The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-04 00:00:00

described the deep distresi which was suffered by the agricultural class in Ireland. The recur rence of the potato failure for several years, and the diminished price of agricultural produce, had deeply affected the state of Ireland, and so deep had heen the distress occasioned than many proprietors had been petitioners to the Encumbered Estates Commissioners; but that did not prove that Ireland was without capital or resources, for the greater number of purchasers under that Act had been Irishmen, and so convinced was he that i that measure had worked well, that if a similar measure were introduced for England he would support it.—(Hear, hear, and cries of "No, no.") He would no longer detain their Lordships, but would content himself with seconding the Address. Lord STANLEY considered that it was in general most respectful to the Crown and most conducive to the transaction of public business to permit the Address to be agreed to without moving any amendment. And, although he was not perfectly satisfied with the speech, yet he would preface the ob servations that he was about to make with a declaration that it was not the intention of himself, or of those with whom he acted, to propose any amendment to the Address. What had conduced to the settlement of the question of Denmark, which had been subjectod to a most unjustifiable aggression ? (Hear, hear.) Nothing but the firmness of the Emperor of Austria. But be that as it may, he was rejoiced that that question was in a fair way of settlement. The had been told that the Government of the Brazils had undertaken to adapt measures for the suppression of the slave trade. if he could hope against hope, if he could believe that that Power which had done more than any other to foster the slave-trade, viz., Brazil, would take steps to put it down, he should concur with the Noble Earl in his congratulations ; but they had a much more important means of suppressing the slave trade than in placing trust in Brazil. He was rejoiced to find that that important body, the landed interest of this country, landowners, occupiers, and la bourers were spoken of, he would not say with more respect, but with less disrespect than they had hitherto mot with ; this year they were told that they were an important body, and that their distress was admitted and regretted, and he would con tend that of all the manufacturing interests of this country the most important were the manufacturers of human food, but he should have been better pleased if any hope of assistance had been held out to them from legislation. There was a large surplus of revenue, and if the landed interest were the only interest suffering, what class had such a claim to relief? Was it not the class that was suffering, rather than the classes which were in a state of prosperity ?—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") He would ask the Government to what it was they attributed that long-continued distress? It was a tributable to that system of legislation which, be it right or wrong, had been introduced during the last few years, and as that distress had been produced by legis lation, so he asked that by legislation they should seek to relieve it. During successive years they had had different causes assigned for this distress. The year before last it was the over-importation consequent upon the famine of the year before; last year it was the aboundant harvest, and last 'ear it was proved theoreti cally that the trade was ruinous to the foreign importer, and that this year they would see a great rise. The 425. of last year had dwindled down to 375. 2d. now, and yet at that price they had poured into this country four millions and a half quarters of wheat and wheat flour alone, and still it continued to come, and he knew that the expectations of many who had consented to a repeal of the corn-laws had been completely falsified by the results. The Noble Lord who seconded the Address had thrown out a hint that we might expect an Encum bered Estates Bill for this country. He said that those estates in Ireland hai sold as well as could have been expected under the circumstances, but these cir- cumstances were the general depreciation of the value of land. But with regard to the working cf the Encumbered Estates Act, it might be true that it might have worked well for landlords who were encumbered up to sixty years' pur chases, or for creditors who wished to take estates for a bad debt, but ho could not admit that a measure under which estates had been sold for to 9 years' purchase had worked satisfactorily. But they had been told that this Act was to produc., a flow cf Eng lish capital into Ireland, but instead the Noble Lord told them that no English capital had been poured into Ireland, there had been merely a change of proprietary, and ho,bAiev(d it was not for the public benefit that such a change of proprietary should take . . place. Ile would not like to aid in passing any mea su-e which should break up the old proprietary of the country, thus breaking up the ties which connected the o'd proprietary with their tenantry. It was impossible teat the owners and the occupiers should have their resources reduced, and at the same time that the condi tion of the labourers should be improved. The increased labour given to the labourers had been occasioned by the efforts of the landowners to improve their estates, although they might be recovered by their efforts. (Loud cheers). He regretted he could not concur in the hope expressed that the prosperity of other interests would diminish the distress and suffering of the agricultural classes. Ile did not deny the prosperous condition of the menu fecturing classes, and he admitted that that prosperity conduced to the prosperity of that portion of the agri cultural classes which was net dependent upon the growing of corn crop, t`ley of course derived an immediate benefit from the con sum' tion of the manufacturing classes, this in creased c3asumption migh , , as regards corn, to good for the agriculture of France, of Poland, or of America, but net of the corn grower of England. Ho maintained unaltered his opinion as to the imp: licy ti f tee measure of 1816, at least so far as it went; he believed the present pi lees were perma nent, and that at these prices the production of this country must he materially diminished, tied with i', the ability to bear the enormous weight of taxation and of debt, and which this country could not have borne but for the wise policy - of economising our ossn productions.—(Hear, hear.) Ho now approached the important subject of what was celled the Papal aggression. —(Hear.) It was impossible not to feel that there had been by the recent acts of the heads of the Roman Catholic Church an aggression —he would not say insidious, but most insolent, on the supremacy of the Crown. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government had, in his letter to the Bishop of Durham, charactet iced the aggres sion as inconsistent with the Queen's supremacy, with the independence of the country, and with the rights cf the Church. The Noble Lord when he wrote that sentence must have been aware of the amount of genuine spontaneous Protestant feeling of the country to which he appealed against this assumption of power on the part of a Foreign Prelate, but when the Noble Lord made that appeal, and called forth that fervent Protestant feeling, and obtained for himself that popularity which will always attend every one who stands up for the Protestant liberties of this country as that Noble Lord had done, he could hardly imagine that the Noble Lord had not decided what measures he intended to adopt. This was no question of religion. God forbid that, on account of their religions principles, they should attempt to strip the Roman Catho lics of one jot of the civil privileges which had been conferred upon them. The question was, should the heads of the Roman Catholic Church be permitted to exercise a mischievous interference with the Govern ment of this country. If the Noble Lord's letter meant anything it meant that.—(Hear, hear.) He did not object to the feelings which after the passing of the Relief Act of 1829 led suc cessive Governments to shut their eyes to breaches of the law, he regretted it now because these encroach ments had in consequence become great and more resolute until the Prime Minister was obliged to declare that their continuance was incom patible with the supremacy of the Crown and the in dependence of the country. If they meant by the rasa sure they were about to introduce merely to prevent the Bishop of Nottingham from assuming his title, and leaving to him his power, then they would have done nothing. He would remind them, moreover, of this, that what they did with regard to England, they must do with regard to Ireland.—(Hear hear.) Th e y cou ld no t se p ara te that Church from Ireland.—(Hear; which was indissolubly united with it at the Union. —(gear, hear.) If they concluded by some " lame and impotent conclusion" some mea sure which should attack the shadow, leaving the substance untouched, then would they have been guilty of having gratuitously excited the religious feel ings of the country. Lie knew not what the mea sures to be proposed might be; but he hoped that while it abated from infringing upon the civil rights of their Roman Catholic fellow -subjects it would vindicate the supremacy of the Crown against Bishop and Priest, against Pope and Cardinal, and from such mischievous meddling as had taken place in Ireland of a Foreign Prelate, whose infallibility had been as they were told, deceived by the misrepresentations of inte rested persons. Unless the Government intro duced an efficient measure, there would rest upon them the responsibility of having excited and denied the holiest of feelings, a feeling of religion. and of having disappointed the expectations and hopes of the Protestants —ay, of the greater number of the liberal Roman Catholics too —of these realms. — Hear, hear, and cheers). If there were were any ca ses in which th e l aw of 1829 intended to be effectual, had fallen short of this object it would be no violating of religious liberty t o render those securi ties effectual. They must not content the sev I es with trifling legislature, but it must be effectual,i and if it were so no considerations should preclude himself and the great body w i t h which he acted for giving the Government toeir support, ort 3. b w ut it i h f they did not intend to deal broadly and m the whole case, far better would it be for them not to deal with the question at all. They Should not deal with a power by merely ignoring its exercise they should deal with it boldly, and that when that ap peal of the opponents and of the community at large ; but if they did not so deal with it they would be worthy even the contempt of the country. He waited, in the anxious hope that the measures to be proposed would be efficient.