The Sun. — London, England, 1851-05-30 00:00:00

eras pre and the [ear any eged by nication August, forring iterview at was mvicted iat, and a•d's di ,nies, to ms, the the Go mm the He bad ability, Dng, he [uestion which of the at into portant olonel prove reatly con le the aided, rebel anent leath, wt, in deal; what anity le 1 . 1 . Proee s 3 could not be executed. There was also the evidence 'Ala S tewart, a native of Ceylon, and who understood the to b e of the country, and considered by Sir A. Oliphant s t e a very fair lawyer. He knew the lion. Member fur ilei,,i!t.rose would object to his evidence that was given in d e ,? e though when the Hon. Member wished to obtain evi hif ~even in 1650 as to the events in 1848, he did not find o h 4l at aposed to discredit that evidence. Mr. Stewart said the civil power had ceased to exist. He might multiply theselonitistatements to a great extent. What course did Lord gton take the very first moment when he received the R e e mgence of the outbreak? He sent for Colonel Fraser. sa next called together the Executive Council. Did they ,nieer from him? No ; they concurred. But there was one fo'7„,arkable circumstance to which the Honourable Member co,,aeouiton had referred. One member of the Executive k ot ' L l il e t il, Mr. Wodehouse, did not concur in the first _ (nation, but acquiesced in the second, and assigned remon, that the proclamation having once issued, ailedof policy had been adopted, which should be fol ail% UP, and said that he was not so fully informed of grounds of the proclamation as he ought to t 3 a ' t e been. The Council attended. attended; he believed. at all the members The fullest infor to lea was laid before the Council, who came to a unani oetls resolution on the sth of August, after the time when alas said that perfect tranquillity had been restored, not I : 4 7that martial law was fully justified, but that the meas of the Governor were perfectly satisfactory. He i nt t r e f er to an even t w hi c h h a ppened elsewhere in iPort of the conduct adopted on this occasion. The t beas Corpus Act was suspended in Ireland when perfect It t (if a i ,uillity prevailed, but it was justified by the necessities loe time. Independently of Mr. Wodehouse another gen i ecl at, whom he must regard as a hostile witness concurred 4 4 t i tle proclamation—namely, Mr. Selby. He believed that loo ead said enough to show that Lord Torrington, supported I „n•La was by all the military and civil authorities, was fully o i'uaed in proclaiming martial law. With regard to the Leaseter of Captain Drought, the evidence showed that he 1 7 1 treated the natives no worse than his own soldiers, o due it could not be said that he had acted with ) ,.'ne severity. Besides, after all, these courts-martial o re held in public—in the presence of representatives p o t he press. How was this, that there were no repre- Oation s to the major-general in command—no memo i`';B to the Secretary of State? On the 2i October, 8 , the Legislative Council assembled and presented an l a d,ress to the Governor. Martial law was still in force ; o ," what course did the Council adopt? They unanimously peed to an address approving of the conduct of the i':?rernor in his prompt 'declaration of martial law, and ded that they fully participated in the earnest desire ti pressed by his Excellency for its termination, and would of r eady to give their earnest attention to the subjectof a bill i ndemnity. Mr. Selby and Mr. Wodehouse concurred in that dress. The Hon. Member for Inverness-shire, thinking 4 et the address, being flattering to the Governor, must have Zen written by Sir E. Tennent, immediately after that ad ;les was read to the Committee, somewhat unguardedly who wrote that address? "Mr. Wodehouse"—was , 1 e reply. In 1849 the Legislative Council agreed to a i'i,nirnous address in which they thanked the Governor for } ,! 3 measures which he had adopted, to which they sari ,loed entirely the tranquillity of the colony. He could not lieve after the evidence that had been given on the sub feet, that the House of Commons would consider there were 1 11 Y good grounds for the motion of the on. Member for llrerness. He wished now to call the attention of the House the statement of Mr. Selby, and to ask whether, if it 'Old be true th ft such irregularities and violence had been t enunitted in the way of confiscation and sequestration as Was alleged, how did it jhappen that no complaints had I ,rer been brought before the local magistrates? Mr. Selby Ore important testimony to the circumstances that had ncureed. He (Mr. Hawes) asked him whether he could 41 1 to mind any particular person who had made a com - Pl b t ainr, or was charged? His answer was that he remem tred the name of one party charged—his name was Mat tgews; but he added that the case was not sersled when e left. Then he (Mr. Hawes) put this question to him : As far as any complaints had been made which had r eached the authorities, had the Government shown any ;leposition to prevent inquiry into them ?" The answer has that it was his belief it was only necessary for the party Maks; their complaint to the proper authority to ensure its 'eing listened to, and such party was certain of obtaining ?dress if aggrieved. Now he (Mr. Hawes) asked, in the ' 4 ee of such evidence, could they believe that all these pro ceedings in Ceylon had been marked by violence and ille gality? Brit his Hon. and Learned Friend had alluded to 'hat he alleged were the confiscations that took place under proclamation of the 18th August. He, however, omitted to tell the House that not a single confiscation had actually ',lkea place. He challenged him to point out the least do show to show that any confiscation had taken place on the 18 th of August. All the argument and ingenuity of his on. and Learned Friend were, therefore, thrown away. But tt was. said that sequestration followed. What was the act? When the insurrection took place, and martial law o ßas proclaimed, a great portion of the inhabitants fled to the Jungle and deserted their homes and properties. A vast amount consequently of property thus deserted was exposed Plunder. The military, however, took possession of it, and such of the property as was perishable was sold, and the proceeds kept for the right owners, and such as was not Perishable was restored to the proper claimants. He did n ot mean to say that there were not some cases of h ardship, for it was impossible to avoid these under such r u cumstances. He must now be permitted to refer particu ly to one of the resolutions which the Honourable Mem ber for Inverness had placed upon the table of the House, That the refusal of the Governor to allow a short delay in tut execution of a priest, at the request of the Queen's Ad vocate, who wished further investigation into the case, was In the highest degree arbitrary and oppressive." The Hon. h oisted must be aware that there was nothing Mr. Selby to upon more strongly than this—that he did not go in the Governor-General on the occasion referred to as the Queen's Advocate. Mr. Selby distinctly declared that he ant there as a private individual. There was a most im trtant distinction to be drawn between the two characters. r• Selby went as a private individual upon the loose nn, c 1 Vague report of one person. He knew nothing a the truth of the statement he made himself, ilc, ) r had he taken the slightest pains himself to ascertain accuracy of it. The Governor had, however, read the "hole of the proceedings of the court-martial, and was fully a cquainted with the facts therein disclosed; and, acting t U pon the knowledge he had thus acquired, he felt it his duty t ; 3 l refuse the application that was then made. Taking, ern a fair review of the evidence given—that the procla mationoj, of martial-law was fully justified according to the f t:Unions of the most eminent military and civil authorities— sidering that these stories of severity and violence were tt notth at corroborated; and that Mr. Selby had distinctly stated all complaints made were heard and redressed—con- Couringthat the members of the Legislative and Executive ncil and that the military authorities had a l l concur red • the one opinion—namely, the necessity for martial law e nnsideeing, too, that during the whole time of its continu ance there never was any direct representation made to the ? nrernor from any civil or military person that the con ,lnaance of this law was violent or unjustifiable, he thought ba ck there never was a case which the Governor could fall 'Jack upon with more confidence than upon this case. The roduet of n his Noble Friend Earl Grey was the proceedings at had taken place under martial law in Ceylon. He (Mr. ;Lewes) thought the House must be struck with this circum- Z nce—when the Honourable Member for Inverness had first Pt his resolution upon the table of the House he spoke of the Unqualified approbation" expressed by Earl Grey to Lord );rrington, whereas the resolution that was now before them • the word " unqualified" left out of it. The Hon. Zernber, by this change in the wording of his resolution, i r 'ast be convinced that his first resolution was erroneous. `,• ( e(Mr. Hawse) was not, however, going to take refuge ;`,Oder that omission; but he was prepared, to the best of his to defend the part taken by his Noble Friend in the f atter, as being consistent with all former precedents. IVhen k Secretary of State receives an account from any of the co ii)niea that an insurrection has broken out, what did the House t hink was the course he should take under the circumstances ? then he receives such an account from the governor, and l eader e hears the troops had acted well under their proper s—that owing to their gallantry and promptitude in action tranquillity was restored, in such a case was the Secre tary of State to wait until sufficient time had elapsed to be Informed of every circumstance connected with the ineurrec o ;lon, in order that he might write his approval or condor:ma n of the conduct of the governor? Such a course would 'ertainly be not consistent with the practie heretfore ur- abed by a Secretary of State. W henever c similar o accounts a been received the Secretary of State for the time _ u khg always answered immediately h is a pp roval of th e „ nduct of the governor, if the dispatch of the latter km found to be distinct and clear upon the Acts. But did such a letter necessarily cover !Very act done during the time of the rebellion ? It was onpossible that:any dispatch of the kind could be so con sidered; for the Secretary could not be cognizant of every ,fact connected 'with the military proceedings. If the mi litary authorities in the colony were guilty of any crime they would be responsible to the highest military authority in this country. If those military proceedings were irregular there were means under the military law of punishing the offenders. If offences had been committed on the part of the civilians, there were also proper tribunals for punishing them. And yet that was the ground upon which the Hon. Gentleman rested his motion. He would refer, as a prece dent, to the rebellion that broke out in Ceylon in February, 1818—martial law was then proclaimed. A dispatch was received by the Secretary of State here announcing the fact Upon the 29th of July, and it was answered on the sth of August by Earl Bathurst, who conveyed to the Governor-General the approbation of his Majesty. That dispatch was couched almost in the same language as that of his Noble Friend Earl Grey. The next case was that of Jamaica. The dispatch announ ing the news of the rebellion there was received on the 14th October, 1823 ; it was answered in a similar spirit on the 23d of October. The case of Jamaica was a remarkable ro e ra red th as e 0 one, and many circumstances occurre d then to call for in quiry. No one, however, could s u pp ose th at the dispatch of the Secretary of State at that time couldear , b lL e° ar n , ap proving ()revery act done there- - (" u eition)—and yet the language used there was very much the same as that of his Noble Friend. In the case of Demerara, a dispatch was received on the 14th of October, which w as answered on the 21st of the same month. Then came the case of New Zealand, when his Right lion. Friend opposite (Mr. Gladstone) was in office. That Right lion. Gentleman did not fail to send out to the Governors General the appro bation of her Majesty of the conduct then pursued by the authorities. Ile did not wait to inquire whether there was any unnecessary severity or bloodshed there. The dis-' patch conveying the news to the Government here was re ceived on the 25th of June, 1846, and it was answered by the Itight.Honourable Gentleman on the 29th of June. In the case of New Zealand there was a considerable loss