The Sun. — London, England, 1851-11-06 00:00:00

p NAVA,L INTELLIGENCE. 6. sloop, mrs wi-,°11,18:10s1741TR, yE D NESDAy . .—T I.: e rv i t t r. api A d, lire.d. 1 , e, f ,n.ieu tniy, morn" gby " • Crrow'.reczmander George Blau,-, who will arrive to- Tee Q 411„, re7rlghtly steam-tender, . 1,4 iliurce!l from bheerness this morning. der PT,hrub 60 screw uard-ship, Captain Hen piilti!htieestiliet.cnilte:et e t: l s t ! °too: tc'kgs- Commanderb to-day 11 snd 't obatarratyi ableh'ell: otrl e ~1 ilontbs' wages to-day. A court-mm Th t :' t ° tkke place on Friday on one of her (nce sa rs il . e _ lilite, tlevonshire New Yoric. line-of•packet ship d eta ng for America. a Wo ot , APPOINTMENTS. 'llipid"l,?, XOY• 5,-13Jatswain John Robertson to c o _ , o, brig, at Portsmouth. Thrn,:r George Blake to the Rapid. litb, ,Lightning stesna-ves,el blister-Commander q- Allen is orders - ' to leave Woolwich. ' b 541 NI to.rnorr! w under Comintandfierr the coffin containing the ttlrY"it Ethy ° 'to convey s G.C.ffn late i t oy Eat r a j Cromwell Disbrowe, Plenipotentiary c t ill ra°rdlnary and Minister - Il lerl a , ici ' eou k rt 01 Great Britain to the Court of the it iNaned i4lobA•C why, died sit the Hague on the 29th u -9 Cliiitlivtrecd in the family vault in this cou_ntry .:. e t4,rltei,"°v• 3.----TIRR MAJESTY'S Snip AJAX.—The tul be 'l.4' urthis Ve,stl havin . been reported rotten at 111v41/"ltb4 4EO retneved, ttid anew mast subszitut: c d. htliplisabe'clur't suppeAed that this work could not bwoou - th atid lt6 to b e at Qacenstown, and that the vessel but a Jett oved to an English dockyard, 415 t el t at ,i n g been erected in her the old mast was i-4' the new mast will be ;hipped this day. re -0i517, ~, _ •-•",..,_-___-- , Ns! ul '' - I( O,Ss -- vGIIA,II. •lit,llcji" w UTH TO BIR AIL: Ilqeti„ l9 ec,ci EDNEsnar.-The Mayor having de lith,q4 Of th eto the request made either to call h a b i 4 to wo e town council or to himself invite Kossut L4,i0,3 the eh. aroigarian9Commit tee, of which Mr. G. •;:,,, -) d• , leader (although not present on this i '44%) isPatchei A -to the ex ~i e_r , j a tit __ . another ueputation, was, after an ~.ltitter:,With x,,u,_°_li,lace; and the result 11 1114: ' °l l4 4 ,,',''uto, that a reply was promised to be NS u" Totra ugliana this morning. Accordingly the '51, 1 , 41 , , f. Poue o'clock, at the Odd Fellows' Hall,. 11P it l a, 19 stitt,,4 4l `, ll Smith, the barrister, on behalf of gir o ton Ira,- that he would visit Birmingham if the t t f , ;C t g t s retioir°4_o! a party character : The . committee t 1)4 . eh4rktr ossurance that the invitatio . , 0,, , Iti„ . ' 4toild,i ' a utl the invitation was forthwith ac t:ltPlit,t,4ll4l,lll,Pzt Kossuth will arrive in Birmingham, 1 ` 51 t4 ' t ,t, , e.e ssi "Y the mail train. About two o'clock, 'ii, , , °l s, 4,10°,,,tt will be formed by the trades " in full iti tt • il iteln a 4, Q'atith, in reply to an address, will de- LiiA4l,o,ll4ticiribq_ls(4-be,d,444)eut, On the Wednesday following . "4 8 :,' 4 p - ' 4 l l (st at the Town -hall, at which Mr. „"4i,• ; ' to I ) . e '9 will preside. The tickets for the '''t -41 ttl at the rate of 11 each, and ladies are to th e ' gall ed to l ila aid ." fat,f it Ytt s „ el th e „, , .e galleries at ss. each. f '‘ , .4 , it of oriiing men are to have To o s t t h n e i °.4 41.,-,,- a-crown shilling. The surplus r,l..ti.ht4_, e.placQ., . _ aed a f b444itit,ot ' , stoa•u in the hands o Kossuth on behalf o ° l s kers'st thereception4se The committee also passed a lip t , , lith an , . and accommodation of qla m u, 'Or family. Tuesday will be spent l',ol, --kancnester. i t, 4 4 p Ito 'utte r °4 4 -R Ciiivi c INSTITUTION. a Ppr et °4 i ll flr.s strata of iron stone and coal which h‘ til itk ib a i ttcl to be Britain Britain are too well known and FN.. V; 'bat 1,7,, Mentioned as anythinnew orx;- tqltittliif.l ope' c,arinot help feeling interested i I) 4 tfi l i; 4 404 r4t Tns, and especially of the menu- Ttrt a? f resh 4 ,, n ,„, st eel, when treated of in the ii it li e t' thi s 4" animated lectures of Mr. J. ) tlp blip tlre r • rnost excellent establishment. k4ltitiohoe.th;R t i n he continuation of his subject, 4 it cl oh : of Trop ,composition and nature of the qt 1,4101) ; t if the ' into view, and very properly re tli'htt,,:ing ilia we re. represented by one only, 4 4 t„, t oaid el one Nl° iron ore, which is a mixture e rti,, °l tl), 41 to b the metal, and supposing the or . thtV i ron 5 , °f no use except as a magnetic INN Ith ..would asst which still be one of the most useful tk ei 6e e atu. eo we are acquainted ; for without t t l ' ; tl.4l:lel,,,Ql)9lunieation with foreign countries P ' „"i tb,e, Pre,i;„;ituited, if not impossible in many l'‘l'i Olti'. l alidebies of other ores were also treated . /Ik t 1 ( 411 404 efoerldeavours of Mr. Lolly to lin trt f 1. the manufacture of steel, were OW Aih . `) • At ik . ty , or, kt h 'fed '"ls part of thelecture ve r " t ed b 'everal beautiful specimens of swords thA till" itite tc ! , kr. Wilkinson, of Pall-mall. hN tt , S, 1 ,, k . sti 0. ,tt h° a t , I tllch cinit applications of the tests were Nlei a • 'Played the nicety required in kti R t " 418 ; a h 'illt i h tit i r , n d the professor concluded by "h u lta l bl t ." otherl, Useful as a metal, was equally ill4ltiotileclB'pea• Its solution was used in ' 4 4 . 