The Sun. — London, England, 1868-11-20 00:00:00

MB. DISRAELI S SPEECH Mr. Disraeli's speech at Aylesbury, on Thursday, was decidedly clever. He made several exceedingly good hits ; and the address abounded with humour. Reform was touched upon slightly, but in a manner that "told." Education—the piece de resistance of the programme—was commented upon. The foreign policy took up a large share of attention ; and the whole speech was set off by a peroration about the Irish Church. On Reform he had really no new arguments to put for ward. He thought the franchise still a Conservative one—not in a party, but in a nationalsense. He defended, too, the Government from the charge of having refused a smaller and accepted the larger measure. He spewed how Reform had been agitated for years ; how, " because neither party in the State had confidence that the various measures proposed would settle the question," the Liberal party had proposed measure after measure, and the country had been agitated to its great detriment. " With regard to the borough franchise, which has been one of more controvers=y, you must remember thr..t the plans which had always, before we attempted to deal with it, been proposed to Parliament, were plans for the simple reduction of the qualifying amount. It was very obvious that the cause of the successive failures of all those schemes was, that neither party in the State had any confidence that, if carried, they would be a solu tion of the difficulty. For the main part they seemed to me to open an interminable series of years of agitation. Take your qualification at £lo—one now almost forgotten, once so familiar. Well, the Liberal party, anxious to ingratiate themselves with the great body of the people who did not possess the franchise, determined to take a very safe course by proposing a reduction to £B, by which means they hoped to revive their popularity and satisfy the public demands. But it was quite obvious that as time went on, and as the Liberal party again became in a certain sense unpopular—the public demand, in a certain sense, too, would revive, and it would be necessary to take another step, and reduce the amount from £8 to £6 ; and so on for years—perhaps a generation or more- We should thus have had before us the question of the most importance in the State, and the one which of all others should be treated with the greatest reserve—namely, the question of the distribution of power—being brought forward at long periods, when the necessity of things required it, but becoming the staple of English politics, leading to constant agitation upon the topic of which of all others it is to the interest of the country that there should be the least agitation, and keeping all men's minds unsettled. . . . We opposed a small measnre, because it would lead, in our opinion, to no solution, for the country demanded a settle ment, and it was necessary that it should be settled upon lasting principles." Mr. Disraeli then proceeded to ask where all the prophecies of disaster and failure which were uttered at the passing of Reform, were now. What had become of them ? Then he went on to ask where Mr. Bright's " residuum " was, and what it had done so bad. A voice in the crowd called out, asking when Mr. Bright had spoken of a residuum. " Why," Mr. Disraeli replied, amidst roars of laughter, " a person who takes so eminent a part in public affairs as you are doing at present ought to know when. Before you take that leading part which you do in our affairs here, you ought to be acquainted with the most memorable incidents and most celebrated sayings of public men. I don't come here to educate you. I came here to thank the electors of the county of Buck ingham for the great and distinguished honour which they have conferred upon me." In concluding with Reform, the right hon. gentleman said that the people, being proud of the monarchy, " which, though limited, is a real monarchy," being proud of their Parliaments—of the laws, &c., would exercise, and have exercised, their franchise in a becoming manner. The expenditure of the country was next defended, which, he said, may be thus summed up : " The people require education, a soldiery well armed and paid, a good navy, and a Government well administered. There is no body of men so interested in economy as the existing Ministry, of whatever party they may be formed, in this country. The popularity of a Minis try must greatly depend upon the circumstance whether it is in their power to relieve the country from taxation, and, therefore, there is no body of men more interested in economy in the administration of the affairs of the country than the Ministry, and there is no department in the ptate more anxious for economy than the department of which, by the favour of her Majesty, I have the honour to be the head. What the people of this country are entitled to is an economical Government—a cheap Govern ment in the nature of things they cannot have. We have created in this island an immense popula tion, educated and elevated with all those aspirations of freemen that the people of an ancient and famous country will possess, and an expenditure necessary for their education and for giving them that skill in their industry that will enable them to compete successfully with other nations is among the requirements which the body of the nation will demand to be satisfied. Therefore you cannot have a cheap Government; but what you have a right to look for, and what I trust you really do possess, is an economical Government. But between an eco nomical Government and a cheap Government there is a great difference ; and what you ought to insist ilpon is economy, and not upon thoughtless cheapness, which may deprive you of many means which are necessary to the elevation, the comfort, and the convenience of the great body of the people. When the present Adminis tration first acceded to office, two years and a half ago, there had been a collapse of credit in this country, such as probably never occurred before. That collapse of credit greatly and most injuriously affected the revenue of this country, but I have never heard anybody say—and a great deal has been said during the past fortnight, without much regard to the precision of statement, that her Majesty's Government were answer able for that collapse of credit, or for the diminution of revenue consequent upon it. But you must recollect this—that with the collapse of credit and with a deficient revenue, although we have had claims upon us which are unusual, there has been no increase of taxation. You have had one tax for a special object for a limited period ; but is there anyman, of any party or any class in England, who for a moment regrets or disapproves the temporary increase of the income tax in order to secure the march to Magdala? With that exception, you have had no increase of taxation. I think the diminution of the revenue has now ceased, and that we have now seen the worst of those times. I wish, upon the question of expenditure, to compress my observations into this sentence—that I am in favour of an economical Government, but that I cannot pretend to secure a cheap Government for the country, and that a cheap Government can only be attained by endangering the country, and by depriving the great body of the people of an expenditure really incurred in order to elevate them and to improve their condition." In the midst of this argument Mr. Disraeli referred to the subject of education. He noted that her Majesty's Government had not forgotten this subject in the last session. " Her Majesty's Government, notwithstanding the engrossing interest of Reform, brought in a bill which, if it had been passed, would have considerably advanced the popular education of this country. I think that is a subject which ought to engage without loss of time the attention of Parliament ; but it is absolutely necessary we should proceed with great caution. We proposed that a Ministerfor Education should be appointed, who should give his undivided attention to the subject. I believe that if Par liament had acceded, or should Parliament ultimately accede to that proposition, great advantage must result to the cause in which we are all interested. When that Minister is appointed it will be in his power to obtain the most authentic and complete details upon the subject, and where he finds that there is a deficiency in the education of the people in any part of the country—and we know that there are parts where such a deficiency does exist—it will be his duty to propose such measures as he may think adequate to the occasion. And in my opinion these measures should not be inconsiderable. I would even go so far myself as tosay that power should be given to localities, if they wish to do so, to assess themselves in order to increase the educational opportunities of the commnity to which they