— (Hear.) The Duke of RICILNIOND was anxious to draw the attention of their Lordships to the lamentable state of distress by the agricultural interest. The heavily taxed and overburthened Brit ish farmer never could compete with the foreigner. The farmers were loyal now, but he declared to heaven he could not hope that they would much longer con tinue to bo so. They would not wait until the mann factoring prosperity Should react upon them. Many cf the small landowners had gone to live on the Continent, and ninny of the labourers had emigrated, and it was to this that the decrease in the number of paupers Iva) owing. They ruined the pro prietors, they crushed the tenantry, and forced the la bourers to _emigrate, in order to give way to the cotton spinners of Manchester, who to get money would violate every law, human and divine. If they did not devote the surplus to the relief of the agriculturists, they would raise such a cry as they would not easily stop. If the agriculturists took his advice, they never would rest satisfied until they got protection for British industry. With respect to Papal aggres sion, he had always opposed Catholic emancipation, and now they were beginning to reap the fruits of it, He was not surprised at what the Bishop of Rome had done. He had seen her bishops treated in Ireland as Nobles, and he had seen the House of Commons giving way to Roman Catholics, and he no doubt considered the House of Commons represented the people, of England while everybody in England knew that it did no such thing.—(Hear, hear.) He denied that the House of Commons represented the British people. With regard to Lord J. Russell's letter, as it had never been repudiated by any member of the Cabinet, he considered that it represented the sentiments of the whole Cabinet. As far as the improvement of the land went, he would never, until protection were restored, spend one shilling in improvements; it would be sending good money after bad. The Earl of WINCHELSEA considered that the dangers which this country run during war was as no , thing compared with the perils in which we now stand. At that time the King, the Legislature, and the people were Protestant, but since 1829 we have ceased to be a Protestant country. It we.s true the great body of our people was Protestant, as had been evinced by their re cent indignant protest against the recent aggression of the Church of Rome. THE SUN, (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The House resumed at a Quarter to Four o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. The following new Members took the oaths and their seats :—Mr. CALvERT,:for Aylesbury; Mr. BELL, for St. Alban's, and several others. NEW WRITS. Mr. lIAYTER moved for new writs for the election of Members for the Falkirk Burghs, in place of Lord Lincoln; for Dungarvan,tin place of Mr. Sheil; and for Windsor, in the place of the Right ion. Mr. Ilatchell, who had accepted the appointment of Attorney• General for Ireland. GOVERNMENT MEASURES. Mr. HAYTER rose and said—Perhaps it will be convenient to the House if I state the order in which her Majesty's Government propose to submit certain measures for the consideration of the House. Therefore I beg to state that on Thursday, May 6, the First Lcrd of the Treasury will move the following resolution:— " That this House will not proceed on any motion for an Address to the Crown, to which opposition is offered, but in a Committee of the whole House, except in respfct to matters which have been previously submitted to a Select Committee." On Friday next, Feb. 7, the First Lord of the Treasury will move for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent the as sumption of certain ecclesiastical titles in respect of places in the United Kingdom. O❑ Friday, the 14th February, the Chancellor of the Exchequer will make his financial statement.—(Hear, hear.) NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. WILLIAMS gave nutice that on this day fort night he should move fir a return of the sums expended on royal palaces since her lklajesty's accession. Mr. CAYLEY gave notice that on this day week he should move for the repeal of the malt•tax. Sir E. N. BUXTON gave notice that on this day fortnight he should move that the differential duties, which were to expire on the 6th of June, should con tinue until the abolition of the slave-trade. Mr. STUART gave notice that on Tuesday next he should submit to the House a resolution relative to the Royal Commission issued to inquire into the High Gout t of Chancery. Mr. SLANEY gave notice that on this day fortnight heg should move for a Committee to kquire into the best means of improving the law of partnership. Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that on the reading of the sessional orders, he should move that in the pre sent session no business be transacted after midnight, and that at twelve o'clock on each night the Speaker be directed to adjourn without proceeding with any business on the paper.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H. BAILLIE gave notice, that on Tuesday next, he should call the attention of the House to the proceed ings of the Committee which sat last session on the afLirs of Ceylon, and should move that the evidence be printed, together with the report of the commission sent out to that island. Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that on Monday he should move for leave to briug in a Bill for the repeal of the penal laws affecting Roman Catholics. Mr. DISRAELI gave notica that on the 11th instant he should call the attention of the House to the distress still existing among that important class of her Majesty's subjects the owners and occupiers of land, and movo for the adoption of such measures its may be best calculated to remove it. Colonel SIBTLIORP gave notice that on an early day he should clove for the reduction of the duties ou fire assurance. PAPAL AGGRESSION. Mr. WILLIAMS gave notice that he should move for a return of the results which had occurred since the sth of August, 1819. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. REYNOLDS gave notie. that he should, en 'rueiday next, move fur returns of the taxes which had been imposed upon Ireland. ROYAL SPEECH-THE ADDRESS. The 3PEAKEF having rcad her Majeity's Spree]) The Marquis of KILDARE said, in rising to move that a humble Address be presented to her Majesty in reply to her most gracious Speech from the Throne, he hoped the House would grant him that indulgence which was always shown to one unaccustomed as he was to address the House while he made a few observations on the different topics al luded to in the royal Speech.—(Hear.) It was a subject of sincere congratulation that her Majesty should con tinue to receive assurances of friendship from all foreign states. It was also most gratifying to find that at the present moment peace had been restored over the whole continent; and it was a source of still greater satisfac tion, that while there had been wars over a great part of the continent, this country had for years enjoyed uninterrupted peace.—(Loud cheers.) It was also a subject of congratulation that the universal peace which now existed had been in great part owing to the exertions of her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) Ho was glad to find that the measures which had been taken with regard to our relations with Brazil would tend more than almost anything; else to prevent the continuance cf the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) It was also a source of great congratulation that, notwith standing the reduction of many taxes, the country was still in a flourishing state.—(Hear.) The next subject mentioned in the Royal Speech, he regretted to say, this country could not congratulate itself upon. Ho referred to the state of depression, which the landed interest was now lying under.— (" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches.) But he thought that whilst the other classes of the community were in a prosperous state the condition of the landed interest must before long improve. The next subject mentione din the Speech west a very painful one, viz., the unjustifiable aggression in this country on the part of a foreign State. It would be th e d uty of this House, while it maintained the religious liberty of her Majesty's subjects, to consider the measures which were to be brought before it for the purpose of maintaining her Majesty's supremacy and the established religion of the land.—(Hear.) The next subject alluded to by her Majesty was the in tended reforms in the highest court of justice in the country, and the alteration of the law with regard to the registration of deeds. He considered the latter measure to be of very great importance. There was another subject of congratulation to which ho (the Marquis of Kildare) would draw the attention of the House, which was the state of Ireland. It was gratifying to find that after that country had suffered from years of political agitation, men's minds wore being drawn from political matters to industrial pursuits, and such occupations, he (the Marquis of Kildare) believed, were calculated, under the blessing of Divine Provi dence, to raise his country to a higher pitch of pros perity than she bad ever before enjoyed. The Noble Marquis concluded by moving the Address, which was an echo of her Majesty's Speech. Mr. VETO rose and said—Mr. Speaker, before I ven ture on the topics which the occasion and the gracious Speech from the Throne naturally suggest, I must throw myself on the kind and never-failing indulgence of the House, and state at once my great anxiety that no word Isbell escape my lips which shall court debate, or sug gest a difference, when the House will naturally desire to respond with unanimity in the adoption of tho Ad dress which I have the honour to second.