14 1 . disa 1`; tins also the basis of Prussian t „ dr !t col 1. 1313:cketi. oxalic acid forms blue ink ; '''', ki , t th,ll its inns and many dyes were pro- INONi frotl;- gen osr. So much information, e i cith ti '' het f It rtlSty nail, or the end of the Yo, r N ae a s ; 41 to please and inform the audi filltZlhPlee;ilei Ple astares of chemistry, and such `, tti l d .are well adapted to attract the F li ts riv et k y l t e h the attention of the old. ii th; - •'11,„ :--------_________ k 1 1016e4,, I. p. _ s tep '; -'4I7.WAT.-Trallic for the Week G 4°4 t° (5 ootb3 cants , J. 10 ), pa , iti itt , geg . rcelg, horses, A't T ... 701 0 10 N ' e 'l4 4. ' :: ... £991 19 1 tt th t'N, Ot ki " ) 4clj a , • . 1,692 19 11 T . l'l l v , e : eft i ll last year... 1,406 I 6 % il k 1 ?l i 'to ttol kat, \,........................,_ It i l lttl ztj eti ',zi t e "----___________________ t ' ''': k e llic 't ( e )t. l , tl le i () , 1 " 'TRADES IN SOUTH WALES.- I:.Yliti jit'ittlerrirll-24,4,nd coal districts in South Wales , \ I C t o "N e ",' , aa(l'','"' . 4 Of late, in innscoequence of ad f6al us coal s skilght advance price. k Ocr4t,,.tig t._Per io,uaintken place to the extent e l x ,e ' t r e ) n lit of de 41ttp:tf tlk kt l i Ql o4 e ;I) alti ' ct till.oise trade has ha b s e been hailed I ti ' t , p t : 41 tb lb, Y. all advanceconnecte with this important .1\ 4 1 0 1 11,,4p e n11;90 trade at Merthyr has received '4 1 0, h NOY 15, t ;,,,' 411 extensive order on account of t oe ghee tons of ~..,7,e4 Cairo and Alexandria, to the kr.4Nstrie°ll of. ''"s• The cost is to be 51. per ton. le th att 4 4,4 provi,. 4 1:Nt: 4 40 4, 4 f tzeteng railway accommodation_ b „p ' , 41 1t41,, 41 lk:Pd il l , „,,,is exciting again a good deal Irt.r l ltii 4 tak uas h e "'LL discussion as to the coast line ha. 4tio hen u t 4 reviv . A third project, said 'l " P 9 d . ' d is for , ti4P' by :,twep4 4 Lfl uentially patronise , ntl i -,, ig r. - 44,,,-,4 lino` niton and the Bristol ,e. an_d NI clati' from Cullompton or tie' 0 1 tt. m a l oci 141,4t°1,tkikt Q•hri Rin-b 11l ki ata • °l lse of large size has just 4t `110t44 44ittl N ,- two fami 't, r, ar o , labo lae 'cl th e : ert.,ray. rwenty- . , ki , lI N ,e. tit hob This is the first instanc . e it h , t , trd 4 g been completed on the con .11 t , L 'li p , i llad e 1301, t4tltt.°OrOitle ail OAQ P a_ • 5 1' 4 '0 r1 It' 4nd three ° II S u 'llt in his balloon, 1 1 Aigle, Itil. I, k itl t t el t "; free aili:llclaY, having with him in the tit 4 4 1 ," lartles at ill a -- ars. Soon after ascending, ~ ',kpc O eli 4 : was the rate storm, and proceeded ~ `4 ; , 'ller e; ' tll e 8 0 hi g4 e Of more than sixty miles an 4Crl'Oh 4 q111, 14 rs r „ P l ain hi, th at M. Godard feared that if i le: t4 th' t c ,- "lv ec i f''' Passengers would be thrown 0.,4,,re(1 tt4e3,%ttretll,,llioti3 °. torne down in the forest, so 1 ,. it til e , 4 4 14 , tl, d.u'gtit have the advantage of the k t ik t ' .' r ee ' l4 th e 41 this su cussfully, and by the L t. fli t , 9 44 e ground kli; 4 l / 4 1 A ttN 4 q4i t li a,,. ud safely. The balloon was t 1 11, 1 ' 8). 1 , • 'stance could be procured to re -4,:), k, G o 4 tki t _ i iti,,, a tti ,et a Lop 7kr......Th• • • .1. d k1`,14 k r rea l , i qt h ark _ . is line was visited by ,:q te h 4 10, rY, 04 .;,'`,''lr engineer, and Mr. Barnes, i‘c, P lth 4 ' -,etursday last, to report on the I+ 44 4 !at i 4 t)l a 441 h t)t;, 4l iti ) i,, i4 zitillti, Leaar3,le,iarrrived in Grafton-street, ,Il), f `` ood'evteitt yi,,,, :t Lo!d's seat in Westmoreland. k„,ii h IN t: S tis h e at ' h is chatea u in the south of 411 t '' h i° Or4t4 kftlC'zl.,..t, A t ,' th ci i t ha ,•''' th e 1 'le Outer House assembled `%1 1, c , , 4 , te r,1 12 ,4 t6, 4 ' 4( 1ge,,,, iv'enrite vacation on Saturday, when i; t l reql hi h present. The Inner House I sit,r, 14 4 t i soo ,AN4,t ti4 i tist er ofn after ten o'clock, a fire t t ,,N, i , r l ;) , li i ti)lP'a e,114,11 ricks belonging to Mr. ''i l e4 ° ,, h e 'th 1,,.._ lieo;lbin..g_s, standing in a field a : l ilssi t , n ; sqiit ricZ4ll,ot ~,l'uzigAtuoisniitrnpike rtoada,dn(eleaf 11,,,,,ta, pe,,ll4teq It"n.barley rics until i h A, ti l it ro tri iv wo is im possibi , an...peas rick. kg o hl th e i 414 f ain h e to sa3.. n • a l p the albl titq ' 4 4 4 tt D ,:9 1 at ed 8 . ho it was accidentally ~ I lk ,, 1t.,„ xl ve _ ~_ . iLuation of the ricks, it seems 0.4 'it ' l 9t ' .qtlafactrily, at this conclusion. 