The Sun. — London, England, 1845-01-16 00:00:00

oowith ked elsewhere, have s een a rea l coll i sion these so;ieties ; for while there are as sociations for all these purposes, there is also an association for leaving the poor needlewornan unable to buy more than three-fourths of the bread which the !night purchase—there is an association for mak- I ng a poor man spend so much for fhod, that he can tnaa,etreb?s, a stock of linen to go to wash !—(Cheers)— a society that so interferes with the rights and wants of the poor, that they lose all habit Qnd desire to put themselves into better l‘labitations—there is a society that has a direct ten leney to diminish the amount of work for the poor, to curtail their employment, and to deteriorate the worth of that employment—there is an antagonist so aciety to all these professed b enevo l ent i nstitutions, :al that taxation i 3 th e C entral Society for keeping up the on bread ! They are the parties who Ought to be accused of those who are so much 14 -hoed to these special charities. On their heads heir ia the l, not the leaders of the League. The 1 'Nue on its trial, indee 1 ! Why Providence has given it aitr,ial, trial, and they have stood' it bravely and tri.timphantly.—(Chcers.) They have summered and a n d it ;in the season of heaviest suffering have 1 in times of comparative prosperity they pleaded the cause before the Legislature ; nalu_ulltibtuadvesP;leaLdheeyd it before assemblages of tremendous Phrase, " have been, to use an apostolic instant in season and out of season ;" every „Itnehas been to them a time and season for advancing _e great cause of justice and charity. They stand :V , of merely aquitted, bat deserving of all honour prejtpraise. It is the other party that is s trial —it is the moral courage .. of the . liner that is on trial ; it is his disposition to carry l e to practice his own professed principles ; it is the (Institution wheth er i t of the country that is on trial, to see can furni s h the means of redressing this great :,, and pervading wrong; it is the spirit, and , --er gY, and d etermination of the British people that 4,, e °II trial, to see whether they will hold 1 1 t till they do themselves right by putting down t , e . °ll Pressio n of a class. They call themselves pro sneetilcm societies ! Why, we are the true protection a n i eti es• They are a protection society for the rich th e . P°Wer fill —we are a society for the protection of p,, ne edy and helpless. They are a society for the for the of high pric es o f f oo d— we are a soc i ety (Loud the protection of th e hi ghest worth of wages. cheer s Rote: ‘, t 4211 ) They ar e a soc i ety f or t h e . ti nn of indol ence and rent—we for the protec f 5 the Industry and enterprise. They are a society 4t --e P r otection of a demoralising ; degrading, and r.- ructive systein—vve for the protection of universal aitt justice, and charity !—(The conclusion of the eh e ' e e . ss w'as received with loud and long-continued rin g ) Th e for the gOO CRAIRMAN then thanked the meeting d ec,ediord er that had been kept throughout the pro da "Rnth a nd announc e d th e nex t meeting for that Mo . After separatedgiving three cheers, the immense assembly I The shrewd (Prom the Morning Chronicle. 4 .. Coro-law est opponents of the An . . l 4eague have been apt to think that its chief trial Would‘,,o he found in a season of commercial prosperity. ~.t a fel,v of its friends have been of the same cpinion. :11If the influence of the League depended on . temporary ,eses, or if it were merely an expression of that l patient . discontent would have been well founded ; f ;lLs a tl . 4 nsgs i : l : ts P h. a e t * Opi t n d in ' n nt l e o n v t e which arises from physical plitical agitatian for its r t 1 1 hmen do not ° ,_ % va sake; and with comparatively cheap food and a tnviving trade, they would have cared little for the Most eloquent philippicsmonopoly. The against . event has not only not borne out, but has sig tlailY and totally falsified these anticipations. The posPower of the League has been tested by a season of peritv ; and for the result look to the meeting of aSt nighi. Never since the metropolitan assemblages emnmenced was the vast area in which they are held crowded by a larger or more enthusiastic mass of nhuttlari beings. Never did the agitation present an 4-selinect of more resolute or more triumphant confi 12ce. This remarkable organisation displays t . 4 e of the fitfulness —none of the alterna "oos of success and adversity which are corn 011.1y said to mark popular movements. Nulla that has once gained ; but moves steadily onward With sagacity and courage —never hesitating to look difficulties in the face, or failing to take practical measures to overcome them. A body lik e this will do something more than repeal the corn-lavvs, if that repeal be delayed much longer. Surely Sir Robert F eel and others professing Conservative principles s_hould meditate on the position taken by the League ?r_i opening the campaign for the new year. They i ,',3' it down as an axiom that nothing is to b e hoped 4 r il ' ) .. al the present House of Commons. The repeal of teti!rn-lavv is to he carried out of doors. How ? tp, tt u l y any revolutionary change, nor yet by mere Let u u s es, but simply by acting on the constituencies. ealik,u,,'.3' Mr.Cobden, use the means at our disposal for :R t N:„R and securing the constituencies of the three ,!k•-•.th-Aallties, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Middleto tleirpi; three counties which have been raised bany lottoki eminence, not by the aristocracy or y 6 ' tt, e Y s Yetem, but by the indomitable lv in h d a - irt h ry , Pr o Peo l 1 ; Pos es .1' e. Mr. Cobden is . right. in b a is undoubtedly practicable, and if done A - "„ l' e ,,C ; eeigive. The day which sees free-traders and i""411:-'lnerit for Yorkshire, Lancashire, l ti t h e e es l ri x e ' a w rit i i l in i e b , e the last of the corn-laws. n ß ae u . t what are the indirect . °lle i ti ( . 4 the agitation having taken this c _t:u o r u n s : pf conlevitable consequence is, to bring the ll __,- ~,e ' edit w l i t ?tis, as now constituted, into increased di -4 °t . a , ho a the people. Is it worth while, merel3 , a wait s 0,4 Postponement of the inevitable fate which al ive oh.'" corn -law, to keep discussion constantly f f ar e °u the discordancy between the opinions_o 'lldest che e r n nd the opinions of the people. The t 'il lt f of those that greeted Mr. Cobden last l asi , r6 'n an immense assemblage of the middle tioe ' t ic 0 s that which was called forth by his declare to thaatt,t,he constituencies required to be enlarged, ''l ti e itilidme sooner the power was really transferred in„ s g bfle a b i .. (11 ,e and working classes the better. Mr. nt no ",Tcl at no organic change, and evidently "e efr eet „other extension of the franchise than could . ' 4 144 47411M:1er existing laws. But his audience 5 04 Is LO Put a larger meaning in %how. e'lPonded to the with earnestness which his words, 14 "no • m an • b the pre 81,s ordinary discontent with wh o - tel o re these read d ' We cannot think it wise for those 1 es e dis orBanic change to drive men into e biic cussios. The idea of free trade has tetion which by the public with a strength of eon rod le'vioteh will not now stop at any obstacle. A t 3 Pr,,,, a n laY be sacrificed in the attempt to check NI eress but , s.sai no object can possibly be gained to I l k i 6 NA the sacrifice. Sir Robert Peel has all his 1 4 } : ° fle. , ._, r ra te a 1., de the mistake of looking more to what tsh„lig..hgtt;t in the House of Commons than to what is ri !Y of tb n e /be country. lle judges only from hear -1)44'. It most vigorous expressions of public opi '3' a visi:k4ould really do him a great deal of good to ,1-,,,(' Covent: arden. t !the tet,.'voln the Tforning Advertiser.) ti4.Polists e met last night, and afforded the mo- Nozmoo. 1 ar'other proof of its vitality. It looked any rnit a e(1 , 1 le. e N ver did it manifest greater vc. i . ' Xever did it seem more resolved to live— co- re .-., . fcpb sh, , toetermined not to die, until it has ac.• ..e gre,tmission which it was form e d to •' R II , I t . I. the h c. ti le, atm f peakers were, as usual, eloquent, ener p'asittti, 1 . 1 ,. of hope. The audience was most en 'ves. - lb. vi •.Y P ar - nlirriber present was immense. die sibl tof the house was crowded. There was a (tie:.B3lll\ Pathy between the speakers and the au %:,,bd, eo, iii°,_tera sentiment was uttered by Messrs. .„."tts asae_T,e Gibson, and Pox,. which the thou- Vtie......i n "' vv _ . "! ,',I did not greet with a cordial re- Eh e Pro gr( , ' t ruly felt where not audibly expressed. N.1%1 rineipartof.the county. registratiiins was one of t`i!!r t, .p, ot the evening. It is an impor -I.light);:_4ll. the more so, because:, before a brief I lle lt,M ti e , 311 4 4 _ ,I...pFed, the door of the county regis -114;04. Thows€lllbe shut against forty shilling free ll (:,,the con i tner efore, who mean to qualify for unties by purchasing a property which 111,:r9—t°114,11ireei_t.heevo, forty shillings per annum, must wilierireat nolettrntion.s into effect without delay. As .otpolitan county is one of the places t %tli o r( t i b i !_ . fr.ree rad.ers feel confident of being able, f:I. ta,noo4ii3s.exertions, to wrest from the gr of 1. \ ,, , e exteq I±B:,and as our paper circulates to asps vy re_ (:)I,,erv_,u tat euunty, we whh to make one or o"ellise, L i ."l:os o the subje c t of a forty-shilling 40the League thenview of enforcing the exhortations ~.. oth: hood goe to qualify without delay. Our 'NI not b e tl i -... N ti. (sex not be 0 ( that a free -trade triumph in Nl,,tnOriopoi would oe of inestimable service to the 14,,'''cted „ cs , ; ?",_ cause. There is a moral influence 10re,At' of tvi l i :,'" .the metropolitan counts' the great 441eerlt cn it ` w ould be impossible 'to overrate. I J, arli , , Middlesex is represented by a rank mono fati`,)Y an advocate of 3 fixed duty 'she vene '44lf "' qthe House o f Commons, who identifies t!'11, ` v ith tl hie 11, ' si bs the corn -law views of Lord John Itus ilti.rro, .plerobabl3: be induced, did he see a t it ,4,,J 4 .' tt Fonstituency avowedly favourable to 1,4 ti1, of immediate corn-lew re - 1 t h t N r , the IN_ l . pa , .0 desert the f 5 ewer, and enlist under the ~ )I st - e'tl.t,,ti,l,j; fti,‘,.4ismarvg.. Cobden and Bright. We hope Z, /%, 'lle eon . 