belong. But I am convinced that any attempt to establish compulsory education, or compulsory rating for educational purposes, would be a failure, and would not be agreeable to the great body of the people. I think that a proposal to do do so would be open to this dilemma, that if the great body of the people are resolved that popular education shall be extended there is no necessity for compulsory rating, but if, on the contrary, they are not prepared for that, compulsory rating will be a source of great discontent and dissatisfaction." Mr. Disraeli also declared that law reformers were wanted, and local taxation required revision. Foreign affairs, of course, came in as a prominent subject, but Mr. Disraeli did not make any very long reference to it. He remarked, however, that the Liberals were taken with a kind of hysterical feeling whenever foreign affairs were mentioned by him. "They have always said, `Don't talk of your management of foreign affairs ; it is admirable, only it is ours.' lam well satisfied if they will agree that we have conducted the business of the country for two years and a half perfectly to their satisfaction ; but I must say in vindication of the observations I have made, that our foreign relations are now highly satisfactory, and that I do not consider the state of affairs when we acceded to office really deserved that epithet. I wish to say that :I make no charge whatever against Lord Clarendon. When we acceded to office Lord Clarendon had only held his office for a few months, and he had no opportunity of setting the ship right. lam told that, although our conduct of foreign affairs is unimpugnable, still we are not entitled to any credit for it. All I can say is that when we acceded to office, in 1866, our relations with all the Great Powers of Europe, though they were nip f tieut phOltsfYLlßLUlfiiiiitisiatiggslynot were viewed with suspicion and distrust, and that sruspi -Hon and distrust was occasioned by the mismanagement of our affairs by Lord Russell, in the cases of Denmark, of Germany, and of Russia. By the line which he took with reference to Denmark, to Germany, and to Poland he estranged this country—it required great skill to do it, but he did do it—he estranged this country at one and the same time from France, from Germany, and from Russia. Our relations with those countries now, and with all countries, are not relations of estrangement, but of con fidence. I maintain that this is something to have done." Mr. Disraeli here explained that the non-interference such as he advocated did not mean unsympathising. The Government had the greatest interest in the affairs of Europe. England had successfully stepped in between France and Prussia in the Luxemburg affair, and had pro cured peace. He also claimed credit for the successful carrying out of the Abyssinian expedition. In the nego tiations with the United States, too, they had been suc 'cessful. When they acceded to office their relations with that country were relations of great difficulty and vreat danger, and it was impossible for the most sanguine to examine them without apprehension. "What are our pre sentrelations with the United Statesof America? We know very well that there is more than a prospect of our coming to a settlement with the United States, a most favourable and friendly settlement, not merely of the difficulties and dissensions which arose out of the great civil war in that country, but of all those difficulties and disagreements arising out of circumstances that occurred fifteen or twenty years ago. I say, then, these are acts which a Government need not be ashamed of. I say, gentlemen, with great respect, whether you look to our European policy, to the disastrous position in which we found ourselves with re gard to Africa, or to our existing relations with the United States of America, there is not a point of simi larity between the condition of your foreign affairs as admi nistered by the present Government under Lord Stanley, and the state in which we inherited them from our predecessors three years ago." The Premier closed his speech by a reference to Ireland. He reiterated the com plaint put forth in his address, that instead of—after the Reform Bill had been passed—being allowed to wind up the Parliament in peace, Mr. Gladstone, for the purpose of uniting his party, brought forward the Irish Church resolutions. Mr. Disraeli then described the state of Ireland twenty-five years ago. "Twenty-five years ago the condition of Ireland was deplorable. It was this. There were more inhabitants upon a square mile in Ireland—not only more than in any Euporean country, but in any Asiatic country, except, I believe, China. Well, this immense population sustained itself mainly by sticking by a single root, and that of a very precarious nature, and therefore they were, as a population, as miserable as millions herding together could be. They were scarcely clothed, their dwellings were not fit for the lower animals. It is not at all wonder ful that a people in such a state should be a discontented people. Had they not everything to make them miserable—no clothing, no shelter, and insufficient food? In such circumstances men would be discontented with any form of government, although it would not be the least responsible for the economic condition in which they found themselves. But what is the condition of Ireland now? A greater power than man produced an effect upon the condition of Ireland. That happened in Ireland which was infinitely greater in its effects than any political or social revolution which has occurred in any country in the world. The population of Ireland became reduced. The people have better raiment, they have better dwellings, and are better fed. ("Three cheers for the famine I') Well, well, you have given three cheers for things before this that have not done so much good as the famine. Well, if that be the case, if we find that a country has made this progress —if we find that that was occurring in Ireland which was most necessary for her complete redemption, namely, the entrance of British capital to a great extent -if we find such a state of circumstances, how can we say with justice that the condition of Ireland—which economically is a condition of immense importance—can justify a violent political measure such as was brought forward at the end of the session of an expiring Parliament ?" Mr. Disraeli went on to ascribe Fenianism to Irish-Ameri can adventurers, and declared that the Irish Church dis establishment was wrong in every way, and not calculated to diminish the evil. It was calculated rather to diminish the security of property, to increase the discontent and religious animosity, and to stir up efforts for the propaga tion of religious faith, from which, he thought, they were entirely free. " Therefore, I see before me a future of religious discord—a future of social disquietude and dis turbance. Any violent dealing with the religious settle ment of this country that has established the supremacy of the Queen will ensue in consequences which we must look upon with apprehension, and which many of us will live to deplore." Mr. Disraeli concluded as follows :—" No one knows better than myself that in the course of an agitated and now, I am sorry to say, a long political career, I have done many things which I regret, and said some things which I deplore; but a man's career must be judged by its whole tenour and character ; and I can say this of myself with the utmost sincerity, that I have always studied to maintain the greatness of my count: y ; that I have never had any thought of a base and sinister character of self-interest; and there is no reward which I more desire and which I more prize than the good opinion of my countrymen, in whatever political party they may be ranged." SUNDAY EVENINGS FOR THE PEOPLE. The Lord Justice of the Common Pleas has given judgment in the case of Baxter v. Langley, in which the plaintiff sought to condemn the Sunday evenings for the people, which have been carried on during the winter in London, but which were stopped on the ground that they infringed an old act. The Lord Chief Justice said the case stated that a number of gentlemen in Dec., 1866, formed an association for the diffusion of religious feeling, by the edu. cation and instruction of all persons who should join their association or attend their services, and the defendant was the president of the association. The association called themselves "Recreative Religionists ;" but it was so planned that the meaning of the phrase was not recreation in the ordinary sense, but that what was intended was a new form of religion by which it was hoped to interest the people at large in religious services. The object of the promoters of the association was not pecu nairy gain, as it was carried on at a pecuniary loss to the parties. The two litigants presented