The Sun. — London, England, 1868-03-25 00:00:00

EiPIRIT OF - THE PUBLIC JO-TWILLS. Among zealous educationists, observes the Times, the firs feeling on hearing the Ministerial proposals laid before-the House of Lords by the Duke of Marlborough will be one of disappointment and regret. The paragraph in the Queen's Speech led all parties to believe that the Conser vative Government, foreseeing the =eat political changes which must follow the measure they accepted and carried last year, had made up their minds to ask the sanction of Parliament to a new and complete system of education. Our contemporary holds that the Government plan falls very short of efficiency, that it takes refuge in imbecile optimism when grave defects are visible to all beside. At the same time it will not deny that improte ments are suggested in the practical working of the present system. The "relaxation of the stringent rule requiring a certificated teacher in every school that re ceives a Government grant is a step in the right direction, and though the proposed limitation cannot be justified on logical grounds, we have no doubt the concession will prove a stimulus as well as a boon to the smaller par' -lies. There is also a fair amount of liberality in the Govern ment proposals with respect to Nonconformists, and the "Conscience" provisions seem honestly intended to satisFy all parties, and to prevent any child from being de- ' prived of an education by the scruples of the conductors of the school on the one side, or its own parents on the other. We may also e..press satisfaction at the prospect of a thorough inquiry into the state of education and the means which exist for it in various parts of the country. This question cannot he dissociated froth that of the existing charitable endowments, the produce of which the Duke of Marlborough, on the authority of the Charity Commissioners, estimates at £llO,OOO a year. " There ought," he observes, "to be no delay in inquiring how far these charitable endowments may be applicable to education." If such a revenue can really be acquired by the State, a partial provision may be made for education in many of the least advanced districts. Bet, with the increasing needs of the people, even this will be insufficient, and either the present or some future Government will have to undertake an initiative from which the authors of the present measure seem to shrink. We cannot affirm, says the Doily .Yews, that the timid and peddling Ministerial measure on education intro duced last night by the Duke of Marlborough in the House of Lords will disappoint the country; but assuredly it marks an utterly inadequate sense of the public wants. It is not surprising to find a Tory Minister underrating the necessities of the occasion. They have an important class to gratify by refusing to accept the consequences which must follow from a frank admission of the public exigencies, and perhaps they will not be fully convinced of their errors until they hear the unmistakable language of the new constituencies. The Duke of Marlborough's proposals are altogether below the requirements of the day, but some of his proposals are in the direction of reform. Among the latter, however, we cannot reckon the conversion of the Revised Code into an Act of Parlia ment in which no improvement, however desirable, could be introduced without repeated appeals to Lords and Collin:ons. It is, moreover, a movement in, a direction the very reverse of that of another of his proposals—the appointment of a Minister of Education, with the rank of a Secretary of State. Upon the supposition that we were indeed going to have at length a really national system of education, the reasonableness of such an appointment would be apparent ; but if the rules of the Privy Council Office are to be rigidly fixed, and the chief business of its officers is to be to conduct petty disputes with the country clergy, the advantage of the change is not so clear. The Standard points out that the great and vital reform proposed by Ministers is the appointment of a Minister of Education. The new Minister will have more than enough, for the next five or ten years, to occupy his atten tion in the measures which will confessedly be needed to complete the present imperfect educational organisation of the country on the voluntary system, and in the con sideration of the statistics which it is to be one of the first duties of his department to collect. It is a most judicious resolve on the part of the Government to give the Minister of Education the rank of a Secretary of State, which will give him a fitting station and authority in the Cabinet will render it impossible for his colleagues to treat him at 11r. Lowe was treated, and will also enable the Prime Minister to command for the post the services of a states man of the first rank. If they had nothing else to pro pose, the Government would have done enough to deserve the thanks of all the friends of education, by insisting on this single and easy but most essential reform. Every thing else may well be left till the Minister of Education has had leisure and study to master his business, and to furnish what never yet has been offered to Parliament , and what no party is yet prepared to offer—a working scheme by which we may retain the invaluable advantages of the present system, while rendering its machinery complete and adequate for the purposes of a really national education. The detailed faults of the educational measure are suf ficiently obvious, in the opinion of the Si,a r, to Etri ke every one who has ever bestowed a nion!nt's thought upon the 5!11,;:...ct. What is more important is, that the country should clearly perceive the cons:stency of this newest Ministerial proposal with the g,neral parliamentary p 1i j of the Clover:uncut. Of the Light chang:s p-oposed, some are futile, seine are retrogrole ; the best of them is utterly inconsistent with the principle of hostility to secular edu cation which the Cabinet still professes ; and the only important proposition—that for the appointment of the Secretary of State—clearly puts, as Earl Russell says, the cart 'before the horse, and will not be accepted by the House of Commons, except as pait of that great national educational revolution which the Government flatly declilTh to initiate, and stoutly assert to be unnecessary. As the Government relies upon wild " No Popery " and " Church in danger" cries to save them from the necessity of healing Irish disaffection, so do they now seek to avoid the obli gation of introducing a real educational scheme, by appealing to the ignorant impatience of taxation, which unhappily, has too frequently been exhibited in municipal communities. With the Government proposals the Telegraph has little fault to find. They are good so far as they go. But they are painfully insufficient. The plan has good points, which must not be lost ; but the best thing that could be done would be to incorporate the bill with that of Mr. Bruce's, United, they would form one of the greatest ,measures which, within the present generation, any statesman has been privileged to bring before the Parliament of En;- land. The Daily News deals with the Bankruptcy Bill of the Government as follows is framed on principles for which our contemporary has frequently contended ; but as a practical measure it must be judged of by the fitness of its working arrangements. It weak parts relate to the constitution of the courts, which are left much as they are at present: Its recommendations are that it tends to pro tect the creditor by strengthening the debtor's sense of his responsibility for his debt, which the legislati on o f th e l as t few years has undoubtedly tended to weaken. The un principled consumer will find a check upon his extravagance in the creditor's new right to arrest wages and salari e s, and in his liability to pay old debts out of subsequently acquired means. The mercantile community, however, will look mainly to the promise of rapid and economical administration of bankrupts' estates. A concession to their wishes is made in the adoption of the Scotch plan of trusteeship ;. it remains to be seen whether there is any thing in the organisation of the English courts to obstruct its working. Speaking of the case of the Earl of Jersey and his leeches, the Post remarks that the law which governs cases of this description is not the common or written law. It is the unwritten law of equity, and is constituted of pre cedent decisions in Chancery by which certain principles nave been positively established. The two latest cases are that of Cook v. Wyatt, and .