1, Rl t , 4, 0 dt zi „ ‘, 1, t1 ,th y 1.1.,.T,„ .T., 1.N°11,,;,140;4tA „r! WITAL EXHIBITION.-- i k L i t, w ( 4, 1 i . a walti) small powerful waistcoat.. nk'" , r l 't ti 00tir (list t ' by which a person can be ~,,tst. '4ll, site t th an t. they answer every pur +.,t` 4' G Ni' 'een e oPera-hous • Lyel'' ' ' l rt 4l N ' ''til g at 2 to . . e , . country scenery, t , A rtie t , A b„ r _ i 4. 7 niles, they are in• 't 11 11' aaq ti k,ato, Keepers talking, Yachting, to ,4klktprli . Op„ • Solorn eepers, and Tourists- To be 'll k `i't „N4,4lk,c?lite the°lts,,, Opticians, 39, Albermarle )tkty,n: nst i4,,,e,.,_0rk. Hotel. Telescopes -.. A ktk, l g t t, `4 t i:' Irahv'ers, tha","n in telescopes possessing P 'f,,' kilq °4 4,, l 'ble t ',''s di st i n `,, some, 3i inches, with an IS l ki l tli tt , %a . , 4 , 1 its, w . telly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ~lit,.kit ki' ll,jt , t v: se e , l a " t he same Telescope, weighing I, 4 l l s tii. k ;sfi tti f!) t . th , too i 16 Persons countenance, 31 miles L L ''ll l 'lti kik% 1 4: Wki s 20 miles, they supersede r pit ttt et, S.si 4 „ least pocket, and are of larger, ''l o`i,',s ., 4 ' b4ll,til,ftZilth 17,c,Pilewrefrs, accordingly. Opera and 4 14'4, 'lit, Nri a 6 , kile s _,9" Powers; an object can be l ikriNtl i N 'ti t tj 1 4 : Qtip, : vuistatit. 111 essrs. S. and B. ~ i t v t ai t,,,_ (it; medi,teto in vents invaluable preserving ltie,t,il,ktß,,i:t4e"Z ap;earYsth,ey are placed before imper. ILI, st.,, al ,_ Me s b r; , cear and distinct, the most ,t, '1 ., 4 41 1,4 ql eria9t and brilliant, is brought to ,t,,`lii t kt t ,h, ‘ l ods of al state. The Invisible Or-. I t 1,,, \v QteL 39, Abe coustic instruments for rebel o , e' l l kY %1. , 4? ) , l b k i 4t/ t ,, Marie- street, Piccadilly, oppo 'v 1; til t 1 )(1 4 t'rt k 40 1 0,,, (tt , eat lio ; t mti ie t 4, , Q.urrWa.s hel d k tTS Or CORRECTION.-- oh':,01. tht4Nl.4(l who'eio A l ';'3: Al!. Bedford, the coroner, ,iklbri4h4B): "..estinster, on the body of 1 i , : °4 4,,, , 1a,,,N r 4 ,,,a i11 '51 it , 'he , to her death under the fol i'i'l't 00 44'4 i, l °O r i da Uof been long in colifiue si,tvN l'. .„thkt a lt rids` ni ght gave the usual signal k l, P r % f4 t 40 geteN,,,, letoe that she wanted to go it1,,,1tt0,,,,t. 114,1into' L her out of her cell, and ac e,) , [ 4 1, 4 4 4 i ll ''!si i t 0? I ' ,kirtlit the Yard there was a ladder, ~ y , 0,, tiptti rai!it, ar,t() those se at table-lofts, "ItlitiN4,,:atle,l:efrr4t7tted o W 4 b e i_le, .d,eacenridings the ladder Itt°ll iA t f • I, g y! 6 eye. -) , t u'e bones of the arm, 4ik th t l , ',,, tie , 1 1 al i es, th, `-te was taken to the in k1,11)14.j,1141414.1ittrit5443'41 T h :Z it - e ; a s r g i pee°l?sB set i t h h , e o f rf which t re. 'l4 atittliolii,;', l'etib.lAyste,„l.°4er and jury remarked in ) P!R, e k •i4o,i 4 .. existin,,• in :a etronolitan lili ai 4, Preao. verdiet „ I tit,ita eq 10 g th 0 Accidental death, wiad* ( , 4 ,• • Al t te,ir opinion that the ladder 8t(It tak e . `' r ae, the de re their recommendation e 4 . pu y-goN ernor aeL ikiiiCi - r. THE SUN, LONDON, SPORTING NOTES. No. CLIII. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. EVENING; ER 18bi. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. TIMES.—The annual Message of the President of the French Republic was read by the Minister of the Interior on Tuesday afternoon to the National Assembly, in presence of a very full attendance of the representatives of France. Whatever may have been the original intentions of the author of this docu ment, which were imprudently, and perhaps inaccu rately, disclosed by one of the chief organs of the Elys ee subsequent reflection and the effect produced on toe country by the changes of the last fortnight have re duced the Message, in form at leas+, to a very temperate strain of language. Its real significance is altogether confined to one fact, which was already known—namely, the proposal fur the repeal of the electoral law of the 31st of May. That proposal is made without any qua lification or substitute. The measure brought tarward by the Government is a simple abrogation of the law re quiring three consecutive years of domicile in electors and a return to the wider condition of six months' resi dence, which was the basis of universal suffrage in France from the spring of 1848 to that of 1850. The National Assembly is plainly called upon to reverse a statutory enactment carried about eighteen months ago by the united efforts of the friends of order, and all other qualifi cations or conditions, such as those of property or intel ligence, are equally disclaimed and abandoned. If