themselves before the court under circumstances that entitled them to great respect. The plaintiff was attempting to stop by this action what he deemed the desecration of the Lord's day, and, on the other hand, the defendant was spending his time and his money for what he considered the public benefit. They had now to consider whether St. Illartiu l s-hall, when so used,was a disorderly house, or whet her the services conducted there werepublic "entertainments or amusements" within the meaning of the statute. It was not easy nor necessary to define exactly the meaning of "entertainment," but per haps the two words "entertainment" and "amusement" reflected light upon each other. The subsequent statute about disorderly houses referred to houses having unlicensed music, dancing, or other enter tainment of the like kind. It was not necessary to say whether mere amusemernents would be within the statute or whether a lecture upon the higher branches of mathe matics would be "entertainment." The court at all events thought that religious services were not within the statute ; and it was not necessary that such ser vices should be connected with the religion of the State, or in accordance with it. Some stress was laid upon the fact that the principal attraction at the hall was the music, but if they were to decide for the plaintiff npon the ground that it might perhaps have a more extensive application than he contemplated. There was none but sacred music performed ; the discourses were in tended to be instructive, and the objects of the promoters of the association were to advance their own views of religion, and, as they said, to make science the handmaid of religion, and not to promote an "entertainment or amusement" wiqiin the meaning of the statute. The fact that though while the doors were open free, there was payment fur re served seats, would not deprive the defendant of the protec tion of the Toleration Act. The court were fully sensible of the:inestimable value of the statutes for the prevention of the desecration of the Lord's day, but they would unduly stretch a penal enactment if they applied the statute of Geo. 111. to the case now under consideration. Judgment was therefore for the defendant. The following are the days and places fixed for bolding the following Circuits, viz. :—" Mr. Justice Byles— Warwick, Novembor 23; Derby, December, 3 ; Lincoln, December 9 ; Leicester, December 15 ; Northamp ton, December, 18. Mr. Baron Channel Winchester, December 4; Taunton, Decembor 11; Maidstone, De cember 17 ; Sussex, December 2?. Mr. Justice Lush and Mr. Justice Hayes— Chester, December 2 ; Manchester, December 7; Liverpool, December 13. At Chester Mr. Justice Lush will bo the only judp. Mr. Justico Brett— Durham, December 5; Newcastle, December 10; York, December 12 ; Leeds, December Personation does not appear to have altogether become an extinct crime. A porter, named Laurence Kenny, has been brought up before Mr. Castellan, at the Liver pool Police Court, on a charge of having attempted to personate a voter named Mullin, at the Scotland-road polling booth, where he tendered a vote in that name for Massey and Rathbone, the Liberal candidates, and was at once given into custody. In answer to the magistrates, the prisoner, who seemed to be a very " soft" sort of follow, said that ho was going to his work in the morning, when his wifo told him that Mullin was out of town, and that he had better go and vote for him, and he did so. The prisoner, at the re quest of the prosecution, was remanded and ordered p find suatitastZLl. T.HE SUN, SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Timcs thinki the close of Mr. 'Si:ie .- eel to his constituents on being re-elected was conceived in a serious and even solemn spirit not unbecoming the occa- sion, and truly characteristic, as we believe, of the better nature of a Minister of whom it may be said that none but himself can be his parallel in English history. Mr. Disraeli feels that the verdict of the nation has gone against the Administration ; his words are words of abdi cation. Mr. Disraeli does not redeem the character of his Government for thriftiness, and he is equally unsuc cessful in his oft-renewed attempt to claim exclusive credit for the conduct of foreign affairs. It it were true, as Mr. Disraeli now suggests, that the state of our foreign affairs in 186 G was due to the personal influence of Lord Russell alone, the argument would be worthless as a reason for retaining the present Ministry in office, unless the alternative were that Lord Russell must again obtain complete control over our foreign relations. The moment Mr. Disraeli confesses, as he now does by implication, that the management of the Foreign Office is not an art peculiar to Lord Stanley, his claim for support on account of it falls to the grtund. The Times declines to accept Mr. Disraeli's miserable diagnosis of the disease of the Irish nation. The wrongs we have remedied have been followed by a great improvement of the people, though it has not, rrhaps, been rapid enough for those who do not recognise how slow must be the advance of a nation ; if we pro ceed to redress the last traces of injustice, we may reasonably hope for a more rapid and constant progress. The contrast between Mr. Disraeli's speech in Bucking. hamshire and the speech delivered ten days since at the Mansion House marks the approach of another crisis in his mixed career. As he told the electors of Bucks, " a great deal has been said during the past fortnight without much regard to precision of statement," but he practically acknowledged that the time to be frank, to be simple, to be open had arrived. 'We hear no more of " tom-toms " and " arms of precision." We have instead an appeal to the sympathetic criticism and judgment of his contempo raries, and we make bold to say that, whatever be the issue of the coming month, the severest political condem nation of Mr. Disraeli the Minister will always be tempered by feelings of personal kindness towards the ma 1. The Telegraph remarks that no one can read that long harangue without admitting that Mr. Disraeli's thoughts are all in the past, and that his political future has, as regards the questions of the day, neither hopes, aims, nor policy. He dwells with painful minuteness on all that, his party has accomplished in administration during the period they have held office ; but he has not; an opinion to express on the conspicuous problems of the day. To him' the future is only an unintelligible void, whence in due time something may emerge, but which he cannot at present fathom. He does not, indeed, even seek to do so ; he retire:: from the effort, and abandons the task to others. Skilled in deciphering the present and its signs, the Premier has read the fate of himself and party at hundreds of polling - booths, and prepares to bow before the mandate of the British people. He announces no policy. The explanation is simple, Now that, for good or evil, the Imperial Parliament is all but constituted, nothing said at Aylesbury can do much to modify its elements ; yet, such as it is, the speech of Thursday challenges doubt and denial. If the English people had been at all disposed to hesitate in their verdict on the First Minister, such a speech must have decided them. They demand a politician who entertain clear convictions as to the needs of the time, and has the will to carry those convictions into fruitful action. They seek, in two words, a statesman and a policy for the future, and they have now learned that all which the hea4 of the Conservative party can offer is aimless criticism on, the measures of his opponents, bookish theories on tl4 origin of existing evils, and expressions of a vain hope that those ills may work out their own cure—if statesman ship will hut stand aloof, with hands folded and averted face. Mr. Disraeli makes, so far as the Daily News can judge * only one contribution to the settlement of the Irish quell tion. The Irish people rebel for the fun of the thing " The Irishman is a very imaginative being. He lives in an island with a damp climate, and contiguous to a melancholy ocean. With extraordinary talents, he has no variety of pursuits. Well, then, these men are discontented because they are not amused." If this be the real explanation of the matter, Mr. Disraeli is certainly a statesman qualified above all others to abate and remove Irish discontent ; for no one can deny him the faculty of being amusing. The theory that the whole Irish nation is suffering from nothing worse than ennui, and that it is bored by the material prosperity of which Mr. Disraeli describes the growth, does not promise much in favour of the industrial remedies at which he hints. The Prime Minister's view is briefly this, that the Irish people feels itself " blue moulded for want of a bating." This doctrine of governing by