The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-18 00:00:00

'MIT OF TICE PUBLIO JOMINALS. ry a ia accounts, says the Tintes, have been ICrreceived from KnowsleyKnowsleyconcerning the health of Lo td derby His friends and the public may hop e that his lie be prolonged, but we fear there can be no doubt th4t his long and distinguished political career has now closed. it would at present be premature to speculate on the changes which Lord Derby's removal from political life must produce. We prefer, at such a time, to remizul the public of the merits of the able and brilliant statesl whose services they are about to lose, and to pay a fitting tribute to his past life. Lord Derby may have been the subject of exaggerated enthusiasm from the party he led in his later years, and the injudicious parade of his name on all occasions by his supporters has in some cases subjected him to acrimonious attacks. But if there has seemed to be a lack of vigour in his po licy—if in his statesmanship he has displayed some thing of the amateur, this has by no means lessened the favour with which he has been regarded, for such a bear ing in pubic matters finds a ready sympathy with a large part of the educated class, who are far from being keen politicians, and who h ave a strong dislike for the zeal somewhat tinctured with bitterness which distinguishes more earnest statesmen. With hosts of friends and with the most en viable sociable qualities, assured by his station and wealth of personal respect, and the head of a party which, however often it be out-argued or outvoted, must always, from the nature of things, comprise the great body of these who fill the highest social position, Lord Derby possessed all that is most agreeable in poli tical life. If his name has not been linked to many great legislative measures, he has been, at any rate, a great party leader and a successful administrator. To inspire a large section of the political world with unbounded confidence, to choose from among its cleverest men competent col leagues, and perform with distinction the multifarious &sties of government require no inconsiderable ability, aitt. l this work Lord Derby perfermed with a suc cess and an apparent ease which are given to few public men. He was aided, undoubtedly, by rank and for tune, but it must be remembered that these, if they give men opportunities, often stifle their energies. A wealthy peer has all the apparatus for achieving greatness, yet how often is he crushed under it into sloth and mediocrity ! Lord Derby has, indeed, been all through life an energetic man. He was one who could never have lived an idle life. If he had been horn a poor man, he would either have dis tinguished himself in some profession or made a fortune by bold commercial ventures. His destiny made him the eldest son of a wealthy peer, and he entered into political life with a feeling of real enjoyment. It is, however, not as a statesman principally that Lord Derby received the admiration of his contemporaries. He was a vigorous, incisive, and ready orator, and in his best days was re markable for a choice of words and a refinement of expression which are seldom found in this age of careless conversational speechmaking. He could over whelm or demolish an opponent in a manner which com pletely combined the two essentials of pain to the victim and pleasure to the listeners. It is as a brilliant speaker, as " the Rupert of debate," ready to cross swords with the most redoubtable antagonists, and seldom coming worsted out of the fray, that he will be chiefly remembered. This power may not make a man a great statesman, but it makes him a great parliamentary leader, and to it Lord Derby owed that he early gained a high political position, that he was three times Prime Minister, that he was obeyed by a party more implicitly than any Minister of our time, and that he relinquished power only when his health had completely failed. It is impossible, says the Post, to blink the fact that these frequent applications to Parliament for a suspension of the constitution in Ireland reflect infinite discredit on the Imperial Government. And our contemporary makes this observation without any reference in particular to the Liberal or Conservative parties. Those who are now in power are neither more nor less to blame than those who are now in opposition—or they may not be ; which for the purpose of the present question comes to the same thing. It is sixty-eight years since the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland was effected, and since then we have had some two or three insurrections in the latter country ; we have had no small account of trouble during a considerable portion of that period in preserving even the semblance of domestic tranquillity; we have found it necessary to maintain there what is in truth an army of occupation, and we have been compelled, we know not how many times, to confer absolute power on the Irish Executive in dealing with the liberties of the Irish people. These arc facts which are recorded in the later pages of British history, and which not even Parliament in its omnipotence can efface. What might have been the history of Ireland since the commencement of the present century if Pitt had not bought the necessary majorities in the Irish Houses of Parliament to carry out his scheme of legislative union, no one can say. The Irish Radical members, who profess to see the redemption of their country in the abolition of the Esta blished Church and the adoption of a large measure of tenant-right, have had what the Standard calls the good sense to resist the temptation to obstruct the passage of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill by the advocacy of these nostrums. They know very well that the prolonga tion of the suspension is absolutely necessary, not to suppress rebellion, for of that there is little fear, but to prevent the perpetration of isolated outrages, which, although they do not shake British power as their authors seem to fancy, cause great disquietude and alarm in Ire land, and sadly interfere with the growth of its prosperity. They know, too, that they will have a very early opportu nity of bringing what they believe to be the wrongs of their country before Parliament, and suggesting the remedies ; and they have discreetly, therefore, postponed to that fitting season the claims or the protests they may have to make. The bill was read a second time last night, after a discussion lasting less than an hour, although Sir H. W. Barron contributed to it a vehement and amusing impeachment of England's maladministration, and Mr. Darby Griffith an elaborate rejoinder, to which the House listened with some impatience, thinking, probably, that the reply to the honourable baronet should have come from some patriotic Irishman. For Sir Henry's develop ment of the wrongs of his country, and his diatribes against English misgovernment in the past and the pre sent, were really, although unintentionally, about the severest things that have been said against Ireland of late years, and had they been uttered by an Englishman, would have drawn down upon him a howl of execration from the Radical newspapers across the Channel. The Government propose to add seven members to the representation of Scotland and to the House of Commons. The wisdom of increasing the numbers of the Commons is open, in the opinion of the Daily News, to serious question. The opinion very generally prevails that the House is too large already for purposes of deliberation. It is certainly greatly in excess, as Colonel Sykes pointed out, of the leading Parliaments o f Europe and America. ' It is between two and th ree ti mes as numerous as the House of Representatives in the United States and the Parliament of the German Confederati on , and twice as numerous as the Corps Ldgislatif of France—all of which Chambers indirectly represent greater populations, and vastly re greater constituencies. S even mem b ers m or less may be, as Mr. Disraeli urged, not worthdi e sput In a ‘ about. But the policy of increasing numbers which ought, if an change is made, rather to be dimi n i s h e d , of moving direction when we ought to be m ov i ng in th e in opposite one any direction, is by no means a matter o f indifference. rhe