The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-12 00:00:00

urnotion of 00 rillem; id is was in t"tallen#; in i ; i n 18 49 T bd , i t .11 inflicted eduction of while the ,rased. la it a inegl e an d there aid in 1849 ithere w,re liens eV le they b sd lig in , d _ isfiess' ' t t , e ex ea , tilens since n g of 113°8e thennotion. -32 Ell O. Mr. 13. itif n to the thkk outd be charg e , de lifereUs .1 y a nd s' ititeale i ' l hold be !, no t bou4e re do not not s six to" t y d for VJE 3 Isla otar resol liti°ll i Eike] out ' on 11°"t ri trengt or 9 i i iia earel - ER took tb' .ore ordered point at which the first portion of the hue would ter- Dsinste. lie need not remind the elleuse that for some time af•er the Bill was applied for to make a railway be. tweeri Liverpool and Manchester, little or tithing was said of the passenger traffic—it was scarcely mentioned, the whole reliance of the promoters being upon the goods traffi c , ea re e would not then venture to prophecy what would be the result in India, but he thought they would have some grounds for anticipating a similar result. He assured the Noble Lord that the East India Company Were perfectly disposed to extend to Madras the same Privileges as the other presidencies—it was a slew:- Con with them of time and not one of preference. With regard to the line from Madras to Arcot, it was necessary to consider it with reference to the general system of railways proposed for India, and it was doubted whether that line would anewer the require ments that Mr. &me thought desirable. or whe ther it would not be more a lvisable to have a line more to the north-west to join the general system Which was to he carried out from Bombay. Ho would remind the House that the system on which the East India Company had undertaken these railways was in it- Self novel. The Company gave the land free, and gua ranteed to the railway cutup ivies interest upon the capital at the rate of five per cent. for ninety-nine Years. And at any time during that period the railway !orepany could call upon the Indian Government to a ler the railway at prime cost. A statement had foupndy IN way into some of the Indian papers that had arrived 1 : ) Y one of the last mae le to the effect that some engineer ing difficulties had been discovered with regard to the construction of railways in India, and that they had been abandoned altogether. That statement, it was almost needless to say, was quite unfounded. He should conclude by assuring the ,Noble Lord and the House that the East India Company had already anticipated hills, having some time since dispatched letters to the Government of Madras, calling upon them to furnish forthwith all the information that was required, in order to extend the same facilities to that province as had been afforded to the other presidencies, and no time would be lost in extending the same advantages and en ceuragement to it as the others.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. AGLIONBY was prepared to give his cordial support to any proposition for carrying out the benefit of railway communication in India. He thought there Ought to bo an ex ogicio director sitting at the boards of these railways, for the purpose of exercising some effi cient control over their management. He thanked the Noble Lord who had so ably brought the subject before the House, because it afforded the opportunity of clear ing away many doubts and misconceptions that existed upon the subject. Sir E. COLEBROORE thought the Indian public Would be obliged to the Noble Lard for having drawn attention to the subject, and was glad the Government bed announced that this line was only the commence tent of a far more extensive project which they had in centemplation. Mr. HUME thought that a railroad from Allahabad to Delhi, with breeches to the military stations, would confer the greatest benefit upon India, and the saving Which it would effect in life, labour, military stores, B te., would in a period of about five years defray the ex- Penses of the construction of the railroad. He did not think it very satisfactory to hear that only 70 miles of railway out of 400 were all that we were seeking to make. There ought to be a railway from Madras to , Bombay. The result of such a work would be most !Deponent, both in a political as well as a commercial light. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said from his long and intimate knowledge of his Hon. Friend Member for Montrose, he must say that it was not easy the to satisfy him en any point ; but ho (Sir J. Hubhouse) agreed with him in all he said as to the importance of railways in India. He Was exceedingly glad that the Noble Lord hal brought the question forward ; for by his experience and his known attachment to India—having fill d an office in the late Government that was connected with that part of the world—he was most competent to speak upon the a Ubject. When the question came more fully before the /Jouse, he hoped he would be able to show that the East India Company had not slumbered at its post, nor for gotten what was its duty a; regarded its own interests 111,3 well as regarded the millieee ef people entrusted to 114 care. The reasons why the Madras Railway Com- Pany did not receive that encouragement which the Government had hitherto afforded to the other two railway companies were these: Ir, was certainly the intention of the East India Couspsny and the India Board to give the Madras C impeny rather a Preference, if it were possible, but that company died of itself before we could assist it. But the Want of encouragement to these railways generally was attributable to those disgraceful transactions which he was sorry to say historically stigmatised this country.— (Hear, hear.) These disgraceful transactions, he re gretted to say, were not confined to those who might not be supposed to have a; nice- a sense of honour as Others, but were spread amongst the educated BA the higher classes of society.—(Hear, hear.) They were to, be found amongst that class to which the people of England had been long accustomed to look up, not only for the making of their laws, but also fur the formation of their manners. —(hear, hear) Such proceedings as those to Which he had referred had brought discredit upon all railways, and the failure of the efforts of the East India Company, which were honestly made to carry out these Works, must be attributed to this cause. Had it not been for the state of the money market we should have , bad the Madras Railway carried on with the same spirit as that in which the Bombay and Ben ,gal Railway had been proceeded with. He, however, had no doubt that at this time next Year we shall be atee to congratulate the House and the country on the progress made in the Madras Rail !way. In reference to the question whether it would be better that these railways should be constructed by com panies or upon the responsibilities of the Government, De would remind the 11. use that it was very fully dis cuszed when the Noble Lord held office in the Board of Control, in 1845. And it was then determined by the Noble Lord that they should not be carried on by the Government of India, nor by the Government at home, but by the companies themselves that undertook these greet works in India. He (Sir J. Hulehouse) thought that it we uld have been much wiser for the Government to undertake the construction of them. The advantages that would have accrued to them in the transport of troops and stores, and in the traffic that would be created along the route, would have soon compensated them for the 1,000,000/. or 2,000,0001. spent upon their construction.—(Hear, he ar.) The question, however, bow to be considered was, how they could pro- Petty encourage the companies that had already undertaken the: e works. We hove given them land `ewe have granted them an interest upon their capi tal, and we have, men over, taken care that, if the Reutleme n connected with them should desire at some future time to retire from the enterprise, they would have nothing more to do than to return their capital and goods into our hands, wet to say, ".Will you take them from us?"—(Hear, hear.) .The Noble Lord up- Peered to think that we required a spur to induce us to advance in respect to those railways. We required no such spur Puree, puer, stimulis, rt fortius utere loris." Ile would be meet heppy to produce all the papers ap- Plied for by the Noble Lord, and to bring to a conclusion that object which the Noble Lerd had not more at heart tan he (Sir J obhuus , ) had himself. lelr. MANGLES cencut red with the Hon. Member for Montrose in what he had stated with respect to the rail. way in Beneal. Lord JOCELYN replied. He had brought forward the question because he considered it of vast importance to India aid the people of England. The motion was then agreed tee. RAJA OF SATTARA. • Mr. G. THOMYSON moved fer copies of any docu ad' nts furnished by the resident at, Sattara tee the B an ea c y eovernment, showing the amoutit er value of the Property belonging to the State of Setters at the time °f this decease of the late Raja, and the amount of reve nue from all sources in the State of Sattara since its ad alinistration by the. East India Company, and the charges Payable out of the said revenue; of all correspondence between the widow and the adopted son of the ex-Raja of Sattara, and the Governor-General's agent at Benaros, and between that officer and the Govereor-General of I ndia, from the Ist day of December, 1849, to the present time ; and, of all correspondence whether in the secret department or otherwise, between the Government of India and the Court of Directors of the East India ;onpany, on the subject of the provision to be made for 'oe said widow and adopted son (so far as the same have sot been presented to this Hoteie).--Agreed to. The other orders of the day were then agreed to, and t he House adjourned at Eleven o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 11. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. b The C o urt of Chancery (County Palatine of Lancaster) passed through• Committee. PETITIONS.. „ . B ath, - praying Lord MALAIESBURY presentedpetition from 45batli,' p ra yin g that;iu the event 'ef any alteration in the F ast-office regulations, the petitioners might not be de prived of one delivery at lea-t on the Sundays. The Earl. of LEICESTER presented petitions from ;,ftrui sm th an d o th e r places against Sunday labour in `c Post-office. The Earl of ST GERNIANS presented several peti tiotis in favour of the Marriage Bill. hankers Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the and merchants of Forfar against the arrange "cents of the Ahe , cleen Railway. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL. Their Lordships then went into Committee on the Australian Colonies Bill. h Lord N their Lo dships the question whether in framing I lea- constitution for the colonies they would adopt t h e principle of a :Angle chamber, or whether they would : t ert to the old constitutional principle of a double l :hlher. He thought he should be able to show their , 1 rdshi ps atilt the principle of a single chamber was I } 4 i ti rely contrary to the opinions of the colonists. He ould abstain from arguing upon the principle of a d ouble o r s i ng l e c h am b er . H e t h oug ht t h a t wou ld a l mos t be an insult ha fore a British Legislature, but he thought of could show to their Lordships that the principle single chamber had been condemned in all s c ' t untries. He could cite the example of the Unite-1 "es, where that principle had ielded to the ida of a chamber, as well in the y constitution of the e whole nlon of States as in many separate states. They had sireaarkablo example of the ill effects resulting from a 44r3 chamb er —th e resu lt s o f th a t sy s t em i n 17 91, t„ he might say. even in the present ti me ; an d Challenged his Noble Friend opposite, with all ofrquaintance with the subject to show on e i ns t ance tb _t e successful experiment of a single chamber, but, on ° other h an d, he could show many instances of The Noble Earl had been a groat artificer in ta_ttautions, and no person had issued more pi eces o f manuf actures in a give n time than that Noble Earl h a d. was the New Zealand constitution, which was as Ili dead letter by the Governor immediatAly it A A.1 4 191)10 bia to g4l rOliemat to THE SUN, suspend the laws until that constitution could be re , peale , i. The next was the constitution for Australia, passed in 1847, which was rejected by the colonists inermelves, becau,e it went to deprive them of a portion of their franchise. Now both these constitutions con tained the principle of a double chamber, and he asked the Noble Earl on what grounds he had altered the opinions he then held. The Noble Earl had asked the ads ice of the governors of the various colonies in that part of the world, and they unanimously pronounced in favour of a double chamber, and stated that the colonists themselves were not opposed to that system. But the Noble Earl was like the hero of Pope's " Ja nuary end May," " Fans and determined in his mind was ho As men who ask advice are wont to be." And so, though advised to adopt the system of two chambers, his mind was made up to haze but one. If they inquired into the state of advancement of the co lonists they would find that they were capahle of con ducting their own affairs. He would show their Lord ships that in the whole history of the colonies, and in that of the United States, the principle of a second chamber was preferred to that of is single one ; and they had it on the authority of the Committee of the Privy Council, that they would, had it rested wi;th them to recommend, have advised the institution of a seconl chamber. But that was not all, the Government were about also to give a constitution to the Cape of Good Hope, and the Noble Earl, now at the head of the Colo nial Department (Earl Gre)), proposed to give the people of that calony a double chamber. When their Lordships recollected the disturbances that took place at the Cape —when they reflected that the people of that colony had actually set themselves up in arms against the power of the Government, it must seem to them as somewhat strange that the Government in that case yielded to violence—that which they refused to the more orderly and more intelligent people of Australia—a constitution with a second chamber. Was that - consistent?—was it not strange ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then re ferred their Lordships to the colony of Newfound land, referred to by Lord Stanley. as having got two chambers. True, as the Noble Lord had said, they had been amalgamated for a time, and resolved into one, because of some petty differences ; but those differences having been obviated, the two chambers of that little colony were again restored, and were now in existence. He apologised to their Lordships for tres passing thus at length on their Lordships' time; but there was one thing to which he felt bound to call their Lordships' attention—the prayer of the petitions of the people of Australia; and if there was any one thing for which more than another the colonists prayed, it was that their institutions should be assimila•ed to those of the mother country. He believed, in a colony which had no antecedents, and which had no history to tall back upon, the surest way to give - strength was by the estab lishment of the elective system; but the most conserva tive system would be by the adoption of a second cham ber. He asked the Noble Earl if he felt comfortable at his proceedings? and he would tell the Noble Earl and their Lordships, should they pass this Bill, that the co lonists would elect such a democratic chamber under it as would, perhaps, cause strong feelings of regret in this country. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, as an amendment, the adoption of a double chamber. Earl GREY said the Noble Lord had gone into the question of colonial constitutions at great length—mix ing up with it some very harmless banter and pointless jokes—but he had not touched the real question; for he had not shown how it was possible to separate the Le gislature of New South Wales without flying in the face of the whole of the colonists, who in all their petitions deprecated the slightest change. The House of Lords existed in this country alone of all the countries ot the world; it grew oat or the habits of the people, and it was as impossible to create it as it would be to create one of those magnificent oak trees which shot out their roots in all directions. He asked the House, therefore, to support him on the plain and simple principle of nut dis turbing the existing institutions in the colonies. Lord ABINGER said the Bill was not an affirmation of the existing state of things in the colonies, but the introduction of an entire change in their institutions. The result of the Bill would be the creation ot a single democratic chamber, and the production of great discord and dissatisfaction in the colonies. Of the two modes of governing the colonies, the Noble Earl had undoubtedly adopted the worst. Lord LYTTELTON said that the colonists had peti tioned over an over again that toe British Constitution might be extended to them. The question before the House, hoe ever, was not as to the best constitution, but as t s the best legislative machinery applicable under the circumstances to the colony. There was not the slightest indication in any of the documents laid before the House that a double chamber would be objections aule. The Noble Earl's measure did not leave it to the colony to introduce the system recommended, but would prevent them from doing so it' they should think fit. He should support the amendment of his Noble Friend, leaving the details to be filled up at another opportunity if their Lordships should agree to the principle. The Earl of ST. GERMANS believed the amend ment proposed by the Noble Lord would disapp tint the expectations which had been held out to the colonists. The Noble Lord had argued as if the colonists had mane the proposition which he advocated, but it had never ' been brought under their consideration at all. He was not prepared to vote for the amendment, particularly as ' this was an experiment which he thought deserving of a fair trial. The proposition made by the Noble Lord could not, under the existing circumstances of the colony be carried out, because a large number of the most in fluential parties resided at a considerable distance from Sydney, and could not make it convenient to spend a con siderable portion of the year in that place. Lord NVODEHOITSE thought that a system which had been so universally adopted in the colonies ought not to be abandoned or departed from without some stronger reasons than had yet been adduced. One strong objection to the Bill was, that it would make the ' Government a separate party in the colony, distinct from and opposed to the people, thus causing a constant feeling of irritation between the colony and the mother country.—(Hear, hear.) Although he believed it essential to the establishment of a wise system of repre sentative institutions in the colonies that the Legislature should conost of two chambers, he did not agree with ' those who advocated a single chamber, on the ground that they would lay the f aindatiou of aristocratic feel ings in those colonies. He believed they would commit a great error by sanctioning this Bill, and shuuld there fore support the amendment. The Committee divided on the amendment, when the numbers were— Contents ••• ••• ••• 20 Non-contents ... ••• 22 Majority against the amendment... —2 On our return to the gallery, we found Lord LYT I'ELTON recommending the reduction of the franchise to one-hall the amount - , proposed by the Bill. As the Noble Esrl (Grey) intended to altar the clause, he would withdraw the amendment which he ' should otherwise have proposed. Earl GREY thought a reduction in the franchise very desirable, and proposed a clause in accordance with the views of the Noble Lord After a few words from Earl POWIS, The clause as amended was agreed to. In reply to Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said he saw no reason why the franchise in South Australia and Van Diemen's Laud should not bit the same as that proposed for New South Wales, and he would propose a clause to that effsct. On clause 8 oeirig propose:l, Lord MONTEAGLE objected to it, because, what ever might be the capacity of Western Australia to re ceive a constitution, until they should have the means of paying the whole of their expenses they would net, under the provisions of the Bill, be able to obtain a con stitution. It was a novel principle to lay down that no state was entitled to representative government until it had a revenue sufficient to pay its expenses. Earl GREY said, so far from being a new principle it was the ancient principle of our own Constitution. The whole power of the House of Commons had arisen from the Crown