amusement originates, we fancy,rather in Mr. Disraeli's taste for imperialism than in any deep study of the Irish temperament. But it is very characteristic of the author. Mr. Disraeli's speech was generally a dull and common place one, and might have been made by Mr. Ward Hunt or Sir John Pakington, or any other of the heavy respectabilities of the Government, with perfect dramatic propriety. But this is of little moment. Mr. Disraeli sees that the end is coming, and he drapes his robes gracefully around him and falls with decorum and dignity. The indulgent interpretation he claims for the incidental errors of a long career will not be denied him by any generous opponent. We have not the slightest disposition to doubt that the good opinion of his countrymen has always been dearer to him than any sinister self-interest. It is to be regretted that he has so often mistaken the means by which alone that good opinion can be won and securely retained. The Standard says :—The importance, however, of the elections decided on Thursday lies, we must repeat, not in the personal changes made in the three or four seats gained by the Conservative party. Their significance is their further testimony to the Conservative sympathies of the great constituencies which really govern England, although their votes may apparently be neutralised by those of the small boroughs, in which the supporters of Mr. Gladstone have bribed and intimidated with so much success. We will not say that Mr. Gladstone may not have a majority of sixty in the new Parliament, although we have very good reason to believe that he will not, but if he has, what would it represent? The great commercialand industrial centres of England? Certainly not. Themass of the population or the electors? As certainly not. It will represent the small boroughs which he of late years has denounced as corrupt and stupid, which Mr. Bright insists should be disfranchised in the very next se& ion of Parliament. We do not envy him such a victory. We know well enough that, with a majority furnished by the small and the priest-ridden Irish constituencies, he will not dare to act with any energy or decision, and will soon be at loggerheads with his few honest supporters. The Government, on the other hand, whether it has a majority or not, will feel that it is supported by the country, and it will meet Parliament strong in the consciousness of the confidence of, the largest, wealthiest, and most intelligent constituencies. According to the Post, it is p'.ain that the country is, as it ever was, averse from piliCcal or social innovations. No one can fail to remark that a gr, a', Liberal majority has been returned with a Conservative end in view. Apprehensions respecting the English Church Establish ment have, perhaps, exercised some influence, but generally we believe that the views which have made the Liberal majority a real constitutional security have contributed to the Conservative gains. The circumstance that the majority against a professedly Conservative Government is a majority in favour of a truly Conservative policy explains itself. The country is prepared to support any Ministry, Liberal or Conservative, which consults its interests and inspires its confidence—that is to say, on the understanding that measures of improvement are to be practical measures, that progress shall be steady and safe, and that there is to , be no running off the line ; but a Ministry which is all things to all men, which makes expediency the rule of its conduct, and denies to argument what it concedes to agita tion, is neither Liberal nor Conservative, and, in its infirmity of purpose, a danger as well as a delusion. The Morning Summary notices that the Liberal papers, notwithstanding that their outrageous prophecies regard ing their own gains are by no means likely to be fulfilled, ontinue their strain of jubilant exultation. They each blow their own trumpets ; some sonorous and deep, others shrill and clear as penny whistles, with praiseworthy energy. Disappointments are cleverly kept in the back ;round, and nothing is done to dishearten their deluded followers in the counties that eventual success is certain and further failure impossib!c. Added to the sound of their own self-blown trumpets, we get a hammer lnd-tongs chorus from eethesiastic correspondents ; while the intricate mathematical calculations regarding the election returns, the artful contrivances for making the best of their case, and the unblushing impertinence of the advanced prophets, shew most clearly that the boastful confidence of a month past is by no means so sure as it then was. So that the grand and magnificent flourish of trumpets in which the Times and other Liberal papers have indulged may be found, after all, to .have been singularly premature and complete'y a mistake. Amid the thunder of the Cockney thunderer we hear the undignified brag of Mr. Gladstone in his lat2st speech. The thunder is only of the stage, stagey ; the brag, though grand and high-sounding, is premature and poor. The rioting at Newport has caused the death of a woman and her son, who were in the crowd when the mili- tary charged, and wore caught by bayonets. Another boy Li :rell iu tlie same way is not expected to Lye out the da7 LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, METROPOLITAN GOSSIP-2hursday. The Conservatives kept their word in contesting every metropolitan borough, but they had better have refrained from the attempt ; it only shewed how hopelessly they were in the minority in the majority of instances. In Westminster, as I warned your readers many weeks ago would be the case, Mr. Mill had a most formidable opponent, and, as it turned out, a victorious one. In the City also, as I predicted, the Conservatives won the minority seat ; but at one period of the day they had nearly won three seats,!and at five o'clock great was the rejoicing in the Conservative committee-room at the announcement that they had carried all their men. But the danger had been foreseen, and during the last hour of the polling the Liberals dropped Baron Rothschild, and concentrated all their votes upon their three other candi dates. As it was they carried three of them by the narrowest majority. The event shews that they ought to have dropped the Baron before going to the poll. He was their weakest candidate ; he was of no sort of use to them in the City generally, or in the House ; he did but represent a principle—the right of non-Christians to sit in the House—and that is represented by half a dozen other Jews. In the Tower Hamlets the contest was close only because there were five contending Liberals, but it was not until the official declaration of the poll that it was known if the second seat belonged to Coope, Samuda, or Beales. In all the other metropolitanboroughs, even in newly-enfranchised Chelsea, the Liberals have been returned by very large majorities, in spite of the great exertions of the clergy. The result of the elections, so far as London is concerned, is, that whereas it before returned sixteen Liberals and no Conservatives, it now returns nineteen Liberals and two Conservatives, two new seats having been given to Chelsea, two to Hackney, and one to London University. If Mr. Gladstone should secure his re-election in South Lancashire, it is probable that Mr. Mill will be asked to stand for Greenwich, or, failing him, Mr. Austin Bruce, who has been most unfairly treated at Merthyr. The strong Conservative feeling in Lancashire, of which I spoke some weeks ago, has been abundantly manifested this week, In Bolton the Liberals lost a seat ;in Black burn, Preston, and Clitheroe the Conservatives retained all six seats. They won the minority seat in Manchester, and almost a second ; and they won the new borough of Staleybridge. But the most extraordinary incidents are the winning of both seats at Salford, the defeat of Mr. Milner Gibson at Ashton, and the all but defeat of two Liberals at Oldham. These are events whose significance cannot be denied, nor explained away by a Liberal victory in Wigan or Warrington. They augur ill for the success of the Liberal candidates at the forthcoming county elections. If you ask the reason of this unicoked-for deposit of Conservatism in the lowest class, I answer that it is due to more than one cause. First and foremost, I ascribe it to the antipathy which exists between the English and the Irish operatives. Hence the fact that the principal measure now before the country is one for pleasing the Irish would in itself be sufficient to induce the English operatives to vote against it. This animosity has been heightened of late by the incendiary Murphy, who, while exciting race against race and causing much bloodshed, has been a valuable ally of the " Constitutional" party. In the next place, the operatives have very little love for their employers, and have not