11 nig, for more than half a century h 11 0f,, , ), sis.en and uncompromising representawl 1,411ge 4 1 Aar principles and popular interests in the 11v ee,s(llTionti?ns, it would cause us a Pang were Illiotenist b„P,ened to Part with him. The national le t x' t l 111, e to see Mr. Byng die in harness. W e 1...4...tk1d1e5e° ti t'e him close his life as the Member Se*,7jiive(l,.:*‘,Pd we doubt not he will die as V ot Ye f th friend of the people, and the repie -leskY4 j'ollefr e great metropolitan county. Of his .;`A p i.b e e we must speak in fferent are no hallowed associations, con .. f~"~ j.4..R.Y 16 1845. ~.~-~ (:~,` ~-_ ~. TH►E SUN, 110NriON, THURSDAY EVENING, JAN nected with his name. He ought never to have been the Member for Middlesex. His election was one of the most lamentable occurrences which has been witnessed for many years. The poet Campbell tells us That " Freedom shrieked when Kosciusko Liberalism, if it did not weep, ought to have done so, when Mr. Wood, or Tom Wood, as he is familiarly called, was chosen Member fur so important a county as Middlesex. His presence in Parliament, as the representative of that county, is one cf those things for which the friends of popular principles have cause to blush. An opportunity is now afforded of getting ' rid of him. If the free traders who possess the means will only, without the loss of a day—for, literally, a day is not now to be lost—purchase some little cot. tage, valued at forty shillings per annum, there will. be an overpowering majority of free traders at the next election for Middlesex. We need not, in that case, name the result—the legislative services of friend " Tom" will be dispensed with. can have little hope of the (game-keeping) Church, Grantley Berkeleys don't grow on every hedge and don't lurk in every thicket. If they did, there is no doubt in the world every poacher would find his match. Country gentlemen would abandon the milksop idea of sleeping o' nights in their beds ; and arouse themselves—not in Puseyite fashion for nocturns or matins—but pro uric et, foci., (hares and foxes)—for manful conflict with midnight prowlers for game, or malicious foes of vermin. And the perfect gentle knight, or honourable, will find a moat p e rfect gentle pattern or all that he ought to be, an d must b e , to preserve the Palladium of " a large in ad of game." As Imlac convinced Rassejas that it was impossible to be a poet, so Mr. Grantley Berkeley has all but convinced us that it is impossible to be a game-preserve r And this results from the irreceptivity in the game keeping mind of right principles of rhetoric. If these misguided men would but listen to Archbishop Whately and Mr. Grantley Berkeley ! " I never," said the former—we beg pardon, the latter—" spoke till I had struck, and then everybody else but two ran away, simply because they did not know how many more there were behind me to play at the sarae rough game. However, talk to them as you will, teach them as you may, keepers never can be made to adopt this simple and humane plan, and that is the reason they get hurt. Here let me make a passing remark on a very great error into w hich magistrates, as well as the public, are apt to fall. They are quick to blame gamekeepers and policerden, if a prisoner shows any marks of punish ment, there being no corresponding appearance of blows on the persons of the captors. They are also (especially the public)• sure to cry down as unnecessary the use of handcuff's.. Now, to speak in homely downright old English phrase, there is nothing which banishes an inclination to commit murder or to be dan gerous, from a brutal mind, half so much as a simple, well-directed punch in the head.' All, or nearly all murderers are cowards : the sight of their own blood will prevent their shedding the blood of others. A game keeper, or a constable, need not wait till he is struck ; if SPI ItIT of tlio PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM TILE EVENING- PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. STAN DARD.—The letter of the Archbishop of Can terbury must go far in restoring peace to the Church. His Grace distinctly instructs his clergy to abandon all recent changes that have not been made with the general acquiescence of their respective congregations, and 'to attempt no new alterations. The command extends, in fact, to a prohibition of all the recent changes, though, for form's sake (no doubt), it is divided under three heads. First, as respects the case of churches in which the changes have been made with general acquiescence. There are no such churches ; but if there were any such, the public would have' no right to complain that the con gregations should be permitted their superstitious indul gences even to the setting up of the mass. They would no more belong to our Protestant Church, than does the Roman Catholic Chapel at Moorfields. It is part of our religious liberty to allow all men to worship as they please ; and while our cathedrals and parish churches, chapels of ease, and other churches and chapels legally connected with the Established Church, are preserved pure, we have no right to complain. In none of these, however, have the recent changes been introduced without more or less of dissatisfaction, if not of resistance ; but either dissatisfaction or resistance is not general acquiescence. Next, the Primate enjoins that where changes similar to those made elsewhere have not been attempted hitherto, they must not be attempted hereafter. Thirdly, where the changes are still the sub ject of dispute, the dispute must be abandoned ; but the only party that can properly abandon the dispute—the party, too, over whom the Archbishop has more direct power—the party who is single against many—must be the party to submit, in order to ensure that " general acquiescence" which, under the first h: ad, his Grace de • scribes as indispensable to justify a continuance of the changes. A respectful but firm remonstrance from any considerable portion of any congregation must, in the terms of the injunction, be a conclusive reason for their discontinuance. His Grace is at great pains to concede such as may be, or may pretend to be, dis tressed by the necessity of this sacrifice to peace, by telling them in the first place, that their interpretation of the rubric is by no means so certain as they may imagine. " Upon careful examination," says the Lord Primate, with a modesty deserving all respect and worthy of universal imitation, " I have found reason to think that some of these questions are more difficult of solution than is commonly imagined ; and " that the meaning which occurs at first sight is not always the most correct." The clergy have it, therefore, upon the highest authority in the Church, that the question of the rubrical interpretation is, at least, extremely doubtful, but "in dubiis presumitur pro neganti" is the rule of the civil law as it is the maxim of common sense—to " stand fast when we are not sure of our road " The doubts of the Archbishop of Canterbury must afford great relief to the distress of the rubricians; but his Grace has other topics of consolation, for he in timates that the practice of the last 180 year s is very proba bly the practice intended by the lawgivers of the Church. The opponents of the changes may, says the Primate, plead an usage opposite to the interpretation lately given to the rubric " reaching back to the time when the in tention of the lawgiver was best understood." 'Usage, as a Contemporary has remarked, is acknowledged the best interpreter of any law, but usage contemporary with the enactment of a law, and continued downward without in'erruption, is in every case decisive of the intention of the legislator. Another consideration which must not only alleviate the distress of the rubricians, but alarm such tender consciences as theirs, with a suspicion that their interp re t at i on may be all wrong and the practice from which they would depart perfectly right. The most important, and what to really modest men would be the most effectual consolation is, the argumfn tum ad verecundiam, as Mr. Locke cells it. " The most conscientious clergymen,"•says the Primate, " have felt themselves justified in treading in the steps of their pre decessors." We cannot go wrong in quoting Locke, and therefore we will transcribe his description of the argument here employed, because we think that it very exactly describes the state of the question before us : " First, the firstis to allege the opinions of men whose parts, learning, eminency; power, or some other cause has gained a name, and settled their reputation in the common esteem with some kind of authority. When men are established in any kind of dignity, it is thought a breach of modesty for others to derogate any way from it, and question the authority of men who are in posses sion of it. This is apt to be censured, as carrying with it too much of pride, when a man does not readily yield to the determination of approved authors, which is wont to be received with respect and submission by others ; and it is looked upon as insolence for a man to set up and adhere to his own opinion, against the cur rent stream of antiquity ; or to put it in the balanc: , against that of some learned doctor, or otherwise ap proved writer. Whoever backs his tenets with such authorities thinks he ought thereby to carry the cause, and is ready to style it impudence in any one who shall stand out against them. Th's, I think, may be called argumentunt ad verecundiam." " Pride," " insolence," " impudence," are the rough names that Locke gives to the temper of those uninfluenced by the " argu mentunt ad verecundiam,'." What name would Locke give to those who should not be influenced by the authority of the whole Church's practice for 180 years upon a question of interpretation which in the text interpreted, and apart from all external argument, appears to the learned and pious Archbishop of Canterbury to be extremely doubtful; and who should resist their metropolitan in a matter which, as he says, and as all rational men must agree with, has bean advisedly left in a great degree to the discretion of the Church arid its gevernors?