1341 . 1334 133 f 134,- 134 f 134 •1341 1341 135 135 1351 135 1 - 137 1351 137 1371 1374 136; 1364 136} 137 1361 1361 1351 135 1 134; 1344 1334 1344 1341 134-I 1344 , 1344 134 1344 1341 1361 1344 135 f FEBRUARY. 2d . 3d . 1354 13G4 137; 1384 1374 139 k c r 1384 L 1374 [ 1364 1374 1374 i . 1374 1364 1 . 137 1364 E l i 137 1374 1384 1384 a 1381 1393- 1404 F 140 i MARCH. Lowest. Closing. 1321 132'1 1324 1338 1334 133 1334 1342 1331 133* 1334 134 i 1331 134 i 1334 1334 1324 134 1334 134 1344 134;1 1344 135 135 134 7HE LEGISLATURE OF CALIFORNIA. The golden State is attaining to a position of so much interest to the world, and its cireer is now so keenly watched, that we give the list of the Houses as they assembled on the 2d December last, at the Capitol. Mr. Knox, recently deceased, only was absent from the Senate, and all the House but four were present. L. B. Mizner was elected President, pro tern, of the Senate ; and C. T. Ryland, Speaker of the Assembly SENATE.—E. L. Brady, Placer; David Bolden, Nevada; Phineas Banning, Los Angelos ; Horace Beach, Yuba and Sutter; William A. Conn, San Diego and San Bernardino; N. Greene Curtis, Sacramento ; John Conly, Butte, Pin mas and Lassen ; J. N. Chapelle, Shasta and Trinity ; S. Ewer, Butte, Plumas and Lassen ; J. W. Freeman, Fresno Kern and Tulare; Janson J. Green, Contra Costa and Marin ; John S. Hager, San Francisco ; George W. Hunter, El Dorado; Thomas Hardy, Calaveras; E. H. Heacock, Sacramento ; James Johnson, El Dorado ; 11. Kincaid, San Francisco and San Mateo ; W. J. Knox (deceased), Santa Clara; J. H. Lawrence, Mariposa, Merced and Stanis!aus ; E. J. Lewis, Colusa and Tehama ; F. A. M`Dougall, Mon terey and Santa Cruz; J. W. Mandeville, Tuolumne, Mono and Imyo ; D. L. Morrill, Calaveras ; H. D. Murch, Del Norte, Humboldt and Klamath ; P. W. Murphy, San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara; L. B. Mizner, Solana and Yolo ; J. E. Perley, San Joaquin; Wm. M. Pendegast, Lake, Naps and Mendocino; George Pearce, Sonoma; L. E. Pratt, Sierra ; E. W. Roberts, Nevada ; A. H. Rose, Amador and Alpine ; Henry Robinson, Alameda;JohnH ; Saunders, San Fran c i sco ;J. W. Shaw, San Francisco Charles A. Tweed, Placer; A. L. Tubbs, San Francisco ; E. Teegarden, Yuba and Sutter; Oliver Wolcott, Tuo lumne, Mono and Inyo; E. Wandsworth, Siskiyou. ASSEMBLY. --W. Z. An gney, Santa Clara ; Thos. J. Ables, Marie ; Isaac Ayer, Calaveras ; T. S. Beaver, Calaveras ; Thomas A. Brown, Contra Costa ; A. B. Bird, El Dorado ; J. H. Bnckbee, Plutnas and Lassen ; Marion Biggs, Sacra mento ; T. - 4 . Battelle, Sierra ; B. J. Broderson, San Fran cisco ; J. C. Brown, Tulare and Kern ; A. J. Bachelder, Yuba ; A. M. Church, Alameda ; John C. Crlg7er, Napa and Lake; M. Cochrane, Butte; William H. Cure ton, Mendocino; Paschal Coggins, Sacramento; A. Comte, jun., Sacramento; William Caldwell, Sonoma; Matthew Canavan, San Francisco; David W. Connely, Ssc.j Francisco ; L. B. Clark, Yuba ; J. M. Days, Nevada ; G. D. Dornin, Nevada; J. W. Downer, Sierra; Perry Dyer, Shasta ; W. A. Davies, Tuolumne, Mono and Inyo ; John W. Dwinelle, Alameda Asa Ellis, Los