being under the necessity of applying to it for money. It was his deliberate opinion that until the people ot the colonies were able to pay the expenses of their civil government, they were not entitled to repre sentative institutions. Lord MONTEAGLE asked if representative institu tions were to be refused so long as the colonies did not pay the whole of their expenses? If so, we ought not to grant them so long as we paid the salaries of the go vernors. Earl FITZ WILLI NM disputed the position laid down by the Secretary for the Colonies, that the power of the House of Commons arose from its having the power of the purse. It had its power inconsequence of this being a free country. Earl GREY, in answer to the observation of the Noble Lord (Monteagle), said that the payment of the salaries of colonial governors by this country was a wise exception in the colonial expendithre. With regard to the other point he believed he was correct in saying that in point of fact representative institutions had been viewed as neither more nor less than a machinery for taxation. The colonies ought to have representative in stitutions as soon as they were able to defray the cost of government. Western Australia would speedily be in such a po:ition. Lord LYTTELTON congratulated the Noble Earl on coming round to the views which he had expressed in 1846. The clause was then agreed to. On clause 14, In reply to Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said that he had been in communication with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject of giving the colonists greater control over their customs, and he had no doubt such a control would be granted them. The clause was then agreed to. On clause 16, Lord LYTTELTON wished to know whether it was desirable that schedule C should stand part of the Bill. The effect of it would be to fix the minimum to be paid for purposes of public worship. He thought it would be bettyr to leave the whole question of the pecuniary support of religious establishments to the colonists themselves, as it was clearly one of their own internal concerns. After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, Earl GREY said it had been considered that the pre sent Bill could not originate in their Lordships' House, becau•e it created a taxing power. He would not take upon Limself to offer an opinion as to how far his Noble Friend's (Lord Lyttelton's) proposition would interfere with the privile ges of the House of Commons, but he would strongly deprecate any alteration in the Bill from its present shape. After a short conversation, the proposed suggestion was not pres&ed, and the clause was understood to hare been agr. ed to. On Clause 17 being proposed, which showed how the appropriation of sums granted might be varied, Lord MONTEAGLE complained that there was a pcom-given by this claw to tht Goreruor 2f thevologry LONDON, greater than that possessed by the Treasury of this empire. Earl GREY defended the clause, which was subse quently agreed to. The NOBLE EARL then moved, pursuant to notice, the substitution of the word "diminution" for "alteration," with reference to judicial sal'iries.—Agreed to. Clause 18 was also understood to have been agreed to without any discussion. Clause 19 was then proposed. Lord LY'rrELTON suggested that the power of forming district councils should not be left in the hands of the gov,rnor except by and with the advice of the legislative council. Esrl GREY thought that_would not be analogous with the municipal councils in England, and that it woulA be inexpedient to adopt the su , gestion. Aftrr a few words from Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said that the object of the district coun cils was to gibe the reipective localities a control in the expenditure of their own money. Clause 19 was then agreed to, as were also clauses 21, 22, and 23. On clauae 24. Lord LYrTELTON rose to propose the amendment of which he had given notice, with the view of making an alteration in the power of dealing with the waste lands of the colonies. He had come to the conclusion that it would be impossible and not desirable to maintain throughout the whole extent of New South Wales and Port Philip tee price of land at IL per acre, seeing that it must neces-arily be devoted to pastoral purposes. lie therefore proposed to entrust the power of selling the waste lands to the governor, with the advice of the Le gislative Council. The time was come when this power ought to be entrusted to the local legislature. At the same time, he altogether objected to the price of land being reduced to merely a nominal amount. The great difficulty was in dealing with vested interests—namely, with the interests of those who had purchased lands at the higher price. The main answer to that was, that since 1842, when the Land Sales Act passed, in New South Wales and Port Philip the sales had been exceed ingly small. He had no objection to make the assent of the Crown necessary, but the local legislature ought to be allowed to deal with the question. Earl GREY thought the proposition of the Noble Lord would be one of the greatest blows that could be given to the colonies to which he proposed to apply it. He would endeavour shortly to explain the policy which had been adopted with respect to the sale of land in Australia. Up to 1831 the practice was to grant land under certain rules, the object of which was to endeavour as fur as possible to prevent it being taken by irrespon sible parties; and regulations were consequently made, which looked very well on paper, but which were prac tically of no use, for no vigilance was sufficient to prevent their evasion. Abuses had risen to a great height, when it was suggested that the real way of getting rid of the evil was, instead of giving land away, to sell it. These views were published in an able pamphlet, and attracted the notice of Lord Ripon, who was so thoroughly satisfied of the sound ness of the principles on which the regulations were suggested, tlest be determined to apply them practically to New South Wales. New instructions were issued respecting the disposal of the Crown lands. When the price was named it created great opposition— and there was not a single individual in the colonies in favour of the regulation. The price was afterwards ruis d to 12s. per acre In 1840 the whole subject was brought under the consideration of a Select Cum mittee on the affairs of South Australia; and after a long and patient inquiry, the Committee came unani mously to the conclusion that the price of land ought to be raised, and that in order to induce persons to pur chase more largely, a Parliamentary security ought to be given against the prices being subsequently lowered. It was said that such a security would cause large purchases to be made. These views were adopted by the Secre- ' tary of State (Lord J. Res,ell), but he did not remain in office sufficiently long to carry them int.) eff,ct. They were also adopted by Lord Stanley, and in 1842 a Bill was brought in, founded on the report of the Com mittee, to secure purchasers of land against future re ductions of value. Under these circumstances a very large number of sales took place. It was desirable that where the extent of the valuable land was unlimited, the price should be determined by the minimum price imposed by the Crown; and it was quite clear that if the minimum price should be reduced the value of the land already sold must be diminished; and in fact to reduce the price fixed under the Act of 1841 would be nothing short of confiscation. He would now call their Lordships' attention to the effects which had resulted from this system. Ia 1831 the policy was adopted of selling land and applying the proceeds of the land sales to the purposes of emigration. During the eighteen years which have elapsed the amount of money derived from the sale of land and applied to the purposes of emigration in the Australian colonies was no less than 2.500,0004 The first application of money derived from these sales to emigration took place on the recommen dation of a Committee in 1831, the amount calculated upon not exceeding 10,000/. At that time there were no means of sending labouring men at a reasonable price to the Australian colonies, the lowest amount being about 401. for a stserage passage, but the charge was now 12/. or 141, with infinitely superior accommodation. Under this system the number of persons sent to the Australian colonies during that period was 117,600. Nor was that all; for in consequence of the stimulus thus given to emigration, 61,750 persons had voluntarily gone to Australis, making a total of 179,300 souls. This had been effected without any expense to this country, and he contended that such a system ought not to be rashly dealt with. He would call their Lordship? attention to another circumstance. He held in his hand a petition against a clause contained in the Bill allowing the Federal Legislature to de )1 with the price of the land. The petitioners stated that they had purchased their land on the faith of the report of the Committee to which he had referred, and what they con sidered a Parliamentary guarantee that the price of land should not be diminished. These were the circumstances under which the tneasure was proposed; and if the con fidence of the purchasers was shaken, the discontinuance of the present system must follow. It had been said that 1/. was not a high price for land intended for agri cultural purposes, but the grazing land was not worth that sum. It was not worth 55., it was not, in fact, worth Is. In 1846 a measure was passed authorising the Crown to establish regulations for the occupation of waste lands for pastoral purposes, and the papers on the table showed that those regulations had been satisfac tory. Ile conceived that Crown lands ought to be held in trust by her Majesty for the benefit of all her subjects, end they ought not to be engrossed by a few persons to the detriment of the future settlers. But if the price of lands in Australia were to be greatly reduced, they would in a short time be bought up by speculators, and the settlers would have to ply not 1/. per acre, but a price fixed by the holder, without gaining any advantage like that which they derived under the present system. The only security against this engrossment of the public lands was to maintain the existing laws and the existing minimum prig-. There was a disposition to acquire larger quan tities of land than was consistent with the public interest, which it was