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty congratulates her assembled Parliament on the continuance of peace; and when we reflect how much the prosperity of the country is stimulated by pea ce with foreign states—how much misery is averted—we must rejoice in the ;fact that the con viction is generally and deeply felt that peace should b e preserved at the risk of ever y t hi ng but good faith and national honour.—(Hear, hear.) Nor can I resist the pleasure of stating my deep convic tion that human skill and ingenuity are largely contri buting to its permanent continuance. The great mecha nicalthat important portions agen agent of f f Europe, power of the age, civiliza tion, steam, by uniting the lerer.iimdeprettubseuat n fr i i d e u n r d a lr ly co d m es m ir u ou ni s c o a f ti D o e n c distant ee and consequently binding irl ista t n ie ' s . of . friendship and gives to the destructive power of armaments renders their use more unfrequent and and dreaded. Her . Majesty . has wliile “ t a h t e e°' te w rr il ib i graciously stated her conviction that recent treaties with Brazil render more hopeful the extinction of the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever may be the difference of opinion amongst H on . M em b ers as to the mo d e i n w h ic h this will be ultimately effected, in this I take it we are all agreed, that we earnestly desire'the utter abolition of this accursed traffic, and that we shall all rejoice when it shall bo read of only in the history of the past.—(Hear, and cheers.) Her Majesty also congratulates her assembled Parliament that, notwithstanding the large reductions in taxation, the revenue will to satisfactory, and also cn the state of commerce and manufactures, and the consequent general employment afforded to the working classee.— (Hear, hear.) Results are the solo tests of legielatite measures in the long run. Last year duties were re pealed or reduced to the extent o f, about a million and a half. It is true they did no t a ff ect the revenue until part of the year bad expired, but still they caused at the least a reduction of a million ; yet, despite of this, the national revenue has suffered no reduction—(Hear, hear)—it has even exceeded that of the last year, and the Chan cellor of the Exchequer is in the happy position of having a surplus at his command.—(llear, hear, and cheers.) Now, the question 'arises, why has not the revenue proportionably decreased? I apprehend there can be but one answer—the prosperous condition of the people, and consequent increase of consumption, have swelled the receipts.—(Hear.) I take one item as strongly elucidating this position. The duty on sugar was reduced one shilling per cwt. The consequent loss to the revenue, taking the consumption of the preceding year, should•have been 311,4541., but it resulted in a loss of 9,1801. only, a good practical reason for reducing other items of large consumption where the duty presses heavily, and one which I.doubt not will have its due effect in future fiscal arrangements.—(Hear, hear.) In a few days the returns of the Board of Trade will be issued. The returns of the first 11 months of 1850 will enable us to anticipate the results.—(Hear, hear.) The exports for the first eleven months of 1848 were 44,407,9121. 1849 54 089 809 L 60:400,52U In what did this increase consist? Principally in British manufactures, cottons, woollens, linens, silks, and hardware.—(Cheers.) This increase has taken place, too, under most unfavourable circumstances. The great staple is cotton—at least the great employing ar ticle is cotton, but, in the cotton-producing states of America, last year, there was a short crop, and erise of price of full 75 per cent. over the price of the early part of the preceding year was the consequence.—llear, hear.) For instance, Orleans cotton was in January, 1849 4d. per lb. 1850.. 7id. If It is well known that a rise in the price of cotton rapidly diminishes consumption.—(Hear, hear.) It did so con siderably in this instance, but owing to two circum stances the effect was much mitigated. Ist. When the material is dear the best quality is always run upon by manufacturers, as, for a smaller quantity in weight they get the higher price; our skill in the application of ma chinery, and the high character of the machinery itself, has enabled us in finer fabrics to surpass all competition —(Hear, hear)—and the consequence was, that with all our disadvantages wo partially shut up the American mills and gave our people full employment.—(Hear.) 2nd. Full employment secured good wages—(Hear, hear)—and good wages and cheap food enabled the industrial classes to dress well.— (Cheers.) The foreign market and home consumption kept the mills going, and I find 50,000 mare hands were em ployed in the factories in 1850 than in 1847—the gross numbers being in 1847, 544,876; 1850, 596,028. — (Hear, hear.) It may be said that the high price of fabrics helped to swell the amount of exports, but, in point of fact, quantity was in excess in reference to cloth; while in yarn there was not only a decrease in quantity but in value, the increased value being prin cipally in labour.—(Hear.) I have the statistics to refer to, but will not weary the House by doing so. Now, if our manufacturers have accomplished a result so grati fying under unfavourable circumstances, what might we not have expected had the cotton crop been a full one, and had the price of the raw material continued low ? Instead of 50,000 hands, we should have employed three times that number.—(Hear, hear.) The low price of cotton brought us through the year 1847—the high price of cotton acted adversely in 1830—and here I must pause for a moment and ask, how important is it that we should be energetic in our endeavours to get the railway communications of conti nental India executed ?—(Cheers.) We are depending on one quarter of the world only for the means of em ployisg our operatives in the cotton factories, when we should be blessing our fellow-subjects by the activities of commerce, and have a fresh market to de pend upon, and that, too, the home. I desire also to advert to the gratifying fact that the increase of fac tory hands, to which I have referred has not been ob tained at the sacrifice of infantile energy.—(Hear, hear.) There has been a &crease since 1831 of 20 per cent. in the children employed, and an increase of 81 per cent. in the adults.—(Hear.) I think it cannot be denied that the poor of every class are better fed and clothed than they have ever been. If I refer to the poor-law record, I find that the number of able-bodied paupers have largely decreased during the year, and the amount of general relief has been largely lessened. True, some of the agricultural districts are exceptions, and on which I shall be called on presently to speak. If I refer to our criminal records, I find the facts to be equally gratify ing. In the city of Manchester the returns of persons apprehended for crimes in the three last years are, in 1848, 6,587; 1849, 6,277; 1830, 4,657. The West Riding of Yorkshire, in its criminal prosecutions, shows a similar result. I now come to another result of the po licy of the present and the last ?Ministry. Two years since London was crowded with deputations ardent in deprecating any interference with the navigation-laws. Fortunately for themselves and the country, their en treaties did not avail. They returned to their localities to rejoice in the increase of the shipping trade rather than to mourn its gradual extinction.— (Hear.) It is very true the entrance and clearing of foreign shipping has in creased, but it is equally true that British ships have also increased. I will admit all details of numbers of ships and tonnage which I have before me for the first eleven months of 18-18, 1849, and 1850. I give you the gross increase of tonnage the first eleven months of 1849 and 1850: INCREASE OF TONNAGE. 1849 over 1848. 1850 over 1849 British 226 „ 207 ... 162 „ 843 Foreign I have taken the returns of vessels cleared outwards, because that is an evidence of work done—the returns of vessels entering may be affected in a variety of ways, apart from the evidence of work done within the period specifisd . I must also very briefly call the attention of lien. Members to the fact, that the repeal of the naviga tion-]was has not yet affected either the value of ship ping or the demand. The ship-building of the Clyde, the Tyne, the Mersey, and the Thames, is fully equal in its activity to any preceding period, and within the last few days an eminent t hip builder informed me the orders for ships and steamers on his books exceeded 400,0001. If I refer to the circulars of firms engaged in the sale of ships I find the same activity of trade indi cated.—(Hear, hear.) One of the largest firms in Eng land so engaged, and whose place of bu 'Mess is Liver pool, thus writes:—" It gives us pleasure to state that the amount of tonnage sold in 18:50 in Liverpool exceeds that sold in 1849, being 81,028 tons against 78,212; showing an increase of 1850 over 1849 equal to 36 per cent.—(Cheers.) Now, as to the price of shipping, the same circular states—" New British ships have fully maintained our last quotations. Indeed we have felt the want of a larger supply of good vessels."—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And as to the ships built in the Mersey port, their circular shows an excess of tonnage in 1850 over 1849 of 4,609 tons. I have made careful inquiries as to prices ruling at . New York on all the items affecting the price at which ships can be built there. I have failed to find any reason for alarm. —(Hear, hear.) Their prices of labour exceed ours by more than 50 per cent., while the average of the . cost of materials us e d is qu ite equal to their cost with us. A great revolution is now takicg place in the shipping trade, and which revolution was in progress when the navigation-laws were repealed. That measure helped to anticipate the result—a result, I believe, which the re tention of protection would have rendered utterly dis astrous to us. The old mo d e o f shipbuilding, it is ad. mitted on all hands, will no longer do. Capacity without speed is the reverse of recommendation in a ship. What the American shipbuilderseffected, the Scotch have surpassed, and the result of the trial between the Scotch built ships and steamers and the United States, shows us we have nothing to apprehend, but much to gain, if British skill and enterprise be but relie ve d f rom all impedimenta. The merchants and traders of Liverpool are generally considered to be well and practically acquainted with all the circumstances which regulate commerce. I have several of their annual circulars before me, and I am struck with the unanimity of their testimony. One of the most eminent says—" The present year opens under circumstances of great encouragement. Money is abun dant—food of every kind cheap—general trade is active and remunerative, finding ample employment for the industry of the country."