—" It must also be granted that the intention of the Church is not always clearly discoverable from the language of the ruble, nor determinable with absolute certainty from the records of early practice. In such cases it may with some show of reason be said, that, as the eminent men to whom the several revisions of the Liturgy were succes sively entrusted did net see the necessity of giving direc tions so precise as to ensure a rigid conformity in every particular, we may be contented to acquiesce in slight deviations from rule, suggested by convenience, and sanctioned by long usage." Here, then, surely, we have enough to rescue from distress the most sensitive con science. GLOBE—It is recommended, in Whately's " Ele ments of Rhetoric," that oratorical action should precede rather than follow the words :—" Boys are generally taught to employ the prescribed action either after or during the utterance of the words it is to enforce. The best and most appropriate action must, from this circum stance alone, necessarily appear a feeble affectation. It suggests the idea of a person speaking to those who do not fully understand the language, and striving by signs to ex plain the meaning of what he has been saying. The very 1 same gesture, had it come, at the proper, that is the natural, point of time, might perhaps have added greatly to the effect, viz., had it preceded somewhat the utterance of the words. That is always the natural order of action. An emotion, struggling for utterance, produces a tendency to a bodily gesture, to express that emotion more quickly than words can be framed; the words follow as soon as they can be spoken. And this being always the case with a real earnest, unstudied speaker, this mode of placing the action foremost, gives (if it be otherwise appropriate) the appearance of earnest emotion actually present in the mind." The ac cordance of - the above with the fitness of things must at once strike every reader. And it appears to have parti cularly struck 'the Hon. Mr. Grantley Berkeley—that is to say, providing always the Hon. Mr. Grantley Berkeley has read it. If he has not, the coincidence of his theory of rhetoric with Archbishop Whately's only affords a fresh illustration of the adage that " Great wits jump." ""A word and a blow," has hitherto been the expression of rough readiness for action. On the joint authority, thowever, of Archbishop Whately and the Hon. Mr. Grantley Berkeley, the better reading, hence forth, will be " a blow and a word." The action should precede the word. " The reverse of this natural order," says the above-cited authority (not the Honourable but Archiepiscopal) " would be sufficient to convert the ac tion of Demosthenes himself into an unsuccessful and ridiculous mimicry." It will not be the fault of the Hon. Mr. G. Berkeley, if any Demosthenes in clog-skin gloves shall henceforth have his action converted " into an unsuccessful and ridiculous Mimicry." He has laid down rules of rhetorical efficacy, which carry out in practice all that Aristotle, or Archbishop Whately, pro pound in theory. Nay. more, he has struck a new light in the philosophy of rhetoric altogether, "beyond all Greek, beyond all Roman fame." He has not only given new and varied applications of Whately's idea that action ought to precede words, but be has • reached the sublime discovery, that action may be made so rhetorically efficacious, as to dispense with any ivoich at all 1 Lord Burleigh's shake of the head must henceforth rank second, longo interval b, to the Hon. Mr. Grantley Berkeley's punch in the bead. And he has this advan tage over former rhetorical theorists, that "he is himself the great sublime he draws," His precepts have been tested by experience. The Hon. Mr. Grantley Berkeley , has come forth, at this•the eleventh hour, with a " De fence of the Game-laws."• - And we should be disposed to concede to him, that, if al/ country gentlemen were of his calibre, they might be defended. Defended, that is to say, de . facto—without too curious question of de jure. It is the non-übiquity of Grantley Berkeleys that creates the insufficiency of game-laws. " Quand on sail ce qu'on veut," says a French historian, "et q u ' on ,le vent v it e e t Li en , on l'obtient toujours' The mischief according to Mr. Grantley Berkeley, and we quite agree with him—that all the meld are not up to his 'nark—that gamekeepers of his nerve :and muscle are not to be had for the money—that there is only one Hercules to so many Caei ; and that Hercules cannot get on, all the year round without his club. .Mr. Grantley Berkeley is, therefore, like Mr. Newman, un willingly reduced to reason with oppenents, from the sheer impossibility of universal appliance in his own per son of that rhetorical action in the efficacy of which he alone confides. B u t' a l as , like Mr. Newman,he he sees that a blow is thought of, he is justified in strik ing, to prevent his being struck ; for if he stands still to receive a blow, the force of it may prevent hi:, fulfilling his bounden duty. Let me ask the public, which is the truly humane man, he who, by a timely, but not a serious blow, prevents an offaider, whose custody the law demands, from committing murder, or the man who, from a false feeling, or from timidity, in any sense of the word, refrains from stepping in to thwart malevo lence, and so permits the larger crime to be committed? A little sharp and necessary severity does infinite ser vice ; it protects the servant of the law, and often saves an offender from plunging body and soul into deeper guilt. lam convinced that if there was more fighting and fewer words on the part of those legally assailing armed men, there would be infinitely fewer murders on the face of the criminal returns. I have been per sonally engaged," says the heroic Mr. Berkeley, " with poachers in twenty-six instances, by night and day, and always with success, having made it a rule to be the first to play at the roughest game. The old adage—' that one sword drawn keeps others in their scabbards,' would apply well on all these occasions." STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manches(er Guardian.) The market continues quite as firm and buoyant as it was last week. For yarn, especially, the demand is very good, and spinners find no difficulty in making contracts for six weeks or two months to come, in many cases at a trifling advance on the current rates of last week. Goods are also generally in excellent demand, and very scarce, with the exception of the better quali ties of 27-inch printing cloth, which are rather quiet, though perfectly firm in price. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, JAN. 13.—T0- day is what is called the new or first market; but there has been no extra quantity of business transacted. It is gene rally more a day of bringing in and settling of accounts, than of buying and selling. The prices of flannels re main the same as last week, notwithstanding the raw material continues to advance, The manufacturers are in good spirits, and are expecting a further improvement in trade this spring. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. CITY WEDNESDAY EVENING. CHRONICLE.—The second notification from the Railway Department of the Board of Trade, which ap peared in the Gazette of last night, disposes of seventeen proposed schemes of railway in the southern district and vicinity of the metropolis. The first division consists of four lines ; and the second, or metropolitan division, contains thirteen lines. As respects the first, the Board has decided on reporting to Parliament in favour of one only, namely, the Guildford, Chichester, Portsmouth, and Fareham Branch, being an extension of the South- Western line from Guildford to Chichester. The pro posed direct line from London to Portsmouth is rejected by the Board of Trade, as well as the proposed line to Portsmouth, with branches to Shoreham bridge, Fare. ham, and Reigate, and the proposed branch extension, by the Brighton Company, from Chichester to Ports mouth, now to form part of the south-western branch from Guildford. Of the second, or metropolitan district, the Board has decided to report to Parliament in favour of three lines only ; namely-1. The extension of the South-Western from its present terminus at Nine Elms to a more centrical and convenient position ; 2. The Richmond and West-end Junction ; and 3. The pro posed line from Richmond to Staines. The Epsom and Dorking, one of the numerous irons in the fire which the Croydon Company has in hand—the London and Croydon Dorking Branch, belonging to the same family—the London and. Brighton Dorking Branch —and the South-Eastern Dorking and Reigate Branch, are recommendend to be postponed until a future period. The Board has decided on reporting against the Grosvenor Railway; the Great Western, Uxbridge, and Staines Junction; London and Brighton and Wands worth Branch; Landon and South-Western Epsom Branch; Metropolitan Central Junction; and the South London and Windsor. Four lines, then, out of seven teen, only are to be favourably repOrted on to Parlia ment; four others are postponed ; and nine are thrown overboard by the Railway Department of the Board of Trade. The result is in favour of the South-Western line ; protective of the interests of that Company, nearly as much as the previo us no tifi cat i on was in favour of the interests of the Great Western line. The pr moters of rejected lines will prove a formidable arid numerous body to all appearances. It is not to be expected that they will submit without further effort to the opinions of the Board of Trade, or at least it is not likely that many, if any, of the Provisional Committees will relax their efforts until they have an opportunity of perusing the report to be presented to Parliament, which, no doubt, will explain the principles on which the notifica tions have been made, and the reasons which actuated the members of the Board in forming their decisions. The labours of the Select Committees on Railway Bills in the House of Commons must, in that view of the question, be of a very arduous and extensive character. What effect the previous opinions of the Board of Trade may produce upon their proceedings it is difficult to say, but we see no cause to depart from the belief already ex pressed under this head, that it must have great weight, as emanating from a department of the Government. At the same time, it is to be kept in view that Members of Parliament are the representatives of particular consti tuencies, whose interests will be more or less affected— favourably or the reverse—by the result of their delibe rations, and when the decision of the Board comes into collision with the wishes of the constituencies of Mem bers of Parliament sitting as judges, it is not to be pre sumed that the Committees will confirm the adverse views to be expressed in the report by Lord Dalhousie and his colleagues, without allowing evidence to be ad duced, and giving full scope to those parties interested in the new schemes which have been rejected or postponed, or which may be hereafter reported against in the future " notifications" which are yet to be made in the Gazette. SUN.