difficult to deal with. It must also be re collected that a considerable portion of the money ob tained from land sales went back to the colonists in the shape of bridges, roads, and other essential improve ments necessary for the comfort and progress of the colony. It was desirable, therefore, that all the money not spent to promote suitable emigration should be ex pended for local improvements and objects. It was said that this would encourage a spirit efjobbing. but he con sidered that proper checks on the expenditure of the money would do away with this anticipation. These were the grounds on which he supported the measure in pre ference to the amendment. He had been told that the colonists were against this measure. He denied that this was the tact. Public opinion was very much divided on the subject. South Australia was very much in favour of the. Land Sales Act, and in New South Wales public opinion was very much divided on the subject. The Legislative Council, he believed, were in favour of the minimum price of U. per acre, though they had passed a resolutien against it. If under the existing system, Australia had grown up into a colony of great import ance—if the system had effected as much good as his had stated, he hoped their Lordships would maintain it un altered. Lord MONTEAGLE supported the amendment. The old system had been subverted by his Noble Friend, and for that act he deserved the thanks of the country and the colonists ; but it did not follow that the system the Noble Earl wished now to introduce was such a sys tem as ought to have the approval of that House. In the year 1842, a report adverse to the present land sys tem was adopted. In 1844 a similar report was made. In 1846 a resolution to the same effect was agreed to in the Council. In 1847 another report was made and adopted, of a similar character ; and in 1849 the report before the House was agreed to. On these grounds, and because these were the opinions of the colonies from 1842 to 1850, ho called oa the House to adopt the amendment. Lord LYTTELTON replied. The House then divided, when there appeared— Content ___ ... Not content ... .. ... .., 28 DEspAL . E .. Majority suggested ... ih " ts postponement ..; i RE 0 Lord of the Bill over Thursday, as it would be inconvenient to proceed on it for the next few days. Earl GREY asked the House whether it would be be coming the House to postpone the business of the country for the amusement of a few of their Lordships. One day it was for races hero, another for races there; one day for a great dinner in the City, another fir a great dinner elsewhere. The House should go on with the business of the country if it wished to preserve its ch,racter; but to postpone a Bill of that important na ture at half-past ten o'clock would be worse than pre posterous. He perceived a desire to defeat the Bill by protracting the proceedings; but last year, it would be remembered that the House bad tat until five o'clock in the morning on the navigation-laws. He trusted, there fore, the Bill would be proceeded with, and no further delay attempted. I.ord MONTE AGLE said the other House had fixed on business for the da) s in question with the consent of the Crfivernment. He was, however, ready to go on with the Bill. Lord REDESDALE said the Irish Franchise Bill had been postponed over Thursday on account of the day in question. He never declined to attend to the business of the country; but he was of opinion that it would be better for the House to postpone the discussion until the individuals who were to take part in it were pre .ent. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he bad put off the Irish Franchise Bill solely at the request of a Noble Lord then absent, and for no other motive.-- After a few words from Lord ABINGER the Bill was proceeded with. The Bishop of OXFORD then proposed a clause, the object, of which was to relieve the Church of _England in the colonies from the restrictions imposed by the statute 1511 Pined to inOtte the ChWeil Wave the Menai- _...- WEDNESITIVET EVENING, JUN% 12, 1 Lion. It had been foreseen when 'bishops were created for colonies that difficulties would arise on the paint, and the bishops had power in their patents to hear and determine causes in their courts us in this country. But doubts having arisen on the question, and the patents having been declared beyond the law, they were consequently withdrawn. The posi tion of the Church of England in the colonies was, therefore, such that she could not make rules for her own regulations, or to bind her followers. It was to remedy this that the clause was intended. lie had un derctood the Noble Earl to state that a reverend gen tleinun high in position in the colonies had admitted that the remedy lay with the Colonial Legislature, and not with the Imperial , but that reverend gentleman, who was the chaplain of the Bishop of Tasmania, aJ vocated the removal of the doubts that at present ex isted among members of the Church of England on the subject of the power in question. The writer went on to state that the Church of England in the colony could not make or enforce regulations such as the Church of Rome and the Church of Scotland could make. Ano ther point related to the visitation of bishops. The Bishop of Tasmania, it appeared, was of opinion that an additional service was required at St. David'e, Hobart Town, and took steps to establish it, but the chaplain of the church thought his rights interfered with, and refused admission to the Bishop to the church. The Bishop came to the church, attended by a large congre getion in the street, and the churchwardens at last, from fear of violence, unlocked the doors, but the dispute had never been settled by any rules. The result was that the members of the Church of England in the colony felt they were subject , d to difficulties and re strictions which no other religious body was subjected to, and that the clergy not standing on an equal f .oting were deprived of much of their usefulness. They were subjected to just enough of ecclesiastical law to restrain them, but to too little to make their position intelligible and their administration effective. The remedy which ho proposed by this clause was merely to permit the members of the Church, bishops and clergy, to assem ble together, and by consent to lay down rules for their own internal government, and to make it impossible for those wha consented to such rules to appeal to other courts. If the experiment was found to succeed, then would be the time to apply to the colonial legislature to give the form of an enactment to these rules. He wished to set the Church tree, not from local, but from Imperial legislation in this matter. He wished by this clause to remedy a doubt, or, as some thought, an ille gality. lie had no desire to see the Church of England in the colony deriving her influence from being what was called a dominant church, but from her spiritual power and efficacy. He desired to free it from the embarrass ments of that anomalous connexion with the Church at home which gave it neither rule nor freedom. It had been said that there would be danger in that, because it might lead the Church in the colony to adopt some new faith, and to separate altogether from the Church at home. He thought he would meet that objection by the proviso which he intended to propose, that no regulation adopted should authorise a bishop to exercise any ecclesiastical function except he had taken the oath of allegiance, and bad subscribed the Articles of the United Church of England and Ireland; that any matter touching the see of Can terbury might be disallowed by that see; and that no such regulations should be binding except on the bishops, clergy, and " declared" members of the Church in that colony. It had also been objected that the clause would give the Church an advantage over otbar denomi nations; but if the last words of the peeßiso were adopted that objection would be obviated, for they were to the effect that such regulations should not affect the laws anti regulations of other religious communities in the colony. He rejoiced to hear the Noble Earl declare last night that the Government were anxious to aid the Church in the colony in working herself free from the restrictions on the exercise of her spiritual power, pro vided that could be done without injury to others. Another objection was, that however good the clause might be, it was not right to introduce it in a special Act referring to a special colony, but that it should make part of a general Bill. applying generally to all the colonies. But as the Noble Earl did not find it wise to propose one general measure, in temporal and political matters f ,r all the colonies gene rally, but rather proposed special measures for special colonies, suited to the peculiar circumstances of each, so by the same analogy he considered that in spiritual matters particular measures suited to the particular cir cumstances of each colony ought to be proposed, instead of one general spiritual measure, applicable generally to all the colonies. In fact, such an objection was only an attempt to get rid of the motion by a side-wind. He hoped, however, that their Lordships would give the clause all that deliberate consideration which an attempt to meet a great practical grievance, pressing upon the colonies, deserved to obtain. He begged to move the insertion of the clause of which he had given notice in the Bill. _ _ Earl GREY hoped the Right Rev. Prelate would not press the House to come to a decision upon the question. The subject was one of great difficulty, with which they could not safely deal by introducing a clause of this kind. They could not agree to it without carefully ' considering who were the parties by whom and what was the manner in which the powers it conferred should be exercised. By agreeing to the clause they would create a legislative authority in the Church of England in the colonies. By its terms the colonial bishop was not to consecrate a minister of religion unless the party subscribed the Ar tic!es of the Church of England, and gave his assent to the Book of Common Prayer. But in case of any dif ference of opinion in the proposed council of clergy and laity, what would the Right Rev. Prelate think of a de cision by a maj eity in the sense of a late decision of the Judicial Committee of Privy Council ? Again, what was the meaning of the words "the mutual consent of clergy and laity respectively?" Ile (Earl Grey) was positively unable to construe those words. Again, in matters of this kind they must gu and against clashing with the kcal legislature. If they introduced a special clause of this kind in this Bill, it would be considered that it was intended to overrule their local legislation. It was far better, in stead of taking the course now proposed, to reserve the subject for more general and more deliberate consideration. The Bishop of SALISBURY would vote for the clause. If the Noble Earl would promise to give a fair and candid consideration to the subject, he would sug gest to his Right Rev. Friend not to proceed to a divi sion. But the Noble Earl spoke of the difficulties in the way of dealing with the subject, as if they presented in superable obstacles to their arrangement. The Bishop of LIMERICK could nut give his consent to the clause. Instead of being of advantage to the boundCh,ruhree Church, and peace tf the colony, it would only lead to dissensions and differences, which would be aggravated by the delays occasioned by a reference to their metropolitan in the mother country. It was utterly impossible fur him to support the clause of the Right Rev. Prelate; and if the latter would allow him, as a junior member a that House to make a suggestion, he would recommend the Right Rev. Prelate not to press the matter, but to leave it in the hands of the Government. He was anxious that aar a ci n to d wf U t r ite op‘rveßs greatesteyn: w circumstances circumspection.