{Slat of Croft v. Graham. The last, which is the more important, is precisely on all fours with that of Lord Jersey, and was tried in 1864. Mr. Croft, when a minor, obtained advances of money from Mr. Charles Graham, a money-lender. When he came of age, an account was stated, agreed upon, and signed by both parties. Fresh transac tions, ensued upon this basis, a further account was stated, and the amount had rolled up so prodigiously that Mr. Croft, like Lord Jersey, put his back against the wall and made a stand. The Vice-Chancello r decreed that the securities should be set aside, and the amounts actually advanced, together with 5 per cent. interest, allowed to Mr. Graham. Mr. Graham appealed to the Lords Justices, and the Lords Justices, with some very s t rong observations upon Mr. Graham's conduct, confirmed the decision of the Vice-Chancellor, upon the ground " that the parties to the transactions were never upon exact terms, Mr. Croft being always and throughout in the power of Mr. Graham, and that in the absence of such equality, and in the presence of such p o wers, there could be no equitable dealing." That is now a recognised principle, and accepted taw in the Court of Chancery. It has been since applied, and will, beyond all doubt, govern that of Jersey v. Dicker and Yates. The Herald draws attention to the fact that no less than ten persons have stood their trial and received condem nation for murder in the United Kingdom within: the last three weeks. In nearly each case there were sonic remark able circumstances. The Manchester convicts, sentenced for complicity in the assassination of Police -constable Brett, were found guilty in the teeth of an alibi. The Luton tragedy was conftlicated by the fact that both the accused persons made voluntary statements, though not in a form rendering them available as confessions, and whereas two men were engaged upon a highway robbery, their victim was killed, the first is convicted of a f a minor offence—the first is to d to serve a reduced term -as nothing more startling the crime of the Droylsden and t 1 Mere ..; 'forlmorden monster, 1.411 a, btu - Neil: d, lit! is chief - 1y -.` Rush :,rd to th€ V.,114, Seal 1 dt.atil t!. compienGus among scoundreN as reminding us 01 and Stan!leld Hall. Frederick Parker, who slew his fellow convict for 109. and a silver watch, belongs to the vulgar and unnoticeable type. But Alexander Holmes, who slew a boy " because he must murder some one," and John Mapp, who killed a girl without apparent reason, stand forth prominently, and astound us alike by the absence of assignable motive. The first were found insane, but with the latter this plea did not avail, and respecting it the Herald remarks that it is a healthy sign of the times that when murders are perpetrated in mere wantonness, the plea of presumable insanity will not avail to stand between the malefactor and his righteous punishment. EMPLOYERS AND TRADES UNIONS. A memorial has been presented by the various branches of the General Builders' Association to the Royal Com missioners onTrades Unions. The memorialists recommend That the Secretary of State should appoint a registrar of voluntary associations, with power to certify that the rules of such associations were not contrary to law and public policy—law and public policy being reconsidered as sug gested. That all associations whose rules were so certi fied should have a quasi corporate character, and be empowered to hold property and to sue and be sued. That the accounts of all such associations should be publicly audited, in a manner similar to that adopted under the poor-law administration. The expense of such audit could be met by charging registration fees ; and the misappropriation of funds should be punished. by heavy fines, as the mere dis allowance of certain items of account would act as no bar to misappropriation. Legislation embracing these points in connection with voluntary associations generally would, we believe, fully and satisfactorily remedy all evils now matter of complaint on the part of trades unions parti cularly. In the second place, in relation to the general question of the present unsatisfactory condition of the intercourse between masters and workmen, as so amply evidenced by the prevalence of strikes and lock-outs, we think that condition could be best improved by the establishment of courts of conciliation and arbi tration. The establishment of these courts should not be permissive only, nor should their action be limited to settlement of disputes that have occurred. Very much might be done to prevent their occurrence. The most fruitful source of disagreement is that connected with the periodical settlement of trade rules, hours of labour, and rates of wages. The frequency of these dis putes, and the magnitude of the interests involved, furnish, we believe, sufficient reason for the enlargement of the sphere within which it has been hitherto considered right to confine the action of the administration of the law. In our case we believe that courts might be dtablished that would have the effect of preventing quarrels as well as settling them. We are aware of the difficulties that surround the subject, but they are not peculiar to it. The difficulty that would attend the partial execution of decrees where the parties to the actions occupy such dissimilar positions as ordinary masters and ordinary workmen, would doubtless be great ; but the hardship or unfairness necessarily consequent upon the circumstances would fall rather upon us than upon those whom we employ. Nevertheless, we would recommend the establishment of district courts, composed of representatives of the masters and workmen, with an independent chairman chosen by such representatives. Failing an early agreement in the choice, the judge of the county court should be ex officio chairman. The court should be the court of the first instance in all civil actions between masters and workmen ; and in cases involving breach of the labour contract, where there was no written contract between the parties, it should also be the court of last resort. Its proceedings might be conducted and decrees enforced as provided by Lord St. Leonards' Act. The court should have power periodically to set forth the trade rules, including rates of wages and hours of labour of the district. The trade rules when they had been certified by the Secretary of State, or the registrar of voluntary associations before mentioned, should, in the absence of any written contract, be held to be the contract of service between masters and workmen in the district. The registration of masters and workmen entitled to vote in the election of their respective representatives might furnish a means of defraying the expenses of these courts. In the building trade the payment of a penny per month by each workman, and a penny per month on each one of the average number of ton be employs by each master would produce about £lOO,OOO per annum. This might readily be collected through the masters, power being given them to deduct the men's proportion from their wages.' LAW AND POLICE. rORCERY BY A LAD.—HEAVY SENTENCE.—A lad named Archibald Brown, 16 years of age, pleaded guilty at the Kingston Assizes of having forged and uttered cheques fo? the respective amounts of P.,50 10s. and £35 55., with intent to defraud Mr. Shrubsole, a banker. Notwithstanding the youth of the prisoner, and a strong recommendation to mercy by the prosecutor, the learned judge (Mr. Justice Byles) sentenced him to five years' penal servitude. VIOLENT ROBBERY.