proposal of the Government to call s even neNv members out of non-existence--to create them, no t out of th e materials supplied by the existing representati ve system, but out of pure nothingness—is important also as in directly protecting a very gross abuse, which demands thorough remedy. The village and small pocket boroughs of England find shelter under this device. They receive a kind of guarantee of impunity. From first to last (says the Herald) in almost every criticism uttered, it was evident that party considerations alone were predominant in the minds of the Scotch Liberals. This was so manifest as to provoke from Mr. Disraeli a well-merited rebuke. Of course, if factious vexation and resistance is to be the policy of the Opposi tion, the present session must be a barren one. The Power of dissolution, which is the ordinary constitutional restraint on such an Opposition, is wanting to the Govern -la-lent, and lie. Gladstone's power of hinderance is there fore almost unlimited. But we are greatly mistaken if the House be not sincerely anxious to perfect its work, and little dis pose the pa ssag e to tolerate a course which would endanger of the measures necessary to the completion of the Reform of 1867, and bequeath a confused and un settled electoral s r be inclined to look leniently on those en?. to the new Parliament. The public, to o , w i ll no who would, f or a i ) .fffeli y l PurPeses ' entail on the country grave constitutional difficulty give its full moral t support practical inconvenience, and endeavour to finish—.,,upport to the Government in their coercion, if they can, forcibly if they must"— by the great work which they cannot by compromise, ago ; and the Opposition warllommenced twelve months on the question of the Scotch as ill-advised in repeating employed in the battle over the representation the tactics in attempting to carry out thecround householder as uttered already—of reop ; bb he r ( eat—pore than once full and careful deliberation, y q uestions settled, after the English Reform Bill of Last year. t it which a The Scotch Reform measure has nothing about could lead the Star to believe that it was by the innovator who took the Grassmarket dinner part y confidence as to the best mode of educating.T into his , does it bear many marks of the Lord-Advocate's sen se and keen appreciation of the ridiculous. Th e ir is ,Inething about it which reminds us of the old wire-pull ers ',"110 Le l ong to the politics of a bygone age ; of the m en who hic. upLai the device of faggot-votes, and were espe c i a ll y at ,getting comfortabl offices for themselves and ail 1,7 r:1 a nT,levoted adherents. Take the question of the frIllc,!1:- boroughs as an example. ITnder the I s.v the reviAng barristers in Scotland have held that tie I,:tyrrent by aln of such a sum per annum a - ; would. equal for unCUrnished rooms entitles to be regar:led as a tenant in the sense of the old Th.-f,,riti Act. But the new English Act makes rating, and rot the value of the premises, the test; and not merely the rating, but the payment of the rate. Now, a lodger never can be rated for the poor ; he does not appear in the rate-book, and he is neither expected to pay rates nor is there any machinery by which he could tender them, even if he wished to pay for the purpose of voting. The Govern ment have left the lodger clauses out of the Scotch bill, while professing their willingness to insert them if called upon to do so. But why leave them out, when the differ ence between the new qualification and the old would so manifestly shut out the lodgers from a vote were it not that the c h ance o f excluding themaltogether in the sewn' - page was tl fight w9rtti .. B trial THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, 1868. A correspondent of the Tel e g ra p h writes :—" Assuming i THE TEMPO. the case to have been one of murder, and taking the facts already known as a basis for further opinion, the following seems to me the most probable interpretation of the mystery. The known facts are as follows : Ist. Mr. Speke when last seen was on his way to West minster. 2nd. He had scarcely sufficient time to go there on foot, and keep his appointment at 6.30 in Ecclesdn-square. 3rd. His hat was picked up in Birdcage-walk, near to the residence of his sister. Whit, then, is the inference to be drawn from these facts? The hat being found near to the residence of Mr. Speke's sister may be taken as evidence of the direction. in which he was going. At any rate it disposes of the supposition that it was designedly placed there 'as a blind,' for unless the missing gentleman had placed it there himself with this object, it is highly improbable that any other person would accidentally have produced this sin gular coincidence. Thus I think we may fairly infer that, notwithstanding Mr. Speke's knowledge of his sister's absence, he was on his way to her house. Now we come to the next point. We have evidence that he was pressed for time, and the usual course with gentle men in such a case is to hail the first hansom. Whether Mr. Speke did this can, of course, only be surmised ; but certainly it is highly probable, and, seeing what has hap pened, it is -equally improbable that he took a ' four wheeler,' for, in the latter case, tho driver must have had a confederate inside, an arrangement which no gentle man taking a cab would submit to. Upon the supposition, therefore, that Mr. Speke took a hansom, let us consider what may possibly have occurred. He would desire the driver to put him down at the nearest point to Queen -square, which from Pimlico would be iu Birdcage-walk. Now the evening was foggy, and it was getting dark. Upon reaching the point where the hat was found, circumstances may have been favourable to crime, and it may have been Mr. Speke's misfortune to have fallen in with a driver not only contemplating such, but prepared to take advantage of the opportunity. This being the supposed position of Mr. Speke, we come now to the question—Could a murder be committed under these conditions? Now, it occurs to me that the trap door on the roof of a hansom might assist such evil pur pose, the head of the victim being immediately beneath it. The actual instrument or method employed, whether a life-preserver, air-gun, pistol, or other weapon, can only be guessed at, neither is it very material to the inquiry, but it is highly probable that a short struggle would ensue— the hat of the sufferer would be knocked off, and roll out of a hansom. All this may appear to you very visionary. but I submit that it is not an impossible course of events, It explains the finding of the hat, and it accounts for the entire disappearance of the body. Of course, if it can be shewn that by no known means could murder, or even stupefaction, be thus produced, that part of my theory falls to the ground ; but let it be remembered that the only part of the deed attended with chance of failure, and consequent risk of detection, would be the work of a minute. The after-proceeding would present very little difficulty. For instance, the murderer would let down the glass front of his cab, take up a confederate upon the step behind, and proceed, unsuspected and unchallenged, to the nearest and most favourable suburb of London, there com pleting his diabolical deed, plundering his victim, and dis posing of the body." THE BE V. MR. SPEKE. A FARMER CHOKED BY AN OYSTER.—On Satur day night Mr. Richard Marshall, farmer, of Wysall, near Nottingham, went to an oyster stall in the Market place, Nottingham, and ordered some oysters to be opened. The first handed to him was a very large one, and stuck in his throat. He was unable to dislodge it, fell to the ground, gasping for breath, and was carried at once to the hospital, but died on his way thither. The deceased was a married man, had a large family, and owned an extensive farm. The Society of Arts having presented to her Majesty the book containing the copy of the reports made by the working men sent to the Exhibition in Paris through the instrumentality of the society last year, her Majesty has been graciously pleased to send Mr. Le Neve Foster, the secretary, a letter accepting the volume, and expressing her gratification at having received it. The secretary has also been honoured by a letter from his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales thanking the society for the presentation of a copy of the same work. THE LONDON IRISH ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.