of life, and subsequently martial law was proclaimed,. Surely it never could be contended that the Right Hon. Gentleman by his dispatch ahould be held responsible for all that had occurred. His Noble Friend Earl Grey had then taken the only course in conformity with precedent that he could take. The proceedings which took place in Ceylon were neces sarily severe. The:tremendous; powers of martial law should certainly be used with great caution, care, and humanity. Ile should be very sorry to advocate the exercise of any undue powers under the circumstances, for he was ready to admit that the powers under martial law were most tremen dous ones to place in the hands of any authority. But, on the other hand, when events take place like those which had occurred in Ceylon—when a public road was altogether blocked up by the insurgents—when two towns were sacked and plundered—when a King was actually proclaimed and crowned—when the natives met in open arms to oppose the Queen's troops—wen there were all the incidents to consti tute a rebellion —when the civil law was altogether placed in abeyance—then the Governor-General was justified, as he thought LordTorrington was justified, in the course he felt it his duty, in the emergency of the case, to take. The way in which the press was employed constantly to-vilify the Noble Lord's character—the systematic efforts which had been made to damage all authority in Ceylon, and to dis credit every witness that came forward in favour of Lord Torrington—all these circumstances marked this case with a degree of severity and vindictiveness beyond any case of the kind he had ever known before. One word in reference to another charge made against his Noble Friend. It was said , that Lord Torrington had written two letters on the same day, of an entirely opposite character, to two dif ferent individuals—namely, Sir E. Tennent and Mr. Weds- t house. Now, there was no foundation for such a charge. The letter dated the 3d of May, to Sir E. Tennent, was one of the most plain, common-place notes that could possibly have been written. There was no authority whatever for saying that there was a coincidence in the dates of the two letters sent to Sir E. Tennent and Mr. Wodehouse. He asked them to look fairly at the evidence, and hew many Members of that House would look at it ? He was afraid not mauy of those who were prepared to vote upon it. By that evidence it would be seen that in no one single instance had Lord Torrington acted without the consent of the civil and military authorities; that in no one instance had Lord Torrington acted in opposition to public opinion— (Hear, hear)—and when he left Ceylon he was addressed by nearly all the planters. An Honour able Member had thrown great discredit upon addresses of this description, but the remarks of that Honourable Gentleman led him to believe that he had not attended much to colonial subjects. Lord Torrington was addressed by the merchants almost unanimously, and the name of the first person whose signature was attached to it was known to him, and he could say that signature alone rendered the address of great value. Lord Torrington was also addressed by the iloman Catholic bishops, to which ad dress perhaps some Hon. Gentlemen would not on that ac count attach much value.—(Hear, hear.) But it, with others, served to show that Lord Torrington's Government had met with the 'approbation of all classes, civil and mili tary.--(Hear, hear.) Ile did then confidently appeal to the House, and ask whether any grounds had been laid for pass ing a censure not only upon Lord Torrington, but also upon every subordinate officer who had taken part in these trans actions; and whether there were any grounds for cen suring the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial De partment, for merely acting in strict conformity with what he believed to be the discharge of his duty.—( Hear, hear.) He was confident that there were no grounds to justify the course now adopted, and that the good sense and good feeling of the House would alike induce it to negative the motion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Inver ness-shire.--(Hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE said the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had handled the subject with his usual ability, and with a degree of fairness that did him honour. It was refreshing to hear the Hon. Gentleman speak after the display of personalities which had occurred in regard to this case. Much had been said with respect to the per sonalities directed towards Lord Torrington. But Lord Tor rington was a Peer of the realm, and was backed up by the Government, and was, therefore, well able to defend himself. But what was to be said of the personalities that were directed against those who could not defend themselves? The Right Hon. Gentleman then complained of the injudicious course pursued by the Honourable and Learned Member for Cork ( Mr. Sergeant Murphy), who appeared in that House the representative of Lord Torrington—( Hear, hear)—by vilify ing the character of all the persons in the ' colony from the Chief Justice down to Mr. Selby, because they had expressed themselves in opposition to the policy pursued by Lord Tor rington. He contended that Mr. Wodehouse was justified in consequence of the attack:made upon him in the Committee in producing the letters which he had received from Lord Torrington in justification of his conduct. It had been stated that the object of this motion was to cast censure on Lord Torrington, but he wished to show what was the intention of the present discussion. He contended that they were now discussing the conduct of the Government, and not that of Lord Torrington, and would not, therefore, allude to the dis patch of Earl Grey, under the circumstances of the time, be cause that would be most ungenerous; but what he meant to allude to was, that Earl Grey had sent that dispatch without any knowledge of the circumstances of the state of the colony. He hoped that the House would bear in mind the argu ments of the Honourable Member for Honiton (Sir James Weir Hogg), and reflect on his arguments, which he should rather call assertions, when he stated that this motion was especially intended to condemn the Secretary for the Colonies; but he should say no, for the object of this motion was to condemn the entire of the Government. Whilst be admitted that there were some injuries, such as the burning of a few houses, yet he would not call that rebel lion. At the same time he did not mean to quarrel about the meaning of the word, and he would add, that that act was caused through excitement, and it was known to the House that this so-called rebellion lasted only two days. He should now state that he did not mean to complain of the policy of the Ceylon Governor with respect to martial law, but what he complained of wae, the undue continuance of that law. He assured the House that he did not wish to excuse rebellion by any means, but he considered that there were no grounds to show that rebellion existed in 1848. He should nest say that he admitted that the new taxes were not the cause of the rebellion, if rebellion it could be called, but he should say that there were several other mo tives-to excite the people, such as the restrictions placed un justly on their religion. He did not mean to discuss the right of their religion, but he should say that good faith should be upheld, and that all obligations entered into with the natives of Ceylon should be duly fulfilled. He therefore asked, was not the infringement on their religious feelings sufficient to excite the indignation of those people? and in addition to that he should say, that the sacrifice of property was also a breach of faith, and that was shown by the evi dence of Lord Torrington, as could be seen in the Blue-book, where he stated that it was right to restore to the people those religious rights which they have so long enjoyed by prescriptive privileges. He consequently argued that those deprivations were sufficient to excite the indignation of those ' people ; for such they did not endure under former Governors, as the antecedent Governors always acted in such a manner that, instead of alienating the good feelings of the prieste, the people, and the chiefs, they made them more attached to the British Government. He contended that there was no proof of discontent among the majority of the people. He considered that a distinction should be drawn between an un due assumption of power and an unjust assumption of power, because he did not mean to argue against the pro priety of •introducing martial law, but he certainly felt bound to speak against the prolongation of that law, for which he considered that there was no justification what ever; and he should say, in addition to that, Lord Torring ton's account did not in the least justify his conduct. He was not aware of a single testimony given before the Committee in favour of prolonging the existence of martial law. The Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies had quoted Colonel Braybrooke as an authority, for the having recourse to martial law in the first instance, but then Colonel Braybrooke was against prolonging it. The Chief Justice of Ceylon was of the same opinion,and in fact not one witness could be produced who could say that it was at all necessary to continue it for so long a period. 'The Hon. Gentleman quoted an address from the Legislative Council of Ceylon to Lord Torrington ' where they thanked him for the prompt manner in which he had put down the rebellion, but they did not in that address say one word as to the propriety of keeping martial law in force so long. There was therefore actually nothing in the evidence which could justify its being continued so long. The rebellion, if it was to be called a rebellion, was suppressed on the 13th of July, not a man in arms having been seen after that date, and yet for more than two months after that period, that monstrous state of things which martial law necessarily gave rise to was allowed to continue. On that ground, therefore, on the ground that martial law was prolonged for a longer period than it ought to have been, he conside'red that the Government was liable to censure, inasmuch as they had made themselves responsible for the acts of Lord Torring ton. So much, therefore, for that part of the resolutions which referred for the prolongation of martial law. There was, however, another point, and that was the only one with which he would trouble the House. It was a most serious and important one, because even the prolongation of martial law would not have induced him to vote for a motion of this kind, had there not taken place, under the exercise of that law, a great sacrifice of human life, and most unjust interference with the personal rights of the inhabitants. How did the House stand as regarded those military execu tions which had taken place at Ceylon ? (Hear, hear.) When Government affirmed the proceedings of Lord Tor rington in Ceylon, he affirmed that they put themselves i n t o his place. That Noble Lord had been recalled from his go vernment, and the House had, therefore, nothing to do with him, unless they preferred an impeachment against him, and he supposed no one would talk of that.—(Hear, hear.) The question, therefore, for the House of Cammons to con sider was, whether Government, having placed themselves in the room of Lord Torrington, the House would place them selves in the position of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Government had taken upon them the responsibility of Lord Torrington, the question was, whether the House would take upon it the responsibility of Government. What . he complained of was, the execution of 18 men, on the ground of their having taken part in this rebellion, after it was sup pressed, and during which not a single life had been taken. The defence on the part of the Government was, that the re bellion was fostered and instigated by the priests,the chiefs, and the headmen ; b u t w hil e t h ere was b ut one hief put to death. [An Hoer. MEMBER...-" Thera was no chief put to death."] wasthen b u V t ery oneveperlile, s e t h a p t u w t a t o s the t b h e , t t e a r n d fo r s e h v i s e r c a a l s h e . e a I T in h e e r n e , while the great majority of those executed were members of the commonalty, of the lowest class, who were the mere dupes of those chiefs, priests, and headmen ; and there was not an instance on record where, in the case of a rebellion, the mere tools of fetose who fostered it were execute d , while the greater portion of those parties who were really guilty were allowed to go free. That was an act which he considered was not justifiable. No doubt it had been done in haste, and under much excitement ; but it was so pregnant with fatal consequences to the character and fame of this country, as well as to matters affecting the obedience of the subject in these colonies, that he thought it was the duty of the House to affirm the motion of his Honourable Friend.