-At the same assizes a man named Karn was indicted for robbery with violence in Southwark. No counsel were retained to prosecute, and the case was left to take its chance upon the depositions sent from the police-court, a course constantly followed in that county. The senior counsel in court accordingly had the depositions handed to him by the learned judge in order that he might conduct the case, which he did. The prosecutor, a merchant, was standing at his own door, just about to enter, when two men attacked him, one of whom was clearly proved to be the pri soner. They closed with him, and he struggled with them, and one of them fell with him t(i the ground, dropping his cap. The prosecutor ca:ling " Police !" and they fled, but were pursued by a constable, who did not lose sight of them, but only one of them was taken, who was without a cap. The proseeator found he had been robbed of his watch, which was dra : ;ged from the chain. The case was clearly proved, and the jury convicted the prisoner, who was then shewn to have been previously convicted of a similar offence, and to have been out of gaol only three months. Upon being called on, the prisoner said to the judge "Pray send me out of the country." The learned judge: "I am going to do some thing very different, indeed. Your sentence is to undergo seven years' penal servitude, and to suffer twenty strokes of the `cat.'" OUTRAGE ON A LADY AT BOLTON. - A tea merchant, named Tomkinson, has been committed for trial by the Bolton magistrates on a charge of outraging a young lady. The lady went by train from Huddersfield to Little Lever, near Bolton, in the same carriage with the prisoner. She got out at the Bradley Ford station, and accepted the prisoner's offer to escort her to her brother's house, which was a mile and a quarter from Bradley Fold. On the road she went into a public-house and had some ale with the prisoner. After coming from the public-house he committed the offence complained of, after which he left the prosecutrix lying in the road. On getting to her brother's her agitation betrayed that something was the matter, and on being closely questioned she disclosed the occurrence. Mr. Gladstone has consented to preside over the Statistical Section at the approaching meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Norwich. The meeting takes place in August. THE PRINCE OF WALES IN IRELAND.—It is stated that the Corporation of Dublin have, through the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, invited the Prince of Wale s to participate in the opening of the new waterworks for the city, which will occur during his Royal Highness's visit. Sir Roderick Murchison has been elected by the Academy of Sciences in Paris, a foreign member, in place of the late Professor Faraday. There are only eight such members, and the honour is regarded by men of science as the highest which a man of science can receive. As a matter of form the decision has to be submitted to the Emperor for his confirmation. THIEVES.—The number of known thieves to each 1,000 of the population in 186(3-7 Was : At Cambridge, 4'32 ; at Colchester, 2 . 82 ; at Coventry, 1 - 29 ; at Derby, 3'74 ; at Great Yarmouth, 2'37 ; at Ipswich, 2 . 22 ; at Lincoln, I'B6 ; at Northampton, 2'lo ; at Shrewsbury, 1 . 60 ; at Walsall, 4 . 13 ; at Worcester, 311 ; at I3irming. ham, 5 . 46 ; at Leicester, I'9o ; at Norwich, 3'21 ; at Not tingham, 2 . 77 ; and at Wolverhampton, .5'67. Thus, of these sixteen towns the thievish element was found to the greatest extent at Wolverhampton and to the least extent at Coventry. THE LONDON WORKING MEN AND THE IRISH CHURCH. — The total abolition of the Irish Church Esta b:ishment, with a reservation for life interests, being one of the points of the programme of the London Working Men's Association, that body intend calling a public meeting of the working men of London on an early day in the ensuing week, in support of Mr. Gladstone's reso lutions now before the House of Commons. Several members of Parliament and other gentlemen favourable to the movement have already signified their intention to be present at the meeting, which it is intended shall be held in one of the large metropolitan halls. DREADFUL ATTACK UPON A CHILD BY RAM— A child is being attended to at St. Mary's Hospital which has had but a narrow escape of being eaten alive by rats. The child, Ellen Drummond, aged only 6 months, was left in the cradle at 6, Carlisle-mews, last Saturday, by the parents, who went out for the purpose of earning their live lihood. A short time after it had been left, the brother came home, and heard it screaming violently. Upon pushing open the room door, a swarm of excessively large rats leaped from the cradle, and retreated by holes in the flooring, wainscot, and back of the fireplace. Upon api riaeliing the child he found it had been bitten in a dreadful manner. Pieces had been bitten out of the face, and the fingers were cut through to the bone, the number of wounds altogether being eighteen. The rats seemed to have bitten more for the purpose of drawing and sucking blood, as many of the wounds were not completely torn open, but chewed the incisions made by the teeth, from which blood had flown freely. The child was taken to a medical man, who, after attending to it temporarily, ordered it to be conveyed to the hospital, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 25, 1868. TRIAL OF "CAPTAIN" MACKAY. __ 4 - SCENE IN COURT. DUBLIN, March 23. The fate of " Captain" Mackay is already known, but the closing scene of the trial deserves some no tice on account of the incidents it presented and the moral it enforced. Before the sitting of the judges at 10 o'clock the court-house was filled with spec tators, of whom a large proportion were of the gen tler sex. Mackay's career had enough of gallantry and romance about it to make him a favourite of theirs, and the fact that he was only a few months married to a fair maiden of this our city increased the sympathy which they felt for him, He was brought down to the court-house in the police-van with other prisoners, who shared with him the cheers of a crowd which awaited their arrival. Mr. Justice O'Hagan having taken his seat, Mackay was at once put forward to receive sentence, and in answer to the usual question whether he had anything to say, proceeded to take advantage of the privilege, which with questionable policy is still retained among our judicial forms, and, following the example of other convicts, delivered to the assembly a speech from the dock. As a specimen of Fenian eloquence it would bear favourable comparison with other orations of the same class, and in some respects, so far as it illustrated the character of the speaker, it was very superior. There was a creditable absence of in solence or braggadocio, such as other " captains" who made clumsy attempts to play the hero exhi bited. His bearing was respectful to the Court, and he spoke with an earnestness which seemed to indicate that he was no selfish adventurer, but a rash enthusiast in what he believed to be a pa triotic cause. He commenced by qualifying his expression of satisfaction with the verdict by ex plaining that he only considered it fair and just according to British law, but it was not in aclord ance with his sense of right and justice. He thanked the jury for their recommendation to mercy, but said, with all respcet, that he felt the utmost indifference to it, and for this reason, that he relied entirely upon the goodness of God, and felt condfident that He would so dispose events that he would not remain a prisoner so long as his lordship might be pleased to decree. He believed from what he had seen and heard of his lordship it would be a painful duty for him to pronounce sen tence, but with respect to its effect upon himself, he observed— " To one clinging so much to the world and its joys, to its fond ties and pleasant associations, as I naturally do, retirement into banishment is seldom—very seldom—wel come. Of that, however, Ido not complain. But to any man whose heart glows with the warmest impulse and the most intense love of freedom, strongly attached to kind friends, affectionate parents, loving brothers and sisters, and a devotedly fond and loving wife, the contemplation of a long period of imprisonment must appear most ter rible and appalling. To me, however, viewing it from a purely personal point, and considering the cause for which I am about to suffer, far from being dismayed—far from its discouraging me —it proves to me rather a source of joy and comfort." He admitted that his was not a desirable position, but he repudiated the notion that there was any dis grace attached to it. So far from thinking it discre ditable, he felt proud and glad that it afforded him " an opportunity of proving the sincerity of those soul-elevating principles of freedom which a good old patriotic father instilled into his mind," and which he still entertained " with a strong love whose fervour and intensity are second only to the sacred homage which we owe to God." If he was to be deprived of the glad and joyous years which he should have spent among loving friends, he would not complain, but " joyfully