- Mr. Digby Seymour has received the following communi cation from the Home Secretary :—" Whitehall, Feb. 15% Sir, I have had great satisfaction in laying before the Queen the loyal and dutiful address of her Majesty's Irish subjects residing in London and its vicinity, which you, accompanied by a large deputation, placed in my hands ; and I have the honour to inform you that her Majesty has been pleased to receive the same most graciously.— I am, sir, your obedient servant, GATHORNE ILIRDY.— Mr.W. Digby Seymour, Q.C. " A LUNATIC MOTHER CC:O.,IMITTED FOR MURDER. -A poor woman named Fletcher has been committed to the county gaol at Gloucester for trial, for the wilful mur der of her child. The circumstances are of a very sad nature. The prisoner is the wife of a rural postman, living at Sevenhampton, six miles from Cheltenham. A few years ago she was in a lunatic asylum, and lately her mind had again become affected, through the over-suckling of a baby a few months old. On New Year's Day she tried to cut her own throat. She was very fond of the infant, which was her only child living. A day or two ago she put the child into a pan of dirty water and suffocated it. When the neighbours went into the cottage they saw the mother looking wild and ghastly, and the child dead and naked. The poor demented creature begged her friends not to touch the child, because he would be hack presently. She has since often inquired for the child. There is no doubt of her insanity, and the case in all respects is a melancholy one. MURDERING A SWEETHEART. —The Court of Assizes of the Seine et Marne has just been engaged on an extraordinary trial for murder. The accused was a young man named Deldtain, aged 19, and the deceased, Alexan drine Rousselet, was aged 17 only. They blth resided in the commune of Verdelot, and appeared to have been on terms of improper intimacy. Del6tain had wished to marry her, but her parents, who were not aware that she had been seduced by the accused, opposed such a union, as Del4tain was not only somewhat beneath her in position, but was addicted to intemperance. On the 9th December last the two young people were both at the wedding ball of a neighbour ; the deceased departed with the accused at about:midnight, and was not seen again until the following day, when her body was found in a wood with a part of the skull blown away by a pistol shot. Delkain then came forward with a slight wound in his face, and pretended that, as there had been an obstacle to their marriage, they had agreed to commit suicide ; that the young girl had first fired the pistol at him as they were seated together at the foot of a tree, and had then blown out her own brains. This story was manifestly untrue. The pistol had been borrowed by Del6tain from the curs of the commune under some pretext, and both barrels were then loaded with powder and shot. Several points of circumstantial evi dence showed that the pistol could only have been fired by the accused; that the young girl had been murdered, and that Deletain had inflicted upon himself a slight wound to support his fabrication. Jealousy was the motive of the crime. The jury returned a verdict of guilty, and the court condemned the prisoner to twenty years' hard labour. SIR CHARLES WHEATSTONE. —The following is a copy of the letter addressed to Sir Charles Wheatstone by the President of the Italian Scientific Society of "Forty," announcing that Sir Charles had been appointed a member of that society in the place of the late Pro fessor Faraday, and that a gold medal had been awarded to him. The president, in his letter, says : " I will not here pass in review the various memoirs in physic; which you have published in the Philo sophical Transactions,' since all carry the impres sion of the inventive genius which ever distinguishes all that you have done. I cannot, however, refrain from calling to mind that to you we owe the discovery of the method, as ingenious as it is original, for measuring the velocity of electric currents and the duration of the spark. The applications of the principle of the rotating mirror are so important and so various,that this discovery must be con sidered as one of those which have most contributed in these latter times to the progress of experimental physics. No less ingeniOus was the invention of the stereoscope and of the modes by which binocular vision is effected, which enable us to obtain the perception of relief from the simultaneous observation of two plane images. Also the nfemoir on the measure of elcctr'c currents, and all ques tions which relate thereto, and to the laws of obm, has powerfully contributed to spread among physicists the know ledge of those facts, and the mode of measuring them with an accuracy and simplicity which before we did not possess. All physicists know how many re searches have since been undertaken with your rheosto,' and with the so-called Wheatstone's bridge,' and how usefully those instruments have been applied to the moteacTrreeumitea, and of eitro n t of electric currents, en s t:, foorfces. And the (here resistance it would be imnoalilzle to leave out of view that to you on we he p l invention tat.hwe i augmentation an d th of e true the t rw o : mindiira realisation P our :lf the recent electric researches a pt rrecai s rFinally, I would call force of a magnet by the reaction currents exert upon it. All these great. h its own induced acquisitions, pro. cured by you to physical science, render well worthy of this distincti, n from the Italian Society of Preserve yourself in health and activity, and your country to ul wo tl rk and all your admirers and friends are certain to fi r n e discoveries still to be added while you continue some compensation for that immense and irreparable loss which natural philosOply has received by the death of OF TEE POPE. The public ear is not always the fittest re ceptacle for the troubles of the spirit. Never theless, we sincerely wish that the mental facul ties of Mr. Capes may have been relieved by his six consecutive weekly disgorgements in the columns of the Guardian, more, it is to be feared, to the liking than the edification of its general class of readers. Patiently and unin terruptedly have we followed him through the whole, and, now that no seventh appears, we may, perhaps, be allowed to point out that he has been laboriously attempting to erect a Spanish castle on a foundation less solid than the air. His papers are entitled, " The Influence of the Temporal Power of the Papacy on the Inner Life of the Roman Church," and he proclaims his unconsciousness of any ill feeling which can bias his testimony, since he has, for a long time, been living in " isola tion from all existing communions, through an inability to accept the dogmatic creeds do minant both in Rome and England, except on principles of interpretation repudiated by their ecclesiastical authorities." Having no necessity of being taught his religion like other mortals, he is, of course, peculiarly fitted to judge, and to pronounce a judgment. He never forgets the elevated position of his isolation, and he preserves a calmness of language which befits it : I am a blessed glendoveer, 'Tis mine to speak and yours to hear. Of course he disclaims any such intention, and (we say it sincerely of a man from whom better things might be expected) we are quite ready to believe that he is unconscious of it. A recently published History of Ireland for children observes that "it is surely very wrong for the Irish people to be discontented, since the Queen would do all she could to make them happy." With a simplicity equally de lightful, Mr. Capes informs us that, hitherto, it has been assumed that the Pope and Cardinals knew best what was for their own interests, and that the guarantee of spiritual indepen dence offered by Victor Emmanuel has been treated as valueless. He adds, with equal naivete, that the Spiritual Power of the Papacy was as free as ever when Pope Pius VII. was a prisoner at Fontainebleau. The capti vity or death of a Pope are mere trifles in the eyes of such reasoners. Mr. Capes