--(Hear, hear.) There had been a useless sacrifice of human life in his opinion, and no desire on the part of Honourable Mot lbers either to turn out or retain a Government, could justify them in refusing to vote, or in giving any vote on the matter, except that which, after a full co nsideration of all the circumstances connected with the ca se, they should consider to be in har mony with truth and justice, and such as would be for the maintenance of the ho nour and safety of the country. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he would not long in trude on the attendees of the House at this late hour. He would, he confessed, :neve considerable difficulty in doing so, even should he feel inclined, from the total want of evi dence which had beet a adduced by the other side in support of the motion.—(Er.ear, hear.) He had anticipated that some good grounds v could be adduced for making 'these charges, but what w as the most extraordinary thing con nected with the quest ion was, that the Right 'Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, at the close of the second oc n fo ig up h ros t le ' i s coyn._tie debate l upon had altogether shifted the grounds of attack.—(Hear, a (Hear, her.) He was not unprepared for that part of' the Right Honourable Gentleman, as he had on form er occas i ons seen h i m adopt t h at s hif t i ng system (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman now said that what be object ad to was the prolongation of martial law, but more panic ailarly the sacrifice of human life which was caused by'the trials which took place under that law. Now he thought they , had beaten them on both these points. —(Levauidngehteeen add) He 'tied t a k en some pa i ns to exam i ne i n t o the uceiel before the Committee, and he could find h inequiry ner nothingdvueei decision iwoh t nahe was uu r s p e un justifyobdtujodertcshtt eoquestion drtuth himselfhda judicial e ea vl c oei u h ur a ygg r . hugni masterer a s ytu . ooown T fhl hy h a otv e , hea m egn ta a cdav t ak t bes eeeyrn. judicialts( e h Hye con ceived, oe o uia tr in ni t ak hi: ' view of the case, he would take the Imhiebottesretiyrin.Nogr t a o' ppealing to' Hon. Gentlemen opposite.— (Laughter.) He wi mid ask how many of them had ever examined into the matter ?-e-(Cries of " Oh, oh," and " Divide, divide.") Hon. Gentlemen might cry " Divide." but he would take - the liberty of telling them that before they came to decide upon a question of this kind, so inti mately affecting the character of two public functionaries, they ought to make theemselves masters of the subject, and he did not hesitate to ,say that this was a question upon which it was almost impos Bible for them to come to a decision on .the evidence before them.—(Qaestion, question.) He did think that in a que: ttion of so grave a nature, such interrup tions were unseeml y.—(Hear.) He said that in a question of this nature, it we s necessary for Honourable Gentlemen on that side of the I louse to make themselves matters of it. —(Cries of " Oh, of i," and" Which side ?") There could be UP mistake about t he side of the House—he meant those Lien. Members wh o came down to vote for the motion with out having examined the nature and facts of the case, and which, before conetemning two pu blic servants, they were bound to make themselves master of.—(Cries of " Oh, ch.") The case was referred to a Select Committee, which was, no doubt, the proper coprse; but after all the evidence which had been adduced before that Committee, they came to the conclusion that there was not sufficient evidence before them "to enable them to come to a decision on the case, and there the matter rested. How, then, was it--possible for the House of Commons to decide upon the case, when, after all the evidence adduced on the subject, there did not seem to be any sufficient to in duce the Committee to decide one way or the other. Further evidence was required by the Committee, and also by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, and other Members of that House. The Committee did not feel them selves in a condition to decide this question, and how could Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who had not had similar oppor tunities of coming to a decision on this question vote upon it with any degree of confidence? The Council of the Go vernor did not, even so late as October, disapprove of the proclamation of martial law, and, on the contrary, they had approved of all his measures. The Legislative Council in 1849 addressed the Governor, and ascribed the suppression of the outbreak to the energetic measures of the Executive Government. They had the general command, the Execu tive Council, and the Legislative Council, all approving of the proceedings of the Governor. Even Mr. Selby, in 1848, concurred with the Executive and Legislative Council in approving of the measures of the Government. The martial taw was only continued for about ten weeks. The Governor, by declaring martial law so early as he did, suppressed the rebellion, and was enabled to apprehend the pretender. In the former rebellion, in 1818, martial law was continued for an entire year, and it was followed by scenes which did not occur in the latter rebellion, in consequence of the energetic measures of the Execu tive. Now let them turn to the resolution before the House. That resolution was utterly at variance with the evidence before the House. The resolution asserted that eighteen persons were executed, and 140 transported and otherwise punished. Now, what would the House say when he told them that from the official lists before him it appeared that the whole number executed, transported, and otherwise pu nished on account of this rebellion was only sixty - -four?— (Hear, hear.) They said that 178 persons had been tried and convicted in consequence of this rebellion. That was not the fact. The number was as he had stated, and the rest were made up of persons who had been imprisoned, con victed, and corporally punished for offences not connected with the rebellion.-;Hear.) The Hon.. Gentleman having the list—the official list—before him, did it not become a public prosecution to to frame his resolution as to be con sistent with truth ?—(Hear)—but the error of the statement of the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire was mild in com parison with that of the Hon. Member for Montrose. He had actually stated that 380 persons were tried and punished in consequence of these disturbances. He owned that he could not comprehend his figures.—e Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There was no more pretence for saying that 3to persons were tried and punished in consequence of that rebellion than there was for searing that 380,000 persons were tried and punished.—(Hear, hear.) There had been various insurrections. The affections of the natives were not concentrat e d u p on thei r B r itish ru le rs . Th e chiefs were dissatisfied, and in 1818 they broke out into re bellion, which they with difficulty suppressed. After refer ring to the revolt in 1834, he reminded the House that there was another revolt in 1842, in which they had difficulty. All classes of the population were dissatisfied, because Government had been bringing under cultivation the jungles and forests, and thereby limiting the range of the cattle. The priests were also dissatisfied, because the Government, as a Christian Government, could not give countenance to their idolatrous worship. But, above all, the people disliked the yoke of the stranger, they were opposed to foreign domination, and hence the dissatisfaction and the successive attempts at revolt which were repeatedly made. It was idle to say that taxation was at the bottom of the late revolt. —(Hear, hear.) Lord Torrington had reduced, during his admi nistration, the expenditure of the colony by 95,0001. per annum, and the three principal taxes which affected the lihndien population amounted only to sift shillings a year. With the experience of the past, was it not the duty of the Government to take all the se c i rcums t a n c es i n to' considera tion, and to look to the spirit of the people and the causes which, in reality, operated in producing the revolt. The people who engaged in the revolt amounted to 3,000 men, and they had the testimony of Sir Herbert Maddox, a man of great experience in India, and who knew the population, who stated that the revolters amounted to 6,000 men, and they had it upon good authority that they were in possession of sixty thousand stand of arms. These inen would not stand against our soldiers, and they soon fled, spreading dismay throughout the disaffected districts, and in that way the revolt soon disappeared. If Lord Torrington had not taken the means which be successfully used to put down the revolt, where, then, would have been the measure of re probation against the Government on the part of those who now blamed the Noble Lord for the energy he exhibited in the difficult position in which he was placed. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman then referred to the , course pursued by Lord Grey, and which had been com mented on so freely by some Honourable Members who had taken part in the debate.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Grey upon being made acquainted with all the circumstances, did not say that he absolutely approved of all the measures that had been adopted, but that, taking into account all the circumstances—taking into account the parties upon whose information Lord Torrington had to depend, and the danger to the public peace and the safety of the population, Lord Grey did exprers his opinion that under all these circumstances Lord Torrington had done that which by sense of duty and the serious difficulties he had to contend with, seemei to render incumbent.—(Hear, hear.) He e the Attorney-General) thought they ought not to adopt the course counselled on the last night by the Honourable Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), who, not content with addressing himself to the matter before them, travelled into the proceedings before the Committee, and said that let ters had not been produced, and that he believ d they had been burned.—(Hear, hear.) He thought such a charge was one which ought not to have been made by the Honourable Member for Montrose. The Noble Lord had at once met it by a powerful and unqualified denial. He had addressed a letter to Earl Grey, which had been placed in his hands, and which he would now read to the House. (The Honourable and Learned Gentleman here read the letter of the Noble Lord, in which, after referring to the statement made by Mr. Hume, he proceeded to say that, in justice to his own character, he begged to contradict the statement of the Honourable Member.) No correspondence, he added, had been burned, and none withheld, with the es.ceptiou, as we understood, of one letter.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that the attack was in reality on the Colonial office, but could any man justify the making of that attack through the reputation of another?—(Hear, hear.) Political warfare, like the warfare of civilized na tions, had its limits and its laws, and he could maintain that they were bound as men to lose sight of everything ex cept truth, and that they ought only to pass condemnation where it was justly merited and - deserved.—(Hear, hear.) Lord lIOTHAM, having given his constant attention to the business of the Select Committee, and having been absent only on two or three occasions from the commence ment to the close of the proceedings, had been particularly anxious, if an opportunity had been afforded to him, of going somewhat at length into the subject. And especially as it was his misfortune not to concur with any of those who had taken a leading part on the one or the other side of this de bate, he being the more anxious to state the extent to which he considered either Lord Grey or Lord Torrington to be obnoxious to such censure as this motion proposed to throw upon them. But as he felt that he could not ask the House now to indulge him at that hour with sufficient time for that purpose, he must content himself with fulfilling the very minor object of setting himself right with the House in a matter in which injustice had been cast upon him by the Hon. Member for Inverness, and he only hoped that he should be justified in the eyes of the House for the course he was about to take.