accept God's blessed will, feeling confident that He will open the strongly-locked and barred doors of British pri sons." Till then it was consolation and reward enough for him to know that he had " the fervent prayers, the sympathy, and loving blessings of Ire land's truly noble and generous people," and far more comforting to him to go back to his cheerless cell than to live in slavish ease and luxury, 4 , a witness to the cruel sufferings and terrible miseries of this down-tr9delk;n people." He then ex claimed : " Condemn me then, my Lord—condemn me to a felon's doom. To-night I will sleep in a prison cell ; to-morrow I will wear a convict's dress; but to me it will be a far nobler garb than the richest dress of slavery. Coward slaves they be who think the countless sufferings and de gradation of a prison life disgraces a man. I feel other wise. It is as impossible to subdue the soul animated with freedom as it will be for England to crush the resolute will of this nation, determined as it is to bo free, or perish in the attempt." The facts which had been fairly proved against him, he said, though crimes according to British law, were morally, i❑ the sight of freemen and of God, more ennobling than disgraceful. It was no crime to assist our fellow-men to acquire their God-given rights, which no nation could justly deprive them of. If devotbn to Ireland and its faithful, its honest, its kind people was a crime, he proudly acknowledged his guilt ; if it was a disgrace he gloried in the shame; and, with all respect for the Court, he held in thorough contempt the worst punishment that could be inflicted upon him. " England," he added, " will most miserably fail if she expects by force and oppression to stamp out, as the Times exclaimed, this glorious longing for national life and independence which now fills the breasts of millions of Irishmen, who only require a little patience and the opportunity of effecting their purpose." In this impassioned strain be continued to address the Court. lle vindicated Fenianism from the imputation of selfishness, declaring that very few persons, except such con temptible wretches as Corydon, have profited by their connexion with it. Ills best friends had lost all they ever possessed by it. He denied the truth of the statement made by Corydon and Talbot that the Fenians intended to divide the land of Ireland among themselves, and said that he had the honour of being acquainted with the great majority of the leaders, and he " never knew one of them to have exhibited a desire other than to have the proud satisfaction of freeing Ireland." As for himself, when he came to Ireland in 1865 it was to assist an enslaved people, and he knew that the greatest sacrifices would have to be endured before they raised the country to the proud position described by the national poet : ,grslot gem o glorious, and the sea."ndfree, "First flower of the " e Ga ar r t e h, t first Liberty, he remarked, if worth possessing, is surely worth fighting for, and he felt that enormous sacri fices must be made in the struggle, of which he told the Crown lawyers and Government of England they had not yet seen the commencement. He was ready to meet his fate with the approval of his own conscience, hoping for God's forgiveness for any thing be might have done to displease Him, and re lying upon His sustaining grace to enable him to bear any punishment, no matter how severe, so long as it was for " glorious old Ireland." He then en tered into a long explanation to show he did not memorialise the Lord Lieutenant to be released from custody, or violate the condition upon which he was liberated in 1867. He charged Corydon with hav ing concocted a story as to his proceedings in Liver pool. He thanked his lordship for his fair and im partial conduct during the trial, observing if there was anything not impartial in it at all, it was in his favour and not in that of the Crown, and that he thought was the duty of a judge, because the prisoner is always on the weak side and the Crown has all the power and influence that the law and a full exche quer can give it. Adopting the last words of Larkin, " the martyr of Manchester," and of his cld friend Condon, he exclaimed " God save Ire land ; God be with you, Irishmen and women ; God save you ; God bless Ireland ; and God grant me strength to bear my task for Ireland as becomes a man. Farewell." Observing that some of the audience evinced emotion at this period, he re pudiated any feeling of despair, and said he felt " confident that there is a glorious future in store for Ireland, and that, with a little patience, a little organisation, and a full trust in God on the part of the Irish people, they will be enabled to obtain it at no distant date. He resumed his seat amid a suppressed murmur of applause, and remained sitting until the learned Judge came to the passage in de livering the sentence in which the punishment was announced. The learned judge sentenced the prisoner to 12 years' penal servitude. THE TRIAL OF 7HE PIeESIDELVT. The composition of the Court organized for the trial of ANDREW JOHNSON, President of the United States, is much discussed. People freely ask, Will it condemn the PRESIDENT ? And generally this is answered by counting up the Republican Senators, and pitting them against those of the Democratic side. There can be no question about the fact that party spirit will have its influence ; indeed a con trolling influence. But the people are very unjust to the Senators, as a body, who calculate that they would vote on these criminal charges as they would vote on a mere party question. Being a legislative body, accustomed to follow party leaders, and accustomed to yield to the influence of party pressure, it would be absurd to suppose that they would be wholly free from party bias, knowing that the failure to convict and depose the PRESIDENT must end dis astrously to the Republican party. There are 53 Senators, of whom, if all vote, 36 will be required to convict ; therefore if 18 Senators can be found to pronounce Mr. JOHNSON innocent the trial breaks down, and he will return in triumph to the White house. Not quite four-fifths of the Sena. tors are Republicans, and if they voted on a strictly party basis the conviction would be secured. But although we do not hold the strong faith of the Spectator that a Repub lican Senator would no more vote against ANDREW JOHNSON, biassed by political motives, than that Lord CAIRNS would rule against a Liberal suitor, and give his estate to a Tory, yet we believe that the question will in some degree be decided on its merits. The debate on the rules of procedure was calm, deliberate, and affording evidence of a just spirit. These rules give the defendant every chance. Even in the House, in electing the managers, two good, sound lawyers were chosen, Mr. WILSON, of lowa, and Mr. BINGHAM, of Ohio, the latter obtaining most votes of the seven, though to the present time opposed to Impeachment, and Mr. STEVENS, its pertinacious and powerful advocate, obtaining the fewest. The extraordinary pluck of THADDEUS STEVENS has excited much admiration, even among those disgusted with his violent partisan character. He is acting on the verge of the grave, and with a physical strength scarcely sufficient to enable him to stand. Yet he has been the ruling spirit in the proceedings. No doubt the representative thinks he is engaged iu the performance of a sacred duty. But it is painful when one placed in so solemn a position de claims with more regard to effect than to truth. " Never before," he cried, " was so great a male factor so gently treated as ANDREW JOHN SON. His corruption of others was a crime more heinous than that which had brought many ancients to the block ; to which he was prompted by the same motives that made the angels fall." All the other managers are lawyers. Mr. LOGAN, in addition to his reputation (not much) as a jurist, is distinguished for his services as a soldier, both in the Mexican and in the Civil Wars. So far for the Court and the managers of the prosecution. The main charges amount in effect to the attempt of removing Mr. STANTON from the War Depart ment through General THOMAS, appointed to act ad interim. The other is in the inducement offered to General EMORY to violate the Act, March 2, 1867, by which military orders are directed to be sent for execution to the General of the Army. The two last articles after wards added are repro ductions of the