—A decline occurred this afternoon in some of the English Stocks owing to the state of the Account, which will be arranged to-morrow. Consols for the opening dropped to 100, and were last marked 1004. Reduce 4 Three per Cents. were 1004 ; anti the Three-and-a- Quarter per Cents., 104. Exchequer Bills receded to 58s. premium, but left off at 60s. premium. Spanish Bonds have advanced a little, as the Bears have their accounts to make up to-morrow. The Five per Cents, were 27 to for the 31st inst.; and the Three per Cents., 37 to 4. Mexican were 341 4; Colombian, 14 i; and Brazilian, 894. The additional transactions in Railway Shares have been these:--Birmingham and Gloucester were 8; Bristol and Gloucester, 134; Cambridge and Lincoln, 1 ; Dublin and Belfast, 24; Eastern Union, 1 to 14; Great Southern and Western of Ireland Extension, 2; Great Western, 894; Birmingham, 130; South-Western, 394; Croydon, 34; Newcastle and Darlington, 41 to 40; Ditto and Berwick, 7i; North British, 24; Northern and Eastern Scrip, 12 to a ; Ditto, Quarter, 124; Richmond and West-end Junction, 2i; South-Eastern, 93. to 4; South Wales, 4; Boulogne and Amiens, 24 to 24; Orleans an d Vierzon, 8-1,-; Ditto and Bordeaux, 6 . 4; Great Northern of France, 14; Paris and Orleans, 244 4; and Paris and Rouen, 21 to 20j. premium. Eastern Counties have been 841 discount. Londoa and Westminster Batik Shares were 7 premiuni. ATTEMPT TO rorsort.--MANctiEsTER, TUESDAY,-- This morning a man named Benjamin Anderson, who was brought up on Tuesday last, at the Borough Court, upon the charge of having attempted to poison his wife and two children, was brought up for further examina tion. The prisoner, who is a ferocious-looking fellow, appeared quite unmoved at the situation in which he stood, and had lost the vacant stare which he exhibited on the occasion of his first examination. The evidence previously adduced went the length of showing that sugar of lead had been found in some sugar in a cupboard in the prisoner's house, amt that the prisoner's wife had re cognised it in a basin of tea which she had made. It was also proved that the prisoner had been seen doing some thing in the cupboard where the sugar and poison were found, and the reascn of his being remanded was in order that the police might ascertain where and when he had purchased the poison. Mr. Beswick, the chief superintendent of police, having drawn the attention of the Court lo the case, called Mr. James Croft, dru gg i s t, of Pollard-street, who stated that on Friday night week the prisoner came into his shop and asked for a pennyworth of sugar of lead for eye-water, Ile gave the pri soner an ounce of sugar of lead wrapped in paper. Ile had no doubt but that the prisoner was the man. In cross-examination by Mr. Harding, the witness said he did not mark the paper with the word Poison." The prisoner was fully committed for trial at the next Liver pool Assises. Dispatches from the Governor-General pf Canada, and from the Governors of the other North American Provinces, were received yesterday at the Colonial office. 1 wishes for the English allina7 co ;he has not proposed or 'its walls. The present eituatio — n is said by many to b Ivithll,ho a rn il the s t h e fi teihrilafliat'cougnlentd, rho contrary, I find no one able to prove I declare e n hinted in the gitestiotis which we ha's,: tihheandl htraelanti l position .r o t oe ofdjai _FRANCE, p h e l C . :tbi- cu i ty? ..• ,/-: ! o ev f e any solution very differ, m, t from that . 1) . all . the eL a i s t s o 7 , tio e n m s o m tu a m de i o n n m t e h n is ,s p m itt ,?s l . 'adopted. He could not h'alp acknowlEd' ' ! years, all that he demands ht ,s been dor g ,te ln by th g at for four a • h b e o r T t , get . . Peace has been mains sine ; Vie ..ri l' Pie.] 'ea ,Y ! .entatiaber mill not allow itself to be 1 i n. -a . ' si C lhib H lefy A t hMe Peers Chamberß E is in d 11, , . ns which have arisen De- an 1 i I anti Oa Chamber tsFti strangers. fn o E Dg p E e e er n p ß s i l.i n S— : eAs s \ S .: j i l t : l c 7 eu e i s : t e i 7 no y cit O i m r F ot hi r j :r e c o A h r N so c e * f r a o l tro 3 s w . :l rn l e e i : 1 f , 11 r'ffour • tbe q , ) , %sth ) 4 'g is . a hanece see nothine le e a .-- r - - . I tween the countries have been regular/v and Tlf 1 r„. ( facot:ous tumult in the public "o er Is The' psearsNt-etdwof.or Amongf,hem. t T h h e e pe si e t r t s int r ‘ e v s a e s n o t pt i ze s ci t a h t e a p cp u i quarter- get. , I settled. He has reminded us of one vsliich remained, ~..-.ed away by such Ministers• i ; suspense—the question of the right o r, s ,, i manoeuv res , b ut arch. sinc.o . •it , w ill perceive the truth through the mist Nemours and Marshal Soult, as well as the whole of the The order of the day having been read for the generli , last session, I have followed seriously ulid • 1 , our i thrown around it. For my par, I shall show that in discuasion a the Address in Answer to the Speech front lively the negotiation of e Ilia I accepted t , . • atten- : the affair of Otaheite, as in that-of Morocco, all the acts the Throne, , have represented to the English Gov- . -• , e burden. I of the Goveimnent have sprung naturally from file Coaut Mole mounted the tribune, amidst sonic the r • , sity of searching, in order to at.f-• ,rnnrent the feces- nature of the question. , and he siten' tiler * altos; in ing, followed by deep attention and silence. He said:— , end to which -* r 'old -' ...in one common end (an ! accordance with true Conservative in t hi s I py.—(flear.) Gentlemen, for four years I have kept - Silence devoted as the Eucel • ~tall always be as sincerely I Count Mole (from his plaee)—l rise to rspl • a fen Chamber, from respect for any party, from respect for I ~c - • e esii nation or its Government), the ; words to an observation of the Honourable Mi ni 5 1 t n er He . ' repression the Conservative party which estp . ports, the Cabinet, and I °the- . the slave trade—of searching, I say, fur 1 has told you that there is an intention on our * t par to from respect for myself. I feareu that my words might , . , means than the right of search, which have become ' come forward and assume the reins of Government carry some disunion i n t o the ranks .„e th e conseregtive ineffi cac i ous f or the suppressionslave trade, at the ; because the present situation of affairs is so good that , majority, and I feared not the less to- appear actuated by I same time that it threatens to compromise the relations is not feared to compromise affairs ; and that roves it to a wish for revenge whi c h wou ld h e unw or thy of m e , .of the two countries. The English Government has un- ime that the Minister of For Affairs also c. p aiside . d Revenge is the consolation of the s earquished, but the I derstood this position. It has comprehended the reasons , the situation excellent in 18.38 - and 1839, iiir I belt,- t ; President of the Council of the 15th of April had not on which our proposition is founded, and mixed commis . him to be too goo.l a patriot to suppose that lie would been so, and he formed no other wish shwa his voltin- : ; stoners are to be charged immediately to inqui re Lo ge - have attacked the Government with so much bitter- tart' retreat than to see th e aff a i rs o f t h e c oun t ry , ther for new means to put down the slave trade —means ness if there had been any danger in the position - of directed with prudence, and conducted with intelli- . which will be equally efficacious, or more efficacious even affairs at that time.—(Noise,) The Al ini,ter of gence and firmness. More than once, however, 'I ; than the right ot search. The question is thus as far Foreign Affairs asks me what I would do the day after have seen great faults don e , an d I as k e d i n my con- I advanced as it can be at the present moment. The Ho- 'my assumption of power, but I had no idea of the kind science if I was really not at liberty to point them out ; ' nourable Gentleman may thus be satisfied. There is up ' when I spoke. The Hon. Minister designates as ep hut the same scruples always prevented me. I should Ito the present moment no question pending between the I position anything which is an obstacle to his pee have abstained even to-day if th e best accr e dit e d o rgans two countries, which is of a compromisin g nature. Yet, . policy •• he sees nothing, absolutely nothine cloudy of the Minister of Forei g n Aff a i rs did not every mere . although the Cabinet has done all this for the last four !in the horizon ; does he then consider the affair's of Ota ing throw me a defiance to explain myself from the tri- Years ; although the Honourable Member admits at but. I hcite and the right of search terminated i My convic bone with respect to their policy, and if they did not 1 tom, and in the whole, our policy, he criticises a part of Lion ie, that it was the unseasonable convention of 1841 join to that defiance the only insult which the care of 1 our conduct. He thinks , that he can see that at one which aggravated the great difficulties of the question my personal dignity will not allow me to disclaim. The I time we might have done more, at another less. That of the right of. search. I say inure— I say that he en- Minister of Foreign Affairs and his friends must neces- Iwe might have done otherwise, or might have done i tered into engagements which he cannot keep. I re sarily, reckon much on the benefits of time, and place i better. He finds fatilty errors which will compro- preach him with having been wanting in courage to- I much confidence in want of memory on the part of the 1 mise, according to him, hereafter, the results wards the other Chamber. lam accustomed to public 1 country, to speak as they do of intrigue, of renewed l at present obtained, and which we at present affairs, and I can see no measures which would be ac coalition ; or they are endowed with considerable auda- enjoy. I shall discuss, in the course of this debate, , cepted by England, which can ever replace the right of' city, or as they call it, courage. To whom, then, have the special questions to which these particular criticisms search—the mode at present employed for the suppres we given the right to think that we could e drawn by aPPIy• But even if that should be true ; even if such sion of the slave trade. The affair of Otaheite, you say, the spite or ardour of ambition,so far as to disavow our and such particular reproaches should be well founded, is also terminated, and nevertheless it is still burning, whole life, to tread under foot the maxims which we do you believe that they would be sufficient motives, that and lam still at a losi to know how a mind so