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Inverness, when alluding to the proceedings of the Commit tee, stated that he (Lord Hotham) appeared to him to :have adopted a great deal of ingenuity to exempt the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department from all blame. The Hon. Member hat alluded to a conversation, or rather a question, regarding the draft report. His (Lord Hotham's) impression had been that the question had been put by the Hon. Member for Montrose, and he had given no answer. The recal of Lord Torrington was not the measure, but only one of the measures which he had in his mind when drawing out the report. The Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Beanie) had further made a statement of a very grave description, viz., that the report was the result of an understanding with the Government. To an understanding there must be two parties, and he could assure the House that he had never spoken to any person on the subject of the report except to the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He felt that he could not vote for the resolutions of the Hon. Member (Mr. Baillia), because by doing so he would not only be con demning Lord Torrington, but also individuals who had never been before accused, and had not had any opportunity ofjus tifying their acts.—(Divide.) Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot allow the debate to close without explaining shortly the views which her Majesty's Government have taken of the conduct of Lord Torrington in Ceylon, and of the motion of the Hon. Member for Inver ness-shire. In so doing it will not be necessary for me to go through those points which have been argued with great ability on one side anti the other with, respect to particular acts of Lord Torrington. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire said last night that if the Government, instead of recalling Lord Torrington on the ground of his incapability to pre serve harmony among the official servants of the Crown in the colony, had recalled him with an expression of disappro bation of the continuanee of martial law and of the execu tions that had taken place under that law, he should have been satisfied, and should not have concurred in this motion. The Right Hon, Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, in speaking to-night, said that he was willing to admit that there was an insurrection in Ueyion—that 10,000 men were in arms against the Queen's Govern ment and the Queen's authority, attempting to set up an other authority in its place; that the proclamation of mar tial law in the first instance was a fit method of meeting that insurrection, and that so far he did not blame the Govern ment. He laid his whole blame upon the continuance of martial law and upon the number of executions that had taken place. Now, Sir, it is obvious that this question affects in the first place Lord Torrington, in the next place Lord Grey, and in the next place the whole of her Majesty's Government. Now I must beg the House to consider the circumstances of Lord Torrington's administration. He was sent out to a colony in which Sir E. Tennent described all the civil servants as being in such a state of dissension that it was very difficult to obtain any aid from them. He found that the finances were in such a state that the expenditure exceeded theincome by 80,0001. At the same time he was instructed to adopt an entirely new method of taxation. Lord Torrington carried into effect his instructions. He reduced the expenditure by more than the sum which it had exceeded the revenue—he complied with his instructions with regard to taxation (and into the wisdom of which it is unnecessary to enter now; it is sufficient to say that such were his instructions)—the result was, that at the end of three years he left a surplds in the treasury, and had the satisfaction to reflect that in the course of ten weeks he had not only suppressed the rebellion, but had comp l e t e l y eradicated the seeds of it; that he left a colony prosperous which he had found embarrassed; that he left a people tranquil which he had found on the verge of rebellion; and that he handed over the government to his successor in such a manner as to make, his successor declare that he was in debted to the conduct of Lord Torrington, which was in in fact high praise of that government.—( Hear, hear.) Now that is a plain description of the government of Lord Tor rington. It is a description of that which was done by a person inexperienced in the previous government of any colony, and who found no assistance, but great obstacles from p t e h r e ly d i a s p s p e n o i s n i o t n e d s n t o 'h a i c s l s prevailed x a e c m u o t i n v g e. those e w a h r h w e e a r r e . ) p r o am sure I may be excused for saying that an Hon. Gentleman, in bringing before this House a motion with respect to Lord Torrington's government of Ceylon, should take the whole of that government into consideration, and that if he meant that resolution to be carried he should state what the result ' of the whole of that government was, and should not have ' fastened on one or two points on which he thought that ob • jection could be made, and have passed opinions upon those points and those only. But what is the blame to be imputed to Lord Torrington with respect to tnat insurrection ? Now, be it observed that the news of that insurrection came sud denly upon the Governor; he immediately sent for Colonel Faver, who had served in the former insurrection, and to whose discretion and experience he might well listen. He acted according to that opinion. He immediately saw the gene- THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EyENING-, ral commanding the forces, and took means to send forces to the.place wheys, the insurrection had broken rut t y - He took other means hlso promptly to suppress the rebellion, and with- the , concurrence of the Queen'', Advocate and - of other authorities he proclaimed martial law in the district which was disturb - ed. The effect was immediate, and was, most gratifying, because, as the Right Hon. Gentleman says, in a very few days the armed resistance had ceased—those who had been collecting together to proclaim the pretender as their king, and those who were destroying the coffee plan tations, had dispersed in various directions, and though 4,000 men assembled at one time to attack the troops they were completely driven back and dispersed. So far Lord Torrington is not to blame for the steps he took. But the Right Hon. Gentleman says that he continued martia.t law. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, omits one particular circumstance, which is this—he acted in concert with the Executive Council in this matter.—(Hear, hear.) He had the opinion of one gentleman in this council strongly op posed to his own, but he had the opinion of four others in his favour, which, with himself, made a preponderance of five to one; and the Major-General commanding the dis trict, above all, was strenuous in advising that the powers of martial law should be continued. Now, Sir, I submit to the House that it is a totally different thing to act in the man ner which those resolutions describe—at his sole will and sole caprice, and to take the deliberate advice of his Executive Council, of those who were best acquainted with the colony, and with their advice to continue martial law fora short time.—(Hear, hear.) The whole time during which that martial law was continued was ten weeks. I ap prehend, however, that it is a moat serious resolution for this House to coins to, that to establish martial law in any district or any part of the country was wrong. I must ad mit that those acts which have been gone into in. great detail by the Hon. and Learned Member for Abingdon, t w h i e t h w regard t a o i d r e r f e e e n u c l e a , r i a t y n d i n o t f h a e c m r o o s d s e x o f a in t n k a i n t i g o n e , whether accurately or not I will not at thi s momen t i nqu i re , vi_ in eten an ce i of these circumstances are inherent and inseparable from the proclamation of martial law, which the Governor thus took upon himself; but the Governor at the same time had to consider—and this will be the question for the Muse to night—that if on the one hand martial law cannot be con tinued without the risk of punishment which may reach, not the most guilty, but at all events those who have ap peared in arms aid are guilty according to the law of high treason and rebellion —if such may be the consequence on the one hand; on the other hand the consequence of ceasing to continue martial law may be that that rebellion, at first weak and inconsiderable, may become formidable, and may disturb the whole order of the colony; that the allegiance due to the Crown may be destroyed; that property may be ruined, and, above all, that humanity, for the sake of which martial law was determined upon, may itself be lost sight of, many more lives be lost in the struggle which may ensue than would have been lost if martial law for a few weeks had been withheld. Now that was the question Lord Torrington had to decide. Lord Torrington is accused lin the resolution before the House of departing from the usual merciful administration of the penal laws of the country. He is censured for pursuing conduct that was arbitrary and oppressive; and I ask how can any man have such a censure inflicted upon him, and say it passes over his head and merely strikes the Government ?—(Hear, hear.) I do not pretend to say with whom the share of blame would be the greatest, but I ask could any man bear the censure of wan ton cruelty, of having put to death, without necessity, the subjects of the Queen, and of 'having pursued arbitrary and oppressive conduct, without feeling such a blow, coming from the House of Commons, as one which would almost crush him? When the question came before the Government at home a dispatch was written which contains two very remark able paragraphs ; and I must say I think the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire, in quoting from that dispatch, has shown the blindness of prejudice under which he has generally appeared to labour on these questions. The one paragraph has refer ence to the measures taken by Lord Torrington for the prompt suppression of the rebellion; and upon that subject I think almost every Hon. Member will agree that Lord Tor rington's immediate proclamation of martial law, and his immediately sending Out troops, were measures of wise and prompt action against an incipient rebellion.—(Hear, hear.) But there is another part of the dispatch which relates to the punishments to be inflicted. The Hon. Member for In verness-shire read that part of the dispatch only which refers to the prompt suppression of the rebellion, and omitted altogether the part which relates to punishments. I will, however, ask permission to read to the House the paragraph omitted by the Hon. Gentleman. Lord Grey, in that dis patch, says— " I concur in Your Lordship's opinion that it is necessary to punish with severity the leaders and promoters of this in surrection, which will prove the most merciful course in the end. But while it is necessary to vindicate and maintain the law, it is desirable that acts of justice and severity should be strictly limited to what is inevitably called for by the occa sion, and that the prevailing character of measures consequent upon excitement and insubordination should at all times be that of moderation and clemency towards those who have been misled. This implies no indulgence towards the I guilty contrivers of sedition, nor any forgetfulness of the claims to consideration and protection of the loyal, peaceable and industrious, who constitute, as I am happy to find, the great majority of her Majesty's subjects in Ceylon." ' Now, I ask the House whether these are not sen timents which it was befitting a Secretary of State to approve and express? But I must also ask, where was the candour of a Member of this House, who, on bringing an accusation of wanton severity against the Government, could have totally omitted the paragraph I have just read? —(Hear, hear.) It is quite true, as has been said by the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire and the Right Hon. Member for the University of Oxford, that the Government have not collectively expressed any disapprobation of the conduct of Lord Torrington in punishing the authers and contrivers of, and the partakers in, the rebellion in Ceylon. -In the last dispatch written by Lord Grey, part of which has been read by my Honourable and Learned Friend, it is stated that the Government still believe that Lord Torrington was guided by the opinion he had conscientiously formed, supported as it was by those who ought to advise him in the colony; and that, in proclaiming martial law and punishing those who suffered, he was acting, as . he believed, in the only way that could maintain the tranquillity of the colony and provide for the welfare of her Majesty's subjects. That, Sir, is our opinion. -- It is our belief that when you send a governor to a distant part of the globe, and when you find that he is zealously performing his duty—that ha is endea vouring, by all the means in his power, to preserve the colony he is appointed to govern in allegiance to her Ma jesty, and is at the same time consulting the peace, the welfare, and the prosperity of such eolony—confidence ought to be evinced in that governor—(Hear, hear)—and that we ought not as a Government to throw censure upon acts with regard to which, if there be any difference of opinion, he is much more likely to judge rightly, with the assistance of his advisers, than we—who mast form our judgments at a distance—can be expected to do.