this Bill passes universal suffrage is henceforth end for ever the absolute law of France. In the mouth of the advo cates of pure and absolute democracy we perfectly un derstand this adherence to the fundamental principle of their system of government; but when Louis Napoleon pledges himself by fresh assurances, and by the general spirit of his address, to combat under every form the anarchical tendencies of the democratic party, it is obvious that his assent to a fresh extension of the suffrage can only be attributed to the personal interest which be con ceives to be connected with it. So that, on the one hand, he is opposed by the great majority of the party of order, who refuse to surrender what they regard as the barrier of the commonwealth only to increase the chances of re election for a candidate who is still legally ineligible; and, on the other hand, he is as yet unsupported by the democratic party, which regards this pro posal as no genuine concession to its own prin ciples, but as an attempt to prolong the existence of a power altogether hostile to the revolutionary cause, without having any solid claims to perpetuity. The announcement of this change in the President's policy, accompanied as it was by the abrupt dismissal of a competent and respectable Administration, produced, we believe, less effect than he anticipated in his favour among the Republican party, and a far more injurious effect than ho had anticipated among their opponents — the party of order, or, to speak more plainly, ot monarchy. In the provinces and in the Assembly this effect has been deep and disastrous. It has powerfully shaken the con- Edence of the country; and, however skilfully the lan guage of the Message may be adapted to allay this ap prehension and diminish this unfavourable impression, it cannot alter the facts of the case. The Ministry has fallen. It is succeeded by men utterly wanting in public confidence, for they are unknown i n the capa city of statesmen, and are probably no less deficient in the ability required to conduct the French nation through a passage and a crisis of unequalled diffi culty. The executive power is thus reduced to the person of Louis Napoleon, surrounded by a dangerous and unpopular knot of secret advisers, while his osten sible Ministers are notoriously inadequate to the per formance of such a task as they have undertaken; and in this predicament the President enters upon a session which must be decisive as to his own future career, and may involve the dearest interests of the nation. In spite of the strong language in which the Message speaks of the existence of a vast revolutionary conspiracy prepar ing all its resources for a general outbreak in 1852, and in spite of the assurances given by the President of his determination to resist and attack those elements of disturbance and evil, it was at once clear, from the aspect and conduct of parties at this first meeting of the Assembly, that the repeal of the electoral law and the restoration of unlimited universal suffrage overpowers every other consideration. The Govern ment found no support but from the benches of the Extreme Left, and the first vote of the House on the question of taking the Ministerial mea sure into immediate consideration was decidedly adverse to the executive power. M. Berryer's proposi tion for a committee on the state of the nation was evi dently received with favour by the majority, though op posed by M. Giraud on behalf of the Government, but the further consideration of this measure was deferred till the following day. We shall have occasion to revert more fully to the arguments employed by Louis Napo leon in favour of a return to unlimited suffrage when that question is debated in the Assembly; but we re mark with surprise his declaration that he has always expected that it would be his duty to propose a repeal of the law which he himself sanctioned. The importance of such a law, regulating the suffrage, lies altogether in its application to the great electoral acts of the nation, namely, the choice of a President and the choice of au Assembly. Except to supply a few casual vacancies, which can, of course, produce no important effect on the balance of parties, the law has necessarily been inoperative, and will remain so until the period of the general election returns. That period coincides with the President's expiration of office, so that wben Louis Napoleon declares that he always intended to de mand the abrogation of this law, it amounts to a declara tion that he never intended it to be put in force at all, and that it was a mere concession to the panic of last spring, or, as ho describes it, " a political act, not an electoral law." If such were his private reflections, they were certainly not shared by the large