old Impeachment subject. It is clear that the question of the infringement of the law must hinge on the order which broke the Tenure-of- Office Act. General EMORY'S testimony has been published, as well as that of Colonel GEORGE W. WALLACE, and the country is astonished at the weakness displayed. So apparent is this, that the House is generally condemned for retaining such a charge, and it has done much to cool down the people on the question of Impeachment. This miserable article, so feebly supported ; the frantic declamation of many of the Representatives when the subject first came up ; the insane publications by the Tribune from its Washington correspondent, which, by-the-bye, last week furnished matter for an article to the Saturday Review, all tended to " choke off" the people. Mr. JOHNSON is regarded as a nuisance, but the mass believe in the honesty of his intentions, and the people insist upon his being fairly tried. He desires, if the report be true, to meet the issues broadly and fairly. Few are admitted to the Executive mansion, as he is absorbed in the preparations for his trial, being closeted for hours with STANBERRY and BLACK, to whom he has given instructions to the effect. The points on which he is pre sumed to rely are that he has not violated the law, as the Act only deprives him of the power of removing those he has himself appointed, and that if he has violated it he has not done so with guilty intent. The answer to the first will perhaps be found in the law itself, for that must decide Mr. JOHNSON'S position. Is not Mr. JOHNSON Mr. LIN OOLN'S substitute—not his successor—performing the duties for the remainder of the term for which th© bullet of the assassin Incapacitated the legally elected PRESIDENT ? The second point raises the question, How a President is to test the validity of a law. On this point the New York Nation says : "As a general rule, the PRESIDENT may not exercise an independent judgment, and determine whether a statute regularly passed by Congress is valid before he proceeds to execute it, or to take care that it be - faithfully executed. This opinion has certainly been maintained by most American statesmen and publicists, although its correctness has been denied by political writers of no small re putation and ability. The arguments in support of the negative are substantially two. It is said that the PRESIDENT must only execute the laws, and not those legislative acts which have a legal semblance merely, but are void ; that an unconstitutional sta tute is no more a law than if it had never received the assent of the Legislature ; and that no power is given to execute this nullity. It is also said that the oath taken by the PRESIDENT imposes upon him a personal and most weighty responsibility ; that he is bound by it to be guided by his own judgment, by his own conviction of what is lawful; and not by the convictions and judgments of others. These arguments either prove too much or they beg the question. All important officers, State or national, are required to take an oath to support the Consti tution. The PRESIDENT'S oath is but an amplifica- tion of this. The solemn promise in detail to pre serve, protect, and defend the Constitution' does not imply more than the equally solemn promise to support' it; the conscience is bound by the one no more than by the other. If, then, the PRESIDENT obtains from his oath any authority to judge of the validity of a statute, the same is shared with him by every legislative, judicial, and executive officer of the States and of the nation. Reduce such a principle to practice, and absolute anarchy would be the immediate result. And when it is said that the PRESIDENT is only bound to execute laws and not void statutes, this is assuming the very point in dispute. The whole question is, Are certain laws valid or void ? and giving him power to decide is to make him the sole dispenser of statutes, to clothe him with an absolute veto after his qualified nega tive has been overruled, to place him above Con gress and the courts. The whole theory and plan of the Government demand, therefore, the adoption and strict observance of the general doctrine stated at the outset, and the ready acquiescence in it by all officers of the executive department from the lowest subordinate up to the chief magistrate." The Nation proceeds to discuss the nature of the PRESIDENT'S powers as a whole, classifying the various functions into three groups. The First are those unconnected with legislation, conferred by the Constitution, which exist and might be carried into operation if Congress should blot out all its laws, or should attempt to limit and restrain the PRESIDENT from calling them into action. The Second arc those derived from statutes of Congress, in which may be ranged the functions of Corn inander-in-Chief, the pardoning power, and the ap pointing power. The PRESIDENT'S capacity as Com mander-in-Chief remai n s dormant until Congress has raised an army or navy ; his appointing power cannot be exercised until Congress has created the offices to be filled, and here may be placed, if it belongs to him, his power of removal. The Third contains those Executive functions and attributes which depend upon prior laws of Congress, and over this the Legislature has complete control. It passes laws that must be executed. It may leave a large discretion to or take away all discretion from th© PRESIDENT. It may, and generally does entrust the actual execution to subordinate officers, with instructions plain and positive, so that the only duty of the PRESIDENT is to take care that the law shall be faithfully exe cuted. Not only, says the Nation, has the PRESI- D'aiT no authority to exercise an independent judg raent upon the validity of statutes which set in motion his attributes of this class, and to refuse to execute them, but he has no authority to test that validity in any manner. The means of testing must come from another source. The law is to be executed by himself or some subordinate ; in either case it must be executed. It is a mooted question whether the Constitution confers upon the PRESI DENT the power to remove from office. If it be longs to him, it cannot be limited or restrained by direct legislation. The Tenure-of-Office Act inter feres with this power, and the only method by which the law can be tested is for the PRESIDENT to violate it, and remove without co:.•sultingthe Senate. No one in this can have any legal right invaded but the PRESIDENT, and if he remains passive the law must stand ; nor can the PRESIDENT bring the question to a judicial determinat_ion by any legal proceeding, such as a writ of quo warrant°, as the officer, if left undisturbed, will have a complete answer to the writ by proving his original appointment, and the fact that he has not been removed. Therefore, as the preliminary step, he must remove the officer, and violate the statute Unless the power of Congress over the Executive functions is absolute, and its decision upon the Con stitution final, we cannot escape the conclusion that in these instances the PRESIDENT must, to bring the validity of a statute to the test, intentionally dis regard its commands. But he does so at his own risk ; and the action of Congress against hitn is then a question of policy, or of abstract justice, rather than of positivelaw. Judging from the elaborate argument of the Nation we have attempted briefly to summa rize, we presume its able writer considers that the PRESIDENT can successfully defend himself against having violated the paw with guilty intent. Now that the froth and foam of impeachment has sub sided, men are engaged in discussing calmly the " high crimes and misdemeanours," and the case of Congress the more if, is looked into the weaker it appears. But, if the Republican party fail, the im pression is that it will be ruined; nearly four-fifths of the Senate are Republican, the strength of the political current is far greater in the States than in England, the party pressure stronger, and if the Senate can acquit Mr. JOHNSON it will be the greatest act of political virtue ever witnessed in a egislative body.