—(H ear) ma pv ee e ytjoo.th indistin ctly eLi e w erear) peace should prevail in all subjects connected with the heard, w as understood to say that the clause before them was more a declaration of opinion than one upon which to legislate. He hoped hi s L earne d an d ni g ht Rev. Friend would not press his proposition on that occasion. In legislating for the colonies on that subject it was necessary to consider the different positions and circum stances under which each of the colonies respectively was placed. The Earl of CHICHESTER, who was almost totally inaudible in the gallery, was understood to observe that great inconvenience Was felt in the colonies in conse quence of the uncertainty of the law as it at present stood. He hoped something would be done to remedy that evil, and indeed it was most advisable to have a re. vi,ion of the entire state of the law respecting the Church in the colonies. The Bishop of DOWN and CONNOR said the ques tion on the present occasion resolved itself into the in quiry whether the proposition s of the Right Rev. Prelate were sufficient or not to correct the evils which were acknowledged on all sides of the House to exist. As he did not think they were so (as the Right Rev. Prelate was understood), he would oppose the clause. Lord REDESDALE appro ve d o f th e principle of the clause, 'and would support it, but would not recommend his Right Rev. iriend to press it to a division. Lord LYTTELTON thought the Government was leaving the present question in a very unsatisfactory state. He wished to know whether there would be any thing like a promise given of an inquiry into the subject on a future occasion. Earl GREY was understood to say that he could give no specific answer on that question to his Noble Friend. The Bishop of OXFORD, in briefly replying, said if he got any definite answer that an inquiry would take place this session or next, he would be content to wait any reasonable time, and to leave the matter in the hands of the Government.—(Hear.) ex istence'rhe M cf ar t q he uis of grievance; LANSDOWNE scarcely fair to call upon the bench of Right R ev . Prelates, whose atten buif it was admitted the tion must have been turned to t h e subject, to produce a plan to remedy it, how much l ess l air would it be to call upon the Government to provide a remedy, especially without having had an opportu ni ty of communicating with the members of the Church in the colonies? His Noble Friend had gone as far as he could under the cir cumstances. The grievance must be examined into and fully probed, and the nature of the remedy considered. His Noble Friend was hardly called on to state whether the inquiry should be conducted by a Commission or otherwise. All that the Government could say was, that the matter should be looked into at no very distant pe riod, he might almost say forthwith. No unnecessary delay should intervene, but the most effectual inquiry should be instituted, and the beat remedies that could be devised should be adopted. Earl PO WIS thought the Right Rev. Prelate was fully justified in calling on the Government for an as surance that the subject should receive considerivion at their hands. It was not a subject to be dealt with by private Members without the assistance of the Go vernment. The Bishop of OXFORD said if the Noble Earl would introduce a declaratory statement that the disabling Acts which hound the Church of England should not bind the Church in the colony, he should be perfectly content to let the matter rest where it was. tie was willing to withdraw his motion, and propose it in an amended form in the report. Earl GREY objected to give the pledge required by the Right Rev. t'relate, thit:king it itnpropr to make distinctions between the Church in this country and the colonies. The Bishop of OXFORD, after the answer given by the Government, would not press his motion. The motion was then withdrawn; the House resumed, aild the report was brought up. • The lime sfAJourue4 at 6 Qualer to Q4e okiao4, .~• . LAW INTELLIGENCE. COUlt7' OF BANKRUPTCY, June 11. (Before Mr. Commissioner FANE.) JUDGMENT.-THE ITALIAN OPERA HOUSE, COVENT. GARDEN. IN RE EDWARD THOMAS DELAFIELD. His HONOUR. to-day gave judgment on the question of the bankrupt's certificate. He said—This is a very re markable case, and very unlike those which usually ap pear in this court. The bankrupt, on coming of age in 1845. found himself entitled to a fortune, left him by his uncle, who died about 1825, which, with its accumu lation, amounted to 100,0001. and upwards. He was also entitled, under his father's will, to a reversionary interest of 6,0001., payable on the death of an aunt. His father and uncle had been partners in the brewery of Combe, Delafield and Co., and he was admitted into the partnership on coming of age. He thus became en titled to interest on his capital of 100.000!. at 5 per cent. and to a share in the annual profit besides, which usually amountsd to 2,5001. HM had, therefore, an income of about 7,5001. a year. At the end of 1848 he was a ruined man. On the 12th of July. 1849, the fiat issued against him, his debts being 33,000/., his assets about 1,000/. His affairs have been fully investi- ' gated ; his creditors are satisfied that the truth has been told ; his last examination was passed without opposition, and he now asked for his certificate. The assignee objects, partly on pub lic, and partly on private grounds. The public grounds resolve themselves into reckless personal expen diture and an unfair making away of his remaining assets shortly before his bankruptcy. The private grounds have reference to a loan by the assignee to the oankrupt, in March, 1846. Before considering the Ob jections, I will trace shortly the progress of this young man from affluence to utter destitution. Having received the usual school education, he was sent to Oxford, where he continued about three years, during which time he exceeded his allowance by about 3,000/. and upwards. He was anxious to pay the debts he bad incurred, but was unable to do so, the very large sum left him by his uncle not being immediately accessible, and in conse quence he borrowed of the gentleman who afterwards became petitioning creditor and assignee under the bankruptcy 4,6001., with which, and other advances, he cleared off his debt. On coming of age, in Novem ber, 1845, he was admitted, as I have above said, a partner in the brewery, and became master of his fortune. Unfortunately for him he was under the influence of a strong passion for music, and hence for theatrical entertainments, which brought him into contact with persons willing to avail themselves of his want of experience, and carelessness about money, to involve him in speculations the risk of Which he was to run, and the benefit of which they were to en joy. In 1846 he was induced to assist in bringing over the Brussels operatic company to this country. This specu lation turned out a total failure, and he lost by it 2,3001 and upwards. It would have been well if this trifling loss had operated as a warning to hiss not to engage in undertakings, the details of which he neither did nor could understand. However, it did not, and in 1847, he withdrew his capital from the brewery, and entered into the speculation which soon completed his ruin. The history of this transaction will best be given in his own words. He says—" I know Thomas Frederick Beale, of 201, Regent-street. I first became acquainted with him in the spring of 1847. He was then engaged as manager of the Royal Italian Opera House, Covent garden, for Signor Persiani, who was at that time the lessee. Some time in July, 1847, Beale came to me when I was in my box at the theatre, and told me Persiani bad left, and that money was required to pay the artistes, or else the theatre must close, and said if I would lend him my promissory note fur 3,0001., the Union Bank, or his father, would discount it, he promising, with Mr. Chap pelle, his solicitor, who was then present, to provide for it at maturity. I consented to this, and gave my pro missory note the following day, and this was afterwards represented by bills, for which I was ultimately obliged to pledge my reversion of 6,000/. ; no part of this 3.000/. was repaid to me either by Beale, or his attorney. When I gave this bill I had no connexion with the theatre be yond having my box there. I had no motive in giving this bill, except to assist the concern. This was my first introduction into the pecuniary affairs of the theatre, and subsequently about the end of that season (about August, 1847), Mr. Beale induced me to join him in partnership, and some memorandum of agreement was prepared by Mr. Chappelle, of which I have no copy, but I believe the terms were, that I was not to incur any liability, present or future, beyond 15,000/. There was a provision I believe in this agree ment, that Beale was to be at liberty to make any tar rangemeat he could with Persiani for obtaining the theatre, and I believe Beale arranged with him to pay all the debts upon the theatre, to continue the existing arrangements, and