eminent have constantly sustained, and to become the hottest de- they they are sufficiently grave to induce a grave ma n , 'as that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, could have fenders of principles and of doctrines which we have al- who approves in principle of our policy, to commit (allow allowed himself to be lured into such conquests. On ways opposed. Do you wish, gentlemen, to know from me the word) an act of opposition such as has- now those points in the South Seas, where we find ourselves what comes all this noise, all this wrath, which satisfies been made from this tribune ? Is the Honourable Count opposed to England, it will b e necessary to offer some itself with so many un j ust i nsinuations, and even with Mold ignorant that the policy, the principle of which he system of action. You well know the results which the faults, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs? The em- approves, has many obstacles to surmount, many ene- may be anticipated from the concurrence to Catholic barrassment which it has created for itself, the evidence mies to overcome, many dangers to run ? Is he igno- and Protestant missions. What system do you propose of these faults, and above all the gravity of the rant that it has had to struggle against national preju- to adopt in this case ? You have chosen just the part consequences which they ~ may have produced, dices, which are worthy of respect even when they err ? in this affair which appears to throw you into inextri have affected the minds, nay the ranks of the Is he ignorant that the revolutionary factions have con- cable embarrassment. The result of this fault has been majority. From that moment they became alarmed, spired against that policy, and endeaveur without ceasing the shedding of much blood, and the greatest state of and the word intrigue is nothing more than a cry to ruin and upset it, because it is the real obstacle to uncertainty with regard to our new possessions. This of alarm. Is it necessary, then, that a mode of con- their designs ? Is it an act of prudence, is it an act of is your work, these are the embarrassments which you ducting the affairs of the country, which may place the Patriotism, to give all of a sudden enemies, who threaten I have yourselves created. If these difficulties can be sur interests or the dignity of the country in peril, should so violently, a policy which he approves on the whole, , mounted, I shall rejoice with all my heart. You speak become indifferent to the majority for the sole reason, and for the principles of which he desires success ? No, of private ambition —we act through patriotism, and not that the Opposition combats it, or has pointed it out ? I these are not sufficient reasons for such an act of oppo- ambition. You imagined, perhaps, that I would not dal e should be unjust to insist more ; a word should be suffi- sition. I still seek the true reasons—the peremptory , declare what I thought ofyour policy, but you were mis cient to repel imputations which cannot reach us. I owe reasons —which could have decided Count Mole Perhaps ! taken. I have no ambition to possess your place. I de it, however, to the Chamber, to lay before it my whole he thinks that good policy is now not the question—that sire simply that you may get with honour out of' the ideas of that system of policy of which they are about to it is so well established, and so sure of success, that it embarrassments which you created for yourselves, and appreciate the acts, and to justify that which I have may be treated severely, that no respect should be ac- which, I confess, alarm me. I wish nothing more. already said in regard to it. If I were ;to characterise corded to it, and that it may be treated as harshly and M. Guizot—As I intended in the beginning of my the doolicy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs,. in one as exactingly as people may choose. If it were so, speech, I shall not at present enter into any details as to word I should say, that it is every where and at all if this were the motive'whieh induced the Honourable the question of Otaheite. I shall that point t times a policy a en t rance; it i s a to policy o f extremes Gentlem an t o spea k , he will allow me thank him another p a rt o f t h e discussion. I ascend the tribune to even in its weaknesses. From the moment that the in the name of the Cabinet, for if the peace— remark on one of the Noble Peer's assertions relative to Minister of Foreign Affairs adopts a principle he exag- if the alliance with England—if the good relations the right of search. Has the Noble Peer considered gerates it. He allows himself to be drawn rapidly over between the two countries are secured to that extent, the maturely what he has just spoken ? He wishes the to the extremeconsequances, as if a mind such as his could Cabinet has the right to take some credit to itself. It is question to be arranged, and yet he declares that he be ignorant that the extreme consequences of a prin a great service which it has rendered to the country and cannot imagine any other efficient measure but that now ciple are surely exhausted by provoking an inevitable to the Opposition itself. It is that which has given the in force to repress the slave trade. It would, therefore, reaction against it. Thus, the Minister of Foreign Opposition the security and the leisure which it sets to be necessary for France to renounce either putting down Affairs wishes for peace; and all France, all opinions in work to-day against the Cabinet itself. lam neither the slave trade, or changing the present mode of repres the country, commencing with the political men of each surprised at this, nor do I complain of it. I know that sion. No, France does not find herself in such an alter of them, wishes for it as much as he does, and yet he the Opposition is not b oun d to b e grateful, but lam en- native. When I undertook the management of public speaks o f it i n suc h a manner, he shows so much titled to remind it o f t h e b enefits. Another motive, affairs I thought that it was possible to find more effi ardour and anxiety for its maintenance, that he makes perhaps, has influenced the Honourable Gentleman. Pete cient means than the existing ones to put down th e people b e li eve th at f or t h at end he would make haps he thinks that, from the position which he takes in slave trade —I undertook to resolve that problem, and I such sacrifices that the most pacific could hardly his present conduct, it will he easy for him to maintain have strong hopes of doing so in a manner satisfactory consider themselves as pacific as he is. He wishes for the good policy and to avoid the faults which he thinks to our interests. I am glad that the Noble Peer has the English alliance, and I believe that there is not in he discovers on the part of the Cabinet, and wl•ich, ac- furnished me with the opportunity of repeating this France a well-wisher of his country, a sensible man, and cording to him, will compromise that policy hereafter. double as we believe that the present system above all, a political man, who does not wish for it, and Let him permit me to inform him that he will be corn- of repression has lost much of its efficacy, and that at who does not perceive its importance as much as he witting a serious error. To practice efficaciously —to the same time we are determined to repress the slave does; but, without wishing it, and without knowing it, maintain solidly —a good line of policy, it is not suffi- trade with the same vigour as before. This is what we he exaggerates the consequences, and he speaks in a dent to be anxious to do so ; it is also necessary to have are seeking to do, and I have the firm conviction that way to compromise and to rouse the national suscep- in the political arena, and in the midst of the contending the two Governments, united by a mutual good feeling, tibility against it, and to give to the French a dislike to Parties, a position in harmony with the policy which it will attain this object. Both at Paris and at London that alliance of which I believe I laid the foundations in is wished to support—a position which will give it this object will be edil pursued, and finally attained, 1830—a dislike which, if it does not cease, may lead to strength. When the confidence of the King called the notwithstanding I t al the prophecies to the contrary, that great embarrassment hereafter. What are, in fact, present Cabinet to office, the Conservative policy was are furnished so unsparingly on both sides of the Channel. gentlemen, the two questions which, as is said in th e gravely compromised, peace was seriously menaced, the Count de St. Priest made some general observations on speech of the Crown, have created some difficulties in English alliance was weakened, and the good understand- the ensemble of the address, certain parts of which he our relations with England, at the same time that in ing between the two countries hardly existed. The Ca- criticised • but after add ress i ng t h e Chamber for a few France they have, to a cons id era bl e extent, agitated bi net was formed to change that state of things. It moments, pleaded indisposition, and requested per. men's minds? The first of these is the right of search • formed itself under that banner ; it has carried it high mission to retire, reserving to himself the right to speak the second, the quastion of Otaheite. Do you wish: in front of it, and all the men who wished is it did ral- on the discussion of the paragraphs. that I should say who has been the most dangerous lied around it. It was under that banner that the Con- Viscount Dubouchage expressed his indifference to enemy of the right of search ? My God, it is the servative party reunited, and that it has lived for four any change in the Cabinet which would - not bring about Minister of Foreign Affairs himself. It is his convention years, inn spite of such difficult incidents and trials. Here a change in the policy pursued. Candour should, how of 1841, to extend the operation of that right, which has is a clea, simple, and strong position for the majority, ever, be observed. It was not the present Ministry which brought about the reaction of the public mind and of the and for the Government which marches at its head. had prepared the treaty of October 29, 1840 ; it was not Chambers against the right itself, In seeing him make What, on the contrary becomes of the Hon. Gentleman to it that the fault must be imputed of having aban that concession, which was so long asked and desired by and his position, after what he has himself said from doned a