is of opinion that the secular offices attached to the Temporal Power, the highest of which are filled by ecclesiastics, afford so great a temptation, as to lead many apooryo m u o t tv youth to o s f eek atta th i e ning prie t s o th them. ood from the worldly Thus, he says, worldliness and idleness are predomi nant among the ecclesiastics of Rome, and this tends to propagate a " low and self-aggrandiz ing spirit throughout the entire Roman Catho lic body." In reply to this, we have simply to point to the fact that the secular offices connected with the Roman Court, which can only be filled by ecclesiastics, are very few, and, in general, not at all prominent, with the exception of the Secretary of State. The splendour of the Roman Court is derived from its spiritual duties, which necessarily involve spiritual offices, such as those of the cardinals, the members of the different congregations for transacting the business of the Universal Church, the Nuncios, and the rest, all of which must necessarily exist and remain for the work of the Church alone, even though the Temporal Power were overthrown to-morrow. The im putation of worldliness and idleness deserves no other answer than—Go to Rome and see! not merely what is external, but inform your self as to the details of the real daily life of these men whom you so ignorantly calumniate ! We are now speaking of the Roman Court in general. We do not deny that some falling short of zeal may have existed amongst num bers of the inferior clergy and religious, and rendered desirable the calling in of French and Belgian religious to assist in the prisons and elsewhere, which was accordingly done. But this has nothing to do with the Temporal Power. Nor can the utmost ingenuity accuse the Temporal Power as being the cause of that inertia) which Mr. Capes asserts has tram melled the Pope's efforts to improve the con dition of " the great religious orders." We may remind him, moreover, of the marvellous restoration of ancient discipline which has taken place amongst the Dominicans, and been promoted by the Pope. It would involve as many papers as his even, were we to follow Mr. Capes into all the details of the ill-effects which he considers the Tem poral Power and Italian influence to have pro duced upon the Church at large, and especially in England ; how Italian finesse has brought about a spirit of secresy, so that bishops make their arrangements without the knowledge of the inferior clergy and laity, and enforce them as their masters ; how " against the laity as a body, the bishop s are officially secret and de spotic," but still, with all their efforts, how the " English Roman Catholic clergy are among the most gossipping and indiscreet of men," only " half-hearted imitators of Italian in trigues." He tells us that, considering Italian influence, and the priesthood's rejection of the idea of responsibility-, it is a favourable testi mony to " Northern public opinion ;" " that the Roman Catholic clergy are not more unjust in their dealings than they are in fact." But, then the Italian Puritanism !—look at its effects ! Why, Mr. Capes remembers the day when, if one went to visit a convent, one might dine with the chaplain and be waited on by the nuns, and have a pleasant chat with them between the courses, whereas a horrid " Italian grating now separates " them from their visitors ! All through the Temporal Power ! Nay ! Mr. Capes was once asked by a nun to recommend some good novels for the elder girls in her convent-schools. Now, perhaps, like the Turkish ladies, bewailed by Byron — poor things !—nobody. have they to show 'em That charming passage in the last new poem. All through the Temporal Power ! Mr. Capes, however, says that he once knew some friars who really read newspapers and played chess, and drew and sang ! Yet all the time they were living so strictly that a visitor came from Rome to see if they were not in juring their health. Was this through the Tem poral Power ? It is too bad of Mr. Capes, however, to forget the two excellent Italian fathers whom we happen to remember as at that time belonging to the justly-praised com munity, which we are sure he must have in mind. Mr. Capes thinks that Protestants might learn a lesson from the fear of Catholics to in jure their neighbour's reputation in conversa tion. Nevertheless, this sometimes becomes very inconvenient ; nor is it wholly the effect of charity, but it arises partly from a "deficient sense of the value of strict truth and justice, which they imbibe from Italian communica tions." Then, again, think of Italian super stitions towards the saints, and Italian ways of praying, and Frederick William Faber, whose practices and spiritual books we are told "were and are severally condemned by many of the more reasonable of the bishops and clergy!" Really that Temporal Power does a great amount of harm ! But the queer thing is that in bygone days, when George 111. was King, and Mr. Capes used to be waited on by nuns, and recom mend novels for their schools, the Temporal Power was fully as strong as it is now. Nay, he even prefers the monastic spirit of St. Bernard, which he says paid more regard to natural feeling than does that of the present day. But was that Temporal Power less active in the days of St. Bernard than it is at pre • sent ? Then, again, what on earth has the Tem poral Power to do with the spread of Italian ideas ? We have not space to discuss the merits of those ideas. We will not stop to contend with Mr. Capes whether it is better for nuns to stop behind their grating, or to wait and chat with him at table. Nor yet whether it is a, superstition to aA St, Anthony to find for us what is lost. Nor whether it is best to say our prayers quickly or slowly—a point to which he refers. We have our own very decided opinions about these and other kindred matters, and it is possible we might not quite agree with Mr. Capes in all respects; but let that pass. Suppose these Italian ideas to be an unmitigated evil, and Mr. Capes and the poor nuns very badly treated, what on earth has it to do with the Temporal Power ? It was not the Temporal Power which brought St. Peter to Rome. It was not the Temporal Power which established Rome as the seat of his successors, as the great Florentine sings— La quale e'l quale, a valdr dir lo vero Fur' stabiliti per lo loco santo U'siede it successor del maggior Pireo. We really forgot that Mr. Capes does not like Italian ideas till near the end of our quo tation. To return—the Temporal Power did not make Rome Italian. If, then, Rome must be Italian, and if the Supreme See is providentially fixed at Rome, the overthrow of the Temporal Power would not make. Rome's influence one whit less Italian than it is. The Pope must rule the Church from somewhere on this earth. God has fixed him in Italy. Then it is God, not the Temporal Power, who has exposed His Church to the " Italian communications" so bewailed by Mr. Capes. For some 1,500 years has Rome ceased to be the seat of any secular sovereignty. For some 1,000 years and more has she been the seat of the Civil Sovereignty of the august Vicars of Christ. All through these centuries has the Church been exposed to this influence, under which she has converted nations, revived and fostered civilization, saved whole peoples, and formed modern Europe. Is it not perfectly ludicrous to think of contrasting the personal crotchets of any private individual, however talented, with this vast and gigantic and world wide experience of ages ? But Mr. Capes is not sensible of the absur dity, and with a confidence worthy of a better cause, he commences his concluding paper as if his own opinions were conclusively estab lished :—" Considering," he says, " the de moralizing effects of the Temporal Power, together with the serious practical inconve niences which it involves, it is a matter of surprise with many persons that a single minded Pontiff like Pius IX. should cling to it with all the obstinacy of the most worldly of prelates. He comes to the conclusion that in this respect " the Pope is made the victim of that well-known moral complaint which Roman theologians denounce as scrupulosity." And having thus settled this perplexing point, he bids .farewell to his readers, after observing — "It is