—(Hear, hear.) I believe we have adopted a just opinion on that subject—(Cheers)—and I think, having regard to colonial government in general, that this House and the Govern ment ought to come to an entirely opposite conclusion to ;that which the Honourable Member for Inverness-shire has adopted. I believe that if, at the beginning of an in insurrection a colonial governor was obliged to say to himself, " I must take care how I act ; I must beware how I punish offenders—(Hear, hear)--or my conduct may be b ought before a Committee of the House of Commons, I may be censured . by the Government, I may be sub jected to the pains and penalties of a censure of the House of Commons—(Hear, hear)—and therefore I must be careful not to exceed the verge and boundary of strict law— I believe, if you teach such a lesson to the governors of your colonies, that while you diminish their energies, and while you will diminish the security of her Majesty's subjects in the colonies, you will do nothing for humanity, --(Hear, hear)—but on the contrary, whenever an insurrec tion takes place, you will have a long and bloody contest — you will have the lives of her Majesty's troops sacrificed on the one hand, and you will have the lives and property of in nocet. t colonists destroyed or endangered on the other. I therefore come to a conclusion entirely opposite from that adopted by those who support the motion of the Hon. Mem ber for Inverness-shire. I agree with the Right Hon. Mem ber for the University of Oxford that this is a most impor tant question for the House to decide. I for my own part would wish that none will join in this censure upon Lord Torrington, upon Lord Grey, and upon the Government, but those who feel that, looking at all the merits of the case, they have no alternative. I trust none will join in the vote but those who have considered this colonial question, and who feel that they are bound to pronounce censure upon the late Governor of Ceylon, upon the Colonial Secretary of State, and upon the Government. If that be the case, I shall cheerfully leave the decision to this House, believing, whatever that decision may be, that those rules and maxims that we have laid down must be the rules and maxims by which any Government will be guided which seeks to pre serve this empire; and that if any Government were to take y, that G overnment, w hil e i t , would meet with the repro the dastardly part of sa crificin g a governor—(" Hear, hear," and cheers)—because a c lamour was got up against him withpeople of England. said,—l admi r e, Sir, the Minister f of the Crown, who b a g w roemt would ol trdp. statesmanlike p_ bD e e r I s hes sacrificing e d A r e a ssE n pe r e iiet d a ttoh n hrf e d ee tnph i cr n eoor d l boEo u sani s et: t ise r aots do feels it to be his paramount duty to support the representa tives of the Sovereign in the exercise of their duties in dis tant (Hear, and a laugh.) I a d m i re the Minister ies country, who is determined not to sacrifice depen of dependencies.—(Hear, this nc . a governor to public clamour; but that being the feeling— the conscientious conviction —of the Noble Lord, I may be yielded to the glamour he so pmenrmthitteddeptroanaatseka andhim why b denouences, and why he so easily granted the Committee—(Laughter and cheers) —whose pro tracted investigation he now finds it convenient to criticise? ( Hear, hear.) I ask the House to remember (indeed it is impossible to forget) the character of Lord Torrington, as just now not only sketched but colo ured b y the Fi r st Minister of -the Crown. Why, it is the cha racter of a perfect gover nor—of an administrator who perfectly accomplished the f highest duties under Circumstances the most difficult. He a deficient revenue—he leaves an am p le surplus. He encountered a terrible rebellion —he delivers to his successor a peaceful community. And this is the governor whom—at the very first moment when a murm ur is h eard against hie administration in this House—the sam e Min ister we have just heard lauding him feebly defends, and then ignomi niously deserts ! (Cheers and laught er. ) T he Noble Lord, after all the remarkable circumstances conn ected with this inquiry, seems to think, too, that he is to escape from all the merits of the case, by delivering some abstractions like those contained in the paragraph of Lord Grey's dispatch, which he blames my Hon. Friend for' not quoting. The Noble Lord, instead of entering into the merits of the case, or offering to the House a vindication of his own conduct two years ago, delivers some general observations upon the duty of a Minister of England not to desert the representatives of the Sovereign, and not to allow a Governor to be sacrificed to clamour. The Noble Lord said, in his ingenues's address, "I think it would have been only candid and just and fair if the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire had not narrowed the issue in this petty manner; if he had, at leas`, in a spirit of justice, called the attention of the House to the general .effects of the Administration of Lord Torrington, and had shown them how successful Lord Torrington had been as a financial administrator, as well as in quelling an insurrec tion." Why, whit is the reason we hive been obliged to narrow the issue ? Does the Noble Lord know that the Com mittee on Ceylon was prevented from entering into the ad ministration of Lord Torrington and the mode in which he changed the fiscal arrangements and affected the revenue of the colony ? The Noble Lord can scarcely be ignorant of the fact. He mast recollect that when this question was first brought before the House one of his ardent supporters rose and said it was a covert attack upon free trade.—(Laughter and cheers.) The Noble Lord supported his friend, and we were in consequence obliged to narrow the instructions of the Committee merely to the causes and conduct of the insurrec tion. I myself had some experience of the Ceylon Commit tee. Ido not pretend to have attended so diligently as soma ; my attendance was sometimes short ; and why ? I found the Committee embroiled in investigations which I thought could lead to no creditable consequence.—(Hear, hear.) I found the proceedings too often partaking some thing of the character of the intrigues of country towns, and of the passions of a parish... , (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I cannot but feel that the same character, with some excep tions, has too much pervaded this debate. We hear a great deal of the character and the feelings of the Governor I'i A Y 3O, iB5l. and the Judge-Advocate; there is great sympathy with individuate, but tee ':one except the Right Rfr. Clientlti s a man the Member for Oxford (Mr. Gladstone), seems to think anything.of the inhabitants of Ceylon—(Hear, hear)—and the dutiesthat we owe to' them.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck), indeed, laid down a most extraordinary doctrine. He says, "Cey lon is not a colony; we gained it with the sword, and we must keep it with the sword."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Hang them, tax them, confiscate them, se questrate them—(Laughter)—all this the Governor may do, and neither Minister nor Parliament has any right to cons plain.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That is not my way; that is not the way which these enlightened benches can possibly patronize as the mode of governing the inhabitants of a country, colony or not.—(" Hear, hear s "from the Opposi tion.) They are of a different race, says the Hon. and Learned Gentleman; they have a different language, chiefs of their own, a priesthood of their own; it is not a planta tion like Ulster; we cannot recognize the people as entitled to any protection of the law of nations dr of nature.— ( Laughter) And then comes the Honourable Member for Isfoniton (Sir J. W. Hogg), and he says, more guardedly, but in the same tone, " Take care; absolute governors i must not be called in questi on , or y our em pire is n danger." Why, that is a plea for Verres.—(Hear, hear.) And these are profes , ors of liberal principles and champions of public right, who are destroying the very foundation of all political responsibility.—(Hear, hear.) The Government, they say, is responsible for the conduct of its subordinates, but you are hurting the feel ings, you are destroying the prospects of the subordinate; and it is impossible to carry into effect the doctrine of the responsibility of a Minister.—(Hear, hear.) For my part, I shall form my opinion just the same as if, instead of " Lord Torrington," we had a blank in the book—a person described by stars or other printer's marks.—(Hear, hear.) I think the very fact that Lord Torrington is no longer go vernor of Ceylon, which is urged as a reason why we should proceed no further, is an additional reason why we should prosecute our task. What have we to do with Lord Tor rington ? We have to do with this dependency of the Crown —(Hear, hear)—we have to ascertain whether it was well governed or misgoverned, and, if misgoverned, to take steps to secure its future good government. The existence of the individual connected wi th th a t governmen t i s , as compared with our task, but as a drop of water to the ocean.—(Hear, hear.) Besides you cannot now turn round and say, "You are hunting an individual to death ; you are withdrawing an individual from his appointment."—(Hear, hear.) But I cannot help here recalling to the recollection of the House the manner in which this Noble Lord has been withdrawn from the scene.—(Hear.) Strange position in which the present Administration is perpetually placing itself - anoma lous position—that they stake their existence now on sup porting a man whom they have already withdrawn from his government, and not for the faults of which he is accused! —(Hear, hear.) I agree with the Under-Secretary that Lord Torrington is a very ill-used man ; but by whom M used ? By her Majesty's Government.— (Hear, hear.) They have withdrawn him, and for what? A perfect Mi nister, the best of administrators of finances, the man who has putdown rebellion, and delivered his dependency in' a state of unparalleled prosperity and peace to his successor, a man who has fulfilled the highest duties in the most complste manner, is recalled by the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Grateful Government ! (Laughter and cheers.) Why is he recalled? I believe there were two letters written to two persons; I believe he called one man a fool and the other a knave, and I am not quite sure that the letters may not have crossed, and the wrong man got each of them.—(Laughter.) There was a contemptible piece of scandal thst none but an old maid in a country town would have listened to, and for this you sacrifice this able statesman—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—who did that which your own Chancellor of the Exchequer never could do—gave you a surplus revenue— (Laughter)—and that which your Secretary for Foreign Affairs has hardly contrived to do—kept you at peace.— (Renewed laughter.) Was this insurrection or rebellion met in a proper manner? or was it encountered and quelled in a spirit and under circumstances disgraceful to the name of England, and dangerous to our tenure of that or any other colony ? There has been a controversy as to the number of persons tried and executed. My Hon. Friend has been in that respect most unfairly accused by the Attorney-General.• The inaccuracy of which he speaks, if it be the case, arises from the Government documents placed before the Commit tee, and from the varying accounts produced.—(No, no.) In one' the figures are 120—in another 126.