powerful Prince of the East, an ally ; nor was England after the treaty of 15th July, 1840,1 the Chambers, this tribune? I admit it ; he would enter into power it the present Ministry which had made the treaty of not content with haring . prevented —a thing without to practise and to maintain the good policy, while he Mexico, which imposed on them fresh sacrifices and example, and to some extent to lie regretted —not con- would endeavour to disengage it from what he calls our fresh expenses ;it was not the present Ministry which tent with having prevented the ratification of that con- faults. But he would enter it by th e i mpu l s i on and with had made the treaty with the United States for the pay vention, demanded the aboliti on o f t h e r i ght of reci- t h e support o f all the men who have not ceased to cone- meat of 25 m illi ons o f francs. A Cabinet succeeding procal search, and th e e l ect i ve c h amber unanimously b at that policy. He would take power to do the same, another t oo k a ff a i rs as they found them, arid it was Lot forced the Minister of Foreign Affairs to announce that and todo better (as he says) the affairs of the Conservative just that they should be accused for not bringing every he would enter frankly and loyally into a negotiation, party ; but he would take that power pushed forward, negotiation to a successful termination, for they were of which he had previously said in this tribune that it carried in, sustained, and raised by all the phases of the compelled to accept them or to sanction them. The could only end in wea k ness or folly. When or how can Opposition. It does n o t requ i re much reflection or much speech from the Throne, in his opinion, was the most he escape from this net, in the meshes of which he has experience to see th a t th at i s a false position, and one remarkable that had been presented to the Chambers for entangled him se lf ? without power. Do you know what would happen if you the last fourteen years. It was remarkable for what it The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l demand the wor d. were put to the proof ? Y ou wou ld fi nd yourselves be- said and for what it left unsaid ; it was still more re -(Sensation.) tween a powerful, a considerable, and an important posi- markable for its being couched rather in the language of Count Mole—Will h e be able to make England yield, tion of the Conservative party—discontented, mistrust- an absolutethanof a constitutional monarchy. Healsocom or will he be able to make the Chamber give way ? ing, and irritated ; and on the other hand, between ex- plained,that it was silent on many most important subjects. there are other i nterests besides his at stake, and I ar- acting b ybe able to ranches of the Opp os i t i on, w hi ch would, in fact, It devoted three paragraphs to the entente cordiale, two dently wish that he ma answer by announc have good reason to demand something from you, for to interests purely monarchical, and one only to foreign ing that this negotiation has had a favourable result. In the support which they gave you on your entering into policy, and in this one paragraph there was not a word the affairs of Otaheite, gentlemen, the faults have been office. Would you call that a good situation for the said of the changes to be m a d e i n t h e treat i es o f 1831 of such a nature th at I must give up the attempt to ex- Government ? Is that a good position for a good line of and 1833, or of Spain. In conclusion, he said that the plain them. It was when he was at full and ent i re policy ? You would do w e ll, you wou l d wish well, at speech from the Throne did not satisfy him, and as the liberty that the Mi n i ster of Foreign Affairs ratified the the very mo men t w h en t h at policy would be in your proposed address was merely a paraphrase of that speech, taking possession of that island in the Pacific, and that hands enervated, abased, and compromised. Perfection he should vote against it. he chose to form an establishment there for France with or amelioration would then be entirely out of the ques- Count Boissy d'Anglas, in a written speech, but in the title of Prot ec t orate. How I It is so warm a par- tion ; the very foundation and principle of affairs would reading which he was in many parts inaudible in the titan of the English alliance, who has chosen to form an be compromised by you. If that is the motive which gallery, demanded whether the present Cabinet had pro establishment i n t h at part of the globe which is so re- has decided you—if it is confidence that you can in that p er l y f u lfill e d the missioc confided to it. It possessed a mote from us, with out interest for us. and from which Position maintain and rectify the policy in question, and numerous army, a po wer f u l fleet, and considerable fins - the first cannon -shot fir, d upon the sea would force us which is your policy—undeceive 3 ourselves, for that will cial resources ; but had they, with all these advantages, to retire ; it is he who has chosen to place the protecto- be impossible for you, known how to make France respected ? Had it pr o m fish of France in the face of the protectorate of the Eng Count Mole —I demand the word.—(General move- eluded advantageous alliances, or entered into any pro lish missionaries, who so many years have ruled the meet.) fitab treaties To all these uestions he should re population and th e consciences of that country, and M. Guizot—The Hon. Gentl eman reproaches the in the negative, ? aud should vote against the address. ply who directed wi t h t h eir counsels the Government or Cabinet, and especially me ( an d I do not hesitate to Baron Pasquier—As there are no more names in -i , rather were themselves the veritable Government. say, that I willingly the accept, s a he seems to wish to scribed to seak on theeneral discussion, it is now closed. repose it respon s ibility u of the wh o l e o f Marquis p de Boissy rose and demand e d to speak on the The more we reflect upon that the mor e s t range an d pon m e , incredible it app ears. We are forced in this instance the policy of th e C a b inet) with compromising even the general discussion. He was, he said, one of those who to accuse the Mi n i ster of Foreign Affairs, at least, policy which it supports. If that policy has dangers y e t comp l a i ne d l ou dl y of the acts of piracy committed on. to run, it is its e lf t h at has created them. The difficulties French vessels. He was a good Frenchman ; but was! of levity. It cou ld not be sufficient for him to hope, or even to b e li eve, that the Cabinet of London which exist, it i s t h e Cabinet itself which has raised strongly opposed to England. He gave due homage to: would be tolerant w i t h respect to his p them. It is its o wn f au l ts which create the embarrass- the good faith of Count Mole ; he had said that he gland—and I say it to . ' rnents which good p o li cy f ee l s. I n truth, the reproach would never carry on a systematic opposition, and never to have remember e d t h at in En ects. He ought the honour of th a t great nation —the Government reckons upon it is a strange o ne , an d I un d erstand those who say theless he had opposed the Cabinet. He should follow upon acting, and i s o bli ged to do so, with the religious that these are alliance s more natura l to France, and more in his steps, and he thanked hintfor giving a c hi e f to men and the reli g i ous f eeling, and that no Cabinet can conformable with its i n t eres t s t h an the English alliance, the Opposition against the present Ministry.—(Coreme and that it is necessary t o cu l t i vate them. I understand tion and laughter.) That, he repeated, was what he refuse its support t o t h e i r efforts to propagate the faith. Such is the f un d amental principle of the Otaheite ques- those who, while they wi s h f or peace and a good under- wished ; he desired a complete change in the policy lion. I cann o t su ff ic i ently express my surprise that the standing with England, sa y t h at i t i s necessary, never- pursued ; he desired that the plan of making too great theless, on acco u nt o f anc i ent recollections, on account sacrifices to perpetuate certain alliances, and of repulsing ciently soon t o spare our good, relations with England Minister of F ore i gn Affairs did not understand it suffi of certain pec u li ar i n t erests, to li ve i n good report, but others, should not be persist e d i n . T o j ust if y his wish, this second a n d d angerous trial, and to spare France the coldly, with E ng l an d, w i t h out a l l i ance, without intimacy. he would remind the Chamber of some facts which had blood of her b rave sailors, of her brave soldiers, who I believe th a t b o th b e li eve t h emselves, and that in the been already enumer a t e d, b u t w hi c h di d not the less have paid with t h e i r l i ves for our doubtful occupation of present state of affairs a n d o f op i n i ons i n Europe, they prove the necessity of the measure which he proposed. a rock, when it app ears t h at the Minister of Foreign seriously deceive them se l ves; b ut, in short., these are I n 1830, it was sa i d henceforth France was to be governed A ffairs does'notkhow to remain or how:to'get out ofit. serious opinions, and whi c h must b e ser i ously discussed. with sincerity, but this sincerity was far from being prac uow, The war with M orocco i s the only on e of all the difficul- But to com e an d t e ll men w h o, since 1830, have never tised. So far indeed from it, that a public writer had ties which have occupied the country between the two ceased to support the peace policy and the English alli- ared the resent overnment exceeded ers sessions, whi c h th e C a bi net could not have avoided. ante, who have a hundred times developed the reasons in decl falsehood and deceit; and he much feared all that oth the Our forces 'by land and by sea, and their illustrious of that policy, that it is they who compromise it, really speech from the Throne, delivered this year, would be leaders, have there covered themselves with glory. I will is not a subject worthy of being taken seriously, espe- a chef d'oeuvre of that kind.