possible, indeed, that were the Temporal Power abolished by violence, the cessation of the demoralizing i n fl uence of secularized class of churchmen might permit the growth of more enlightened ideas among the priesthood gene rally, and that the next generation would con done the principles of revolution which the present generation detests." Absit ! Absit ! There can be no question as to the real motive which actuates Pius IX., and as to the true explanation of his -unflinching attitude in maintaining the Temporal Power. It is none other than the consideration which Mr. Capes dismisses contemptuously as one of the " old political common-places," namely, the neces sity of independent sovereignty for the con tinued exercise of free and independent and universal spiritual action. Pius IX. has said it again and again, and he is not given to insisting on mere common-places. We prefer his judgment to that of Mr. Capes. He has said it formally and authoritatively, as well as on more ordinary occasions. We have our selves heard him declare in public that the Temporal Power was a cross (una vera croce), but that it was necessary for the free and proper exercise of his spiritual functions. We all know what is meant by the word " necessary." To God nothini, is necessary. He can, and, if need be, He will maintain His Church, as well without the Tempora l Power r as with it. But he has made it a necessity to us, and we can no more cast away that neces sity than we can cast away our daily food. God could have saved the world without the cross, and when He hung upon it they told Him mockingly to come down, but He heeded not. God could support the Church without the Temporal Power, which His Vicar has declared to be a cross. But God has placed His Vicar on that cross and on that throne, and neither the voice of the mocker, nor the threat of the spoiler, can move that Vicar's will. God's grace is with him. He shares his Master's cross, and like his Master will he be to the end—Obediens usque ad mortem. And it may be that, like his Master, a n d in his Master's power, Pius IX. will save the world impendinge ad ruin which th rea t ens h er . mortem. Westminster f o r b om edien thes nsqu Gazette. CONGRESS. SENATE. Jan. 24.—The unfinished business of the House Supplementary Reconstruction Bill was taken up, and Mr. Morton, of Indiana, spoke at length on the subject. There was nothing remarkable in his speech, except a shout from the gallery, " I move we adjourn," the mover being arrested on the motion of Mr. Thayer. Jan. 25.—The Senate was not in Session. Jan. 27.—Mr. Ferry introduced a bill to provide for the importation of dye stuffs free of duty. After a debate on removing the political disabilities from Governor Patton, of Alabama, the Supple mentary Reconstruction Bill was taken up. Mr. Wilson, during the 13 years he had been in the Senate, had heard the demurring Davis, the blus tering Tombs, the plausible Mason, the wily Slidell, but he had never listened to a more wicked speech than that of Mr. Doolittle on Thursday. Under the policy of the President murder and riot had reigned supreme in the South ; under that of Congress and the protection of the army so maligned by the Senator there was there to-day more peace, quiet, and order than for a century before. That policy was swiftly working to its end, and the Se nator and the Administration for which he spoke knew that within 90 days those States would all be here with Constitutions equal to the best in the country. Mr. Johnson discussed the subject in its legal bearing. The Constitution went into opera tion in 1789, and the same year the law organizing the Judiciary was passed giving to the Court juris diction upon all questions of law and equity aris ing under the Constitution and laws of the United States. He cited numerous decisions of the Su preme Court, in which no judge had ever expressed any doubt of its power. Chief Justice Marshall, it is true, had delivered a learned and elaborate opi nion on the powers and jurisdiction of the Court. Hamilton believed that liberty itself was involved in this jurisdiction ; writers and Federalists had taken the same ground and instances were cited by him from Chancellor Kent, wherein the jurisdiction of the Courts over the legislation of Congress is distinctly affirmed. Yet in one of the Bills now on the table it was proposed to deny to this Court the power conferred upon it, and to make the legislation of Congress conclusive upon the people and on the country. Mr. Johnson re butted the arguments of Senator Morton. Gover nor Patton's Bill was then again taken up after he concluded. While Mr. Hendricks was speaking he; was interrupted from the gallery with a cry, " That's so, my lad," and $3 violently did the speaker resist ejection that considerable disturbance was caused, after which the Senate adjourned. Jan. 28.—Mr. Edmonds introduced a Bill to re gulate procedures in cases of impeachment, and to enforce the orders of the Senate in such cases, and Mr. Paterson, an addition to the Act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices. It was a substitute for the Bill lately introduced by him, and he would call it up to-morrow. .0n the Supplemental Recon struction Bill being taken up, Mr. Frelinghuysen up held the course of Congress, and denounced the oppo sition of the President. lle maintained the supremacy of Congress, and asserted that the President had no moo right to lend a blessage to Confirm assert, ing the unconstitutionality of the laws they passed than he had to issue an edict to the Supreme Court charging its members with being derelict to their Constitutional obligations. Yet the President con templated resisting these Acts by force. He was glad the President bad abandoned this intention. The moment the Executive sets up his will against the supreme power, as vested in the Representatives of the people, the Republic ceases, and a despotism is erected. lie held that 176 members of Congress of equal ability with the President were as compe tent as the Executive to decide whether these Acts were Constitutional. Mr. Thornton called up the Cotton Bill, when Mr. Anthony said the duty on Surat cotton amounted, when it was made into 'the cloth, to about 11 cents per yard. It was feared that the crop of domestic cotton would be very seriously diminished during this year, and the abo lition of the duty on imported cotton was of pri mary importance, and he was therefore opposed to any action which would jeopardise the pro vision inserted by the Senate. The request of the House for a new Committee of Conference was then agreed to, and after debate on the joint resolution respecting spirit meters, ending in the passage of the bill and its return to the House for concurrence in amendments, the Senate adjourned. Jan. 29.—The House Bill, providing for the sale of ironclads, was discussed, and passed, with the amendment recommended by the Committee on Naval Affairs, excepting the ironclads Dictator, Kalamazoo, Monadnock, and Passaic classes. Mr. Buckalew followed Mr. Pomeroy, of Kansas, in the debate on the Supplemental Reconstruction Bill. He had collected the votes inthe States represented in Congress at the last elections, including Brown low's Province of Tennessee, which showed 2,134,554 Republicans and 2,019,169 Democrats, giving a Republican majority of 115,385. Accord ing to this the majority of the Senate ought to be 28 votes, and the minority 26. But what were the facts? The minority had 10 members, the majority 43. Thus a small number of extreme Radicals, through the mighty influence of the caucus and a vigorous use of the party lash, controlled the legis lation and shaped the destinies of the country. It is the same in the louse of Representatives, where the political majority has four members to one of the Opposition. Why is it that 2,100,000 electors have 43 votes in the Senate, and 2,000,000 electors have butlo? It is on account of the great inequality of population in some of the States. Ou Mr. Buck alew concluding an able argument in opposition to the Bill, the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Jan. 24.—Mr. Chanler, of New York, sub mitted a resolution directing the Committee on Commerce to report the best means to prevent the evils resulting from crowding emigrant ships. The deaths that had recently occurred in an emigrant ship arriving at New York from Germany was cited, and the resolution was adopted. Jan. 25.