—(Hear, hear.) With all that is so encouraging at home, there are evident symptoms of the gradual prevalence in foreign countries of sounder principles of international commerce : they are learning the lesson that it is better to buy economically, than to manufacture expensively—they are learning that the merchants of England are the best customers in every market—that their manufacturers are surpassed by none in skill and ingenuity.—(Hear, hear.) To illustrate the perfect certainty that such must be, in the course of events, the policy of every state, let us take France and her iron trade. Her protective iron duties are now so high, and are of such a comparative amount, that she pays every five years the full value of purchase of every iron work in the kingdom on her home consumption only. Is it not self evident that it would be far more the policy of her people to receive our iron, and for us in treaty to take her light wines on lower duties, and yield to our own Exchequer larger revenue than from our present limited consump tion, resulting from the almost prohibitive duties of the present tariff ?—(Hear, hear.) But her Majesty expresses at the same time the sympathy she feels for the owners and occupiers of land in the difficulties which now affect them, and a hope that the prosperity of the manufac turing and commercial interests will soon be productive of beneicial effect to the agricultural body.—(Cheers.) And here, I trust, I may fairly aile the question, if such is the state of the commercial, manufacturing, and shipping is the en.gasyulbni:enitbypt:dgl interests, croebefiecaanr tuexocu al hatlynetsi, e oei minnc a ;rn aeaopgirpxlnatewori singftmo t n:rehdr. snoeromee b pi nevwaac e eptsi ttahritntatni supposed to hneyndotyxfgoohaf?firtutceeaeoebtti sayidoubt that destined t ha t t h t the share agricul turalc—ll:clb its a h utfus v e ssel a e nshii vs: redelfrstheever-growing impossible rt l pvtao s ilhoetdawiro l I ltftlahrob e woay a r , not or twc,fh7oprogressionhear,substantial n aeca and ties of proyert (Hear, he ar)— an dvbeoerftyshhaoutwn distress jn th u— e s t existingc n b t hu e erreed shown—(Cheers) w ich t o h n e friendsits interests, of a g r a i n c d u ture rejoicingca ns hionw the to f press aot un fairlyof the alteration .of the law, I cannot hesitate to expressmy wish that more time had keen allowed to adjust the interests which had, under the old and vicious system, teen placed in a false position. It is easy to say that this adjustment is en tirely an affair of landlord aad tenant. It is so, but when we reflect that no good tenant could farm without imparting value to the land which it t a k es years to ab stract, a re-valuation at present prices is simply gi v i ng to the landlord a rental arising from valu e i mparted by the expenditure of coat only pital to carry by thetenant.tryout ba abstract e t v poi:i i: l , o:. 1 , be cur duty, Sir, nt they laws, that affect t ttimeinterests,t4 large should be • be extensive P lesof rightbutwhere h alterationsin given for the adjustment cf theinterests to the new an d altered state of things,—(Hear.) But while I make this 1850 LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, admission, I believe that the good wishes to which her Majesty has given utterance in her gracious speech will be speedily realised, though in the transac tion we must be prepared for difficulties and loss, espe-, cially to parties who are slow in adjusting their course of business to the altered state of things. It has, Sir, always appeared to me that we have looked at the price of wheat too much as a criterion of distress or pros perity. It is calculated that we have about 19 millions of acres arable, and 38,000,000 of pasture and meadow, while of the 19 millions acres less than 4,000,000 are employed in growing wheat. Agriculturists it is, therefore, obvious derive a large portion of their income from stock, and to, them therefore the prosperity of trade and manufactures is a positive benefit and source of profit, and we find that although the price of wheat has declined the price of meat has declined very little, and that it was cheaper during many years of protection than it has averaged since. And I need not point out to the House that this has arisen entirely from the larger consumption of meat by the labouring classes—a circumstance at which we may well rejoice.—(Hear, hear.) The working men of this country dine now as working men should dine, on edibles furnished by the butcher. We have, unfortu nately, in this country no means of estimating the annual produce anti consumption of food, and we must, therefore, content ourselves wits an approximation to facts. I collect from the best sources that there were slaugh and we have local returns which givo value to these tered in England, in 1850,60,000 more beasts than in 1849, calculation!. The largest cattle salesman in Liverpool gives the following return of sales for the past year:—ln 1849 there were 109,287 oxen; in the year 1850, 123,213. They also state in their circular our import., of sheep to have been on a less extensive scale from Ireland, and we are now witnessing, to us, the novel feature, that store beasts have been lately sent into that country.—(Hear, hear.) I find the prices of meat during the last six mouths and the corresponding six months of a year since have been nearly the same. I find the in crease of consumption in England to be the counterpart of Scotland. The City Chamberlain of Glasgow makes the following return of animals slaughtered in that city:— 1848 ••• ••• ... 132,150 1849 ••• ••• ... 161,527 1850 ••• ••• ... 185,255 The increasedi consumption has fully kept up prices too in Scotland. I have now before me the prices current of Smithfield, Glasgow, and Liverpool for the last two years, but I need only refer the House to Mr. Porter's admirable work, just published, and there it will be found stated, on unquestionable authority, that beef and mutton are dearer now than they were in 1843, 1844, or 1845, which were years of protection.—(Hear.) I have also before me the statistics, with which I will not weary the House, of the meat and stock carried by the principal lines of railway, which proves most unquestionably that our own farmers have in the three last years produced much larger quantities of stcck. I have shown the con sumption is larger than ever, and I ask them if there is not solid ground for the belief that though there must be suffering in the transition, yet agricultural interests will be based on a solid, substantive foundation, and that it will depend on legitimate courses of prosperity, and that agriculturists will carry out all their engage ments with the sympathy of every class of the commu nity, with no fear of distrust taking the place of mutual confidence, but with such a union of all the interests of the country as shell be the best guarantee of commercial greatness and domestic strength.—(Cheers.) If I am not trespassing too much on the time of the House, I desire to call its attention for a few moments to the cheering prospects of progression in Ireland, which I doubt nut will eventually be a source of strength, and contribute her quota to the general welfare.—(Loud cheers.) Her comparative advance in industrial pur suits in the last sixteen years has been much greater than in the sister portions of the kingdom, Scotland and England.—(Cheers.) The number of persons engaged in cotton, silk, and woollen factories, I find has increased 158 par cent., while in Scotland the increase has been 51 per cent,, and in England 67 per cent., and I find our cotton and flax _manufacturers alone give employment to 350,000 persons at the present time, and that 300,000 females are employ e d a t sewe d muslins, the cost of which is almost entirely labour and profit. On turning to agriculture, I find the prospects are even more cheering. Capital is floc ing into the country; land is being rapidly consolidated from the old and vicious state of conacre to farms of from 100 to 200 acres. In proof of this, I need only refer to Captain Lercom's returns; large breadths of land aro being sown with cereals, the value of stock is increased, and that too much neglected but most valuable link between the agriculturist and the manufacturer, flax, is being more extensively and profitably cultivated; and I note with hearty pleasure the great eagerness of the people to es tablish packet-stations manufactories, as evidencing the desire which is always the precursor of success. We see also in Ireland the railway making its natural capa bilities available, and rapidly opening up its resources. Soon will its most distant parts be placed in ready communication with England ; and here, Sir, I cannot but regret that the advice of a late illustrious statesman, whose loss we deplored near the end of the last session, has nat been more extensively carried set, and especially that the city of London, to whom we look for the initiative in this matter, has not prosecuted her intention beyond a public meeting. That corporation holds very large estates there by the favour of former Sovereigns.—(Hear, hear.) They possess, therefore, a personal interest in the country, and I had hoped to have seen laage tracts of country vested by purchase to them End to other corporate bodies, who could invest capital largely, and who, while blessing their country by the enterprise, would have left a valuable in vestment to their successors, and an enduring monu ment of their patriotism and public spirit.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot but point with admiration to the con duct of a brother of the Noble Lord the Member for Evesham. He has turned a desert into a garden—a large estate from which no rental was derived into a re munerative property.