—Anglo-American Time& THE IRISH CHURCH. --- There is nothing like positive knowledge and clearness of ideas before venturing to speak upon any subject. If untoward circumstances should compel a man into the discussion of a matter to which for years he had been habit ually indifferent, then, in• spite of the per fection of ready tact, in spite of every graceful subtlety of oratorical art, he would succeed only in amusing both friends and enemies. So has it happened with Mr. Disraeli. He has spoken eloquently and at great length upon a vital question—a question which this gene ration intends to see answered for once and all—a question involving to the fullest extent the claim of our character to honour and jus tice. But it has been " words "—nothing more. A delicate artifice of this sort may, indeed, have been successful in throwing the political Poloniuses off the true scent ; but the people of this country must be dealt with differently. With them the Irish Church ques tion is one of plain, particular facts, not to be disposed of by the cleverest powers of gene ralization. Englishmen are beginning to realize this truth, that Ireland is a large fertile island, with a population, let us say, of five millions, and bound to this country by no other poWer than that of conquest. They know that it took 300 years to complete the subjugation of this people, and that at different times, from the twelfth century to the:prpsent . day, they have risen up against the Englisii domination. They remember to have read that, in one way or the other, by the Kilkenny Parliament of 1367, by the lieutenancy of Strafford and Cromwell, by the severe measures of the reign of Anne, by the injustice of 1727 (when the elective franchise was wholly taken away from thorn), the Irish people have been incessantly kept in an attitude of hostility to this country. But men with anything worth calling judgment, and with the least knowledge of human nature, will at once admit that in this case of Ireland there is one injustice, one outrage, which has been the moving spirit of every discontent. The galling chain that has eaten deepest into l i the flesh and rankled there, is that which has bound an abhorrent people to an alien and heretical Church. That a sensitive, deeply religious, and Catholic nation should, for three centuries, have been outraged by the insolent presence and domineering le of a sect of Pro testants never numbering more than 800,000, and should still find statesmen labouring to prevent them from casting this incubus into the depths of the sea, suggests ideas worthy the consideration of the philosopher. Mr Disraeli speaks of philosophers, but he is not particularly gifted with the philosophy of plain speaking. By confounding the words " estab lished " and " national,' and then adroitly changing from Irish to English ground, he strove to throw dust into the eyes that watched him. Having asked permission of the House " to make an observation or two on the Irish Church," he at once turned his thought and argument to England, told us that we are an exceedingly religious people, asserted that as such " we must be always in favour of en dowments." The question was pre-eminently an Irish one, it terminated thoroughly Anglo- Saxon. But the fact of the new Premier taking, or appearing to take, the least interest in a religious question at all, is worth remem bering. We should have imagined that the whole power of his intellect ranged the other way. Great, however, has been our mistake. He is for a Church, a national and an en dowed Church. In his opinion, it is the en dowment that gives " the corporate character to the religious principles that influence men." By the word Church he means " any body of religious men who have an organization," for such "steadies faith." At last we have the truth spoken out, and by the highest man in the land —the truth, at all events, as regards the Church of his adoption. For what is the Pro testant Establishment ? It is merely a secular principle, wholly dependent upon the secular arm—it is a convenient category in which many differences are classed—a mere terri torial thing, bounded by the Atlantic, the German Ocean, and the Baltic. Anywhere a national Church, not the Church of the nation, is a contradiction in terms—in Ireland a national Church other than the Catholic Church must always be a national insult. The doctrines of that Church which sent St. Patrick to the Irish shores have been always, and still are, the cherished faith of the whole people ; and all the State endowment and political support of the most godless empire in the world bestowed elsewhere will never change this fact. Moreover, any such endo mo ment and support is a mere wicked use of power upholding an impious usurpation. The hon. member for Birmingham, speaking of the grievances of Ireland, said—" My remedy is prepared and prompt. Disendow the Church, and the whole thing is settled." We almost agree with his conclusion, and we do agree wholly with his proposition. It points in the straightest direction—it aims primarily at the destruction of that evil which is the crowning misery of the sister kingdom ; and, if carried into effect, would fill men's breasts with the brightest hopes that other and lesser grievances would by degrees also disappear. Mr. Disraeli must not be allowed to run away with the idea (if, indeed, he ever entertained such) that he has defined, in any allowable sense, what is meant by the word Church. To say that it is a society to spread or to protect Christianity, implies that the latter is not the Church. To assert that " all bodies of religious men that have an organization," or who wish to be con sidered as Christian, form separately part of, or taken together make up the Church of Christ, is to admit ithat disunion and schism and individual choice can have no effect upon unity. We define the Church to be Chris tianity organized, with certain notes and attri butes always the same and always permanent; and that any body of men external to this com plete changeless organization is outside the Church of Christ, and is no part of it. We feel quite sure that Mr. Disraeli would s'nile at this old-fashioned definition of truth ; but, as a statesman, he is bound to remember that the Irish people for whom he would legislate hold to this very definition most sacredly. They do not admit the possibility of the co-exist ence as one 'Church of absolutely separated Churches. They regard the " principle of par ticular national Churches in the modern sense of the territorialists as a heresy that would dis solve unity, destroy Catholicity, restore Jewish exclusiveness, or rather paganism." Had he realized something of this view, Mr. Disraeli would be able to understand a little what that indignation is which the Catholic millions of Ireland feel at the forced presence in the midst of them of such an institution as the Church Establishment. With his present ideas all the eloquence of the Premier will be but empty words. We would address to him the language of old Shylock Till thou canst rail the seal from off my bond Thou but offend'st thy lungs to speak so loud. We stand here for law. --- Answer—Shall we have it ? • THE PRESIDENTS DEFENCE. (Continued from a late number.) In a matter of such grave consequence I was not disposed to rest on my own opinions, though forti fled by my constitutional advisers. I have therefore sought to bring the question at as early a day as pos sible before the Supreme Court of the United States for final and authoritative decision. In respect to so much of the resolution as relates to the designation of an officer to act as Secretary of War, ad interim, I have only to say that I have exercised this power under the provisions of the first sec tion of the Act of February 3, 1795, which, so far as they are applicable to the vacancy caused by removals, I understand to be still in force. The legislation upon the subject of ad interim appoint ments in the Executive departments, stands, as to the War Office, as follows : The section of the Act of August 7, 1789, made a provision for a vacancy in the very case of a removal of the head of the War Department, and upon such a vacancy gives the charge and custody of the records, books, and papers to the Chief Clerk. Next, by the Act of May 8, 1792, section eighth, it is provided that in case of a vacancy occasioned by death, absence from the seat of government, or of sickness, of the head of the War Department, the President may authorise a person• to perform the duties of the office until a successor is appointed, or the disability is removed. The Act, it will be observed, does not provide for a case of vacancy caused by removal. Then, by the first section of the Act of February 3, 1795, it is provided that in case of any vacancy, the President may appoint a person to perform the duties while the vacancy exists. These Acts are followed by that of February 20, 1863, by the first section of which provision is again made for a va cancy caused by death, resignation, absence from the seat of Government or sickness of the head of any Executive department; and upon the occurrence of such a vacancy power is given to the President to authorize the heal of any other Executive depart ment, or other officer in either of said departments, whose appointment is vested in the President at his discretion, to perform the duties of the said respec tive offices, until a successor be appointed, or until such absence by inability or sickness shall cease; provided that no one vacancy shall be supplied in the manner aforesaid for a longer term than six months. This law, with some modifications, re-enacts the Act of 1792, and provides, as did that Act, for the sort of vacancies to be filled, but like the Act of 1792, it makes no provision for a vacancy occasioned by re moval. It has reference altogether to vacancies arising from other causes, according to my construc tion of the Act of 1863. 