—This day was devoted to debate, and the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. Paine, of Wisconsin, in the chair. Mr. Sitgreaves, of New Jersey, attacked the policy of the Radical party. Mr. Price, of lowa, replied. Mr. Morrill, of Pennsylvania, obtained leave to print his remarks on the finances. Mr. Williams, of Indiana, then spoke, and was followed by Mr. Stone, of Maryland, who reviewed the legislation of the last ten days which he considered must exer cise a vast influence over the destinies of the coun try. The Supreme Court Quorum Bill recently passed might properly be called a bill to destroy the powers of the Supreme Court and to vest them the House. Yet two hours only were allowed for dis cussion, two hours to overturn the Convention of 1789 it had taken weeks and months to perfect. He proceeded to show that the tendency of the bill was to give to a minority the power of decision, in deed to make the decision of the Court the opi nion of one or two men. Mr. Woodward, of Pennsylvania, asked if the majority of the Court should order the clerk, their creature, to enter up a judgment of a bare majority where would the power of appeal be ? Mr. Stone said an appeal would be nowhere. If a majority saw proper to enter up their decision as the judgment of the Court, there could be no appeal in spite of the law of Congress. The miscalled Reconstruction Bill is also aimed at the independence of the Supreme Court. It declares that 10 States of the Union shall not be recognized by either the Executive or Judicial departments of the Government. Since the days when Magna Charta was wrung from King John by the British barons there has not been a sample of such legislation as this. Mr. Stone then reviewed at length the unconstitutiona lity of the Reconstruction Bill, and the evils that would result from vesting so much power in the military commanders. The bill vests all power over life and liberty in any irresponsible military com manders who may be appointed. Their power is supreme, and the Court can take no cognisance of their acts ; all the legislation is outside of the Consti tution, for the people of the South are as much under the protection of the Constitution as are those of the North. Mr. Wilson, of Ohio, spoke on the Finances and National Debt, and Mr. Hawkins on individual rights and the duty of Government to its citizens.—The House adjourned at five o'clock. Jan. 27.—Mr. Cary, of Ohio, proposed a bill to provide a Uniform Currency and to liquidate the National Debt, and Mr. Randall one making the purchase, sales, &c., of United. States Bonds open to competition. Mr. Cockburn, of Indiana, a bill to provide for filling the office of President of the United States in case of the expiration of the term of the present President of the Senate before the Presidential term expires. The Speaker laid reso lutions of the Constitutional Conventions among them, one from that of Louisiana, asking for the removal of General Hancock, and of the State and parish officers. A bill preventing the payment of certain claims was passed. It enacts that during the war the following classes should be exempt :- Ist. On account of the seizure or imprisonment, or for damage or detention of any appliance of transportation, whether land or water—such as steamers, boats, barges, trains of waggons or cars in insurrectionary States. 2d. For transportation service, tolls, ferriage, and so forth, beyond the tariff of rates fixed by the Quartermaster -General during the war. 3d. For the use and occupation of land in the insurrectionary States, used for forti fications and other military defensive purposes dur ing the war for the suppression of the rebellion. Mr. Banks reported a bill relating to the rights of Ame rican citizens abroad.—Printed, and re-committed. The Speaker laid two Reports before the House, one from the Treasury, showing the condition of the Contingent Fund of that department for the year ending June, 1867 ; another from the Secretary of War in relation to the alleged suffering of the sol diers in Alaska. Also from the Commission of Agriculture recommending a modification of the tax on the importation of cattle. Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, introduced a bill, authorizing an additional issue of $45,000,000 Legal-'render notes. Mr. Spald ing, of Ohio, to inquire what combination, if any, had been made to obstruct the due execution of the laws of Congress, and empowering the Committee in this investigation to send for persons and papers, and to examine witnesses under oath. After some opposition the resolution was adopted. Jan. 28.—Mr. Pomeroy, of New York, from the Committee on Banking ani Currency, reported a bill taxing shares in National Banks. He declined to yield to the gentlemen who offered amendments, and the bill was passed as reported. Also, a bill to regulate the deposit of public moneys. He proposed an amendment requiring all public moneys within 50 miles of a sub-Treasury to be deposited in it, and the bill was passed as amended. Mr. Julian, of Indiana, discussed the bill, declaring forfeited certain lands granted to the Southern States for railways. He did not wish to be interrupted as before by Mr. Chanler, when he feared that bloody results might follow. He then gave his reasons for advocating the bill. Mr. Chanler opposed the bill, and referring to Mr. Julian's remark, he had settled the personal difficulty satisfactorily to himself and his friends. What he then said was on record, and he was satisfied with it. Jan. 29.—Mr. Banks spoke on the bill concerning the rights of American citiz ens in forei g n States. He did not propose to occupy much time, but would give other gentlemen an opportunity of stating their views. Several offered amendments. After yield ing for various questions Hr. Banks explained ; the bill was general in purpose, and did not refer to any special cases in England or elsewhere, the Committee were unanimous, and every suggestion of others on the subject had been fully considered. The bill would protect all persons who were entitled to protection, but not such as had been guilty of crime against a foreign country. Nor would the bill protect men who deserted the actual service of the army or navy of a foreign State. There was another class of cases that could not be protected, and that was of people who obtained naturalization papers by fraud ; and he did not suppose that the American Government wanted to protect such persons. It would not in any event protect cases of fraud, and the question then came to the main point, as to the duty of the Govern ment to give the naturalized citizen the same protection that would be given to the native born. It was claimed by some gentlemen upon this floor that this country had never recognized the right of expatriation. He denied that theory, and maintained that the Government in its very inception recognized the right of emigration, and with it the right of expatriation. Phe prac tice of this Government had been all in that direc tion, and all the executive and legislative principles of the country have been against the right of foreign Governments to claim perpetual allegiance. But it is asserted that there is no law upon our statute book recognizing this right. That is so ; for it has been considered an inherent right, and if Congress would now pass the law recognizing the right of expatriation, foreign Governments would proclaim, that, from the time of the passage of the law only Congress intended to assert the right of expatria tion. Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, asked if the Committee did not propose to assert the right that a foreigner, who had declared his intention to become a citizen, should also be entitled to protec tion, and in this connection instanced the case of Martin Kosta. Mr. Banks said the Committee did not propose in this Report to define the law of na turalization. It was nob for that purpose that the subject was referred to the Committee. The case of Kosta was a peculiar one. He had not only announced his intention, but he was not arrested in his country, but while he had gone to Turkey, which country was then, and is now, in friendly re lation with the United States. This country cannot, and dare not, recognize for an instant the right of any foreign Government to claim the services of citiz ms of the United States, whether they be native or naturalized. The Forfeited Railway Lands Bill in the South was then discussed at length, Mr. Pile refusing to yield for the purpose of .completing the consideration of the bill reported by the Foreign Affairs Committee. Mr. Williams, of Indiana, offered a joint resolution to authorise an issue of one hundred and seventy five millions of Legal-Tender notes. Objected to generally. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, moved to pro ceed to the business on the Speaker's table, but upon a count of the vote upon the question, no quorum was found present, and the House, at 6.30 p.m., adjourned. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. [From the Anglo-American Times.) The gossip from Washington dwells principally on the statement in the Evening Express that a member of the Supreme Court had in a social gathering spoken without the least reserve in pro nouncing the Reconstruction Act unconstitutional. Mr. Scofield, of Pennsylvania, rose in the House with a resolution to instruct a committee to investi gate the allegation, and if necessary that the Judge should be impeached. The Representatives were taken by surprise, and no objection was made; but when it came under consideration many Democrats strongly objected to the passage of the resolution, which nevertheless was carried by 89 ayes to 57 nays. Justice Stephen J. Field is the person ac cused ; his friends deny the truth of the statement, others admit it under the extenuating circumstance of champagne. A tax bill will be reported unani mously by the Committee on Ways and Means, giving immediate relief to the New England manu facturers. The Senate is dallying with the Supreme Court and Reconstruction Bills, which they do not intend to pass. If they can get the M'Ardle case dismissed, which is expected, the necessity will not exist for tampering with the powers of the Supreme Court, and if Alabama goes as generally anticipated strongly Republican and the Constitution is carried, no necessity will exist for further legislation on Reconstruction. Private letters predict that the election which began on Wednesday, the sth inst., and continued till the following Saturday night, will end in the acceptance of the new Constitution. Eighty of the most prominent and wealthy citi zens of Washington, representing 1310,000,000 of property, have signed a petition protesting against the passage by the city councils of any resolution requesting Congress to renew or extend the city charter. _ The Navy Department has just issued the navy register for 1868, from which it appears the num ber of vessels sold during the year was 39 ; 56 iron clads are laid up in different ports ; there have been 87 resignations, including 59 midshipmen, and 3 lieutenant commanders. The number of deaths in 1867 was 39. The House will vote against John Young Brown, whose case is delayed by the illness of Mr. Kerr, of Indiana. It is said that he will be sent back to the House by his constituents. The time of the Com mittee on Elections is occupied with the case of Delano against Morgan, of Ohio, which will be followed by Hogan versus Pile. It has been de cided that an official is not affected by the expi ration of iris commission, remaining incumbent until the Senate confirms his successor. In this the Attorney-General and the Senate agree ; and by it T. p. Chandler, Sub-Treasurer of Boston, and Israel Washburne, Collector of Customs at Port land, remain in office until successors are confirmed. The Secretary of the Treasury, in a communica tion sent to the House, on Jan. 29, said that the amount of the sale of the Ten-Forty Bonds, issued under the act of 1 86 4 , was $8,141,600, with a pre mium of $105,298, making a total of $8,246,898. The First National Bank of Washington received a commission of i f of one per cent., amounting to $10,177. The Secretary says that the sale of these bonds has not tended to withdraw currency from the business of the country, and that the opera tions of the department, for some months past, have been such as to diminish, rather than in crease, the currency balance in the Treasury. Another statement shows a falling off of the in ternal revenue for the fiscal year, 1867, as compared with 1866, of $29,697,441, of which only $16,470 was in the 20 districts where appointments were made directly by the President, without recom mendation from the Commissioner of Revenue. The internal revenue receipts for January were estimated at $15,000,000, and it seems likely this amount will be realized, $14,000,000 being already collected. The Ways and Means Committee will report in favour of retaining the whisky tax at its present figure, $2, and the distillers, who have lobbyed and cpnvened at Washington for months, will find another love's labour lost. Tobacco manufacturers and dealers are abundant at Washington, seeking relief from taxation, but cannot agree what to ask. Governor Jenkins, of Georgia, has arrived in Washington ; he intends to apply to the Supreme Court for a writ of reinstatement in the Governor ship, and he has filed a bill in the Supreme Court to inhibit the Acting Governor and Treasurer from using the State funds. Mr. Gold win Smith has written to the New York Tribune to explain the reason of his contemplated vi2it to America. Ile is about to devote himself to the study, and if he feels equal to the task to the composit'on, of Ame rican history, so ho will take up his abode in the United States in the course of the summer, whore there are books and records which ho will be permitted to use. Although the undertaking implies a prolonged residence, ho does not seek naturalization. He will not be a candidate for any other citizenship iu America than that of the Republic of Letters. He can imagine, though he does not autici pate, a crisis which will render it incumbent on the honour of every Englishmen to share, though he might be unable to influence, the destinies of his country. The Hon. Anson Burlinghame, Chinese Pleni potontiary to Poroign Powers, arrived at Sliangliae on the 10th of December. Ho left Peking on the 25th of No vember, but was detained some days between Tientsin and the capital, owing to rumcurs of the presence of mountain robbers. Assistance was obtained from both places, and the party arrived safely at Tientsin on the 29th of November ; from whence they were taken to Taku in her Majesty's gunboat Dove, and from Taku in the United States gunboat Ashuelot to Shanghae. Carl Benson gave in the New York Times an account of a visit to the Constitutional Convention now sitting in Charleston. The coloured delegates were in telligent and respectable-looking men; the whites fully up to the average of political bodies at the North or else where. There was perhaps a little greenness in organiz ing; but he predicts that the negro, being an imitative animal, will quickly acqiiire all forms of political business. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, is generally spoken of as next Democratic candidate for President. He is 43 years old, was born in Cincinnati, of South Caro linian and honourable ancestry, bred to his father's pro fession of law, and in 1857 took his seat in Congress as the 11 Tresentative of the first Ohio district; which his father had represented fifteen years before. Mr. Pendleton was then one of the most promising young Democratic members of the House, and readily took a leading position. Coming from a strong De mocratic diet ict, he was four times re-elected in suc cession, until the choice of the Thirty-ninth Congress iu 1864, when he was defeated by Mr. Eggleston, the pre sent Republican member. He supported the Buchanan Adminlst:ation, and in 1861 introduced resolutions into Congress declaring the equality and sovereignty of States and the right of each to its own institutions, slavery in cluded; " that hostilities against the so-called Confederate States shall not be prosecuted so as to reduce to a position of in'e.