—(A Member— " 146.") But the greatest " mare's nest " was found that ever rewarded the most patient inquirer—(Loud laughter) —for, says Mr. Attorney, " I will show you how unjust are these resolutions of the Honourable Member (Mr. Baillie)—how exaggerated the statement —when I prove to you that out of these 120 or 18 criminals, 67 were not even tried for high treason or rebellion by these military tribunals, which we con s id er t oo severe an d s t ern even f or high treason and rebellion." To prove by the existence of these tribunals that there was rebellion and treason, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman shows you that the majority of the prisoners brought before them were not guilty of either. —( A laugh.) But it has not been denied that, When tran quillity was restored, these tribunals still pursued their dreaded course, and there were executions by the score; and not hTadmen, priests, leaders of this rebellion,—but the poor Feasantry of the country.—(Hear. hear.) Yet, if we were to believe the statement of her Majesty's Ministers, all the discontent, I might say disgust, at these proceedings, is essentially factitious—(Hear, hear)—has been made up by Some discontented coterie a year after the event, sent over the water to England, fostered in the House of Commons, and brought forward merely a 3 the means of party . annoyance.— (Hear, hear.) We have just been told that in Ceylon the public opinion was not at all arrayed against these proceed ings—that they were not condemned by the press—that it was only in England the press was so 'venal and corrupt as to disapprove of the conduct of the Governor. Here is a leading article from a colonial paper. I am not going to read from the Observer, edited by Mr. Elliot, whose conduct and character have been so fully criticized. lam going to read from the Government paper—from the paper familiarly styled in Ceylon "Lord Torrington's paper"— (" The date !") It is called the Examiner. I will give you the date. It is September 23, 1848. Most happy period ! ( A laugh.) " The Rebellion Butchery" is the title of the leading article—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—which proceeds as follows : "It is with feelings of sorrow and humiliation we hear that seventeen persons now lie under the recorded sentence of death in Kandy for having taken part in the late rebellion. These unfortunates have been tried by the civil tribunal, and were recommended to mercy by the Chief Justice. Obliged as a judge - to record the dread sentence, as a man and as a Christian Sir Anthony could not forbear calling for that cle mency from the Governor which it was not in his own power to extend to these unhappy men. In making the appeal to the' prerogative of clemency, the Chief Justice sees, as must everyone, that the supremacy of the law has been vindicated already by the two executions which hive taken place in Kandy; that the punishment which so irresistibly fell upon the people, their heavy pecuniary losses, the numbers which have been slain in action, and others condemned to transpor tation, have been sufficient to deter from another outbreak. We join our feeble voice and implore the Governor to spare the lives of these misguided people, that while there is yet time to dispatch an express to Kandy, he will in mercy send a reprieve. NV hile we are writing a court-martial, presided over by Captain Watson, holds its sittings at Matelle, a tri bunal from which there is no appeal to higher authority. 21 persons have already been shot under its sentence, to the horror of the commandant of Kandy, who feels. that he can exercise but little control, the sentence being carried into effect immediately under the orders of the court." The article gives a faithfUl picture of the feelings of the country expressed by an organ favourable to Government. " Under the Governor's proclamation that people should return to their homes, many are daily falling into the hands of the military court, which perpetrates this wholesale butchery irresponsibly. From the constitution of these courts it cannot be doubted that many innocent victims suffer • it is believed that the priest who was shot in Kandy would have been adjudged guilty by a civil tribunal, for, like the four priests who were acquitted, he acted under in timidation. Four men were shot at Kornegalle a few days ago, who met their fate with coolness, Uttering imprecations on, their slayers. 200 bodies, We hear, have been accounted for, if our information be correct; how fearfully have these people paid the penalty of their folly ; yet does the court martial continue its bloody work at Alatelle. That Ceylon may not be held up to the execration of the world, and what is of more consequence, that those who are responsible for the continuance of the carnage may find mercy when they come to their own dread reckoning, we call upon our rulers to stay their hands from slaughter by arresting these pro ceedings. The soldiers are pillaging the houses, digging up the floors to find money and jewellery belonging to the hiding villagers, confiscated under martial law. The scenes at pre sent enacted in the neighbourhood of Matelle are a disgrace to a civilized Government." That is the language of a journal which is popularly known as " Lord Torrington's journal." It is the language of a journal which appears to • be written in a spirit of fair ness. How can the Government come forward and say that there is no public opinion as evinced by the press to which reference 'can be made ?—(Hear, hear.) I shall not,dwell on details. The circumstances must be fresh in the recollection of every Member of the House. I look to them as circumstances which are dangerous to our tenure of our colonies. This, I think, of all others is the case in which the Parliament of England ought to interfere; and now if it interfere it dois so after the advantage of a prolonged inves tigation by one of its Committees, and after it has been put in possession of the most ample materials. What I say is, that I do not look now to the responsibility of a Governor, whose admirable qualities have been acknowledged 'by the Ministry 'that has withdrawn him from his' post. I do not look to responsibility in a distant colony. I look to the re sponsibility of the Minister.' In a dispatch which, in a certain sense, may be considered formal, I find this language uttered by the Secretary of State in another place after due deliberation, after having made himself master of all the cir cumstances of the case. When he would be alive to its im portance from the pending inquiry and the possible conse quences of the vote in Parliament, Lord Grey, in April of this year,: thus expressed his opinion:— " He has had to deal with a rebellion which he has .ehown proceeded from causes of discontent of long standing, and which had existed long previous to his assuming the govern ment, and that this rebellion was repressed by the wise policy and promptitude of the measures which he •adopted ; and I will not hesitate to express' my opinion that true humanity was consulted by the measures 'of my Noble Friend." It is because I do not believe that the interests of true humanity were consulted, but because I believe 'the policy pursued has been a policy of panic, a policy under which measures have been adopted disproportioned to' the exi gency; it is because I feel what would be the consequence of encouraging such a policy-,—and we do ,encourage such ,a..; policy if it is allowed to pass uncritipised and unceneueed in this country—it is because 1 believe the consequence of such a policy would be perilous to the empire that 'I will slippert the resolutions cf my Hon, Friend.--.(Cheers'.) - ' , Mr. BAILLIE replied. With reference, to,, the LW(' o f one of the prisoners tried by court-martial, he ; quoted a com munication from Major Lushington, to show Abet the prisoner, having been told through the interpretedat ha. was at liberty to call a person to defend h himself not to the proctors but to Mr. Wilmot , a lajor Govern mentressed officer, whose duty it was to 'defend prisoner s. Lushington said he did not understand whist the prisoner said, but ,Ir. Wilmot rose and went out ef,ccurte and after a pause the interpreter stated that the prisoner him no friend to assist him in his defence. With respect to . the numbers tried by court-martial, the terms of the resolutions bad been altered, three different accounts of the numbers having been produced. The House then divided, when there appeared— .. 202 For Mr. Baillie's motion .. .. 282 Against it .. • • • • Majority for Government .. —BO The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers by the majority. The other orders were disposed of, and the Rouse ad journed at a Quarter to Three o'clock. Mr. T. A. Mitchell paired with Lord Newport against Mr: Baillie's motion. Captain Harris has been prevented by severe illness from attending the House of Commons during the last week. Dispatches were received at the r'oloaial-office` on wedno d ti y; from the Governorßittfits. '- • - • ,•, • MR. ,W T r 4,l4'S MODEL OF THE EARTH. (From the Times.) The strange•looking cylindrical edifice which now fortu nately covers the once howling wilderness in the centre of Leidester-square, and whose rapid growth has for the last few weeks been the daily wonder of those whose path has lain, across this region favoured by the foreigner, became penetrable yesterday to the press and a few favoured visi torsi It contains, as all who have seen the building have learnt from the painted boards outside, a model of the earth constructed by Mr. Wyld, the Queen's geographer. It was originally that gentleman's intention, as be informs us in a little pamphlet descriptive of his work, that this huge repre sentation of the surface of the globe should figure in the Great Exhibition, but it was found that the necessary ar rangements for erecting and exhibiting the model ware in compatible with the space and convenience that could be afforded by the building in Hyde-park. That this was the case is far from being a subject of regret, for as,a mon umen t of our present geographical knowledge, and•of tho en t erpr i se, industry, and ingenuity of its author,' Mr. Wykra model e serves a site and pedestaleif its owe, and'one more perma nent, than it would have obtained is the . Crystal;Palace. Nor :is it a email gain which the pablic. has indirectly acquired thereby, that a neat and sightly building should have ! taken the place of that hideoas display of decaying shrubs and putrescent carcases - which 'the inhabitants of Leicester-square have so long allowed to poison and disfigure a centre'and populous quarter. " • To be told that one is about to see e gigantie model of Oa' earth on a scale of ten mile , : to an inch conveys to the ordi-: nary sight-seer no very brilliant or attractive promisee'. To be sure it may be veer instructive and edifyicg, but that any very immediate pleasureableimpression is to be derived front a source apparently so dry seems highly probleniatiol; The visit who notwithstanding ,these unfavourable reflections may be induced, to stray into the building in Leicester square will find his listless' curiosity converted stance into admiratiohand eeger. interest. The model is constructed on the concave surface.of the globe, the south pole occupying the lower portion and the north perpenclicalarlY above-it, without regerd to the inclination of the ecliptic:'' °neuter:- ing the globe accordingly, we. find ourselves surrounded by the South Pacific Ocean, and already we are struck with the peculiarly picturesque efface of the.muctel. -The - trews of land surrounded by.a wide expanse of blue. oceatapre sent at once a' striking picture. - 'Four galleries count's:Med: by- stairs , in the centre, enable one ao survey 'the Whole' internal surface ; and from the !upper gillerY, over , which the icy regions of the North Pole form a vaulted canopy, the eye reaches downwards in all directions', and is able to embrace almost the whole surface of the globe. The outward circumferences of the galleries' are near enough to the surface to enable one to examine closely the minutest details of the model, and the relative positions of plain and mountain, valley, and table-land. Each part is 'appropri ately tinted—the fertile valley, the granite range,'the snowy peaks, the, volcanic craters, the ',lake, athe riier, and the sandy plain; and while the charactetiatic features of each tract are thus rendered apparent at the first glance, all.blericla and melt together whenztheaVision groups them into masses, so that the eye as readily gathers: the relative magnitudes of minor divisions-of sea and eountry as those of 'oceans and , continents. The choice of the concave surface, whichto most persons will appear objectionable as not giving a notion of the globe; as it really; appears, will upon the first inspectionat once be applauded. Thesuperficial configuration of the Various tracts of land is exactly identical with what it would be on 'a convex surface, and the only difference is in the