—(Loud cheers.) He deserves well of his country, and his conduct is worthy of imita tion. There aro most false impressions abroad as to the Irish character. I know from personal experience that if you pay the Irish labourer well, show him you care for him, and he is the most faithful and hard-working creature in existence; but if you find him in one part of his native country working for fourpence per day, paid in potatoes or meal, and that where most of the misery exists, can we wonder that the results are as we find them? but give him legitimate occupation, remunerate him for his services, show him you appre ciate those services, and you may be sure you put an end to all agitation. he will be your faithful servant, and the loyal subject of his Sovereign.--(Cheers.) I trust I have, Sir, been able to show, though ineffectually, that the tone of trade in the whole country is healthy, sound, and rational—(Hear, hear)—the manufacturing inte rest busy and prudent—the people better fed and clothed than ever; that the agricultural interest must share in the general prosperity—(Hear, hear)—and with an ear nest desire that all the wishes of our most gracious and much-loved Sovereign may be fully realised, I turn briefly to one or two other points in the Address, asking the House before I pass to the next subject to congratulate it, and through it the nation which it represent:, on the satisfaction with which we can look forward to the visit of the world to the metro pelis.—(llear, hoar.) We cannot show our visitors that which some other nations could have shown them. The treasuries of art are not ours pre-eminentiy. In much that would have qualified and refined taste we are deficient, but, Sir, we are by no means deficient in those things which constitute the wellbeing of a nation.— (Hear, hear.) We abound in the evidences of substan tial greatness—of permanent prosperity--of genuine freedom—of the Sovereign's generous sympathy with the people, and of the people's intelligent devo tie n (Loud cheers)—and com mercially, fear no competitor, we court te the while Throne—(Loud w reon reciprocity, and I believe this great meeting, while it tends to our well- being as a nation, will conduce to the Peace and happiness of the world.—(Cheers.) Her Ma jesty in her gracious speech next refers to the.assump lion of certain ecclesiastical titles, and to a Bill to be hereafter laid on the table of the House, and on this point I trust that the wording of the Address will com mend itself to all.--(Hear.) No Hon. Member, by giv ing his ascent to this Address, is bound to any subsequent course of action, nor can I think that Hon. Members professing the Roman Catholic faith are by it committed to any course of proceeding until the Bill to which it refers is laid on the table of this House. Her Majesty refers to a fact patent to all, and while we all feel bound by every tie to protect the civil and religious liberty of the subject to the utmost, we are all equally bound, by our devoted loyalty and love to our Sovereign, to protect her prerogative from aggression of every kind also, and that to the utmost. We are not called on, Sir, to any reactionary course; the antecedents of the First Minister of the Crown are a pledge more than sufficient to the most timid mind, that while he would constitutionally preserve every right of the Crown, and her Majesty's civil supremacy, and while hewill oppose determinedly the introduction of a code of laws alike opposed to the rights of the Queen and the civil liberty of the subject, he will not sully his fair reputation by any course which shall be inconsistent with that love of true religious liberty which he has ever shown.—(Cheers.) And, Sir, I must ask permission of the House to read a short extract from a speech of that Noble Lord in introducing the repeal of the Test Act in 1828—that Noble Lord being then in opposition: —"I now come to the great principle involved in the nu merous petitions before the House—petitions signed by the whole body of Dissenters, by Roman Catholics, and by many members of the Established Church. That principle is, that every man ought to be allowed to form his religious opinions by the impressions on his own mind, and that when so formed, he should be at liberty to worship God according to the dictates of his con science, without being subjected to any penalty or dis qualification whatever—that every restraint or restric tion imposed on any man on account of his religious creed is in the nature of persecution, and is at once an offence to God and an injury to man.—(Hear.) This is the first and noble principle on which the Dissenters claim the repeal of the test laws; but I will fairly admit that there may be an exception to its application—(hear, hear)—and I will illustrate it by refereace to the general principle of non-interference by one state in the internal affairs of another.—(Hear, hear.) It may be stated that one state would not generally be justified in inter fering in the internal concerns of another; but if some of the internal regulations of political institutions of one state are of such a nature as to lead directly to the injury of another, then the interference properly com mences on the part of the state .making such regula tions, and not on the part of the state which complains of them. I will say the same of religion; if the religion of any body of men be found to contain political principles hostile to the Siate, or milituting agrtir: that alki;ianet which is due from eves y subject of the Crown, in that case the question ceases to be a religious question, and you have a right to interfere and impose such re strictions as you may deem necessary, because you do not impose them on religious opinions, you impose them FEBRUARY only on political doctrines." Having read this extract, I trust we shall all feel we may reserve ourselves with perfect confidence till we see the Bill introduced, but if it be doubted as to the propriety of any Bill at all being brought in, I point to Roman Catholic Peers of the highest standing who have publicly declared that al legiance to the canon law is incompatible with al legiance to the Sovereign.—(Hear.) If so, we see good reason for the introduction of some measure for our consideration; not, Sir, that those Noble Lords are recreant to their religious principles in thus resenting the Papal rescript; not that through the indirect influences of Protestantism they have adopted views which in other times they have abhorred. Nothing like it ; the Papal rescript would have been resented in the pahniest days of the Roman Catholic religion in this country—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no." Why, Sir, our earliest national history is full of incidents in which the people, the Parliament, and the barons of England, Catholics as they all were, indignantly ex claimed against such intrusions on the part of the Ro man Pontiff. The canon law, for example, has always been hateful to Englishmen, and I do trust that in the measures to be taken its operation in this country will be rendered null and void, otherwise we shall be embroiled in interminable intestine disputes utterly incompatible with the safety, the honour, and the welfare of our Sovereign and her dominions.—(Hear, hear.) I trust all Hon. Members will feel they can concur in the terms of the Address, and I hope we shall postpone any de bate on a subject so exciting until the matter is sub stantively before us.—(Cheers.) Her Majesty also speaks of certain changes in the courts of equity and law, and the registration of deeds relating to real pro perty. All Hon. Members who represent large consti tuencies must bo alike familiar with the general and urgent wish that exists for law reform; and much as they would desire a temperate, well-considered extension of the suffrage, I am sure they will feel that her Majesty's Ministers in deferring that until another session, and taking! up the great question of law reform in our courts of equity and law, have exercised a sound discretion. The establishment and extension of county courts has, so far as it goes, introduced a sweeping change in pleading practice and evidence; but the change of the law in the United States of America has made the people of this country more alive than ever to the necessity of great change in every department of our legal administration. I can only ex press a hope, which is, that it will be undertaken in the spirit which the folllowing short extract from an emi nent author would demonstrate. He says:—" Let us not be deterred by clamour against innovation from abrogating what is useless, simplifying what is complex, or determining what is doubtful ; nor attempt to stave off an immediate pressing difficulty by a patch work scheme of modifications and suspensions, but let us consult for posterity in a comprehensive scheme of legal philosophy."—(Hear, hear.) It is not necessary that I should point oat to the House the great benefits which must accrue from a registration of deeds of real property. All the inconvenience, annoy ance, and expense, together with the delay which arises from the want of it, is familiar to all, and any Government which will originate and carry out a well-digested and simple plan, by which the transfer of real estate can be ren dered more easy and inexpensive, will add to the value of property, and deserve the hearty thanks of the Legislature.—(Hear and cheers.) It now, Sir, only re mains fur me to thank the House for its indulgence. I, Sir, only earnestly desire that Divine Providence may illuminate our common path, guide all our councils, and so direct all our efforts that our legislation may be eminently practical, equal, and promotive of the best interests of the United Kingdom. With this expres sion, Sir, I earnestly commend, by an unanimous vote, the adoption of the Address to her Majesty.