Angeles ; John B. Frisbie, Solano ; J. A. Fairchild, Siskiyou; Thomas E. Farish, San Francisco; J. B. Gregory, Ama. dor and Alpine ; W. S. Green, Colusa and Tebaina; Charles Qildsd, Ead D ora d o ; Francis (iltner, Mariposa island. If they were properly let loose at this moment, a very large portion of the country would become far more unsafe for the Fenian leaders than sny district in England. AMERICAN GOLD. (From the Wall-, FLUCTUATIONS IN NEW YOE: DECEMBE] 1862. ti areet Journal.: K FROM JANITi 1867. 1863. t i 0 6:1 17' .RY, 1862, TO 1864. ti t:4 o 6i. . C T: cf. 4. Date. 21th .. 25th .. 26th 28th .. 29th .. 30th 31st Ist 2cl 4th sth 6th 7th Bth 9th 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 16th 18th 19th 20th 21st 23d 25th 26th 27th 28th 4th sth 6th 7th Bth 9th 11th 12th 13th 11th 15th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22d 23d 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th APRIL ..• 1334 134 k 1341 13,5 t 134 1 1341 133 133 ,•• ••• 1331 1331 1324 133 i 133 k 136 136 136 ~• 134 k 138 1374 137. 16th 17th 18th 10th 20th 22nd 23d 2-ith 2ath 26th 27th 29th 30th Ist 2(1 3d 4th 6th 7th Bth 9th 10th 11th 13th 14th 15th 16th 17th 18th 20th 21st 22d 23d 24th 25th 27th 28th 29th 30th 31st Ist 3d 4th sth 6th 7th Bth 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22d 24th 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th Ist 2d 3d sth 6th Bth 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 15th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 22d 23d 24th 25th 26th 27th 29th 30th 31st Ist 2d 3d sth 6th 7th Bth Ist MAY. - 1351 1361 1351 135/ 1351 136 1 136* 134 1351 137 137 1381 138 138 138 f 138- 137 137 f 136* 136 1 .* 1351 130/ 1351 1371 1361 137- 137 1374 1371 1371, 1371 137 f 1361 1371 137* 1371 138 1381 1381 138 8 1381 1381 Int 1371 136 1371 1364.- 1371 137 138 1371 1371 1361 1371 JUNE. 1361 1361 1361 137 1 2 137 137 4 - 1361 131 , 1361 136i -1361 136} 1361 137 JULY. - 138 1 , 138 1 138 139 8 139 139A 138 138 i 1391 139 i 139 k 1391 1101, 110 140 - Dg} 1401 140 139i -1394- 139! 14(4 140 i 140 i 140 k ,lIGUST. 1401- 140 i 140 140 140! 140 1101 5 1371 AUGU 140 i 140 E 140 j, 140; 140] 1401 140 140 141 1411 141 144 1404 141 1401 144 144 1411 142 141 ST (contin 140 1 1401 1401 141 1401 1401 1401 140 141 1411 1411 1411 141;; 141 141 141, 142 142 1421 1411 SEPTEMBER. 141 141• 141 111 1411 . 142 142* 142 144 142 t 142 - 1424 142* 1441 1431 144-i 144* 1451 146 1461 OCTOBER. NOVEMBER.. 1.404 141 140* 1414 1412 1404 1401 141 1 4 139 f 140} 140-1- 1391 1354 1391 138, 138 k 138* 139 138 138} 1391. 139} 139 f 1381 • 138} 139 1384 139} 139/ ' 139 1391 2 1401 1391 144 140} 139} 141 111-1 140} 140 140 i 1394 1391 2 1401 1391 1391 1391 1391 4 139} 140 139 1398 Ib9B 139 138} 139} 138} NOVEMBER (continued). 1394 1401 1391 1401 140} 1394 139} 140 1391 139 i 1391 1391 139 1391 1381 . 1381- 138 i _ DECEMBER 137 k 1371 137 1371 2d 3d 4th sth Gth 7th 9th 10th llth 12th 13th 14th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 23d 24th 25th 26th 27th 28th 30th Ist 2d 3d 4th sth 7th Bth 9th 10th 11th 12th 14th 15th 16th 17th 18th 19th 21st: 22d 23d 24th 25th 26th 27th 29th 30th 31st Ist 2(1 4th sth Gth 7th Bth 9th 11th 12th 13th 14th .. 