direction- of the axes of the different elevations, which converge toi instead of„ diverge from .a common centre—a-difference scarcely appreciable to the eye, owing to the smallness - of the' elevations relatively to the extent of the surface.. The ad vantage, on the other hand, of the concave surface, hr - allowe ing the eye to embrace so. large a portion of the globe, is pate- • mount, the spectator being able to extend his range of vision almost indefinitely, without, change of positielei anfl-being thus endowed with a kind of übiquity; whereas only small portion's at a time of a convex surface could be grasped, and the survey of any extended region would require a corre sponding amount of locomoti on , , w hil e i mme di ate re f erence l , the eye from one to the other of two distant points would be impossible. On the importance of this remarkab:e work as a means of instruction to those bent upon the acquisition of solidknow ledge, or as a source of interest to the snore worldly and superficial gatherers of information, it would be sispetiluous to expatiate. It is evident that the vivid impressionaavhich such a comprehensive survey of the - varied featurerof the globe we inhabit as is afforded by Mr.Wyld's model produces must tend to fix upon the mind deeply and permanently all branches of knowledge and every variety of fact that may be conveyed in connexion with' the physical peculiarities of the earth. Those whose knowledge is already extended, by having what was an abstract conception solidified as it were into concrete perception, will find themselves enabled to rise with greater facility into a higher region of research, while those who have yet to master the fields of knowledge al ready laid open will find the path smoothe I for them, and many an effort of thought avoid e d, by w h a t m a y b e called a material intuition. The space within which the globe is placed is surrounded by a circular corridor formed' by the beams and joists by Which the model is supported, and outwardly again are four large apartments. These, as well as the corridor, are intended to contain maps, plans;rhodels, geographical works, and books of travels relating to every quarter-of the globe. So th,,t the " Model of the Earth " will be a depository of all the information that can be obtained of a geographical or to pographical nature. Such an institttion as this must neces sarily be of immense practical utility, and no less than the work which has given rise to it is deserving the warmest sup port of the public. _ (From the Observer , and Advertiser.) The public will, within the next two or three days, have an opportunity of viewing Mr. Wyld's great globe in Leicester-square, upon which a large number of artists and workmen have been fully employed for the last six month!, and which, we have do doubt, will prove one of the most interesting and attractive, as well as instructive of the many exhibitions and sights of the great metropolis. The build ing itself occupies nearly the whole of the area of the enclo sure in Leicester-square, and is a sort of miniature St. Paul's, being surmounted by a gigantic and well-proportioned dome. The entrance is on the north side of the square, and opens into a lofty hall, paved with patent lava inlaid flooring in the Grecian style, to correspond with the other decorations. After passing the turn-tables at the end of this hall, the visitor is conducted to the central staircase, which leads him to four tiers of galleries rising one above the other to the top of the building. The great panorama or map of the world is here spread out before him, and tho effect is extremely striking and beautiful. The best idea that can be given of the design is to conceive a gigantic hollow globe with all the mountains, rivers, eleva tions, and depressions in relief, and then to suppose thisglobe turned inside oat, and the spectator standing in the centre of the interior. Above his head, at an elevation of sixty feet from the ground, are the northern frozen regions, " thick ribbed in eternal ice." The route ofFranklin, and the daring adventurers who have been endeavouring to follow in his track, is easily discoverable. Descending lower to the level of the upper gallery—which comprises nearly all the civi lized portions of the globe, including the whole of Europe, the north of Asia, and the northern states of America—the accu racy and minuteness of the execution become more appa rent. The peculiar features and physical characteristics of the country—the course of every stream and river, and the height and direction of every hill and mountain range—are seen all; coloured after nature. In the next gallery, which approaches the equator, the wide and desert wastes of Africa, with the lurid red sand colour of the soil, the overland route and the southern parts of India, and the islands of the Indian Ocean are seen; and descending lower, we come upon the great southern continent of Australia, South America, and the vast expanse of water which covers more than half the sur-_ face of the globe. The whole of this extraordinary work Las been laid down with the greatest accuracy, according to scale, the proportions being the same as those employed in the Parliamentary railway maps, namely, one inch to ten miles of horizontal measurement, and one inch to a mile of perpendicular elevation. Every mountain has its character indicated, whether covered with hardy pines, presenting naked granite peaks, covered with eternal snow, or exhibit ing volcanic action, which is shown by the red glare of tire on its summits. All the numerous islands and coral reefs of the great southern ocean are laid clown with the greatest precision, and the physical, as well as the geographical features of the world, are here presented with a startling reality which has never before been realised. The exhibition may be rendered available in a variety of ways, for the purpose of indicating the isothermal lines of temperature, the currents of the great oceans, the magnetic currents and poles; and in short its value as a model for illustration and instruction can scarcely be over estimated. Mr. Wyld has been for many years col lecting materials for this gigantic work, and his name is alone a sufficient guarantee for the fidelity with which it has been executed. The lower part of the building has been fitted up as a corridor and promenade geographique, with couches, and a very extensive collection of maps, globes, Stc. The style of the corridor is Byzantine, to meet the exigencies of the building, which takes a considerable curve inwards. The columns and decorations are exact models of the Al hambra, and we understand this is the first attempt that has been made to introduce this style of decoration in England. The corridor will be lighted by ground glass lamps in the Moorish style. Attached to the building is a geographical library, containing a most complete collection of geogra phical, works and maps, which will be accessible to a" visitors, and the whole will form one of the most interesting and perfect geographical monuments that has ever been constructed in any country. (From the Post.) Another exhibition ha s b een a dd e d to the sig which, if not equal in magn ifi cence an d sptendy L oast h of Crystal Palace and it s con t en t s, may, at : I Allot the for surpassing them in magnitude of design; hts of Lo t o n d t o_n e , for s of the world's mer profess to exhibit only choice obe itself." The ope t camel! industry, this prese n t s t o v iew " the grea gl he purpose of assisting construction of a " colossal globe," for ~,i den t tand, occupied the geographical education, has, at tention of Mr. Wyld, the geographer i'lle - r — to the Queen, for many of e plan is due to the Great years ; but the stimulateddevelopmens him to make the effort to Exhibition, which us' e • reject might have remained realise the idea,' otherwise P in embryo. It was at first intended that the great globe should form Part of the contents if the Exhibition buildi n g, but as the plaP d e veloped itself more completely, it was f oun d l a a model of the intended magnitude ithpossible to Ce as sought for the erection of a build ing fitted to 2 receive it. The once deso q l‘ • .aa . selected , and therein, ° L isa ' e es w ter.s uare • v a a—nd vae y short time, Mr. Wyld has succeeded late. area of • eicthereon, Z b re i li n g a large and handsome structure for the exhibition of his immense model of the earth. The great undertaking is now completed, and we were yesterday favoured. With a private view of the work before it is opened to public in spection. The entrance is under. a Grecian portico into a vestibule, whence the visitor is introduced to a circular cor—. tiasinem a embellished with wthieth earth, In rides round the exterior of the g l o b e. This corridor is very differentdecorated,appropriactcettlyntriec; butto an o d b a! s th o e f visitor must pass through the crust of the globe. An. en- . trance is effected throu g h the antarctic when _ sea, and in side, the view is li m i te d to the southernmost parts of Africa and' America, magnified, in comparison with the delineations of ordinary globes, to proportions almost beyond recognition. A staircase. , conducts to a zone velure the central parts of those vast continents are seen broadly expanded, and exhibiting the diversities of mountains and valleys in bold relief, and of deserts and verdant plain'' , oceans, lakes, and rivers, represented as they might be sup posed to appear when seen from a great elevation. At the next ascent the spectator is placed on the equinoctial line; gallery above corresponds in position with the tropic of Cancer, and a still higher' zone places in sight the whole of Europe, and most of th e ci v ili ze d countries of the globe. The higher the ascent, the more interesting and more extended the view, and by th e ti me th e s pectator has a rrived at the highest zone, he becomes accustomed to th e concave form, which at first is rather perplexing, as the exterior surfacef of the globe is seen from the interior. This arrangement was almost inevitable, and it has the advantage of affording a more comprehensive survey than would have been possible on a convex surface. The diameter of the globe is sixty feet, the whole area occupying ten thou sand feet. The model is executed in plaster, cast from moulded clay, and it is c o l oure d to resemble as closely, as possible the aspect of the different countries. Tag absence of the accustomed lines and names, and divisionssputs the geographical knowledge of the visitors to the test, but small circles of light indicate the p oo i t i m of A ni oJ b.:ds3l4.PAiio Li .111 u - principal towns. It is intended also to paint the names of the countries on boards fixed to the pillars which support the galleries as guides to the unlearned. The scale on which the earth's elarfave is represented isattna suiles:tait/Se ktickhoriZi zontal;'' ifi the Vertical Seale, howeTer s .the : propestjen ;one , mile to' beeti • ,adopted,,aa it would have beenlitn• possible to have made the mountains' sufficigetly.visible had the due proportions been observed. From ttre upper gallery, the whole extent of thecAmerican continent atter Jae vlelted . by looking down; but from no point can a henilelihe i re of the earth be seen. . Ha' itcheen• so arranged,sa more elfebtive coup d'ceil would Kaye been gaiiiiegtuttheptbibition would have failed So he so . ihateftetiSte 'as sit:preiSiit, for the 'apeetelsoe must in that case have been - placed so.