—(Laud and continued cheering.) Mr. ROEBUCK then rose and said, that never since he had the honour to be a Member of that House had he risen with so much pain as on the present occasion. On the consideration of other addresses to her Majesty, he might have felt pain; but the feeling which ho now enter tained was a clear feeling on bis own mind, the result of a calm and deliberate judgment. The reason of that pain was, that now for the first time since he (Mr. Roe buck) had been a Member of that House be found an Administration calling itself Liberal—.an Administra tion the bend of which had gained all his honours and his great position as one of the great Liberal party—taking the first step backwards, at a time at which onward progress was the distinctive mark of the day. He was surprised to find that the step backward was taken by that Administration, and by that Premier who had been the advocate of liberal measures. The Hon. Seconder of the Address had re ferred to Noble Lords antecedents as a proof of his liberal policy. Last year he (Mr. Roebuck) should have been willing to rely upon the Noble Lord's antecedents, but now he could not do so. Ho (Mr. Roebuck) was surprised to. find that with such antecedents, the Noble Lord could come forward as the opponent of civil and religious liberty. What were the antecedents of the Noble Lord? He was distinguished as being the organ of the party ehich brought forward the motion for the repeal of the Test and Cor poration Act in 1825, and now he was for stop ping civil and religious liberty. He would call the attention of the Honourable Seconder of the Address to an observation made at that period by one who knew well what the mind of man was—by Mr. Cnnning. He said, " Beware of what you are doing—mind what you arc about, for so soon as you relieve the Dissenters from their disabili ties, you will find in them your bitterest opponents. Well, they had now no longer disabilities. No, now they had one united Protestant cry, in w hi c h a ll were conjoined. Ho could not help remarking upon the diaiirsblo artifice of the Honourable Seconder of the Address, in his remarks upon the conduct of the Noble Lord. Now what was the time at which the Noble Lord had chosen to step back?, At a time when he put into the mouth of our Gracious Sovereign congratulations upon the in creased happiness of the labotuing classes et a time when, after a long experience of law by which the re strictions on religion and on trade and on industry were swept away: when he put into her mouth words of congratulation for the fact of increased happiness which they now enjoyed. Since 1829 the country bad been going on in one line of policy. On that occasion the great Protestant hero whose death they now deplored, and whose loss they felt that day—(Hear, hear.) yielding to the experience and the pressure of circum stances in Ireland ; and the Duke of Wellington, who had seen, as he said, more years of war than any man of his time, and most of those years of civil war— ' knowing, he said, the mischiefs of civil war, he would to save the 'country from one month of this, give his life, under that pressure, consented to pass the Emancipation Act. Those great and brave men taking up the principle acted upon it, and carried it out frankly. Sir Robert Peel when it was suggested to him to pay the Catholic clergy, said he had considered the question, and an im portant one it was, and that he would not inter fere with the internal polity of the Catholic religion no more than he would with the Wesleyan system. That was the principle upon which he went. 'gThe Noble Lord and his party felt great pain, and he might say great jealousy, that these men, the enemies of liberality and dissent, should come in and sweep away the honour for which they had laboured. It was complained by the party of the Noble Lord that the honour belonged to them, for that they had got Catholic emancipation and others had gained the honours. This showed that had the Duke of Wellington not done as he did, the party would have persevered in their demand for complete emancipation. and that their wishes were gratified by the fact that the Roman Catholics were now upon, the same footing as their Protestant brethren, and that no political disabi lities was imposed in consequence of religious opinions. Now he had no objection to the opinions which bad been expressed in opposition to his own, but it was re markable that the facts had been precisely in contra diction of all that had been uttered by the Noble Lord. He would simply go upon his declare rations ; and what did they amount to? They neither were more or less than this, that he was inclined to stand still. The Noble Lord bad stated that it was the intention of the Noble Lord to test the right of the Bishop of Rome to parcel out the territories of this country into ecclesiastical possessions. If he bad done so he would have been altogether wrong. He did not mean to say all that he thought; but he might say this much—that the whole:bearing of the Minister was not in accordance with the col leagues with whom he acted. He knew that it was not in accordance with the practise of the party with whom the Noble Lord acted to speak plainly on any subject. It was true that the Noble Lord had shown himself to be a man of frank and candid character. How, then, was the discrepancy to be reconciled? The Noble Lord knew very well that this was not merely a matter of ;yeligion, it was a matter of State policy. The object contemplated by the Ministry was not to retain, but to secure or obtain power. Was it intended to restrain the Roman Catholic religion, or did they intend to pre vent the exercise of that religion by any means of poli tical power through the means of the State? If they did, they would feel they could not carry it on. The idea was entertained that the power to establish the Roman Catholic religion was an infringement on the royal prerogative. Why, did they not recollect that this same aggression had been fre quently practised before? The Noble Lord had stated so much, but did be not know that the same thing had been practised years before the present aggression, as they called it, had been attempted. Ho ought to have known that the same thing had been done many years ago, and therefore the endeavour to show that this assumption was an invasion of her Majesty's prerogative was neither more nor less than an imposition.—(Hear, hear.) The endeavour to show that the Queen's prerogative had been invaded rested upon this ground. But did not the Noble Lord know that the difference between the titles cf bishop and vicar-apostolic:were merely nominal? Cardinal Wiseman had been made Archbishop of West minster. Thatiwas no new thing. Dr. Baines had been vicar-apostolic of the West of England district.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the fact? Why, Dr. Baines, and very deservedly so, had been constituted bishop of the western diocese, by the title of Bishop of Bath and Wells, and therefore had possessed just the same power which had been conceded long ago to other Catholic bishops. There was no difference, in power or in influence; the relative positions of the Churches of Rome and England remained precisely as they had been laid out.—(Hear, hear.) Notwith standing these exclamations, the Bishop of Bath and Wells in the Raman Church was still a bish o p. 11, - ,.w was it that fbi prLrogati , :t , was atteceed 'SV lett. aas the meaning of this aggression? lie had reed— no, ho had not read, he hod glanced over—columns and columns of rubbish about the matter ; but it did not settle the point. It was one of the glorious privileges of this house that they could bring matters to a 4, 1851. discussion in a calm and-Viniperate spirit. Here they were not among a rearing set of sectarians, but in this House, however humble the individual, only let him say tea ly and honestly whatever he may have to state—only let him reason calmly and dispassionately —and this House will listen to him.—(Hear, hear ) Therefore it was r that he was confident, not in himself; but in the simple statement of truth which he had to make, and which he was sure would make his country, by and by, ashamed of the fustian of the persons who had stirred up this commotion. —(Hear, hear.) But he wanted;to know what was the meaning of this word aggression? Had the law been changed? Not at all. He, however, wanted to deal gravely with the matter, as the Noble Lord had done. Ho wanted to ask what was the meaning of all this noise? Where is the aggression upon her Ma jesty's prerogative? Dr. Wiseman, in calling himself cardinal, and somebody else calling him caardinal archbishop, could not surely amount to an act of aggression, and he really could not in the slightest degree discover where the aggression was to be found. You could not be guilty of an aggression without making en attack upon the existing law with a view to its alteration ; but it was said that this pretended aggression would interfere with the loyalty of some of our fellow-citizens. Did j anybody believe that now? Did any body believe that the Catholics of this country, the Catholics of England, who were amongst the most decent, the most submiitive, and he would say,were among the most humble of her Majesty's subjects, could, of all people in the world e be accused of wishing to mike an aggression upon her Ma jesty's prerogative. Did any one believe that, simply because Dr. Wisemen was called Car dinal Archbishop of 'Westminster? The thing was preposterous. Some time ago, in the year 1849, the Honourable Baronet opposite, the Member for the University of Oxford, drew the attention of the Noble Lord to this very subject of the Roman hierarchy. By the way, the Honourable Baronet was the only consistent man amougst them, ex cept the gentleman who stood opposite to him (mean ing himself)—(Loud laughter) —and he (the Ho nourable Baronet), if any ono deserved it, really merited the honour cf being made Archbishop of Westminster, if they must have such a dignity. The honourable Gentleman had been consistent from beginning to end. From the beginning he had said, " You are wrong, you ought to have kept them down ; you have no business to make these advances." That was the principle the Hon. Baronet laid down for himself. It was one, however, which the Noble Lord did not follow; but, now, in 1851, the Noble Lord had discovered that he had been in error, and was therefore ready to become a partizan of the Honourable Gentleman opposite. In reply to the Hon. Gentleman, the Noble Lord made a statement in 1849, from which he appeared then to think that they " must either give certain privileges or advantages to the clergy of the Roman Catholics, and obtain from the Pope certain advan tages in return, amongst others that he should not create any dioceses in England without the consent of the Queen." Now, mark, then, one of two things was to be done; the first was to get the Pope to con sent in return fer certain advantages, amongst which was stipulated that he should not create any dioceses in England without the consent of the Queen. On the other hand, the Noble Lord contended " that you must say that you will have nothing to do with the arrangements of the Pope, in fact you must not consent in any way to an extension of Roman Catholic authority iu England." That was the opinion of the Noble Lord in 1849. He then clearly stated the alterna tive, but added, " for my own part, I am not disposed to think that it would be an advantage for this country, or to the Roman Catholics, to have an agreement with the Pope on the subject of his religious arrange ments in England ; fur although you may attempt to prevent any spiritual authority from being exercised by law, yet there is no provision, no law, which my Hon. Friend could frame that would deprive the Bishop of Rome of that influence which he exercised over the minds of Roman Catholics, or preclude him from giving advice to those who might choose to ask for it." Here was a statement that they could not impose any pains or disabilities which would have the effect of ex ercising any. control,over the minds of Roman Catholics: Now Cardinal WiSeinan came here powerless; - WithOut any influence except spiritual influence, wielding no power but the power of mind over man, and addressing himself simply to those who believed in his spiritual influence. This aggression, and be defied the Noble Lord to prove otherwise, consisted wholly in the spiritual influence of the Pope over those who believed in the Catholic faith. Now he suspected that there could not be found a person less subject to that spiritual domination than the person who now ad dressed the House.