forgiven the opposition which was offered by the latter to the Ten Hours' Factory Bill. Thirdly, they still remember with gratitude the active part taken by Lord Derby during the cotton famine, when men like Mr. Bright held aloof from the Relief organisation. These circumstances together have proved too much for the Liberal party in Lancashire, and hence a serious loss of seats amounting to a net loss of three, or to four, if we include the loss at Stockport, which place, though actually in Cheshire, is virtually a Lancashire borough. The episcopal appointments have caused very great dissatisfaction to the Conservative party, as was not unnatural. Both the bishops who get promotion owed their elevation to the bench, in the first place, to Liberal Premiers—the Bishop of Lincoln to Lord Aberdeen, the Bishop of London to Lord Palmerston. This fact alone tells against them in the eyes of Tory Churchmen. But what vexes these most is that the Bishop of Oxford has not been promoted. They would have borne the elevation of Dr. Tait to the Primacy with equanimity, if Dr. Wilberforce had been translated to London. But now there is immense disgust, such as might have seriously influenced the Oxford election if Sir R. Palmer had gone to the poll, and which did influence many individual votes throughout the country. Another cause of disgust is that Mr. Disraeli kept the appoint ments a profound secret even from his own colleagues. It was known, indeed, on Sunday at Whitehall (where the Bishop of Peterborough was consecrated) that the Bishop of London had accepted the Primacy, but he did not know who his successor would be, and expressed the hope that it might be the Bishop of Oxford. On Monday morning the Standard, which has of late been exclusively favoured by the Government with ecclesiastical news, announced the three appointments, and this was the first information that even Mr. Hardy had of them. No doubt he would have remonstrated in behalf of his supporters at Oxford if he had been informed of the Premier's intentions. It was probably for that very reason that Mr. Disraeli kept them to himself. The truth is that he has had a most difficult part to play. The Queen was resolutely bent upon appointing Dean Stanley to the see of Canterbury, per saltunz. The Premier felt that this would be fatal to him, and that he must resist it at all risks. He was prepared to assent to the promotion of Bishop Tait, but beyond that he could not go. Then came the question of Bishop Tait's successor. Here he would gladly have fixed upon the Bishop of Oxford ; but had he done so, the Queen would have been just as urgent in her selection of Dean Stanley for that see as she had been for Canterbury. The result was, that Mr. Disraeli recommended a prelate who certainly had no claim to advancement, and whose promotion satisfies scarcely anybody. The Guardian, a conspicuously moderate paper, is, on the whole, satisfied, but the Church News says that the appointments will infallibly lead every Conservative clergyman to stand aloof at the elections. The High Church clergy have had no consideration paid to them, and no one can be surprised if they return Mr. Disraeli's compliment. The Hon. Colin Lindsay has denied that he has yet been received into the Church of Rome. I suspect that the denial is technical rather than real. It has long been known to members of the English Church Union that their. late president had serious thoughts of taking that steP, in which he had been preceded by his wife. The greatest pressure has been exerted by the leading members of the Union to prevent an act which would be a most serious blow to their society. Dr. Lee, of " Directorium Anglicanum " notoriety, and the editor of the Church News, has sent in his resignation as a member of the English Church Union. He declares that the Union " has created and brought into activity that most mischievous school of ecclesiastical politicians, the High Church Radicals," and that Radicalism, what ever its allies, will only swell the rank of Anglo-Romans on the one hand, and of unbelievers on the other. The same forcible writer calls Dean Stanley " the Broad Church Father Claret ;' " and yet the writer, who by insinuation compares Queen Victoria with Queen Isabella, is of such profound loyalty that he cannot associate with a Radical even on common ground. A large party of Africans are now staying at th Laugh= Hotel, who have come to England on a political mission from the Sultan of Zanzibar. When Seyed Said the late Sultan of Zanzibar and Muscat, died, he divided the provinces between his two sons, on the understanding that Zanzibar was to pay to Muscat such a sum as the Governor-General of India might award. This sum was fixed at 40,000 dollars annually, and it has hitherto been paid. Some time since the Sultan of Muscat was murdered by his own son, who now reigns in his stead, and the Sultan of Zanzibar has a con scientious objections to paying the subsidy to his paricidal nephew. With the view of obtaining relief he has sent a mission to England, in the expectation that Sir Stafford Northcote will relieve him of the payment. Whether Sir Stafford has the power or the inclination to interfere in the matter remains to be seen. So far the elections have prevented any progress in the business of the embassy. Although the elections must have cost the spending class little less than two millions sterling, I suppose that there is still some money going in London. The chief Regent-street fruiterer evidently believes that there is. His shop window is full of wonderful fruit—apples of splendid hue, pears of gigantic size. For the latter he asks the modest sum of 24 guineas a dozen. Two guineas for a single pear might make even the Marquis of Westminster or Lord 0 verstone hesitate before he took a bite. The Echo has not yet made its voice heard, although one would have thought that the projectors of a new journal would have launched their venture, especially an evening journal, in time for the elections. Machinery is being erected capable of turning out 80,000 copies in an hour. Mr. Arthur Arnold, who was one of the Govern ment Commissioners in Lancashire during the cotton famine, is to he the editor. The Censor, one of the humorous comic journals, has ceased to exist. Judy is more vigorous than ever, and has this week one of the cleverest cartoons ever drawn, and which quite bears out what I have already said as to Mr. Disraeli's supposed official longevity. Charles Dickens fits succeeds his father as editor of All the Year Round. Messrs. Bradbury and Evans have paid Victor Hugo £l,OOO for the right of trans lating his new novel, "By the King's Order ;" and they will publish it in Once a Week The article in the Edinburgh Review on the Papacy and the French Revolution is by Mr. William Stigand. The elections seem to interfere with literature, Very few new Woks are announced, Is;OVEM'f3ER 20, 1868. though we e close upon the great publishing season. Mess Blr .ckwood are publishing Lord Lytton's trans] ations from Horace. Messrs. Tinsley have ready E ssa) in Defence of Women." Messrs. Low and Marston w ill shortly Du Chaillu's new book of travels. Messrs. R ivingtons will publish " immediately" the post humous c barge of the late Archbishop of Canterbury. The annu. als will be numerous this year, though Mr. Dickens has decided to publish none. While the pro prietor of the Athenceum, Sir Wentworth Dike, has been defeate d at Wallingford, his son, the author of " Greater England," has defeated Dr. Russell, of the Times, at Chelsea ; and Mr. Eastwick, a contributor to the Athenceum, has won at Falmouth. Finally, the library of the late Lord C hancellor Cranworth is being sold to-day by Puttick %rid Simpson. i.FOREIGN NOTES. .3IEItICA. The sta' ;e of affairs in the South is the - great American question of -the day. Allowing a liberal discount to the reports w filch come from the late slaveholding States, enough s - abstantial horror remains to prove that the law in these districts is in abeyance, and that anarchy reigns supreme. There are COO United States soldiers in New Orleans, but they can do little or nothing. The residences and club-rooms of the Republicans are broken into and sacked, and the nightly average of murders is more than 2. score. The Governor of Louisiana is obliged to bide himself, and so are many others of the leading Republicans. General Reynolds, says the Nation, is to be rermoved from command in Texas, Mr. Johnson being dissatisfied with him for his attempts to suppress the horrors in that State. Arkansas has had a fight between fifty negroes and a party of white men, in which the former were defeated. In the same State six men were shot " far being Radicals." In Alabama a Radical meet ing was byoken up by the highly effective means of a well directed fire,. Judge Horton and two negroes were killed. Florida is said to be the