'While it impliedly repeals the Act of 1792, regulating vacancies therein de scribed, it has no bearing whatever upon so much of the Act of 1795 as applies to a vacancy caused by removal. The Act of 1795, therefore, furnishes the rule for a vacancy, occasioned by removal. Oat of the vacancies is expressly referred to iu the Ac of August 7, 1789, creating a department of war. Certainly there is no express repeal, by the Act of 1863, of the Act of 1795. The repeal, if there is any, is by implication, and can only be admitted, far as there is a clear inconsistency between the two Acts. The Act of 1795 is inconsistent with that of 1863 as to a vacancy occasioned by death, resigna tion, absence, or sickness, but not at all inconsistent as to vacancy caused by removal. It is assuredly proper that the President should have the same power to fill temporarily a vacancy occasioned by removal, as he, has to supply a place made vacant by death, or the expiration of a term. If, for in stance, the incumbent of an office should be found wholly unfit to exercise the functions, and the pub lic service should require his immediate expul sion, - a remedy should exist, and be at once applied, and time allowed to the President to select and appoint a successor, as is permitted him, in case a vacancy is caused by death, or the termination of an official term. The neces sity, therefore, for an ad interim appointment is just as great, and indeed may be greater, in cases of removal, than in any others. Before it be held, therefore, that the power given by the Act of 1795, in cases of removal, is abrogated by succeeding legislation,an express repeal ought to appear, as so wholesome a power should certainly not be taken away by loose implications. It may be, however, that in this, as in other cases of implied repeal, doubts may arise. It is confessedly o n e of th e subtle and debatable questions which arise in the construction of statutes. If, upon such a question, I have fallen into an erroneous construction, I sub mit whether it should be characterized as a violation of official duty and of law. I have deemed it proper iu vindication of the course which I have considered it my duty to take to place before the Senate the reasons upon which I have based my action. Al though I have been advised by every member of my Cabinet that the whole Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional, and therefore void ; and although I have expressly concurred in that opinion in the veto message which I had the honour to submit to Congress, when I returned the Bill for reconsidera tion, I have refrained from making a removal of any officer contrary to the provisions of the law, and have only exercised that power in the case of Mr. Stanton, which, in my judgment, did not come within its provisions. I have en deavoured to proceed with the greatest circum spection, and have tried, only in an extreme and exceptional case, carefully to follow the course which I have marked out for myself as a general rule, faithfully to execute all laws, though passed over my objections, on the score of constitutionality. In the present instance I have appealed, or sought to appeal, to that final arbiter fixed by the Consti tution for the determination of all such questions. To this course I have been impelled by the solemn obligations which rest upon me to sustain inviolate the powers of the high office committed to my hands. Whatever be the consequences, merely personal to myself, I could not allow them to prevail against a public duty so clear to my own mind, and so im perative. If what was possible had been certain, and I had been fully advised, when I removed Hr. Stanton, that in thus defending the trust committed to my hands, my own removal was sure to follow, I could not have hesitated. Actuated by public con siderations of the highest character, I earnestly pro test against the resolution of the Senate, which charges me, in what I have done . , with a violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States. (Signed) ANDREW JOHNSON. [ADVERTISEMENT I ] —Holloway's Pills.—No Distrust.— Public opinion spoa o in no feeble or uncertain voice con cerning the merits of these pills for purifying the blood, regulating the action of different organs, and strengthen ing the human body generally. Holloway's pills have gained a reputation for curing disorders of the stomach, derangements of the liver, diseases of the kidneys, and affection of the brain and nerves previously unknown in the history of medicine. An important matter regardin g these pills is that the invalid by reading the accomp an yi ng " directions for use" can determine the proper dose with a precision which no one could hope to attain w h o h a d no t long known his habits and constitution. Holloway's pills act with the utmost safety and greatest efficiency. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Professor William Gibson, a distinguished physi cian, of Philadelphia, died at Savannah, Georgia, on tho 2d instant. He studied medicine at Edinburgh, where he graduated, and succeeded the celebrated Dr. Physick in the chair of surgery at the University of Pennsylvania, with which institution he had been connected, for nearly half a century. ['he wife of ex-Congressman Alexander H. Rice, of Boston diod Sunday night, March 1, of paralysis, on the passage from Havana to New Orleans. .AccoMpanied by her husband and daughter she was travelling in south ern latitudes to benefit her health. John W.. Dana, Governor of the State of Maine from 1840 b 1850, died near R 'sari°, ,Brazil, December 22, of cholera, caught in visiting Mrs. Barker, also from vlaine, an old acquaint Luce, who sent for him because she was unwell. She died during his visit, and in 48 hours Lhereafter Governor Dana and four other visitors had de parted this life. William Cole, who diet at Hartford on the Ist ill:I-eh, was 110 years of age. His father bad lived to 112. Daniel Lqrd, till well-known lawyer, has jaw.; ;lied in New York. Igo was ono of Jacob Astor's trustees, ind treasurer of the Aston Library. Ex-Lieutenant Governor Ford, of Ohio, and ex representative Portus Baxter, of Vermont, have died at Washington. Notice has been given by the British Post-ofil3e Department that on and from the Ist of March the single rate of postage between the United States and the East ['idles, via England, will be 28 cents per half-ounce when forwarded for transmission via Southampton, and 36 cents when intended to be sent via Marseilles—prepayment compulsory. The following is supposed to be the longest over land telegraphic circuit ever made. The Chicago Tribune, of Dec. 16, says:—" An unbroken circuit was made, and messages sent without repeating, between Houston, Texas, and Salt Lake City, via New York. The Houston opera tor sent, ' Houston sends greeting to Salt Lake. We sit with coats off and windows open.' Salt Lake promptly replied, ' Weather beautiful hare, but have a snow storm in Montana. Brigham Young has just martyred another heifer.' Houston replied, 'Don't touch the brass in your key, or you'll get yellow fever.' After this, Helena, Mon tana, 550 miles north of Salt Lake, was put on' and con versed a few moments. The circuit worked cver the following route—Houston, New Orleans, Mobile, Knox ville, Washington, New