majority which voted for the Bill, or by the Ministers who have since carried on his government, amongst e hom the reporter of the Bill occupied a prominent place. Whatever may be the advantages anticipated from the repeal of such a measure, and although some inconveniences and incon sistencies might perhaps thus be obviated, two difficul ties remain, which are, in fact, created and aggravated to the highest degree by the present attitude of the Executive Government. The first is, that the intro duction of such a proposal by such a Ministry and for such purposes renders the dissension between the Presi dent and the majority of the Assembly infinitely more violent and direct than it has been yet; the second is, that while Louis Napoleon proposes to restore the un limited suffrage, he by no means testifies any increaeo of deference for the Assembly which that suffrage has called, and will again call, iato existence. On the con trary, he has found means to separate himself from both its parties, and, according to the principle on which he is acting, the Assembly is to be armed with all the au thority of a universal suffrage, but is to exercise no positive control over the acts of the executive power. The Assembly has, indeed, on several former occasions placed itself altogether in the wrong, by ridiculous ap prehensions and by shameful coalitions against the Ministerial adherents of the President. But the more serious the aspect of affairs has grown, and the more nearly the decisive moment approaches that will termi nate the existence of both the powers of state, the more temperate and firm its conduct has seemed to become. We sincerely hope that at this trying moment it will persevere in the Same moderate course; for at the first act dictated by passion or by violence its cause is lost. The Government of a great nation cannot be carried on by a perpetual contest. Some conditions of agreement must yet be found, or both the parties in this conflict will only achieve their mutual destruction; for no attempt to place the constitution and the government of France on a se cure foundation can be successful or lasting which does not combine the political strength and intelligence of the . nation with the man designated either by t he suffrages of the people or by the hereditary rights of the monarchy. The latter contingency is still so improbable or so re mote, that we have yet to learn that any other combina• President, provided lion ni ain p t o r n e s a e o n c t e s o a f t t o h r e d e p r r e a s s e t n h t e t i r m e o e a l ( s o g t i o o o n d o a f c t h h o a n p e r e e s f provided it be accomplished by legal means, and pro- . vided he retain or reg4in the confidence of some data of statesmen in the country. DAILY NEWS.—The chief, if not the only portion of the Message of the French President, which com mands universal interest and attention, is that in which be proposes to abrogate the law of the 31st of May, 1850. That law is neither more nor less than the Con servative charter. The revolution of 1848 opened the sluices of power to the popular torrent. Tho artisans and the working classes composed the indubitable ma jority of electors, botn for the Legislature and the Exe cutive, and with how little selfishness and astuteness they exercised it, stands on record in the composition of the National Assembly and in the choice of the Presi dent. But copular wisdom, it was feared, could not last; and it was considered safest to exclude from the franchise the very electors who had returned a Conservative Assembly and a princely President. The opportunity was taken immediately after the Paris election of 1850. The metropolitan voters then returned M. de Flotte and M. Sue. The one was an insurgent of June, the other a philosophic Socialist. M. Thiers declared, that in consequence of the return of these two members, the Assembly was bound to revise the electoral law. This was precisely the same as if M. Ledru-Rollin h a d move d, th a t b e cause M. Thiers avowed his aversion to the republican form of government, a law should be passed prohibiting all who had been func tionaries or mi n i sters, f rom serving' as members of the Legislature. One was just as legal as the other. The opportunity, howeve r , was t oo goo d t o be lost. And a project of law was got up, exam i ne d , repor t e d an d passed, which, in fact, disinherited and disfranchised the entire of the working classes, and handed over their electoral rights and influence into the hand of the Go vernment and of the middle class. In order fully to render this intelligible, let us con sider what was the nat ure , an d i s th e re su lt, of the obnoxious measure. Th e l aw o f t h e 31 s t o f M a y, 1850, is in fact a l aw o f h ousehold or rating suffrage, substituted