-far from the surface that he would not have been ahie..to distinguish , the contour of the , countriesswhich is minutely- pourtreareds-andli'neis : distinctlrdiseetnible. Of the fidelity orthialtiapitipare's • presentation• the:rear:Os siirf . s4 Igr.lyyhtk:reputsi,t4o64§ia I.lk , a geOgrapliet gMtdrit4e,. anellioisenisasnunris ,PriarV railed f!roYal,isiad" to the acqturetstentsafgengrapizieal(kneWs; ledge,. By the aid of such a model, as is correctly of the ietroducturrexpirrnations supplied - to --'4,41r:#4gLr,,,() , great facts of physical and p o liti ca l geograp h their rbouiand incidents, may be studied with facilities to lieroty , tabled in no other - web; -and'may b e faMillariked itfeelfil to an extant far beyond :what any Other theini*sof itist .can afford." "• s t • This. •inferelithig hate - received the Warni appeceslosf • • • the' President of the Royal Geographical Society, Captaiia .9'spyth, IlslF., who, in his prettideSitial address a few weeks age, expressed Inniself, in reference to .111 r. Wyld' s sc h eme , the construction b asli as follow s in tli t A beta attamp ae tite impart geographical knolrledge I.be: another ofrof theode g l a o n t li glo r. be j4 l: • fitting up in ..eicesNrssaea se , t ee effort et once onerouss toilsome, ingenious, aid expe e si ses Taiscolossal ligtteesel • the earth is Juodelledatt A scale of ten' , gessgraphiStat to one degree horizontal, or six inched to' a 'egree,'.and - ele one mile to an inch vertical, while the, diameter is no leas than sixty feet. _ tt Visitors will -pass into the iiateriorifthis large balk and means of a gradual ascent of successive stageSotill' view ' every' part of the vast-Model from at ys t eesitl&feratii ( Slistance, Mr. Wylcl was gooff*nough to show and eXplaieto, Me the ' Whole 'of his undertaking, and though_lheasork ssea sth eo : _ enfficientlitiavanyted for oninutC erg-4 iI t in, iicenfess'to being both pleased and surprised uponthe,wholta:,: Itiaeroade up . of ' State thousands of ,raised, blocks•orseastingsise ps aseims,;44 , em the Oristinalranottelss el motititein aftSl Walley, sex anal/tee s - I'i s day, the fitting ofwitich hal been one 'of thellinci:p• a i• i culties which the' constructor has had to eticotinter e lecting that'only a limited portion of a sphere can.miet the eye at once, it occursed to Mr. Wyldthat by flguringutb e „ , earth's surface--on. the sntetior'instearl of the extend rof ltre- 4 . , gt6be, the observer would be en t ibledkciembratethe:distrlb s iy , tiOn'of le n ' t reed watet, - With ‘tbis , tc4l,l'o#teS roft.hp glebe at one view; and in ;this.,l4:liasyy:§4co.VW ,44 ;* l iil e '" . • from the grea t s i ze, the examiner of - details is hardly aware that het is gazing on a concavity. The attempt is well worthy SI, the projector, and of the spirit of theage.. We hav e no d oubt the model' of the' eatth - will - oontitouet f.S_ te. 21 dength 'of tiineS to constitute one of the most • attractive hiwtions in London ' . great the Chronicle. : „ ,f , rl Bits:. 1V YLD'S BIODEL OF' THE guage ofthe 'President' of the:Royal Ge'Ographical SoCiety;isl o l i nf a bold attempt,to_tmeaFt,%knowledge of the glebe On Wlatch.,' l - i, 4 1. we stand to the millionati effort at onc e o n ero us tiailsopies ingenious, and expensiv e .- , Th e model is coleasal., ;sit ismer se a.. the scale of ten geographical miles to the inch horizontals oesslsa six inches to a degree, and one mile Sethi inch-Vertical; .the , diameter tieing no less thars.fio feet There, triS' . tt view yesterday, et . wh s ieXthe feeling of adiniratiOnS•at the • 'sign and execution was . s Indeed it could notrba otherwise, for here,*for the firsttime in the-history of inven-- tion, the observer is enabled to trace the distribistion , of land • and water with the main - sphysiCal features' Of theS4tpe one and the same views • • • (From the Daily ,News.) Yesterday a private view took, place of the•great'brodel, Globe, prepar a t or y t o it s o p e ning the Pee The 'structure in • Whieli it is pliced b een`erected . on the lately desolate inclosure of Leicester-square, and now really forms an ,ornament for that district* , .. he main enw - ,r; : trance is on the north side of the 'square, aria .the , vestibule: comes out to the footway, and, leads TO,, a cirplar, I)flildipgv,_ • , crowned With hemisphtrical• metal ildint s ef 'o6.l4'7P..oStstSs in diameter, much i n th e style of s she 00102.801111. There ta no pretension i in the architecture, but its form 'gives it effect. Arqund theonclosaire a new railing has been placed; the gar- • - den has been laid out, afresh,- and the broad walks of the square, leaelifg the'gurroitnding space open - . The vestibule s - is large. On passing this, the visitor . enters a circular, corridor, of 250 feet_ in circumfereiace, running around the bottom of the globe, among the supporting timbers, mid which is now being decorated in- the Moorish style,- under the Siirectien of Mr. G. A. jerinyn - architect, who has Very ingeniously. availed himself of the tinnbering sq ; as to produce a_ ,pieturesque effect. Theenly part as.yet completed. is the Moorish gate, forming the approach to the. globe. The remaining portions are only as yet picked out. with blue ill arabesque ; but the globe lamps' are hung i t , which, at night, gives the corridor a picturesque effect. The design, of a great model globe is nothing new. One under the name of the Georama was long on view at Paris, until closed by the late. revolntioki. alait is a globe.with , , .1 a plain painted surface, seen from' the interini, areliabolatJ , • forty feet in diameter. A like design has often teen; projected here • but it was left for Mr. ;,,Wyld, M.P., to realise the cherished desire of men of science to have on a large scale a delineation of the physicals featuressof-ithe earth. In: the first instance,- Mr. , Wyld- proposed a largo . globe to be exhibited, at the Crystal Palace, -and viewso from tire•:exterior ; it - was - not enough' to- send there such a globe,lOr it would have been necessary to erect' very large galleries occupying a considerable space in the building to afford access to the model. It is one of the inconveniences attendant on the natural or external re presentation of the - earth- that aslargt3 space .mustsbstras, versed in order - to view , each; portion. -Thus for .the portion • now constructed a dome as,, valet .as St. Peter's -Would . have been required for its•exhibilion, While 'no • satisfactiny.:: . . examination of the surface can be made. To ronedy this,, to afford a better view, and economise the time and exertion of the spectator, Mr. Wyld considered it advisable to adopt an artificial or internal representation of the earth, in which • the spectator views the whole and each portion from the in side, and by an ascent of forty feet -only is enabled to get within ten feet of the surface, a condition essential where the work is so minute and elaborate. As for the - it is found most convenient to abandan the natural method, and adopt a representation of the heavens from the exterior, so is it with the Great Model Globe to adopt a contrary pro cess, and the spectator,' in a work on so large a scale, be comes readily familiarised with, the view presented to The globe within which we enter is placed vertically north and south, the unknown regions of the South stele -making way for a staircase and galleries, and those of the arctic for the illumination and ventilation of the interior. The diameter is called sixty feet, and the circumference about a 'hundred and ninety feet,- affording a surface of above. ten thousand square feet. Within the structure are four galleries, affording near views of several zones of the earth's surface; but it is most desirable in,,,the riot . instance to as cend to the upper gallery or platform, `teen a rematlabT sight presents itself. Modelled on a colossal scale are Europe , ' North America and North Asia in their •fatniliars features s with the expanse. of the _oceans., The rivets are seen ini. ! nutely depicted, the mountain chains, represented in their various peaks and branches, their snowy heights and hollow volcanoes. Above us the ice-bound realms of the north gleam under a blueish light. While we are struck with the greatness of the picture in contemplating .those lands less known to us, when we turn away from the' great continent ; of North America, with the proud feeling that such 'Nisi . tricts belong to us, we are 'struck with surprise to-find our own island no bigger than the sheet of paper now, strewed. • before our readers. Yet the re it i s w i t h every well-kiateihatrekin and hill, its cliffs, its bays, and its creeks, so well laid down that • • as we look at it through a glass, we may faney ourselves viewing the wide scene from the peak of Snowdon, Ben Nevis, or other towering mountain. In the deslgnand ex. • ecution of this great mulct takines 'Mr. Wyld , has displ a y e d great' ability an d resources, and t he has been Welt seconded by those who hav e co - operated w i t h hi m . Air- Isr'lqhuiaas scru l:.a44- pulously guarded himself against anything but anatsur_ace,. 110 permanent types. There is no writing 0 11 of the pheno artificial lines; nor are there even indications s mospheri, and mena of isothermism, electromagnetisn. k ' Of blue, the 'land ht oceanic currents. The seas are ma •st Lee, where hag's. glittering tints, except in the frig ' mountains are ranged, glittering icy covering; . the volcanoes shown with according to their. height, the etual 'snow indicated by hollow peaks, the line o f pen) , the rivers marked wi th ' the absence of colour , the ots, the sandy deserts:Of 'tlae lines, the large tovensl ,P d asxcept the towns. the, nly vie- • Sahara by a glare of: r . e on is. the line of the great wall of tige of human occupsts swn. By the arrangement of the China, dimly dottt el e l as by media stopping off . the light, opaque colours, f as surface is produced. Altogether this is one . great variety o of the most rt' _ • stihricable works of the year. , The Crystal , Palace • • r e markable for its variety, b ut as a si ng l e work is this mo del globe , stands unsurpassed, nor i s it lik ely to ' be • in interest to.the public, for, while the idlest wantingspec, tator must be attracted by curiosity, th ere are few who havens.i not some distant relative whose station they wish to.mark.si , out, or whose lineof voyage they seek to know,. and,beferia-4,q,c -the grea t M o d e l, g l o b e of all other gl o b es and mo des of I'olt g sagraphicallrepresentations' fade, into comparative ititsigni ficance. • ____________ .4--ti The Ceylon question so long postponed, . was last. till night decided in favour of Ministers, by a larger majority,; 4 .l,' than was, we believe, anticipatedby either side. 'The neal=bno, , , bars were— . - - t e to For Mr.. Baill i e 's motion ... ~ ... ... 202 • . 't •- ' Against it ... ... ... ... ... 282 Showing a majority of 80 votes.. This result is most 'lrs , portant, not Merely as it affects' the position' Of . 6_ , ,PW ii r parties, or even as it records tbe opinion of Parlismentgi - - point immediately in issue,hut also, and perhapsn_i_or a oLe ty n l , l 7 , ' phatically, as it adds materially to the power of her Ba .1 _c• in, opthe Government tq carry oat the wishes and the' y . ,„ ‘,..,, nation in the matter of the Queen's prerogatiie ect:= Tp . try's independence, now so discreditably ia 11 4.!a4 4 14 .,. as it has disputed by a.party _inconsiderable in nam e tai of 'T espotram. prostitutes the name of liberty to the purp e i v , differ from the In this view of the question, widely A„. 420 hey ate, to ex often been ourldutY_MAPAdemnit, i ze .., the House of Com mons general colonial policy of Lord Grey, aasnd severely press our conviction that the vote n thet whole, of the country.-,-Zo rnin is best calm-- i.on this occasion is that -which, Pe 9 Post. - _ lated to promote the real interesuts- EADVERTISEMENT.J--xollowa•'s Pills:-. a EIGVERTISEMENT.j ---- .. • a -.certain tr; ea ,u ch'bojt as Disordered. ce produced by, JA) these invaluable Pills are truly astonishing. i% "This Ane medi. tine in peculiar a maaner.on the systetliqttifty follow cine acts in so to th'e mode - of using sleocini fi a c ch f s o . r —Th Stomachs.--The Nervousness , .wonderfully l) w r n e e g s e sn o e regenerating a Spirits,t n effectsa 4 the digestion improved, freedom of circulation strengthened , given to the blood, and a robust state of health attained. Per sons of -studious and sedentary habits being especially liable t in il g em tb , e nedrivroeilsetiounrstbixh!tdytois allayed, th e tone Of4heltomaetc.7 to.the class of disorders alluded to, should tale Holloway's Pills to insure a good state of health.—Sold by all Druggists, 'and' at Professor Holloway's : Establishment, -244,. Strand, . London. POPULATION OP BRIGHTON AND PORTSMOUTH-- 6 At the late census;lhe population of Brighton amounted to 6.5.000; that of Portsmouth amounted to 68,000. Brighton had increased in the last' ten years 21,000; Portsmouth, In the same period, 15,000. Brighton collects about 30,00. 1, per annum for poor-rites, and Portsmouth about the same sum. Brighton pays about 2,0001. per annum county rate, Portsmouth pays 3,000/. per annum borough rate, both be ing nearly for tho same purposes. Brighton makes about three rates a year, 9d: in the pound ; Portsmouth will be nowr about four a year, at Is. in the pound: The difference in the poundage between Brighton and Portsmouth being made up by the net rateable value of the formai, which is more than double that of the latter. A cdnsiderable tion of the increase in Brighton ma y be attributed to the' facility of railway, travelling to that plac e . Ch eap we ekly trips, like those to Brighton and Southampton, at . ss. and 3s. 6d. to and from these places, must cause attractions; ash. - persons residing in these localties having friends in Londdrif nuiw siding, within a few Iniles.--Portoniaita:VitaidiwiiT.'_. It --xotza can be visited by them as c hea ply as •; ; ~; • --- mtortLi • " • vi though they were re —:41.,, 6 - 11,4 Awl 3:a: 41.,u ..i.