York, Chicago, and Salt Lake. Had the San Francisco operator not been out of the office he would have been drawn into the circuit, and the length extended 1,000 miles more. This is a rather remarkable performance, since Houston is 1,800 miles from New York, which is also 2,436 miles from Salt Lake City. The wea ther was very favourable and the wires in good condition." It is not generally known that one and the same telegraphic alphabet is used in Great Britain, France, Belgium, Holland, the German States, Italy, Spain, Por tugal, Malta, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, Swede°, Russia, Persia, Greece, Turkey, Africa, and India; also for the Mediterranean, Persian, Gulf, and the Atlantic cables. This alphabet was originated by the Germans. On the Moose river water, Maine, 475 men, 125 horses and 70 oxen are engaged in cutting and hauling lumber. The nucleus of a military museum and library for New York city has just been formed, under the patron age of the board of officers of the 37th Regiment. be tween 35th and 36th streets. The collection is a curious one, and comprises an assemblage of weapons and projectiles used . during the recent war. There are all varieties of rebel shot, shell, and torpedoes , a number of newly invented projectiles, weapons captured from the Confederates, surmounted by the colours of the 37th Regiment. This unique collection is in the custody of Mr. D. Edwards, the armourer of the regiment. Patents for new and useful inventions are now granted in the United States for 17 years. The first in stalment of the Government fee is $l5, which sum is payable in advance on applying for the patent ; and 6 2 ° additional are due to the Government when the letters patent are allowed. The Government fee on a design patent for three and a half years is $lO ; seven years, 81 5 fourteen years, $3O. No models of design are require& but duplicate drawings or photographs must be furnished . On the occasion of the Garibaldian invasion of Rome the American Consul in that city espoused the cause of order, shouldered a rifle, marched out with tb° Pontifical troops, and bore a share in their conflicts with the Garabaldini. The American papers state that the Consul has, in consequence, been called to account by Air' Seward for his undiplomatic conduct, and that his expla nation, that he merely marched out with the Pontifical troops for the purpose of collecting early and ac curate information for his Government, and that he only shot one Garibaldian who was about to shoot him, has not been accepted as satisfactory Mr. Seward has replied that no instructions from his Go vernment required or authorised the Consul to attend the Pontifical army to the field either as a belligerent or a spectator, that no interest of the United States could be lervod by such a proceeding, and that had he been pr° - dent he would have avoided the condition of finding bier self unexpectedly under fire, and would have saved him' self the necessity of considering the question of a retreat. The Secretary winds up the " wigging" with the follovt ing significant sentence :—" Your conduct is for these reasons entirely disapproved. It will depend in part upon your own better conduct hereafter, and in some part up , ' circumstances not yet fully understood, whether the de partment can be content to leave the case with the re primand." A petition has been recently addressed to Con ;revs, praying fur the passage of a law " declaring that the purchase of a painting of work of art does not conva the copyright thereof, which inheres, and shall inhere, in the artist, unless. specially conveyed to the purchaser." DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF BRIT'S° AMERICA RELATIVE TO THE PROPERTY OF A DECEASED AMERICAN CITIZEN.—San Francisco, Feb. 26.—The S' l " preme Court of British Columbia has decided that the property of Isaac Humphreys, an American citizen, died intestate in Victoria, must revert to the Crown shout' there be no heirs to the same. The chief justice said tb° office of consul, which the deceased held, was created fc' t commercial purposes only, no ministerial duties or leges attached. Consul Francis appeared in behalf of the United States. The property in question is of a consider" able amount. Foreign Mail Packet List, MAILS DUE. ----- --- tizetralis and New Zealand, via Southamptoa....„„3larch 2g Ditto, via Marseilles ..,-... .........April 19. Ditto, via Panama March 3)• irszil, Buenos lyres, and Monte Video A.,,rii 8, Ditto, by torench packet • . March 0 ;ape Verde. by Brazil packet ....... - April 6 .. )ape of Good five, A.B.3Catiioll. and it. Helena ....Burch 2 3 ' . Aiw ri Aiwa. Penang. and Singapore, via i3outhampto ,A 1 arch .2 ' Ditto, via Marseilles.-- ....... i'aitland Islands ribraltar, via souttiampton March 28 a tadia, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseilles . delta, Egypt, jgo. 'March 25• Ditto, horseflies... ]larch 1) Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal. via Southampton Ditto, AlarBeiiies ewfoundla c eurtugal April 6 Ditto, by p (iv r to ship to Oporto Ditto z .tto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &0., by British packet Ditto, by L Lited States packet Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditt, (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet .... .. M arch 27. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Toneriffc West Indies and Pazilio (except Mexico and Baha- 3). mas) Juba and Mexico March 5. Bahamas, via New Y ., - Bermuda, via Halifax .. Births. GURNEY—On the 20th inst., at 46, Queensborough - t er ? Kensington-gardens, the wife of Alfred Gurney, of a son. GtTNN—On the 23d inst., at 7, Stainton-place, Blitelch'39l Mrs. John Gunn, of a son. f SLADE—On the 19th inst., at Cowes, Lady Sl ade ' ° Maunsel, of a daughter. Marriages. , BLACKMAN SHEPHERD— On;the 21st inst., at the r Al church, Willesden, William, second son of the lat e Alfred Blackman, of Rolvonden, Kent, to Ada A1i,820- fourth daughter of R. A. Shepherd, Esq., of }orb bury House, Willesden-green, Middlesex. NITSCR—COOPER—On the 21st inst., at Hanover Di si L ic r t - Church, Regent-street, Charles J. J. Nitscb, elde3t 'of viving son of L. F. Nitscb, of Mount-street, Greore,,vert square, to Julia, youngest daughter of Mr. L. A . G° ' of Oxford-street, W. Deaths. b oils ALLIMEE—On the 23d inst., in Sussex-square, Br i gw e llh Thomas R. Allfree, Esq., formerly of Tunbridg e " aged 72. u trC ol ' iv t, MAI THEWS —On the 22d inst., at Cheltenham, ~,,et John Henry Matthews, late Paymaster 31sliteg and Invalid Depot, `iChtham, aged 83. rreP NEVILLE— 0 a the 15th nst , at Ham-common, Miss Neville, aged 74. • wife of POLE - On the 23d inst., Christina CrackenthorN Wm. C. Pole, rector of Radborne, Derby, aged 2 ' WELLER —On the 20th inst., at 610, Mile-end -rod James James \Yeller, aged 65. phoill so WILSON—On the 21st inst., at Oundle, Charles " Wilson, Esq , aged 57. 7 ,,TD0 London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.g of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRH SUN 0A10 0, ,,,,." - 2 1 Strand, in the Precinct of the Se voy, in the vv" Diiddlea nryfuclueiday, March 26, 1868. AFT] After After Atter Afte After After After After Loudu S LUNCL High-c &c. Pri , SENT OFF On and p.m. to 0 RINI This eel Prize Med It is Put Sold in the Agents Observe hares LL ' GRAS 111 cqus tiew Song Mont ; 3d astonishit Transfarn SIDNEY- F Dancer. Bishop's ss Bron Pull Ore the Great . The do the prices at Mitchel and all otl the Hall f Special: snd will a son, lolly Minstrels. BLO C AN' HC ENGAG. BLOND] the wond o'clock, a JACKO, including Talking Fred. Ev Crystal E with 1,6 i Viliars, Stalls a Special on hia ba [AD POR' adcled to t Admissi Gcl. extra. Open fro AR' This ma having be bY Messrs for the AI Solo Corn, QTOO PIG rented al ItrorEnc ages. It gestion, p commends bealth an braces an( Street, Oxi FURb per II amber of or unfurni hoods of pity.—Par square. ITOUSES or s PROP D. 7 all descrip for outlay Rumphric tions of b transterr , in.; 1.1ous( SPAN: kJ AL speedily pi s s. 6d., a all Chemi W O it This prep hours, ror for 60 stk . Chemists. HAIR Loi curls Ladii Sold at 3s. and 144 st AL ,Colour imr, ✓eetly nat 6 d.; sent Chemists. RAI E Lo tuovo s sui without of 61 ; sent i IFOINIP] , skin V E GE T A sallowness 6 tanaps.—i all ChemiE lI AIR hef S even or t( r emains sc Sta mps. _ 1 and all Ch Jug pu IT GU des i ng the a] 1 1 ° __rn, Lon( I IZALTH 1 IF B/ and T 111