—(Laughter.) It seemed to him one of those strange phenomena with which the human mind abounded, and for which he could not account. —(Hear.) The Catholics bowed to the Pope, the Methodists bowed to the Conference, and the Epis copalians to this House, but eventually this House was the conference of the kingdom, for the Queen's supre macy meant the supremacy of the Minister, and the supremacy of the Minister meant the opinion of this House.—(Laughter.) He (Mr. Roebuck) bowed to the House, and would continne to do so, whatever its decree.—(Hear, hear.) He did not arrogate to himself the right cf judging what was the truth, cr cf intruding himself on his fellow-subjects, be cause he differed from them; and he could tell his dis senting brethren, whom he did not intend to join, that they should be careful, for they were not yet out of the wood.—(Laughter, and cheers.) They might find, if they introduced this principle with regard to Roman Catholics that the whip would be applied to their own backs—(Laughter)—and he must say that if there was any man who would rejoice at seeing the infliction it was himself.—(Laughter.) Then he had to ask, was there no excuse for Roman Catholics on the present occasion ? Had they done anything which ought to have subjected them to insult as a reli gious body.—(Hear.) Was the Noble Lord wholly ignorant of the Bequests Acts? He could hardly fancy that ho was. Certain he was that Lord Clarendon was not ignorant of it; neither was the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He might have mistaken the meaning of the Act, but it, was quite clear he knew each an Act was in existence. Now, a person comes to this country and calls himself cardinal, and says he ob tained his power from the Pope. Now, were Roman Catholics not led to believe that they might do this if they liked, without any Act of Parliament, for that is the the fair way of stating the case. By the Bequests Act, a Commission was appointed under her Majesty's letters patent, and Roman Catholic Bishops acted from year to year on that Commission, and were acknow ledged by their different titles by the Adminis tration. He held in his head the third report of the Commissioners, which contained a return of their meeting, and at one of these meetings he found among the Members assembled the Right Hon. Mr. Justice Keating, who occupied the chair, his Grace the Lord Primate, and his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Dublin; then came the name of his Grace the Lord Archbishop Daniel Murray, without mentioning Archbishop of where. The Roman Catholic prelates of Ireland were continu ally addressed by the authorities of this country ; for instance, the Archbishop of Armagh was called the Lord Archbishop. The Archbishop of Dublin was addressed by hie title, although it was in the face of a penal Act of Parliament. An Honourable Member behind him had favonred him with a paper, being an order made by her Majesty, showing the precedence which she was pleased to grant to parties who had the right of entra to the Castle. The order was, first the Primate of Ireland, then the Lord Chan cellor, then the Archbishop of Dublin, and then Roman Catholic Primate, so that he came before all the Protestant bishops.—(Hear, hear.) Here we had a man acknowledged by her Majesty's special order as a Roman Catholic Archbishop. Now he (Mr. Roebuck) would beg Hon. Members to mark what this proceeding on the part of her Majesty's Go vernment was. There was an Act of Parliament against this very thing, and yet the Queen had entirely put aside the authority of that Act. Her Majesty's Minis ters roust be taken to have been aware of this order. It must have been known to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for Irelund, as the order must have issued from his office. Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE was understood that he was not aware of the fact to which the lion. Member alluded. Mr. ROEBUCK said he could not help thinking that some ono was answerable for the Act. What he wished to impress upon the House with refetenco to this subject was, that this was a proceeding of the Government, and thnt the document relating to it was so public that it was a most i m p or t ant fact. He (Mr. Roebuck) believed that the Roman Ca tholics had with the most perfect innocence and without objection on the part of any one, always exc e pti ng t h e Eon. Baronet, the Member for the University of Oxford have assumed these titles. The true history of this transaction was that it was an act which had long been contemplated by the Roman Catholics. As early as the year 1647 they contemplated the assumption of these titles. He (Mr. Roebuck) held in his hand a Roman Catholic Directory of the year 1847. In that directory, under the head of the name of the " Londun Directory," was the name of the Most Reverend N. Wiseman, D.D,, Archbishop of Westminster. He (Mr. Roebhck) might be told that he was not Archbishop of Westmin ster. The faot was, that it was the intention of the Pope to have made him an Archbishop, but then came the revolution, and be was obliged to leave Rome; but when he came back he made him en Arch bishop, and the Directory was published in anti cipation of the appointment. It could not be doubted that our minister, at Florence was aware of all this. When people talked about Acts of Parliament and priemunire, and invading the Queen's authority, it would be well to bear in mind that Government bad exposed themselves to the effects of that venal and mys terious Act of Parliament for sending a re presentative to Rome.—(Hear, hear.) In the year 1829 the late Sir Robert Peel stated that he would not interfere with Roman Catholics, or with the Wes leyans, or any other religious body. What difference eras there between ;the Roman Catholics and the Wes ans with respect to their arrangements? He had a Ro man Catholic directory and a Wesleyan directory in the one he read wider the head of the "London Directory," the Most Rev. N. Wiseman, D.D., Archbishop of Westminster, and in the " Wesleyan rectory, the Roc Jobn Mitchell, G. P., President of the conference. If he (Mr. Roebuck) chose -to call himself an archbishop, or chose to parcel out England, what harm was there in it? If h e c h ose to cell " Ass, ' er anythieg else, tl ere woulfl be no :toe Lann Give than the Ca tholics had done by assuming . these titles. It must be remembered that there were 8,000,000 of Ca tholics, one third of the whole population was of that faith, and at a time when, by lepse of time, they we r e forgetting their ancient prejudices and living in peso® with each other, was unworthy of the Noble Lord why had so long been an advocate of civil and re ligious liberty to aid a crime which had its source in religious bate ; was it worth his while for the sake of a flattering popularity, which to lend his name to a movement which was nothing more than the old Puritanical bigotry breaking out in the nine teenth century. Upon the other subjects of the Address they all seemed to be of the same opinion, and had it not been for this unfortunate dispute they would 1 101 only have passed the Address unanimously, but perhap s something more.—(Cheers.) Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Hon. and Learned! Member had attacked the Noble Lord in such terms that it was impossible for any other person but thee Noble Lord or one of his followers to answer it. The PoP e in his late aggression had totelly ignored fhe c aistence a of the English Crown or the English Church. and in no country in E u rop e would this conduct have been so tamely submitted to.. The subject of colonial matters had occupied his atten tion. He could quote the expressions from a son of Mr. P e rci va l, th e sou o f a man w ho, if "- bad been at the head of affairs, would never hav e suffered this Papal Aggression.—(blear.) He would ask the Noble Lord whether it was worth while to fel low in the task o f s upp ort i ng thi s erroneous feeling, or whether it would not be better to act in accord-. ance with the feelings of this country. 11° be lieved that her Majesty s Minist e rs were n p ° at all prepared for the extent and d e P' h of Protestant feeling which had been evinced in the late addresses—numerous and numerously signed—Of the late addresses to the throne. A f a lli ng of the extent °, which he believed her Majesty's Ministers were not con scious. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL believed he could say f )I : the Roman Catholic M em b e r s of thi s House that it was not their intention to offer any opposition too the Address. Her Majesty might depend Pas liberty, support in defence of civil and religioas liberty, and they were, therefore, happy that no neee s i. sity existed for their moving an amendment to the 11 dress. The Hon. Member for Norwich, who seconde d the Address, made some passi n g all us ion to Ireland , but he was quite mistaken in supposing that the sister kiolc ' dom was in a state of comparative p ros perity.—(ffei r 'r (LEFT SPEAKING.) THE TEETH.