15th 16th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22(1 23,1 25th 2Gth 27th 29th 30th 2d 3d 4th sth 6th 7th 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 23d 21th 26th 27th 28th 30th 31st 137 137 137 137 136 IMPORTANT TRADE-MARK CASE. A case bearing on the piracy of trade-marks was tried at the May 1867 term of the Court of Chan cery in Hamilton, Canada West, and judgment was given by Vice-Chancellor Spragge on the 3d of the following September. The proprietor of the Perry Davis Vegetable Pain-Killer brought the ac tion to restrain James Kennedy, of Hamilton, from issuing their trade-mark " Pain-killer." The Vice-Chancellor held that the words thus quaintly combined did form a trade-mark, and were not, as the defendant contended, a mere term of description. Had defendant used the designation alone it would have been a flagrant infringement of the plaintiff's right. But the defendant contended that the words used by him, " The Great Home Remedy, Kennedy's Pain-killer," differed so ob viously that to mistake one for the other was im probable. No doubt there were differences in the bottles as well as in the labels when seen together, but the grievance of the complaint is, of course, the use of the words " Pain-killer." The judgment concludes thus :—" I have not thought it necessary to go through the cases on the law of trade-marks which is now well understood. The application of it to particular cases is the diffi culty. I will only refer to the language of Lord Cranworth in Farina v. Silverlock ; it is peculiarly apposite to the case before me. Judges may occa sionally have erred in the application of the law to particular facts, but I apprehend that the law is perfectly clear, that any one who has adopted a particular mode of designating his particular manu facture has a right to say, not that other persons shall not sell exactly the same article, better or worse, or an article looking exactly like it, but that they shall not sell it in such way as to steal (so ho calls it) his trade-mark, and make purchasers be lieve that it is the manufacture to which the trade mark originally was applied. The practice of ap propriating the trade-mark of others has been re probated by various judges, and I have no doubt that. Lord Cranworth used the word steal to mark his sense of its gross impropriety. In the Collins Company v. Cowan, Sir W. Page Wood took occa sion to characterise it in language not more severe than just. I cannot conceive,' he said, of anything short of indictable offences more discreditable than this course of proceeding.' Ihe plaintiff is enttled to an injunction on the terms prayed for by his bill, and to an account as prayed. The decree will be with costs." Births. LEATHAM—On the 19th inst., at Heath, the wife of S. G. Leatham, Esq., of a son. MARTER—Ou the 19th inst., at Devonport, the wife of Captain Martor, King's Dragoon Guards, of a son. PERKIN—On the 20th inst., at Surbiton, tho wife of Eobt• B. Perkin, Esq., of a son. Marriages. HAWLETT—WHITFIELD-011 