only Southern State in which Northern men inu settle in security. _ _ _ - - The great prize-fight question is settled for some time. The two met and fought a little while, but the police inter fered to very good purpose, and captured both combatants. They were taken before a justice, and were ordered to give bonds in some £l,lOO for their appearance in January next. The money not being forthcoming, they were remanded to prison. Much dissatisfaction is said to prevail in Canada at the intended removal of the British troops. This feeling does not arise from fear at the Dominion being left partially undefended, but rather because the troops are a source of profit which the good neople of Canada do not like to part with. RUSSIA. The military conference, which has met at St. Peters- burg to consider the employment of explosive balls in war fare, has held its last sitting. A protocol designed to serve as the basis of an international treaty has been signed. GERMANY. The two representatives of North Schleswig are causing the Prussian Government some little trouble. Their election had previously been declared void because they would not take the constitutional oath ; but their con stituents returned them again. As their first decision has been approved by the inhabitants of the districts which they represent, they now again claim the privilege of sitting without taking the oath, but this has not been allowed. They have been invited to appear before a commission specially charged to receive and consider their formal declaration respecting the oath. Very mild treat ment this, for Prussia. SWITZERLAND. An interesting agitation is now being carried on in some of the Swiss cantons in favour of a further infusion of democracy into the constitution. This movement aims at pure and simple government of the people by the people, through the communal assemblies. Universal suffrage is already part of the constitution which was established in 1848, but it is now sought to make its application more direct and general. The corn. munal assemblies, which have hitherto managed all local affairs, now seek to meddle in matters hitherto reserved to the central executive. They also aim at supplanting the body or committee which is now elected to draw up the law. Some of the most liberal of the Swiss public men have opposed this movement, fearing that too much local influence may prove an obstacle to progress, but their exertions have not availed much. THE I , TIMES" ON THE SETTLEMENT OF THE AMERICAN QUESTIONS IN DISPUTE. ( From the Anglo-American Times.) We seldom transfer to our columns articles from English newspapers, but we must insert the following from the Times, although our readers may have been surfeited with it before they see it here. Our rea son for quoting so little from our contemporaries in London, is that most of our readers have the oppor tunity of seeing such papers as the 7 bites, and our object is to give them news they cannot readily get elsewhere : The public will learn with much satisfaction from the speech of Mr. Reverdy Johnson at the Guildhall that the questions in dispute between England and the United States of America have been so far settled that they can no longer disturb the relations of the two countries. After long and earnest negotiation, though carried on in a very friendly spirit, certain principles have been agreed upon, and a machinery has been provided by which the ques tions at issue may be fairly decided, each party stipulating to submit to the award. It has been before stated that three separate matters form the subject of discussion be tween the two Governments, the most important being the liability of Great Britain to make good the damage in flicted on American commerce by the Alabama; and the other two being the question of naturalization and the old San Juan difficulty, which, though looked upon as serious enough before the war, has of late years been almost forgotten. It has now been de termined to remove at once all cause of dissension by a general examination and settlement of the claims on either side. For this purpose it has been agreed between the two Governments that a commission shall be appointed, consisting of four members, two be named by . each Government, with the power to choose a fifth person as President or Umpire. To this Commission will bo e ferred whatever questions have arisen since the year 1853. This date has not been arbitrarily selected, since up to the year mentioned the questions in dispute between the two countries had been disposed of by a similar machinery. The Commission will not have any lack of work, since there are not only claims against us on the part of Ame ricans, but claims against the United States on the part of British subjects on matters arising out of alleged invasions of the rights of neutrals and damage done to neutral property during the war. But with respect to the Alabama there is an important political question, on which it is desirable to have the decision of an authority higher even than that of such a Commission. The liability of the British Government for the lossesinflicted by this vessel andher consorts is a matter to be judged by the principles of international law, and it has been thought that the decision of an independent arbitrator will be more satisfactory than that of a Commission, which would possibly decide only by a casting vote. It has, therefore, been agreed that this primary question of the liability of Great Britain shall be referred to a European Sovereign of the first class. The Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Russia were both inadmissible, inas much as each might be represented as having acted some what as a partisan during the war. But there is another Sovereign of the highest rank to whom no such objection applies—one whose character inspires the highest respect on both sides of the ocean. To this monarch, and to the able lawyers whose advice he will command, will be sub mitted the question whether Great Britain, under the cir cumstances of the escape of the Alabama, is liable for the depredations which she committed. Should the decision be in our favour, the claims drop to the ground ; should it be against us, the Commission we have mentioned will re ceive the statements of the parties aggrieved, and proceed to examine each case in detail. It will thus be seen that the claims arising out of the late war are now taken out of the sphere of political controversy, and placed in the way of a definite legal decision. Subsidiary to the Alabama claims was the grievance of the American Government arising out of the recognition by England of the Southern Con federacy as a belligerent. Cur Government has throughout denied that any injury was inflicted on the United States by this act, which was not only within the sovereign power of the British Crown, but was, it is contended on our side, absolutely necessary for the defence of our inte rests at sea. Our readers have read enough on this inter minable subject, and will probably be of opinion that, though interesting as an abstract question, it has little relevance to any matter which is now practically in dispute. Such has been the view of the British Govern ment, and we are glad to learn that the United States so far acquiesce in this opinion that it has been agreed not to press the question of the recognition of the Confederacy. The Government of the United States maintains its opinion that it was treated with discourtesy and injustice, and we maintain the contrary. There the matter rests, the correspondence is not withdrawn, but nothing more will be urged on either side. Thus end the controversies which grow out of the war, and we sincerely congratulate Lord Stanley on the success with which he has dealt with them. Although they might not have led to war, although Great Britain is strong enough to maintain her own construction of facts and law, yet it cannot be doubted that the injuries inflicted through the alleged negligence of the British Government had created a very bitter feeling in America which it would have been injudicious, as well as unfriendly, to ignore. The late Government was, unfortunately, too much concerned with the origin of the dispute, and had used too decided a tone respecting it, to be able to carry on negotiations with advantage. The present Foreign Secretary has successfully availed himself of his more fortunate position. Shortly after his accession to office 1 negotiations began on On subject, and, 04120, these were at first unable to overcame the obstacles::whi4 rose on either side, yet the Minister has the satis faction of finding that his endeavours have at last prevailed. Without making any concession which the country might disapprove, ho has taken these trouble some questions out of the sphere of debate, and engaged both parties to consider them purely in their legal aspect. Whether