for the law h s isumso.oof more e t hßureenysirtvericeust law of r a a tn g h e e ' a constitution 3 ratingwl.shtco s of o u r r f f linl r B l: 4 g dB e . o thel u gres b a e mt with ub ca f nay, no man is entitled to exercise the franchise unless he can prove . himself to hav e h a d a d om i cile for three years in one given district.district.ln the fi rst pl ace , th i s mere c ondition ce a domicile for so long a period excludes the young, the active, the adventurous, a lt oge th er f rom the electoral urn. The artisans who crowd f rom country to town never obtain a three year s ' fi xe d d om i c i le till they marry, and that is late in life. Th ose w h o h ave not a domicile of their own, but who, as workmen, servants, s ons, or clerks, inhabit the household or annexed build ings of a master, may enjoy the franchise, but only on th e ir master or parent choosing to come forward to pro cure it for them. Hero are two large classes eliminated from the suffrage. Still there would remain household suffrage fur persons ot three years' fixed residence, but for another quirk in the French law. According to it, there is but one way of proving a domicile—th a t of having paid in it the personal or furnit ure t ax . The mode in which this tax is levied is as follows: The total amount being fixed, it is distributed between the different departments and qllimunes, and a certain quota iiiiigued to each, according to .their. population SlR,—The Worcester Autumn Meeting embraces two days' fair sport, commencing this afternoon, at half-past one, with a Handicap Sweepstakes of 5 sous. each, which I need not attempt to select the winner of, as the result will, in all probability, be known about the same time as this appears in print. There are four other stakes on to•day's bill oz . fare, which altogether will make the card look well. I will now attempt to select the winners of the Cup and Steeplechases marked for to-morrow. The Grand Annual Steeplechase of 20 soya. each, h ft, and 5 if declared, with 100 added, four miles, twenty seve❑ subs., ten of whom declared, boast of a stroll::: list of great names; but as I cannot fancy that the British Yeoman will be found at the seat of action, I must look somewhere else for the winner. From the top weights, should they run, I select Abd-el-Bader and Sir Peter Laurie. Bedford, Fugitive, and Half-and /Jail I have no fancy for whatever. Verax has lately shown that he is falling off in his racing capabilities. Helier and the Youn;„•un will have to succumb to RAT -TRAP, who, with Hardivic/: and Sam Hood, I shall select us the leading trio. The City of Worcester Steeplechase of 10 soya. each, &e , I should look to the GENERAL or M'IAN, Gehenna and the Outcast being well up. " Ariosto" is informed that Newmimter beat Moun tain Deer in their places for the Cambridgeshire, Moun tain Deer being last but one, and Newminster in the body of the ruck. The statement which appeared in The Sun was an error committed in the hurry of the moment, another horse having been meant. I am, Sir, yours, &c., THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. Nov. 6, 1851. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. EPSOM AUTUMN STEEPLECHASES. :.WEDNESDAY. These events came utl yeeterday; but, like the flat racing of the previous day, drew but a thin company; the affair excited no interest except amongst those imme diately concerned, and, like all others of the same kind that have taken place in this neighbourhood, proved a failure. The sport was not of a character to require more than a brief return. The Walton Free Handicap Steeplechase of 5 soya. each, with 50 added; the winner to pay 10 soya. towards expenses; the winner of any steeplechase, after the publication of the weights, to carry 51b extra. About three miles. Mr. B. Land's The General, aged, lOst 41b (Owner) 1 Mr. C. Higgins's Forest Lad, 6 yrs, lOst (C Planner) 2 Mr. W. May's Sir Charles, aged, lOst (Frisby) 3 Mr. T. Goldby's Auctioneer, 10st (Twiddy) 0 Mr. Carew's Victress, lOst (C. Boyce) 0 Mr. B. Land's Frank, aged, 9st 121 b (Mare) 0 Mr. C. Higgins's Loddington, 4 yrs, 9st 61b ( Weaver) 0 Betting-3 to 1 agst Victress, 4to 1 each sign Auc tioneer, The General, and Frank, and 5 to 1 agst Forest Lad. The General made nearly all the running, and, after a very close race with Forest Lad, won by a head; Sir Charles a bad third. A good deal of dissatisfaction on Forest Lad's number being telegraphed, in the first instance, as the winner, and afterwards taken down, to be replaced by the General's. Free Handicap Hurdle race of 5 soya. each, with 50 added; the winner to pay 10 sova. towards expenses. Twice round and a distance—about two miles. Mr. C. Higgins's Maria Monk, lOst 71b (Planner) 1 Mr. James's Malmesbury, lOst 81b (Hornsby) 2 Mr. Russell's Docility, lOst 101 b (Thick) 0 Mr. Barling's Gimcrack, 9st 121 b (Archer) 0 Mr. Buckoak's Torpor, 9st (Armin) 0 Betting-2 to 1 agat Gimcrack, 3to 1 agst 4 to 1 agst Malmesbury, and 5 to 1 agst Torpor. Maria Monk made the running, but was so cloaely pressed by Malmesbury up the distance, that she won only by a neck. Docility slipped up at the last hurdle, fell on his rider, and broke his thigh. The Scramble Steeplechase of three sovs. each, with 20 aided, 1 Ist 71b each. The winner to be sold for 100 sovs., and allowances if to be sold for less. Once round and a distance. Mr. Mason's Gulnare, 9st 1 ilb (Archer) 1 Mr. Beaman's Linkboy, aged, lOst 41b (Hill) 2 Mr. J. Fleming's Jack Abel, lOst 41b ....