to release Persiani from all liabilities, upon condition of Persiani giving Beale two acceptances of 2,000/. each; and Signor Salvi, who was a friend of Persiani, also agreeing to give fur acceptances of 1,000/. each, making together 8,0001. By the power thus given I to Beale, he took upon himself to pay the whole of the existing engagements of the theatre, the whole of which ultimately fell upon me, as Beale paid no part of them. Persiani's bills have all been dishonoured, and have never been paid; Salvi paid three of his acceptances by an engagement; but the balance of the fourth accept ance, I believe, about 640/., still remains due, and I be lieve that Beale has since given up the fourth acceptance to Signor Salvi without any authority, and I consider this In longs to my estate. By this arrangement of Mr. Beale, throwing the liabilities of the former lessees upon my shoulders, I had to pay about 20,000/. The opera season having terminated in August, 1847, nothing was done excepting making arrangements for the ensuing season, until November, 1847, when a partnership I deed was executed between me and B •ale. Beale did cot bring anything into the concern. The partnership was dissolved in December, 1847, I, by the terms of the dissolution, taking upon m) sell' all the debts of the , theatre, and releasing Beale from all contributions to wards the debts and contributions of the theatre. Beale ihen ceased to have any connexion with the theatre." The object of entering intc such an undertaking without any experience to guide him, is obvious; the result was a balance of loss on the season of 1848 of 34 7561., and on the season of 1849 of 25,455/. Esen this gigantic undertaking did not satiate his passion with ventures connected with music and theatrical engagements, for in the early part of 1846 he also undertook, with Mr. Charles Mathews, to carry on the Lyceum, on joint ac count. His project was soon f .und unprofitab!e to him, and he withdrew atter having sustained a loss of 5,312/. Pending these engagements he made a pr.-sent of 5.000/. is a musical acquaintance of his, Mr. Arthur Webster, with which Mr. Webster hal purchased a villa on the banks of the Thames, called Willow Bank, and as it was thought desirable that the villa should be improved, he agreed to assist Mr. Webster in repairing, or rather rebuilding and decorating it. For this he ultimately paid about 8,3001. The result of all is told by him self in these words:—" I was, in fact, entirely ruined Ott the end of the season of 1848. My balance at my banker's was quite exhausted, and I began the season of 1849 by a loan of 2,0004 from my banker's." As the season advanced his distress for money increased, and in April Beale was obliged to advance 1,0001. to pay Mario and Grisi. On the 15th or 22d Beale and the bankrupt met, and an account was produced, by which it appeared that 4.0001. was then due for salaries ; and in order to induce Bale to carry on the theatre, the oankrupt, on the 22i of April, executed • deed, prepared by Mr. Beak, whereby he assigned all hi, interest in the theatre, theatrical properties, and debt due for contribu tions, to Beale, to cover such advances as he had made or nygn t make to carry on the theatre, not exceeding 7,000/, and he himself retired to Brussels to avoid arre3t. On the 1.4 of May following he became party to another deed, by which Mr. Webster conveyed Willo v Bank at .d the property there to Mr. Beale, also to secure 7,0004, and on the 12th of July following the fiat issued. Such were the circumstances of this lamentable case, and it is now contended that I ought either t refuse the bankrupt's certificate altogether, or postpone the allowance of it, and add the conditions that the bankrupt should pay ten shillings in the pound to his creditors, out of any property which may hereafter come into his possession. I do not think, however, that I ought to adopt any one of these courses. The first charge made against the bankrupt is, that his expenditure was reckless. But what evidence is there to support this charge? I have certainly heard out of court that a very extravagant style of living was indulged in at Willow Bank, but Willow Bank belonged to Mr. Webster, and for anything that appears to the contrary, the bankrupt was rather a guest thug % than anything else. But whatever the fact may be, I have nothing to do with anything but what appears in evi dence before me, and all that is in evidence before me on the subject of reckless expenditure, is a statement in the balance-sheet, showing that the bankrupt's personal ex penditure, from November, 1845, to July, 1849—nearly four years—was 22,0004; from which must be deducted at least 3,000/. for college expenses prior to 1845, being a personal expenditure of 19,000/. only—less than 5,000/. a year. Now, this is rot reckless expenditure in a per son who had above 7,000/. a year. In reference to this part of the case, allusion was made to the gift of 5,000/. to Mr. Webster, and the subsequent expenditure of 8,300/. for his benefit. As to this, the bankrupt's ex cuse is, that Mr. Webster had lent him money to meet his early difficulties, and he also anticipated a mar riage between Mr. Webster and a near relation of his. But it is scarcely necessary to notice these ex planations. The 5,000/. was given on the 27th of February, 1847, and on that day the bankrupt re ceived 20,0001. from Ilifessrs. Combe and Coe and when he engaged to pay for the improvements at Willow Bank, he had still 80,000!. i n his re serve, and of course every person is at liberty to g ive away thousands of his own money, if he choo ses so far to depart from the ordinary usages of mank ind. The chargeavou o was a Beale, a t l o e u , only other charge made against the bankrup t on p ublic grounds was, that he had made away with a ll his re mainingnjdu(sAt o o ti n the his e eve e u tion of the two deeds of the 22d of April a nd l e t of M ay of alc p tpo property p a e n r d t y this inf 1849. Now it has always be e n considered by me as an important part of my duty here, to impress on all traders, that although they are at liberty to struggle for a living as long as there is a fair chance of success re mainiue, and their creditors are willing, from abstain. ing from pressure by suit, to allow them to do so, still that they are bound, when all reasonable ch ance i s gone, and pressure by creditors begins, to look their affairs steadily in the face, and if they see no fair ground of hope, and some of their creditors will wait no longer, then to place themselves entirely in the hands of their creditors, and if necessary submit to bankruptcy, showing no favour to one creditor more than another. Prima facie the application of that principle to the present case would require con demnation of the bankrupt as far an unfair preference of Belle, but upon full consideration I am of opinion that this is an excepional case. First, some allowance ought to be made for the extreme youth of the bankrupt; -ome for thecircunistance that he could hardly be deemed a trader; some for the deceptions of which he hiss been rawe the vicijul; tad somo for the greataess of the.ruila 1850. that has befallen him: which, of course, must operate in itself as severe punishment. But I have another diffi culty in dealing with this part of the case on the strict . principle, and that is. that the assignee has thought it best to settle all questions with Mr. Beale. by accepting F from him 1,0001. in satisfaction of all claims, and hence . there has not been that full investigation of the facts connected with the execution of the two deels which would be requisite to enable me to firm a judicial opi nion on the merits of the transactions. An obvious ex cuse, however, offers itself for the execution of the deed of the 22d of April, that April was the very commence ment of the Covent-garden Opera season, and the bank rupt might have thought that in inducing Beale to fur nish funds to go on with, he was doing the best he could for the creditors, whose immediate subsistence and ulti mate payment depended on the theatre being kept open. With regard to the deed of the Ist May, it seems, in fact, that the bankrupt was not a conveying party; the deed related to Mr. Webster's property, and it was only executed by the bankrupt in order that any subse quent purchaser under Beale might be better satisfied. Under these circumstances, and having a regard to all these consideratioes, I d o n o t f e el myself in a position to pronounce judicially that the certificate ought to be post poned with respect to the alleged unfair disposition of property on the ev e o f b an k ruptcy . I t rema i ns t o co n s ider the private complaint of the assignee. He was a college friend, three or four years older tnan the bankrupt. In March, 1846, being then, it must be presumed, acquainted with his young friend's carelessness about money, and his unfitness to be trusted with it, he thou ht fit to lend him 4,6001,, to he repaid at the option of ei:hf r party on twelve months' notice being given. lii February, 1848. he or his friends commenced an action to r.cover the money immediately, with interest. The bankrupt paid the interest, but, as to the principal, he declined paying it at that time, on the ground that he had not had twelve months' notice. The assignee, knowing the defence was right in point of law, submitted, gave immediate notice, and renewed his action in February, 1849. Meanwhile the bankrupt had involved himself in the opera specu lation, and was, in fact, utterly ruined. Now, is there anything in these circumstances which should deprive the baukrapt of his certificate? I think not. The defence he made was justifiable at the time. Thelender had agreed that repayment should not be made until after twelve months' notice, and that notice had not been given. But then it is contend , d that I ought, in granting the certificate, to attach the condition that the bankrupt shall pay ten shillings in the pound on his debts out of future assets and a decision something like that in Lord Hun tingtower's case nas cited to me. I do not know the exact particulars of that case, I only know it was very peculiar. But I confess I have no inclination to attach such a condition to a certificate in any case. I refused to do so in Jullien's. The world of industry in which we lire is one in which every man, not living on accumu lations, is struggling for a subsistence. In that struggle it is difficult enough for any one to win his way, even with character clear