the American Government be right or wrong, it will have justice done to it by competent judges, and will be unable any longer to accuse us of denying its rights. The second matter in dispute between the two Govern ments related to the denationalization of British emigrants who might become citizens of the United States. In one or two cases among the Irish trials there was just the shadow of a ground for alleging that England tried and punished men who had become American citizens for acts done in America. The outcry on the subject has, how ever, died away since the real nature of the convictions is understood. Yet the incidents have called attention to the fact that the law of naturalization and allegi ance, as it prevails in this country, is antiquated, and not in accordance with the requirements of a time when great masses of people are transferring themselves from one part of the globe and one political community to another. We believe that a protocol has beau signed which will form the basis of more reasonable legislation. There remains tire San Juan dispute, which nine years ago almost brought the distant forces of the two countries into armed conflict. Our interest in so remote a part of the world has much lessened since then, and wo are con scious that a time is approaching when all the rights and duties connected with it will be transferred to the Confe deration which has been established under the supremacy of the Crown, but with all except nominal independence. Yet it was desirable to bring the dispute to a close, and the means suggested seem fitting enough. It is, we be lieve, the suggestion of the United States Government that the subject should be submitted to the arbitration of the President of the Swiss Confederation. As the arbitra tor on the larger question is to be a King, we see no ob jection to accepting for the' smaller a respectable Re publican magistrate, and shall be quite prepared to accept his decision. One or two inaccuracies have been attributed to the above article. It is asserted that the Times is incorrect in stating that the United States will not press the question of the right of England to recog nize the Confederacy as belligerents, as the point has not been given up at Washington, though the American Minister has withdrawn that question for specific reference to arbitration. The arbitrator will have the whole correspondence between the Governments submitted to him, and on that he will decide. The Times has narrowed the arbitrator to a European sovereign, but that is by no means the case, as the words are, some sovereign or head of a friendly State, in proof of which we quote Art. 4 of the Treaty, which was signed last Wednesday : "The Commissioners shall have power to adjudicate upon the class of claims referred to in the official correspondence between the two Governments as the Alabama claims, but before any of such claims are taken into consideration by them, the two high contracting parties shall fix upon some sovereign or head of a friendly State as an arbitrator in respect of such claims, to whom such class of claims shall be referred, in case the Commissioners shall be un able to come to an unanimous decision upon the same." REPRESEN7ATION OF MID DLESEX. Mr. Labouchere addressed two meetings of elec tors, one at Edgware and the other at Finchley The meeting at the latter place was held at the. Park-road Hotel, and was largely attended. The Rev. T. Hill took the chair. Mr. LABOUCHERE, who was loudly cheered, said there was no measure for which he should vote with a stronger conviction that he was doing right than Mr. Gladstone's proposal to disestablish the Irish Church. It was a measure which would be an act of justice to Ireland, an advantage to the whole empire, and a benefit to the Protestant religion. (Cbeers.) The State had no right to impose upon a people a religion in which that people did not be lieve; and though he did not contend that disaffec tion in Ireland, which was England's chief weak ness, would cease when the Church was disestab lished, yet he held with Mr. Fox where there was disaffection you must remove the grievance, and the disaffection will cease. (Cheers.) With re gard to the disposition of the money now enjoyed by the Irish Church, he asked that before he was called on to agree with, or differ from, the policy of a party, that party should state what its policy was. So far Mr. Gladstone had stated his policy, and Mr. Disraeli had not ; and he agreed with the policy of Mr. Gladstone. (Cheers.) Clergymen who cried out against that policy seemed to forget that they were the clergy of the whole empire. They would do well to look at the faults of the Church of Eng land, and remove the causes which were sending perverts to Rome perpetually. (Cheers.) The title of the Established Church to exist in England was the will of the majority—(cheers)—and if the Irish Church had any such title it would not be in terfered with. (Hear, hear.) Referring to the question of economy, he contended the Conservative Government was more expensive than the Liberal Government. He called attention to the fact that 28,000 men were kept in Ireland to repress disaffec tion ; and he said, if the country followed Mr. Gladstone's policy, they would remove the disaffec tion, and it would be no longer necessary to keep such an army there, or to spend the money the Government was now expending upon the army so maintained. (Hear, hear.) He objected to the whole system of finance now existing ; and he advocated the proposal of Mr. Bright, which was once brought before the House of Commons by Mr. White, the member for Brighton, that ques tions of expenditure and the estimates should be submitted to a select committee of the house. (Hear, hear.) He was in favour of compulsory education as an economical measure, which would save ex penditure in workhouses and gaols. (Cheers.) He spoke in favour of Mr. Locke King's measure, in reference to the disposal of the real property of in testates, and of the ballot. Ele thought the ballot an absolute necessity, though Liberals differed on the subject, and even Mr. Mill was opposed to it. He was sorry Mr. Mill had lost his seat for West minster, because he was very much of the opinion of a working man he had heard say in front of the hustings at Westminster, " All the Smiths in the world don't know as much in their whole bodies as Mill knows in his little finger." (Laughter and cheers.) There was a good deal of intimidation even in Middlesex; and he preferred that a man should vote secretly, in accordance with his own opi nions, rather than publicly in accordance with other people's opinions. (Loud cheers.) He was in favour of the equalisation of poor rates—(loud cheers)—and, with regard to Reform, he thought that the redistribution of seats must go much fur ther—(hear, hear)—and that the personal payment of rates must be done away with. (Loud cheers.) He reminded the meeting that all that was left of the Reform Bill as it was brought in by Mr. Disraeli was the simple word " Whereas—(loud laughter)—as Mr. Childers had told the country already. He thought Middlesex wanted a change in its system of magistracy. (Cheers) The deci sions of the unpaid magistrates (who in Middlesex were a mere nest of malignant Tories) were not satisfactory, and their system of licensing was a system of favouritism. (Loud laughter and cheers.) The police system of the county called for much improvement, as he pointed out in detail. (Cheers.) In answer to questions, he said he thought the whole question of police management ought to be brought before a committee of the House of Commons. He would not advocate a reference of the licenses of beerhouses to the unpaid magistracy, and he was not in favour of the Permissive Bill. (Hear.) Mr. JAQUES proposed, and Mr. ROBERTSON se conded, a vote of confidence in Mr. Labouchere ; and the resolution was carried with one dissentient. Mr. 14.1.BOUCIIERE, in reply, referred to the pro posal of the Conservatives to put up Sir John Kars lake as the second Conservative candidate for the county. (Laughter.) He had no objection to a fair stand-up fight between the two parties ; but it was monstrous that the Carlton Club should look on Middlesex as though it were a nice little rotten borough which would return any law officer who had lost his seat elsewhere—(hear, hear)—espe cially in the present case, when it would not matter much to Mr. Disraeli if, for the rest of his term of office, he should be without law officers in the House of Commons. (Loud laughter and cheers.) The candidate answered some other questions ; and a vote of thanks to the chairman brought the .hmeeeting to a close. After the meeting it was ex plained by a member of the local committee that arrangements had been made by which the cen tral committee would be able to secure the con veyance to the poll of voters communicating