(Bale) 0 Mr. Land's Frank, lOst 41b (Owner) 0 Mr. Shirley's Whitley, llst Owner) 0 Betting-6 to 4 agst Gulnare, 3to 1 agst Frank, and 5 to 1 ,agst Whitley. Her competitors having refused the fences out of the course, Gulnare cantered in alone. The Epsom Autumn Steeplecase (Handicap) of 10 soya. each, 5 ft, and 3 only if declared, with 100 added. The second to save his stake, and the winner to pay 20 sovs. towards expenses; winners extra. About four miles. Mr. Carew's The British Yeoman, llst 71b...(Oliver) Mr. Anson's Spring Buck, lOst 51b (Jones) 2 Mr. C. Higgins's Maria Monk, 10st 51b (C. Planner) 0 Mr. B. Laud's The General, 10st 31b (Owner) 0 Mr. Tilbury's The Briar, 9st 9lb (C. Boyce) 0 Betting-2 to 1 on British Yeoman and 5 to 1 agst Spring Buck. This race was all ono way; the favourite taking the lead from the post, making all the running, and winning in a canter by ten lengths. The Briar re fused two of his fences, and Maria Monk stopped at the brook in the last round. WAR WICK AND LEAMINGTON STEEPLE CHASES, &c. Weights for the Grand Open Steeplechase (Free Han dicap); to accept on the 12th inst. Lord George, 12st 41b—Sir John, llst 91b—Duc-an- Durres, list 61b—British Yeoman, list 41b—Lucy Neal, llst 21b—Abd-el-Kader, 1 lst—Peter Simple, list —Vainhope, lOst 121b—The Hero, lOst 121b—Sir Peter Laurie, lOst 111b—Fanny Eisler, lOst 91b—St. lOst 81b—Maria Day, lOst 81b—Half-and-half, lOst 71b —Miss Mowbray, lOst 61b—Peter, lOst 41b—Rattrap, lOst 41b—Little Queen, lOst 41b—Lainienne, 10st 21b— Thurgarton, lOst—Maria Monk, lOst—Velox, lOst— Isaac, lOst—The Youn , 7'un, lOst—Forest Lad, 9st 121 b —Recruit, 93t 121b—Vengeance, 9st 121b—Hardwick, 9st 121b—Defaulter, 93t 1 01b—Victress, 9st 81b—Car dinal Wiseman' 9st 71b—Hingdove, 9st 71b—Oscar, 9st 410—Sam Hood, 9st 41b—The Screw, 9st 21b—The Briar, 9st Loddington, Oat —Maurice Daly, Oat — Joan of Arc, 83t 101b—The Cripple Cote Jerry, Bst 81b. Weights for the Free Handicap Hurdle Race—to accept by the 12th inst. Lord George, 12st 21b—Duc-an-Durras, list 71b— Cegia, list 21b—Combatant, 103 t 101b—Little Queen, lOst 101b—Fugitive, last 101 b Ormsby, 10st 81b—Tom Bowling, 103 t 81b —The Ge neral, 103 t 71b—Defaulter, lOst fib—Fanny Eisler, lOst 61b—Cosachia, lOst 51b—Sir Robert, lOst 41b—The Count, lOst 31b—Maria Monk, lOst 21b—Ballet Girl, 10st 21b—Sir Alexander, 10t—Perjury, lOst—Cock crow, 9st 121b—Rembrandt, gat 121b—Dove, 9st 111 b Pay-your-Debts, 9st 111b—Flirt, 93t 101b—Forest Lad, Ost 101b—Sister to Legislator, 9st Nib—Bedford, 9st 91b —Carlow, at 81b—Bullfinch, 9st 81b—Forrest, 9st 81b Loddington, 9st 61b—Ch g by Safeguard, 9st 31b — Labyrinth, Bst 101b—Secret, Bst 71b. Weights for the Warwick Free Handicap, to accept on the 14th instant. Miss Ann, 5 yrs, Bst 71b—Lord George, 6 yrs, Bst 51b —Backbiter, 6 yrs, B.:t 31b—Dugan-Durras, 6 yrs, 7st 121b—Mrs. Taft, sged, 7st 111b—Truth, rs,7st 101 b —Fernhill, 6iyrs, ist 71b—Ithesus, 5 yrs, ist 4 yrs, 7st 21b—Sauter-la-Coupe, 5 yrs, ist—Mark Tap ley, 4 yrs, 7st—Cockcrow, 3 yrs, 7st—Alp, 5 yrs, 7st— Goidliuder, 3 yrs, 6st 121b—Doubt, 5 yrs, Gat 1 11b— Achy - ranthes, 4 yrs, Est 111b—Trickstress, 3 yrs, Est 10Ib—.Agis, 6 yrs, 6st 101b—Tophana, 6 yrs, 6st 91b—Marquis, 3 yrs, Est 91b—Ianthe, 3 yrs, Est 81b—Cbief Justice, 4 yrs, Est 81b— Tonic, 3 yrs, 6st 71b—Lough Bawn, 3 yrs, 6st 61b — Bushranger, 4 yrs, 6st 51b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, Est 51b— The Lily, 3 yrs, 6st 41b—Warwick, 4 yrs, 6st 31b— Snowstorm, .5 yrs, Est 31b—Little George, 4 yrs, 6st 21b Julia, 5 yrs, 6st 21b—Master Friday, 4 yrs, 6st 21b— Tfre lieriot, 3 yrs, 6st lib—John of Berwick, 4 yrs, 6st 11b—Perjury, 4 yrs, 6st—Tightwaist, 3 yrs, 6st— Harp, 3 yrs, 6st-I'.quetta, 3 yrs, sst 1 01b—Stafford, 3 yrs, sst 31b—Britannia, 3 yrs, sst 11b—Ischia, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b —Avia, 3 yrs, 4st 12tb—Macaw, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b. Weights for the Welter Cup, forfeit to be declared on or before the 12th instant. Mks Ann, 5 yrs, list 101 b — Duc - an - Durras, 6 yrs, 1 Ist 