and something to begin with. What, then, may be expected to be with the tate of one who not only begins with nothing, but is weighed down with the stain of bankruptcy, and by an unpaid debt of 10s. in the pound on 33,0001.? I see nothing for a person so burthened but to lie down in hopeless despair, and aban don all future exertion. Were the faults of this bank rupt far greater than they are, I would not condemn him to such a fate. It may be said that this bankrupt had rich relatio ns . P er h a p s h e h a s ; but if it were true, this argument is one which will never weigh with me. I will never be a party to the establishing of any such doctrine, that rich relations are under any obligation to pay the debts of extravagant connexions. A contrary doctrine is a far more wholesome one. It is better to lay it down that a creditor shall not have means of pres sure, direct or indirect, upon rich relations, and thus check the giving credit to the young and foolish. It is to the great prevalence of this credit which in the long run, leads to the establishment of laws which, though intended to check the unwholesome credit only, which is given to the idle, such as that given in Lord Hunting tower's case and again in this, have a tendency to im pede that wholesome credit which, by enabling strug gling industry to exercise its calling, is the source of public wealth. And for whose benefit am I to impose this berthen—for that of the assignee, or for that of the general body of creditors? If for the assignee, I anslaer that he knew at the time he lent the money that he was lending to a spendthrift; that the money was to meet past or future extravagance. Why should the law go out of its way to aid such lenders? They are public enemies, they foster extravagance, encourage idleness, and disturb the happiness of families. Even those who advance money to enable others to educate themselves or go into business, must submit to the loss of what they have lent if circumstances turn out unfavourable. And if this be the fate of those who advance money for praiseworthy purposes, why should it not be the fate of those who advance money to supply extra vagance? Surely the loss of what has been so lent is not inappropriate punishment fer persons who thus in terfere between the young.. and their natural advisers ' end protectors. But it may be said that I ought to im- I pose that condition for the benefit of the other creditors. To that I answer, that I believe there is not one who really wishes it. I have now been engaged twenty-five years in administering the law of bankruptcy, and in that time I have observed that the moat marked feature in the conduct of the creditors, as a body, towards debtors, is an unwillingness to press harshly on the fallen, and I doubt not that this is the feeling which pervades the body of creditors in this case. At all events, not one has appeared to make the slightest per sonal complaint against the bankrupt. But it a contrary feeling did prevail, I should not yield to it, for I look upon the general body of creditors in this case as co sptculators with the bankrupt, and as the speculation has been a total tailere, and he the grs west sufferer, all ought to heir their share of the misfortuue without rtfusin4. On the whole I think, upon full consideration of all the circumstances. that I shall best discharge my public duty by granting the bankrupt a common c,rtificate, with, ut attaching any condition. I hope that the terrible lesson he has received may be of use to him in after life. Certificate granted accordingly. MATINEE DRAMATIQUE. On more than one occasion we have c:,-1 formed the pleasing duty of drawing attention to the excellence of the system of education, and the general treatment of youth, in force at the Collegiate School at Hanwell. On Thur-day last we had another and a better oppor tunity of judging of the general results of his great care and judicious training. The young gentlemen performed Julius Ccesar in a style worthy of professional actors of high pretensions. The piece was gut up, in all its en tirety, with the most rigid attention to costume, proper ties, and scenery, and the language of the immortal bard was delivered with a clearness, a precision, and a nice apprehension of the author's intent, which evinced patient study and rare intelligence. The parts of Brutus and Cassius by Masters Frederick and William Strat ford ; of Mark Antony, by Master Lyon ; Cmsar, by Master Kelland ; Casca, by Master Williams ; Portia, by Master news ; and Calphurnis, by . Master J. Boom, were admirably filled ; while equal attention was bestowed upon their several characters by Mas ters G. Boom, J. Grantham, Reid, and Robertson, as Lucius, Octavius, First Citizen, and Soothsayer. All the plebeians played with " radical" earnest ness, and the processions gave evidence of careful dril ling. There was not a hitch throughout. After the performance, the audience, which was very numerous and fasnionable, adjourned to the beautiful grounds of Dr. Emt rton, where cricket, music, and promenading, whiled away the time until the evening. An adjourn ment then took place to the refectory, fitted up as a ball room; and a merry dance, in which the young amateurs most heartily nod gracefully joined, concluded the day's diversions. We cannot conclude this brief notice of a very inte resting event without a compliment to the excellent judgment of the worthy principal of the establishment in thus nourishing a taste for the finest poetry in the world, and imparting practical lessons in elocution. We could not help contrasting the effect of this sort of teaching with that in practice at Westminster, where a Latin play, replete with passages of questionable morality, is spouted year after year, as if there were nobody but Terence worthy of the.trouhle of representation.. WESTMINSTER FREEHOLD LAND SOCIETY. A public meeting was held at the Town-hall, Wool wich, on Monday evening. 10th instant, for the purpose of explaining the principles and objects of the society; Dr. Carlile in the chair. Messrs. J. Duncan, g, Nes bett, G. E. Dennes, and G. Huggett, attended as a de putation. Mr. G. HUGGETT explained fully the objects and ad vantages of the freehold land movement, after which JONATHAN DuNcArt, Esq , at some length, and with great force, exhibited the. great - and beneficial results which society has every reason to. xpect—politictslly, socially, mentally, and morally—will be effected by the operations of these societies; not forgetting, to impress upon the audience their value to the individual as an excellent investment of capital as one of the best kinds of savings' banks, and as a creator of motives of prudence and forethought amongst the industrious classes. Mr. RUEGG moved and Mr. DIEBBETT seconded the following resolution, which Will unanimously adopted:— " That the freehold land movement is deserving of the warmest support of all who desire an extension of the suffrage, tending as it does to improve the social and moral condition of the industrious and unenfranchised classes; and this meeting is of opinion that the princi ples of the Westminster Freehold Land Society, of No. 4, Beaufort-buildings, Strand, as explained this evening, are well calculated to eff:ct that object; and inasmueh as it purposes to enable its members to obtain votes in Kent and other crainties, this meeting pledges itself, in dividually and collectively, t o g i ve th a t society its best suppc.rt.' A vote of thanks was passed to the chairman, and, a number of shales having been taken, the meeting separated. PiDVERTTAEMENTJ—An astounding . Cure of 35 Wounds by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Extract of a letter from Mr. Jeremiah. Reed, of filolong, near Sydney, dated 25th Sept., 1845, " To - Professor Holloway. Sir, 1 owe a debt of gratitude to you for my almost miraculous cure by the use of your Ointment and Pills, after seven years in tense suffering, caused by exposure to wet and cold. When I commenced using your remedies 1 had already expended up wards of 2001. in other medicine and advice, without any be nefit, and had ;E's ulcers on my body, a dreadful headache, and fe r t o h n e pains all over me ; bat . your Ointment and Pills ha ve cured me, and lam now enjoying excellent health . " Sold by alt Druggists, and at Professor Hollcway's Es tablishment, 244, , t s cu ß p a , ces. and REnnygarlavainuknst Strand, London [ADVERTISEMEN T.]—Bell's Life z•n Battle Lon don, Sunday next, June 16, Asco cu tl e l en Heath of the Emperor's Vase, the i Cup. Observations by " Pegasus." The Championship ; After Thoughts and Incidents. Price of Bell's Life, Sixpence. Office, 170, Strand. Average..sale of Bell's Life, 28,000. DIE TEL TRADE, JUNI 10.—The deliveries of tag in 144.01 a list wok were not quite SO Ilrge,bei:gswoith . , .. . • THE NICARAGUAN TREATY'. The following is the text of the Convention be• tween the United States of America and her Britan nic Majesty, concluded at Washington the 19th day of April The United States of America and her Britannic Ma jesty, being desirous of consolidating the relations of amity which so happily subsist between them, by setting forth and fixing in a convEntion their views and inten tions with reference to any means of communication by , ship canal, which may be constructed between the At lantic and Pacific Oceans by the River San Juan de Nicaragua or .Mantagua, to any part or place on the Pacific Ocean;—the President of the United States has conferred full powers on John M. Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States; and her Britannic itajesty on the Right Hon. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, a member of her Majesty's Most Honourable Order of the Bath, and Envoy Extraordinary and Mintster Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty to the United States, fur the aforesaid purpose; and the said Plenipotentiariei having exchanged their full powers, %siiiich were found to be in the proper form, have agreed to the following articles:— Art. 1. The Governments of the United States and Great Britain hereby declare that neither the one nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself an exclu sive control over the said ship canal ; agreeing that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same or in the vicinity thereof, or oc cupy or colonize, or assume or exercise, any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Musquito coast, or any part of Central America ; nor will either make use of any protection which either affords, or may afford, or any alliance which either has, or may have, to or with any state-or people, for the purpose of maintaining or erecting any such fortifications, or of occupying, fortify ing, or cul,nizing, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Muquito coast, or any part of Central America, or of assuming or exercising dominion over the same ; nor will the United States of Great Britain take advantage of any intimacy, or use any alliance, connexion, or influence that either may possess with any state or Government through whose territory the said canal may pass, for the purpose of acquiring or holding, directly, or indi rectly, for the citizens or the subjects of the one, any rights or advantages in regard to commerce or navigation through the said canal, which shall not be offered on the same terms to the citizens or subjects of the other. Art. 2. Vessels of the United States or Great Britain traversing the said canal shall, in case of a war bAween the contracting parties, be exempted from blockade, de tention, or capture by either of the belligerents; and this provision shall extend to such a distance from the two ends of said canal as it may hereafter be found expedient to establish. Art. 3. In order to secure the construction of the said canal the contracting parties engage, that if any such canal shall he undertaken upon any fair and equitable terms by any parties having the authority Of any local Government or Governments, through whose territory the same may pass, then the persons employed in making the said canal, and their property used or to be used for that object, shall be protected from the commencement of the said canal to its completion by the Governments of the United States and Great Britain from unjust de tention, confiscation, seizure, or any violence whatsoever. Art. 4. The contracting parties will use whatever in fluence they respectively exercise with any state, states, or Governments possessing or claiming to possess, any jurisdiction or right over the territory which the said canal shall traverse, and which shall be near the waters applicable thereto, in order to induce such states or Go vernments to facilitate the construction of the said canal by every means in their power. And furthermore, the United States and Great Britain agree to use their good effices whatever or however it may be expedient so to do, in order to procure the establishment of two free ports, one at each end of the said canal. Art. 5. The contracting parties further engage, that when the said canal shall have been completed, they will protect it from interruption, seisure, or unjust confisca tion; and that they will guarantee the neutrality thereof, so that the said canal may be ever open and free, and the capital invested therein secure. Nevertheless, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain, in according their protection to the construction of the said canal, and guaranteeing its neutrality and security when completed, always understand that this protection and guarantee are granted conditionally, that if both Govern ments or either Government should deem that the per sons undertaking or managing the came adopt or es tablish such regulations concerning the traffic thereupon as are contrary to the spirit and intention of this con vention, either by making unfair discriminations in favour of either of the commerce of the contracting par ties over the commerce cf the other, or by opposing op. pressive exactions or unreasonable tolls upon passengers, vessels, goods, wares, merchandizes, or other articles, then it shall be open to either Government to seek re dress in such manner as they may deem advisable. Neither party, however, shall withdraw the aforesaid protection and guarantee, without giving six months' notice to the other. Art. 6. The contracting parties in this convention en gage to invite any state with which both or either have friendly intercourse, to enter into stipulations with them similar to those they have entered into with each ether, to the end that aid the states may share in the honour and advantage of having contributed to a work of such general interest and importance as the canal herein contemplated. And the contracting parties likewise agree that each shall enter into such treaty sti pulations with such of the Central American states as they may deem advisable for the purpose of more effec uaily carrying out the design of this convention, namely, that of constructing and maintaining the said canal as a ship communication between the two oceans for the benefit of mankind on equal terms to all, and of protecting the same. And any also agree that the good offices of either shall bet mployed when request(d by the other in aiding► and aNsistiog the negotiations of such treaty stipulations. And stnuld any diff-rences arise as to right or property over the said territory through which Vie said canal shall pass between the states or Governments of Central America, and such dif ferences should in any way impede or obstruct the exe cution of said canal, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain will use their good offices to settle such differences in the manner best suited to pro mar the interests of the said canal, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship and alliance which exist between the contracting parties. Art. 7. It l elng desirable that no time should be un necessarily lost in commencing and constructing the bald cMnnl, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain determine to give tl,eir support avid en couragement to suet) per.una or company as may first offer to commence the same with the necessary capital, with the consent of the local authorities, and on such principles as accord with the spirit and intention of this convention; and, if any persons or company should already have with any state through which the proposed canal may pass, a contract for the construction of suck a canal as that specified in this convention, to the stipu lations of which contract neither of the parties in this convention have any just cause to object, and the said persons or company shall have made preparations, sad expended time, money, and trouble, on the faith of such contract, it is hereby agreed that such persons shall have a priority of claim over every other person or com pany to the protection of the United States and Great Britain, and be allowed a year from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this convention for con cluding their arrangements and presenting evidence of sufficient capital subscribed to accomplish the un• dertaking; it being understood that if, at the expira tion of the aforesaid period such persons or company shall not be able to commence and carry on the pro jected enterprise, then the Governments of the United States and Great Britain 'shall be free to afford their protection to any persons - or company that shall be pre- Fred to commence and prcceed with the construction of the Bill in question. _ Art. 8. The Governments of the United States and Great Britain having not only desired in entering into this convention to accomplish a particular objets but also to establish a general principle, they hersoy agree to extend their protection by treaty stipulation to any other practicable communications, whether by canal or railway, across the isthmus which connects North and South America, and especially to the interoceanic com munications, should the same prove to be practicable, whether by canal or railway, which are now proposed to be established by the way of Tehuantepec or Panama. In granting, however, their protection to any such canals or railways as are by this article specified, it is always understood by the United States and Great Britain that the parties constructing or owning the same shall im pose no other charges or conditions of traffic thereupon than the aforesaid Governments shall approve of as just and equitable; and that the said canals or railways being open to the citizens and subjects of the United States and Great Britain on equal terms shall also be open on like terms to the citizens and subjects of every other state which is willing to grant thereto such pro tectio❑ as the United States and Great Britain engage to afford. Art. 9. The ratification of this convention shall be exchanged at Watihington within six months from this day, or sooner if possible. In faith whereof we the re spective Plenipotentiaries have signed this convention, kind have hereunto affixed our seals. Done at Washington the 19th day of April, Anne Domini, 1850. JOHN M. CLAYTON (Lc) HENRY LYTTON BMWS& (L. 5.) N M ot:Z i gr, l SA n T i t: 3 2ll "lll AND SUICIDE ATTEMPT 0 0: consequence of the following tragicel AY.-- Considerable excitement prevailed here during yesterday and occurrence :—lt appears that a man named John Reynolds, who bad separated some time since tram his wife, by acme the preceding day, in means ( which have not yet been explained), met her at THAn FitaNiEnT.—O North Deanes, between seven and eight o'clock on Thursday evening. They conversed together for a few minutes, when they both sat down near the North Mill. Whilst there the man began to abuse his wife, and he eventually pulled a long clasp knife out of his pocket, and swore that he would " cook her goose." He then rushed at her with the open knife, and tried to cut her throat. The woman resisted as well as she was able, but the wretch inflicted one wound in the neck, and several over the arms and hands of the poor creature, who at last succeeded in running away. She took abetter from her husband's brutality in a confectioner's shop, where a surgeon attended and dressed her wounds. The husband, in the meantime, stuck the knife he intended to murder his wife with into his chin, the point of which extended to his throat, and then jumped into the sea. The body was soon picked up, but life was extinct. Last night a coroner's in quest was held on the body of the deceased at the workhouse, Norwich. The jury having heard several witnesses, returned a verdict of polo de se, and the body was forthwith buried by torchlight. NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.—The Kelso branch of this line, from Newtown to within about one mile of Kelso!I is now ready for opening. The works for connecting the North British line with the Kelso branch of the Newcastle and Berwick Railway at Mellendean Burn are proceeding rapidly, and it is _expected the whole will be completed in October. • ".....1M,. ,... .Nig