—How often do we find the hU O face divine disfigured by neglecting the chiefest of 11 ' , ornaments,, and the breath made disagreeable W colirt panions by non-attention to th e t ee th! Though Per, fec , in their structure and comp os iti on , t o k ee p thew in d pure and healthy state requires some little trouble; a n ., if those who are blessed with we ll-f orme d teeth kll e r„ how soon decay steals into the mouth, ma king unsigb i what otherwise are delightful to admire, and. designatla W OO unhealthiness by the impurity of the breath, they spare no expense to chase away these fatal bleiniehes. But although most ladies are careful, and even particr lar in these delicate matters, yet few are sufficiently aware of the imperative necessity of avoiding ,60f noxious or mineral substances of an acrid nature, an d o t which the greater part of the cheap tooth-powde rs the present day are composed. It is highly satisfactoy. to point out Messrs. Rowlands' Odonto, or Pearl D ent (rice, as a preparation free from all injurious elesanre and eminently calculated to embellish and preserve t!sise dental structure, to impart a grateful fragrance to 1 11 "„ breath, and to embellish and perpetuate the graces f mouth. of ft a INTERESTING FAST.—The following singular authentic case of restoration of the human hair is vi° rt , bl e , of observation, more particularly as it relates to an al . " - ge. high and universal repute during the last half century'. bal d A. Herrmann, of Queen. street, Soho, had been quite tithe for some time past, and had tried various preparations I°r use recovery of his hair, but withcut any beneficial r esult. sr was then induced to try the effects of " Rowlands' Ma c°. he Oil," and after daily applying it for about two month s ' an( much to his gratification, had his hair quite restoredsB t o 7 now possesses a beautiful head of hair. This fact ape s ' e , strongly for itself to require comment.-Bell's Wee 4l Y senyer. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—BeII's Life in Lon-on, day next, Feb. 9. -Turf Prospects for 1851- AccePtil-es for the Spring, Handicaps-Critical Remarks, by Pegt u r el Horses in training in England and Itelaiicle- . Racing h an and latest moves at the Corner - Steeplechasel at Lille--pixel elsewhere-The Chase, Coursing, Aquatic-a, redestti e o Angling, Salmon Fishing, and every. sporting incident week-Opening of Parliam en t-Th e Q ueen ' s Speech. ' Ss of Bell's Life, Sixpence. -Office, 170, Strand. Average of Bell's Life in London, 29,000. ci [ADVERTISEMENT.]—IS CoNsusarrsost,BßON C T di s eral ti ASTHMA, &c., CUBABLZ ?-A R e p or t o f some o f th e most forni-,-- , i t forms of Disease of th e Thr oa t, Lungs, Heart, and Stomach , is Jus'it-eli' 01_ Hailed for the Committee, by Dr. C ron i n , M.D., Physician to Di cester-square Dispensary for Consumption, & c .-" The succes s v ss . Cronin's peculiar treatment in the cure of those affections W;; • have hitherto generally baffled every attempt at cure, althouVl;; li first talent had been appli e d t o , an d th e mos t consu mmate f4r been exerted for that purp o s e , i s mos t sa ti s f ac t or ily s hown in ' es " - . Ss' port."-Preface.-Werth e i m an d C o ., P a t ernoster - ro w ; li' Martin-le-Grand ; and at the author's residence, 14. Leicester-square. Price 2d., by post 3d. APPROACHING MARRIAGE IN H I GH LIFE. understand that a marriage will shortly take place betty" the Hon. James Colborn, eld es t son o f G enera l Lord oe se c. et, and the Hon. Charlotte De B urg h, d aug h ter o f Lieuten - General Lord Downes. Co co• SOUTHAMPTON, SUNDAY.--TllB Royal Mail pany's steam-ship Clyde, Captain Moss, with the West Ie ,slo mails, left this afternoon. She had a l arge and valorfor cargo, with about fifty passengers, many of whom wer e ;ill the gold diggings. The next homeward steam-0 61/ es , the West India and Mexican mails, will be the Tham 0r Captain Rivett. She may be looked for about the 6th „ 11 Otis instant. The Jupiter, Peni nsu l ar an d Oriental t' pany's steam-ship, command e d by C apta i n M ee h a n, with , i la' Peninsular mails, has not ma d e h er appearance. T" e ,, ele s mage done to her machinery on h er outwar d voyage ' 3- t ' t 411 understand, been repaired at C orunna , so t h a t sue; oat shortly be looked for. The Madrid, Captain J. Weeks , " JO the Peninsula, with the usual ma il s , is expected a bout'" I 4th instant. jr, COMMISSION or LUNACY.—Yesterday an as to the state of mind of Mr. David Wilson, a retired T it s e chant of the City, was opened before Mr. Barlow, one ° w rite Masters in Lunacy, and a spe c i a l j ur y o f magistrates merchants, at the Sheriff's-office, Red Lion-square. 72,,,g Wilson was a native of Scotl an d, an d ear ly i n life hei, °l , ; a mercantile firm in the City as a par t ner , a nd ha vlij ieto that capacity amassed a cons id era bl e f ortune h e retired ii 34 private life, and contin ue d t o res id e w i t h hi s wife (brio no children) until h er d ea th, w hi c h too k p l ace abou t hie years ago, after which event he became unsettled Il l : s ds: habits, wandering about from place to place, until his f ra r e , I thought it necessary to have him placed under the ca not was 12 an attendant. The precise amount of his property s ; 200; stated in evidence. The lunatic himself stated he bar, , „ b a year, but he could not tell how it was derived, 01 1 ",,„", - / told Dr. Winslow that he was worth from 2 00,u ,n;t1Ite 350,0001. The jury found that he had been insane since, 10th of December last. IL-- ' INTRAMURAL BURYING GROUNDBeSaue :A jll to business of the valuations of old cemeteries and P, r c i burial-grounds, for compensation on c l os i ng them, 9 " l3o sra sides the valuation and examination of new sites, the of Health has been engaged in the investigation of the c c i t he to compensation of the clergy, churchwardens, age i parishes. We believe th a t up t o th e l as t wee k the n is t ose gation of the claims of 70 of the parishes (including Citf of Marylebone, St. Pancras, and a number of the parishes) had been decided.- Sunday Pape-. lir COUNTY INCOME AND EXPENDITIOLE.--A " 1 " the mentary return, just issued, shows that the itscoMe,.l ) s to counties of England and Wales amounted, inThe 1,584,768/. 4s. 71e, d. ; and in 1849, to 1,541,887/.Bs. &L i s, to evpenditure in the same two years amounted, in 11°„t d. 1,406,728/. Os. 11 1 /d. ; and in 1849, to 1,382,004/. 2s- 4 The reports of the state of business in the P 11; vinces during the past week show a declining tenda . ,,, c) ,;sr Manchester, although the home d eman d h as b een welt ":„tied tained ; but in the woollen di s t r i cts t h ere has b een COnt-bas activity and firmness. In the Irish linen trade ther e r dets been no reaction from the recent improvement, and the° from America are large. the The Fruiterers' Compa n y y es t er d ay pres ente- l e o, Right Hon. the Lord M a y or w i t h twelve b as k ets of O w ' itlt according to annual custom. The members are to di gs his Lordship, who will also entertain his ward, this day' to THE MERCANTILE MARINE Acr.---The Eir certificatesCs O t r n i cd t ly r e o n n f only mates, ra tph c o m p e t en cy t o e t p n provision ei before o en n io br t eo h n t b deailnl vessels sa a s slel t lo e sw r s se , hd a fi lt r io s t p_,: e o t aa 05, , e ; Ail ' vesselsuch willess e i n s, o w y yesterday e p r e d r y i t c t a e m d came into put t o fu s l e l a o u p u e i r e a s t s i o t n h ; e Go er! in charge produce certificates proving them to be full - e ci lst petent. This regu l at i on was not carr i ed into force o n o to f January because the authorities were not able o °ll lo' the immense numbe r o f a ppli ca ti ons ) t o supp ly the c er • cates within the prescribed time. 01): THE IRON TRADE.—The slight advantage cr u d tamed during the late quarterly meeti ngs h as beetall'V r ed with little difficulty; but it is evident that the ht l° ' :sr then experienced is gradually subsiding, and with it the .5o guine expectations of steady improvement in prices. sing symptoms of unusual activity in th e f or th c oming 7 0 .011; trade are yet developed, but rather an unexpected shib' i gia ness has supervened in the nail and chain departraen ts ' t soo , other manufacturing br a n c h es o f our h ome c onsul'? orders being proportionately slacker. In pig iron li lt t he doing, most parties having made their purchases e0r1Y,,,, -- s oce last month, and there is n o t en d ency t o any f ur ther a ds in this article. Coal a n d i rons t one a l so rema i n omi ts reports from other dist r i c t s are as var i ous as the B ° sre from whence they are d er i ve d ; upon t h e whole, tu;ledgl quite as satisfactory as th e f ac t s w i t hi n our own goo' would seem to warrant. W e l s h b ars are sa i d to be in hell, demand, and a considerabl e i ncrease o f make bits been hid brought into the market. Scotch pigs have a doW,,,.°' re' tendency, though the price of manu fa ctured i ron is t 1 3 - presented as firm.-Birmingham BIRTHS. OF A SOS. On the 30th ult., at Edinburgh, the Hon. Da s ' rymplethe ls Ha. til e On Ist inst., at Grove-end -road, St. John's-Wwv wife of D. W. Dowling, Esq. OF A DA. On the 31st ult., at Winchester, UGHTEß the wife of Lieuten o4-0. G. Eddington, 95th Regiment. of 1/ ' On the 60th ult., at Stadhampton, Oxon, the wlri M. Goodwin, Esq., of twin daughters. , c is AiAKEIED. On the Ist inst., at St. George's, Hanover-sqUare , ' f Th li ter Orme, Esq., a Fitzroy-square, to Emily, youngpt - d °- of T. Metcalfe, Eeq., of Hertford -street. May-fsar. a bet' On the Ist inst., at Wighorough, Mr. Sturges, of, ll o sta head, Surrey, to Emma, second surviving daughter of, Harvey, Esq , Coppid- hall, Essex. RUM, o If On the 31st ult., at Bootham, John Brook, Escf , city of York, aged 81. Wigb . ,yirigf On the 30th ult., Rebecca, relict of the '14Y1,y5 of Highwood-hill, Middlesex, aged 77. .. , ~, ? , r.,"- I,oo°' On the 31st ult., at Le e -p ar k, Blackheath, kaPift7 tr secondht ohe Rev.e On 31st ult. ft , John Gomm, Esq., ale sq., of EdWar"A',stre Portman-square, aged to. the Wif e On the 31st ult., at C am b erwe ll- grove, H a nnah' of Mr. James Southern. Jobe Tell- On the Ist inst., a t B r i x t on - r i se, Surrey, - kampff, Esq., aged 76. Oil 1.1.:e s t last., aged 22, Tuotn'a.? ,T, l zlea tile of Mr. T. Shanks, of Herningford-terran6e; ~tom' Is1~~.~: =~~'* , yi of London: Printed and Published by MUEDO /0 1 No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office ,- ts O f Strand, in the Precin c t of the Savoy, in the O faddlolo24 TilOadaY, WOINTArY:I; 1851!