with them. Lord George Hamilton addressed a meeting of his friends and supporters at Mr. Bird's Room, Crouch-end, Hornsey, yesterday, at 5 o'clock. Mr. Wm. BIRD presided, and expressed a hope that the chivalry which his lordship had displayed in coming forward to contest a county which had been so long misrepresented in Parliament would gain him a host of friends, and that his youth, and determin ttion would disarm all his enemies. Lord GEORGE HAMILTON explained the reasons which had induced him to present himself before the electors, and said he would not have ventured to assume the position of a candidate for the repre sentation of such a constituency, had he not been assured that unless he came forward no one e lse would. He then adverted to the present crisis, and said he objected both to the manner in which Mr. G 1 idstone's proposition with regard to the Irish Church had been submittrsd to the House of Counnons, and to the principles it embodied, lie maintained that he was fully justified in using the word "abruptly" in the paragraph of his address describing the introduction of- the resolutions, and denied that the threatened action of the Opposition could be fairly said to apply only to the Irish Church, because, until the Act of Union was repealed, the Church of England and Ireland was indissoluble. (Applause.) Endowments had been enjoyed by the Protestants in Ireland for three hundred years, and they were secured by the Act of Union, the Act of Settlement, and the Coronation Oath. The Protestants of Ireland had never done any thing to forfeit these endowments. It would be manifestly unjust to suddenly deprive them of what they had enjoyed so long ; and fur ther, if the proposition were carried out, it would materially affect the rights of property, But, besides the plea of justice which was urged in defence of this attack upon the Church, there was the other argument of conciliation. But he contended that no one had a right to say that the Roman Catholic laity of Ireland felt very strongly on this question. (Hear, hear.) He admitted that the Roman Catholic hierarchy—the priests—did feel strongly in the matter ; but they had an equal hate to the Church in England, and the overthrow of the Irish Church would not content them. (Ap plause.) Was Rome ever yet content with religious equality ? (Hear, hear.) What she required was supremacy, and therefore this measure would only tend to give political power and aggrandisement to the Church of Rome. (Applause.) The real ques tion to be considered was that of the land tenure- - (hear, hear)—and it was a pity that the very good measure brought into Parliament to amend the lay/ was " squashed "by the Opposition. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was of material importance that the present pernicious system of agitation in Ire land, conducted by interested men, should cease: for, so long as it continued, men would not invest money in improvements ; and until the country was more settled and became richer, emigration, which was draining the land of its best population, must continue. (Applause.) If people could be induced to turn their attention to the real wants of Ireland , he would feel that happier days were in store for that country, and that she might yet become the home of a contented people. Speaking of publi c expenditure, his lordship said he would not deaf that the Government had exceeded the estimates ; but that was the fault of those who had built forts without supplying them with guns. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He did not view with favour the proposal of compulsory education. (Hear, hear) To the poor man it was not merely a question of whether he wished his child to be educated, but also of whether he could afford to dispense ,with the money which the child might earn. (Hear, hear : ) But he would support any measure to give addl.' tional grants to aid the voluntary system. (AP plause.) lie considered that the amendment ::)f the poor law effected by Mr. Hardy was a step 11 : 1 the right direction ; and, although he knew he differed from some of his supporters, he could not think that the present system of I docal taxation is the metropolis was right. In the Eastern parishes it often happened that a large number of workmen were thrown out of work, and then the rest of the inhabitants, who from the very same causes w hich had deprived the others of employment were pro" bably working at reduced wages, had to suppor t them ; while in the next parish, or the next but one, inhabited by well-to•do-people, the rates were very low. (Hear, hear.) Therefore he should approve of any measure which would tend to a more equal levying of rates.—(Applaus e and a Voice—" Equalisation, sir." Laughter.) The present Government had conscientious l y endeavoured to do their duty to the country Some persons said they had not passed the Reforte Bill ; but, anyhow, they assisted to pass it—(aP plause and laughter)—and they had done more ° ameliorate the condition of the poor than had been accomplished in the previous thirty years. (AP" plause.) The present Government inherited 1 : legacy in the shape of the Abyssinian war ; but it was turned, as he dared to say it would be—(N ° .l no) —he could not tell—(laughter)—the legacy 1 would leave would be the amicable adjustment 0f the Alabama claims. (Cheers.) [A Voice : about the ballot?] (Laughter.) He did not ar • prove of the ballot-box being introduced in E ug" land. It was contrary to the nature of Englis h " men to wish to use a public trust in a private ma °.. ner. (Hear, hear.) The sole advantage of til e . ballot was said to be that it would prevent bribery' but anybody who had been in America—and he had spent some time there—would tell them that the system carried on there would astonish the mo s t corrupt borough in England. (Applause.) A grO victory had been achieved in Westminster, and 11 , e 0 hoped they would achieve as great a victory I Middlesex. (Cheers.) On the motion of Mr. T. SMITH, seconded by l‘l t ' ATTENBOROUGH, a resolution approving of the 0 3 : 0 didature of the noble lord was agreed to, and meeting separated. His Lordship addressed a second meeting 80 Tottenham, and a third at Wood-green, later in evening. [ADVERTISEMENT.] -Holloway's Ointment and pill With the advent of the inclemencies of winter many fictions will arise unless effective means for proventit , ‘ checking their course be adopted. No lingering cogvp, hoarseness, nor shortness of breath on slight ()sortie,. should be permitted to continue a single day without Ic 4 o o sures being taken for their removal, more ospecially remedial means are safe, rapid, and effective—these 4.1 1 5 e ties are displayed in a high degree by Holloway's prer i d tions. The ointment rubbed upon the skin draws surp l lef blood from congested structures, and gives immense I.° A (l to every oppressed organ concerned in the respiration: id the circulation. This wholesome effect externally, t i by the alterative action of the pills internally, dispe' danger from latent miscillef. Births. ha o BEARD—On the 19th inst., at Langdale-road, Pecß - o f the wife of 11. GJodlake Beard, of the India Office , son. "et'' PYM—On the 17th inst., at 26, Phillimore-gardens , slngton, the wife of Captain H. Pym, R.N., of a o ' l. o o RILEY—On the 18th inst., at Elm House, Wiafield, wife of Major Riley, of a daughter. Marriager. DYER —CARR—On the 19th inst., et Christ Church , 00 caster-gate, Frederick C. S. Dyer, Esq., late Ca.,P t "„ .o ce ° Regt., third son of Sir Thomas i'yer, Bart., to Xl.'"oarrt Margaret, only daughter of the late Sir Willi In 0 ' Kut., Chief Justice of Ceylon. leO P' POTTER—BAni—On the 17th inst., at Edinburgh, A 0 .1 4 1 ' der Potter, of Upper Westbourne-terrace, Erie:ter f ) and Lloyd's, London, to Christian, youngest daag' . William Bain, Esq., banker. Deaths. COO ' CAMERON—On the 17th inst., at Seymour-stre e o oo naught-square, Major-General T. M. Cameron, 1 "' to Army. CHAPMAN—On the 18th inst., at Turner's-hill, Ches t 0 John F. Chapman, Esq., aged 86. Gros ir°' CHENEY - On the 17th inst., at 93, Mount-stree t, nor-square, Mr. John Cheney, aged 76. , 4 10 ' CHARETTIE —On the 18th inst., at 11, Ifornton-street, sington, Captain John Charettie, aged 81. WI" of WITTEN—On the 18th inst., at Richmond, Jameo °bog for nearly 40 years a member of the Stock I-74 aged 62. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM 0 9 ,2:, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tae SUN 01c.t,, Strand, in the Precinct of the Se voy, in the 021' NoTomber 20, 1808. Thh Prize Obs( hares ADP/ hold ►ble v Form oons anent Press super and P. El Balk old the S Ag M I‘l A.dini seven G C 4 gorg Loui Dire Seer Roo► and an 8 Dan( GL. The for ever -Ad! and are( Flee ken Witt 105 5,T IN;rat i S the Stre Q Tess ar e( bi n , estf Ilia ( and Lac Cal ten ri Rti fo r fo r CV, 211 Cai Ba tiz