—(Loud marks of dissent. not examine in detail the treaty which has been termi- cially when the men spoken to are persons who for and exclamations.) The Noble Peer then referred to nated—not that its tenor does not appear to me to be years past have done more than speak—who have re-es- the occupation of Ancona by the Austrian troops, such as to attract the attention and observation of the tablished the peace and the English alliance, which had notwithstanding the principle of non-intervention Chamber of Peers ; but because I have not undertaken been left to them too much compromised, and which for laid down by France, to the rupture with Switzer four years they h ave , d efended and sustained against land, to the affairs that took place in the East, and to the to enter into a detailed examination of the policy of the Cabinet, and in particular of the Minister of many different parties; who have supported them in the treaties of 1831 and 1833, relative to the right of search, midst of trials and difficulties of great gravity—who as proofs that the Cabinet had failed in their foreign Foreign Affairs. It is he ,and his friends who have have done more—who have carried, as the result of policy. The Noble Peer reproached M. Guizot with forced me to speak. I never have and never shall oppose systematically any Cabinet. I have proved this their policy and of their efforts, the peaceable anti regu- having, when Ambassador in England, concluded these for the last ten years; and with regard to all the Cabinets lar arrangement of many st orm y quest i ons ra i sed be- treaties without taking orders from those placed by the which have suc cee ded eac h ot h er, voted for all tween the two countries—to men who have carried the. Constitution over him. Unless the Ministry changed its that I approved, and even for sonic things of which 1 journey of the Queen of England to the Chateau line of conduct, he felt convinced that it would shortly be disapproved, so useful and reasonable did I think it in d'Eu, and the journey of the King to Windsor Castle, the last of the Government of July.—(Cries of " Oh, the present times to aid in the reeular march, whether and all the pacific, amicable, and salutary manifes- oh," and laughter.) The Noble Peer then alluded to more or less enlightened, of the avernment. In short, tations which have taken piece on this double occa- the visits to Eu and Windsor, and declared that, in his gentlemen, the difficulties which the Minister of Foreign sion. In the presence of such facts, at the end of four opinion, they merely proved that M. Guizot was the Affairs has accumulated around him are grave, and Ido 3 ears, to come and tell the men who have brought about most popular man in England, and the most unpopular not think he will be able to resolve them. Perhaps, such results, at the moment when the questions between in France.—(Agitation and marks of denial.) He should nevertheless, he may find resources and have abilities the two countries are settled, that it is they who have not at present detain the Chamber any longer, as he re which Ido not foresee. Between him arid me there are compromised tho English alliance and the peace, is really served to himself:the right of' speaking on some of the few means of our understanding each other. We do not not a matter worthy of refutation. Shall I tell you who subjects which he had just adverted to when the pare compromises the En g li s h' a lli ance, and the persons who grap h s o f t h e a dd ress were brought forward separately. start from the same point ; we do n ot l ook to the same end ; and we diff er , b es ides, as to th e legitimate means are really dangerous f or the peace and the g oo d un d er - Th e general discussion was then declared to be closed,of attaining th em , standing between th ese tw o coun t r i es ? In the first and th e fi rst paragrap h o f t h e address was read from thet and place, it is those who, wheth er by design or from blind- chair:—" Sire,—We have received with respeec equally M. Guizot—l acknowledge that the speech of the ness, seize upon every difficulty, upon any incident, upon gratitude the words i of your Majesty. Witnesses the State, we Hon. Member has astonished me. To whom does he all the questions which are raised between the two coun- with yourself, of the interior prosperity of .n reply? Of what does he complain ? Who in this place our national tries, and aggravate and i envenom thein, and, whether return thanks to Providence for permit h n e g has accused him of that of which he complains ? Who territory, the activity to multiply, on all points of t voluntarily or ulii tentiona ly, run the risk of producing ever has spoken to him of such timings ? Ile replies to n delight, Sire, in re rumours from without, to the conversations de sahm, least a coldness. These are the prig - precious fruits ofpeace. Wo take a rupture, or at . ofand E. l. Majesty, that these blessings are cipal, the true compromisers peace the_ ,ng ish cognising with your the faithful and intelli and to newspaper articles. True or false, all those of our laws, to . . The second ar those who when suchquestions .to thewisdom . alliance due ied into execution, and ter into the Chamber, nor mount the things cannot en ' T raised, when opposition exag g erates and envenoms ent manner in whichthey are carried tribune. The public acts of public men, the reasons are g . of public reason." them, meets them half-way on, or by half repel the at- to the progress for their conduct publicly given by them, these are alembert supposed that the Committee tacks of the Opposition ; then, while they talk, good Count de Mont . rity of the country, meant not the only proper objects, the only objects deserving •• • the prosperity politicians, of their love for their country, and of their in speaking of _ material prosperity, but also to its of your debates. Ido not undertake : e , eauer to jus lesire to maintainpeace, and to support the English al- only to allude to its ma . tify or to explain, nor to contest that of which the `• distant —very hence, lend a istant—very and very indirect moral Honourable Gentleman has complained, and I should ion, nd would even assert that the moral assistance ;. but, in short, who lend their assistance, and ferent op not have thought of saying one word respecting those in of the country was gravely attacked by the give an additional strength to men who have seized upon prosper i t y d incidents which are occurring outside, if he had not 0 ted in religious matters. In speakin en every incident, and on every question, to embroil the two c h ou t rseP spoken of those himself, He has also spoke n of the coati- every felt that he should carry with him but tion of 1839, and has compared it with that which is countries. It is those persons, also, who, whilst e they tn l t itt a ley point, s mpathy, but it was not for the mere pleasure of Profess a desire for peace and sound policy, lend a io e. s passing at this moment. In another place the Opposi• Lain hearing himself speak that lie had come forward, but tion has often endeavoured to open a discussion upon aid to men and_ parties, wh o seize_ on all qu w est o n pose through a conviction and sense of duty. Six months . order . to set. the two countries by the ears. e p that subject, lido get me to join in it, I have always back, after the long, luminous, and profound discussion refused ; I did not think that, for th© sake o r my nee _ them both— of the new Secondary Instruction Bill, most eminent " Les uns, parce Tells soot Ineehans et malfaisans, tonal defence in past times, I ought to sac r ifi ce. ' at the Et let autres, pour e're aux meehans complaisans, men had asserted, that if the prelates kept silence, the present time, the interests of my party, the 'Conservative reproaches which were directed against them would fall Et n'avoir pas pour eux ces haines vigoureurs, party, of its cause and t-f its.r.licy. Evidently the first ses. to the ground, and all be arranged according to their Que le vice fait naitre aux Armes vertuen of these interests is the maintenance of the union, the neither medians wishes, How, he would ask, had that prediction been The Prince of.Moskowa--There are firm and compact action of the majority which sustains accomplished? The bishops, after having- protested r complaisans here. that policy. With an anxiety for that interest, I have no • here. against the law that had been brought forward, remained M• Cousin—There is no hatred refused all di scuss i on , a ll retrograde e xplanation with M. ' - the xi echans, the haters silent • s , and the mass of the clergy followed their example. Mole —You should name I respect to old and distant disagreements. I will act in K ' Was the Church at present more respected? Unfortu- Name them, the same manner to-day, and to a certainty I have the M. Guizot—Allow me t o finish. You do not know nately facts were there before them to prove the con right to do so more to-day than ever. Let us lay aside h I ' 'to say No one can suppose that I trary This silence was replied to on the part of their all petty personal complications, and let u s arrive at w a l t am going Y . adversaries the . me a ning of - : - yo f ourl, enemiesby demonstrations more and more hostile in cha.- he polic onco at the really public policy—the affairs of the cour t - .1' a th p ' Y t r o ds t of Afoliere,..and I ask for hatred for no person. racter • nothing , not i was spared or respected, neither the try. -The Hon. Count Mole admits, at bottom, the whole Ih e Wee intention of making any personal application. Ceremonies of worship, nor the lessons in theology, nor av no . of the policy of the Cabinet. Ho' wishes for peace=heit is not in this assembly, but outsidthe the ' pious d • th clergy nor their devotions, e If hatred exists,e morals of ;-• t ss-eeeaA'aLis'igi inexhamaible - resources, the:charity ofthatast e- nor, above all, th e different religious co , error had been fallen into, and which was in, , e cit T4 . that the cl er gy a l one were i nterested of educati on ,. w h . reas i t was the laity, it was the citizens rho Were.rnore interested in it than the priesthood. The independence of the clergy was the best guarantee for the citizen. It was pretended that the liberty of the church, as it was . understood by them, would be the continued eneroachment of the spiritual over the temporal power. At an epoch- like this-at a moment when in Switzer land, in !lassie, in Peland, and in Spain, the spoliation of the'clinrch was beitig canded on, and it ass compelled to defend its dogmas—when the greatest liberty in Pro testant countries, such as Holland and England, was formed in the midst of so many dangers and storms—to affect thus to fear, not the encrischrnent of that old in structress of nations, but its aristecrsey, its absolute power, was indeed to give proof of eitheresta at ignorance or of singular blindness. Far from favottring the triumph of the spiritual over the temporal power, it was on the contrary the Catholic doctrine which render d such a thing impossible ; it was that which had at all times pro claimed the distinction of the two powers ; it was that which commanded belie% era to render unto Oesar that which was rmsar's, and tint God that which was God's. To affect such fears was, he repeated, contrary to ,eOOl sense. The Cathola clergy claims d its part, its legi timate part, in political liberty and common right, the fruit of two revolutions ; it was under the shelter of these great principles that it sought to ex , rcise its em pire over men's souls. He accepted the revolution as a tact, liberty as a right, the charter as a safe-guard. This is what they wished: What their adversaries Wanted was the reverse of liberty and of the Constitution; :their fall conviction : was that prosperity would avenge this great injustice ; it would admit, with some surprise; per haps,- but with gratitude, that all that was favourable to liberty and human dignity, all th a t uas pure and generous in the instincts o 1789 and 1830 had been de fended by Catholocism, and that the declaration of the rights of man had not more ardent defenders than the champions of thefaith. The Chamber adjourned at half-past five. SITTING OF TUESDAY, JAN. 14. The President took the chair at two o'clock. • The attendance of Peers and of the public was un usually great, and the Ministers were in their places. Count de Montalembert resumed his discourse, left unfinished the preceding day. He complained that there seas-not a clearly recognised head of religion in Frame, as there was of the army and the navy. Hence most deli cate and difficult questions were frequently referred to a Minister who was but little calculated to resolve them. The Hon. Peer proceeded to remark on several points decided by the Minister, in his opinion erroneously. ,lie referred particularly to the favour shown to Protestants in France, and compared it with the manner in which Homan Catholics had been legis • lated for ire England, particularly the Irish Catholics. lie then referred to the quarrel which had lately arisen between the University and the clergy in France, and declared that mutual concessions ought to be made if the diff , rences were - to be arranged. 1 1 hose to be made by the Government must, however, be greater than on the other side, since it had lately endeavoured to curtail that freedom of religion sanctioned by the charter. This could only have arisen from the fear the Government • felt of the influence which the admirable conduct of the clergy was sure to gain over the friends of the . people. He referred t o past t i mes, to the reign of Louis XV., and the periods following, to show that nothing was ever demanded from the clergy of such importance as was required at present. lie complained of the culum ties which, he declared, had been permitted, if not coun tenanced, by the favourers of the Universities, against all classes of the clergy and the religious communi ties. He instanced a number of cases where severity had been shown against the last-named associa tions. He referred to the conduct of M. Cousin when in power, as having been far more liberal than that of the. present Administration. He then adverted to the present conduct of the clergy, to which he gave the highest praise. He sketched the progress of religious opinions in the public mind at present, and insisted strongly on the extent of their advancement. Fourteen years back the crosses were torn from the churches of Paris, and every indignity offered to the ministers of religion ; now, on the contrary, the churches were filled, the public worship constantly attended, and the preachers of the faith everywhere followed. He considered that the present attacks on the church from the Government were most undeserved. The Noble Peer concluded by declaring that the clergy would still pursue their career of charity and love in spite of any persecutions that might - be - directed against them, and that if they gained nothing else, they would obtain the respect and affection of all men of worth. M. Martin (du Nord), in fitly, declared that he dif fered from the Noble Peer on tire greatest portion of the subjects to which he had adverted. So far from the Government attacking or persecuting the clergy and re ligious associations, it had been obliged to stand on its defence, and to incessantly oppose the attempts at total independence entered on of late years by the clergy. The conduct of the Government was the best answer to such accusations, for he defied any man of candour to say that it had gone beyond the exigencies of the case. He maintained that the clergy were, to a certain extent, abusing religion to carry out their own plans of tempo ral aggrandisement. He thought it most unjust that noble orators should ascend the tribune every session to make those vague accusations without proving any one of them. The Hon. Minister then adverted to a num ber of cases, in which he had been obliged to inter fere to check the encroachments of all classes of the clergy. He read extracts from letters written by the inferior clergy to their diocesans, in order to show the spirit which generally aninialied that body. The bishops, he observed, though m7,l' of education, were still above all, high dignitaries of the church, and devoted to its interests. Hence they sanctioned, to a considerable extent, the conduct of the inferior clergy in various points of discipline. . lie could advert to theitarefusal to bury in cases where the deceased per son had not lived according to their ideas of proper de votedness to the church. He could also speak of their refusal to serve in private chapels, when required in lawful cases. The Hon. Minister, after dwelling on other points of this kind, declared that the clergy at present appeared to altogether mistake its mission ; for, in place of getting their champions to advocate their cause in the Chambers—a defence required by their aim ing at power out of their own province —it would be more suitable to their sacred functions to confine themselves to their own duties, and not endeavour to assume an au thority which the law never intended to assign them. On the part of the Government he could declare that such conduct could none - permitted, and, however in clined the Government felt to concede to the clergy in all reasonable points, it must continue to persevere in its present line of conduct. Count de Montalembert said, that when he defended the cause of religion, he had not looked for the Hon. Minister's approbation. He had spoken from an inti mate conviction of the truth of his essertions, lie had not intended to accuse the Gov- rnment of direct persecution of the ministers of religion ; he was aware that the Government could not, with any appearance of propriety, act openly and decidedly in the movement at present in progress against the c l ergy ; but lie did ac cuse the lion. Minister and his colleagues of partaking of a certain moral complicity in the attempt, by sanc tioning various persecutions against members of the clergy and the religious communities of the kingdom. He declared that several of the suits to which he alluded had been carriedt frinn court to court with unusual se verity, and in that point the Government had kept up all the movement of which he spoke.. He had not even accused the Hon. Minister of having abandoned the clergy—he had merely declared that he had not per mitted the religious liberty promised in the charter to prevail to its legitimate extent. All that the clergy de sired or demanded was to have that liberty completely established. The Government, he would maintain, had done everything its their power to arrest. the free course of religious freedom, and of that the clergy thought they had a right to complain. The speech just delivered by the Hon. Minister appeared to him likely to render all arrangement in this matter mere than ever impos sible.- Count Pelet (de la Lozere) spoke at sonic length against the conduct pursued by the Minister of War in the interval between the two sessions, relative to the Polytechnic School. lie qualified such conduct as un justifiable, - Marshal Soult entered into explanations on the stb ject. He maintained that with any attention to disci pline the conduct of the young men at that institution could not be permitted. The Commission to whom the matter was entrusted had come to that decision, and such was he believed the opinion of all men who had considered the subject. The Noble Marshal continued for some time to lay before the Chamber the circum stanct s of the case, such as they have beon already brought before the public. He insisted particularly o n the necessity of obedience in such an establishment. Baron C. Dupin attacked the conduct of the NOble Marshal in the affair in strong terms, declaring that he had thrown doubt and distrust amongst the young men of France, who could not now be certain, after years of severe study, of not having their career stopped short by some capricious decision of the Government. lie main tained that the conduct of the pupils in the late case was justified by the examiner being given them contrar to the regulations. y Marshal Soult again ascended the tribune, but his ex planations differed little from those which he had already given. M. Laplagne Barris defended the conduct pursued by the Noble Marshal, declaring that, though severity hind i been show n , t h e exigencies of the case demanded t. Count Moatalivet said that, as having been himself a pupil of the Polytechnic School, he might be permitter, to advocate the cause of the young men _who were inW pated. No more generous-minded or patriotic class of men could be found in the kingdom. He should, there fore, remind the Government that such a feeling ar, cle mency existed, and that in no case could it be better ex hibited than in the present one. Count Pelet (de la Lozere) again ascended the tri bune, and was again examining the question under dis cussion. (Left sitting.) [ADVERTISEMENT.]—COUGHS, COLDS, A STIIAIA AND SHORTNESS OF BREATH, RADICALLY CURED Iftt HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—For some time past it has been known that hundreds of the most distressing cases of Asthma, of mane y e ar s ' s t an di ng, h ave been completely cured by Holloway's Pills. There is also no doubt but that they are a sovereign remedy, when taken, for any wheezing or shortness of the breath, even if of twenty years' standing ; and as to coughs and colds, however bad they may be, it need only be the work of a Pew days to get entirely rid of them, by the means of this astonishing medicine. 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