the 18th inst., at St. Paul's, Newington, Surrey, Arthur B. Hewlett, Esq., Consular Service, China, son of Thomas Hewlett, Esq., Harrow on-the-Hill, to Rose, fourth daughter of Richard Gullet Wnitfield, Esq., of The Manor House, Newington , (du rrey. 310XON—NEVILLE—On the 18th inst., at Hornsey Church, Edward, fifth son of William M. Moson, Esq., late of her Majesty's Inland Revenue, to Julia, youngest daughter of Frederick Neville, Esq., of Noble-street and Hornser rise. Deaths. BENNET—On the 18th inst., at 8, Eton-terraco, Edinburg h, Archibald Bonnet, Esq., Secretary of the Bank of Scot land, aged 85. BoYsoN- On the 19th inst., at Elul House, Clapham-conl mon, Ambrose Boyson, Esq., J.P., aged 63. LEIGHTON—On the 17th inst., at Chelveston, Northampton" shire, Andrew Leighton, Esq., aged 74. PETTER —On the 18th inst., at Thornton-heath, Mr. C. Potter, late of 1, Garrick-street, Covent-garden, aged 40. STRODE—On the 19th inst., Win. Strode, Esq., of Heather Bank, Wey bridge, Surrey, and St. Martin's-le-Gra nd, aged 51. -- London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRES SUN ODlce, No 112 } Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy, in the County ° lAiddloppx.--Tuesday, January 21, 1868. • 140 140 • 140 i 140; 5 • 140 ; 140 3 140- 140 • 141 141- i 140; 1371 Ditt Comp( by o vice Sums I plie For cc Rents and 1 ror pre office For ma For COI 1 3Y sale BY sale Do, o Toward the sc Fro Th( Collect( of the It ?aid the el the sc Pees rec Pines ai Expens, lunati General Tontthe Interest Pcineip: Annuit; Frown General Interest Princi pa Annuiti House General Interest Prineipz, Annuitii Count y School Conveya trial s Reforma maint( itt The D Phil tory s, eforma ultto a clothir Ditt, eforma ~Maint( 11,C.3 ➢ii Rents, T Interest Principal Central Cri m i nal Juvenile Coroners Salaries ?-xPenses Ralaties Expenses srid 2es e s ,c ons Quildhai Asitstant Clerk of 1 ieight s Treasure] i-4W bust n s'onvey a , „Pen a l tte nioval Providing aPecial kieneral Advertise Ziltseellau Zialan ce TC lialati ce 6th Oct drrea r of _`ate mad wears 0 tanount lunatic s D i fo rge , _to d Xiinatic A Ord PHI An] t tnatic _A Ord Irn lnt Pri Am Lav 14tutena 4,1 TOT] 1414 nice ir Atlount i ds To m 4 Ol O T U I : t i s i ° t llenr Esq.. ,11 Tr ans , the 4 6 3 o rr u ( m onies of t • Ltl ce t tileUtiOt ( C uN N'anCe it lienr 186 7 • `‘u Ueee tvedl Order rrl 1867% th e 4 ire Ilat.Nyne4A pfd Mr. • ter i traci ; 1 1 1 4 4 4 9i: AI, Ditt, Ist . 2(1 . 4th sth 6th ~ Bth ~ 9th ~ 10th ~ 11th ~ 12th ~ 13th 15th ~ 110 1391 137 134 2 - 4 136-i 1.38 138 ; 1381 138, 1401 139 139 1331 136 135 134 i 135 135 1 - •._ . o 134 k 1358 1378 1394- 139 f, 138i -1381 1471 139-1 13ii 1361 136 t 137 1 137 1371 137 f 1371- 1371 137 - 1381 138 1381 138 k 138 1 1381. 138 k 1381,- 138 i 138 1391 1394 140/ 140 140 140 1401 140 140} 140 i 140 1 140 110 140 146 144. 144. 144 145 145. 143- 143; 1431 143 144 1434 143} 143 143/ 141 i 141 f 142 k 1' 1424 142 143 f 1434- igt i .dida Wan, Arreal Rate t Arreai Prom ware Er , is( For?: don, For COCO for t For b: shoe tion - 1 reed For wl to ti Feltl For c Han For m Dft, tY sal Roust