•iot iLy any of the States, or to abolish slavery within their limits." He obtained the second place on the De mocratic Presidential ticket of 1864. Since his defeat he has been less prominent in public life. He was the first to advocate the greenback redemption doctrine, and the Western masses ate coming up to his support on the ques tion of National Finance. The Springfield Republican thinks that, if nominated, abundant opportunity will be offered of effective attack on his long and conspicuous public career. Mr. Fenton, Governor of Neiv York, has had a correspondence with Mr. Corode, Representative in Con gress from Pennsylvania. Governor Fenton wrote to the Committee of the National Cemetery, Antietam, stating that the Confederates buried on the field might be collected and interred in a section of the cemetery, so that their friends might know the place of interment. This Mr. Corode oppoEed. He tells how ono of his sons was killed in battle, and the other was captured and imprisoned by the Confederates. He is su4r:sed at the attempt of the Republican candidate for the Vice-Presidency to do honour to the rebels. Mr. Corode is himself a candidate for that post. On motion of Mr. Van Wyck, of New York, the Secretary of State was directed to report to the House o Representatives the cost of the arrest and trial of John H. Surratt, whether the proceedings of the trial have been published in book form, ar.d if so by whose authority and at what expense, &c. Baron Gerolt, the Prussian Minister, delive_ei his credentials as Envoy from the New North German Confederation at Washington. John Jay, President of the Union League Club, being invited to address a meeting at Chicago called by the Freedmen's Union Commission, sent the followins telegram:—" God speed your great work. Next to eman cipation, it is the noblest duty ever devolved on a Chris tian people. Upon its prompt and fit performance rests our national safety, prosperity, and honour." the Senate has confirmed the nomination of Mr. H. G. Wells as United States Consul at Manchester. Judge Bedle, of Hudson County, New Jersey, his charge to the grand jury the other day, recommended as a duty the indictment of the Fize fighters who have made that county "the dark and bloxiy ground" for the display of their brutality. We hope the jury will promptly perform their duty, and that ore long there can be found no place is the neighbourhood of New York to which the prize-fighters, cock-fighters, and duelists can safely resort for their inhuman practices. Dr. Hepburn, writing at Yokohama, Octobar 22d, mentions the opinion of the mission that a sta,f.on should be formed at Yeddo, and another at Osaka o: Hiyogo, as soon as new missionaries can come to their assistance. He gives an encouraging view of the opening field of labour in Japan. On the sth of January the Presbyterian Society in New York City, of which the Rev. Dr. Siring is senior pastor, celebrated the centennial anniversary of their house of worship. Owing to the physical infirmities of D Spring, who is in the 85th year of his age, the centenni,.l. discourse was preaohed by the junior pastor, the Rev. Dr. Murray. The late struggle for female suffrage in Kausa:4, though accounted a defeat, is not witaout its fruits. The House of R3presentatives has just chosen Miss Emma Hunt enrolling clerk ; and the Senate Miss Holman for its assistant enrolling clerk. It having been decided that music shall be added to the list of studies of the New York University, Profes sor Eugene Trastour de Varano, who has been se:ected r s professor, delivered the opening lecture of a course on this interesting subject in the chapel of the University, on Thursday evening, Jan. 23. During the great commercial revulsion of 1857, when half the mercantile houses in New York came to an untimely grief, a ruined merchant said, in a hdf con gratulatory tone, to the proprietor of kfamous restaurant iu Broadway, " Ah ! Mr. Delmonico, you are fortunate in having a business in which there is no failure. Everybody must eat." "Ah ! that is very true," replied the polite publican. " Everybody must eat, I suppose ; but nobody dines now." Admiral Farragut went to Caprera to pay a visit to Garibaldi. The Governor-General of Canada has recognized Mr. Thomas F. Wilson as Consul-General of the United States. It is reported from Havannah that General Ler sundi has ordered Santa Anna to leave the island. General Meade has removed the State Secretary of Georgia, and appointed a military successor. The following is the address of the young ladies of Youghal to George Francis Train :—" We, the under signed, on behalf of the children of Youghal, having seen that our parents fully recognize and appreciate you as the fearless champion of Irish rights and liberties all the world over, cannot allow you to leave our old historic town without offering you our small meed of thanks ; and humbly beg your acceptance of the accompanying trifling token from our young hearts to our Transatlantic cousin, Miss Train, your beloved daughter. In doing so we want to show how the young generation of Irish children wish the more fully and securely to cement that bond of l ove w hi c h has been already so bravely crimsoned by Irish blood, and which we children feel is only in its infancy be tween ourselves and our Transatlantic cousins in the free land of brave Columbia. We also wish to be wiser in our generation ; and the better to testify more fully our regard for you, sir, we have pur chased, and shall do so during the continuance of your tour through our beautiful but stricken land, those news papers which shall fully record your able and thrilling aspirations in the fearless defence of our country and kin dred, and send them to our sisters on the other side of the broad Atlantic, that high road which you opened as a door of welcome to our grandfathers years before we were born ; and that door of welcome through which, we trust, ere long our brave, beloved countrymen will one day return to wish us a happy St. Patrick's Day. We also wish to show our implacable and fell enemy the London Times, that the characteristics of us mere Irish are not ignorance, dirt, and falsehood, but, on the contrary, that our young aspirations are for liberty and our native land." The deputation to present the address consisted of Miss Shiels, Miss Mary Ellen Geary, Miss Alice Hilgrove, Miss Norah Hilgrovo, and Miss Hanora Prender. " These five little ladies, the eldest not more than ten or eleven years of age, the youngest a little cherub of five or six, were neatly and richly dressed in white, having their hair bound with green ribbons." Two of V the Irish-Americans (Dowling and Coogan) arrested on landing last year from the Jacknell at Dungarvan, and since confined in Kilmainham prison,have been released ou condition of returning to the United States, and have been attended by the constabulary to Queenstown for the purpose of embarking. Births. FREMANTLE—On the 16th inst., at 11, Beo.ufort-gardens, the wife of Charles Fremantle, Esq.. of a son. HAREWOOD —On the 15th inst., at Harewood House, the Countess of Harewood, of a son. YARDLEY—On the 15th inst., at Hadlow Park, Kent, LOY Yardley, of a son. Marriages. AUDLEY—SMITH —On the 15th inst., at Paddington, the Right Hon. George Edward Thickneaso-Touchot, L ord Audley, to Margaret Anne, widow of the late James li r • Smith, Esq., of 15, Gloucester-square, Hyde-park. BARCLAY—BUXTON--On the 12th inst., at West Ham , Robert, oldest sen of J. Gurney Barclay, Esq., Knott's-, green, Levton, to Elizabeth Ellen, second daughter of T. Powell Buxton, Esq., of Ham House, West Ham. Deaths. CRANWORTH—On the 15th inst., at 40, Upper Brook-street, Laura, wife of Lord Cranwortb, aged 61. eIItiRCIIILL—On the 14th inst., at 12,. Warwick-square, S.W., the Lady Henry Spencer Churchill, widow of w• Whateley, Esq., Q.C., aged 70. DALRYMPLE—On the 15th inst., at Norwich, Arthur pal' rymple, Esq., aged 60. HALL —On the 15th lust., Henry Joseph Hall, Esck, of Long-acre, aged 71. NATHAN—On the 15th inst., at Maida-hill, Henry Nathan/ Esq., aged 79. TURNER—On the 16th inst., at Bayswater, Joseph Askew Turner, Esq., aged 79. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM NA Dpi of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tag Sus Odles, No 11 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Ss voy, in the COnIY ° Dr.iddles27..aUefidltY, February 18,1868.