41b—Fernhill, 6 yrs, lOst 121 b — Agis, 6 yrs, lOst 61b—Mark Tapley, 4 yrs, lOst 61b—Sir Robert, 4 yr 3, lost 61b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, lOst lb—Cockcrow, 3 yrs, lost—Chief Justice, 4 yrs, lOst—Ormsby, 5 yrs, lOst— Fugitive, aged, 9st 121b—Firstrate, 4 yrs, 9st ]2lb Little Queen, 5 yrs, 9st 121h—Gay Lad, 5 yrs, 9st 101 b —Gartorth, 4 yrs, 9st 101b—John of Berwick, 4 yrs, 9st 101b—The lieriot, 3 yrs, 9st 71 b — Jack-in-the- Corner, 4 yrs, 9st 71b—New Forest Deer, aged, 9st 61b —Harp, 3 yrs, 9st 61b—Ringdove (h b), aged, 9st 41b— Maurice Daly, aged, 83t 121b—Captain Parry, 5 yrs, Sat 71b. CONCERT AT GUILDHALL, ON THE GRAND P OLIS H AN T D ir ti Im U s N D U Ay AR N I E A X N T, B T A H L E L i A 3T N I D i 1 N,TANT. —lt is most gratifying to be able to announce that s in whose behalf it is got up, relief to the unfortunate persons in , ent entertainments given this benevolent undertaking will not only prove a source of but also one of the most magnate lately in this metropolis. with the cause of the which is expected to testify its feelings exertion to promote the comfort l'he of tthe e Committee num h e a r s e •e lis u sceodmepveenr company covered e t d h e Lord with e 1 e ll t l b a , y t o o r ' obviates Mayor's-day, y , oppressed. The hall will preserve all the splendid fittings A long list of a be se c d os dust arising from the chalk formerly used.antdhetheinflcooonrvewniiellnetehiosftitahiee iseworthy object. shows the inte res t of all classes in this Pra the patrons and atronesses, many of whom will attend , p To vary the attract i ons of the ball a very select Concert will take place in th e C ouncil Chamber, to w hi c h many distin guished artistes h ave generously pro ff ere d heir The Concert w ill b e under the direction tassistance. of Therese Mr. Lindsay e Sloper, supported by Mrs. Weiss, Mademoiselle Dolby, Magner, Mi ss Amelia Edwards, Miss 'Lansford, Miss :11r. W. H. H arr i son, Mr. Benson Bod da, , Mr. Frank and Mr. Weiss. O w i ng to a positive intimation of the illustrious H Ball (for Hungarian patriot, M. K ossuth, to be present at t h e which purpo se h e h as delayed his departure till the and the l4th instant) the appli cat i ons for tickets are incessant, a Committee, with regard t o the comfort of the visitors, have properly limited their issue. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE HOSPITAL.—The committee, at their meeting yesterday, received from Messrs. Chapman, Coniughain, and Demon, the executors of the will of the late Airs. Bentham, of Gower-street, who died in the month of August last, the sum of 3001., the amount of the legacy, free et duty, bequeathed to the hospital by that lady. Thanks were returned to the executors tor the early settlement of the bequest, and a vote was passed to place them on the list of vice-governors. The committee resolved that the 300 1 . should be added to the vested funds oC the hospital; and for the liquidating of the remainder of the debt, and for the future maintenance of the charity, they would trust to the ,en , .volence and exertions of its surviving frienth. Kossuth called yesterday (Wednesday) at Mor - . e y' s Hotel, Trafialgar-sqnare, to return the visit of Mr. Foldsom, Ministe r o f t h e U n i ted States at tho Hague ( H o lland). He was met th ere b y several American - ,leinen :(among whom w as t h e H onourable Mr. Ellett gen , of South Carolina, a member of the United States' Senate), who sad been invited to be present at the interview, which lasted 64 bar! and property. This q uo t a i s aga i n d i str ib uted amongst - , theinhabitants able to pay the tax; and the aistribution is made by the mayor, a funetioetsry completely in the hands of Government, and greedy for its honours. Louis Napoleon, in his Message, boasts of having dismissed some 500 of them. The mayor may exclude from the list of ratepayers, and ; of course, from the electoral lists whomsoever he phases. And, us a rule, if any citizen or artisan has ever received succour from a bureau de Lien faisance in hard times, which is universally the case when a man has nothing but his earnings to depend on, and when he is seized with sickness, this man is always struck from the list of ratepayers. Thus, in the cbfpartment du Nord, a manufacturing district, one-half of the adult male population were excluded from the rite-paying lists, and would be, of course, deprived of the franchise. We have a somewhat similar case in our ten-pound householders, for so many of whom the land lord undertakes to pay the rates, charging the poor tenant in the rent, but excluding him from the franchise. Supposing this done, not to save trouble and seek economy, but for an organizsd political purpose of nar rowing the franchi:e, and you have the French law of May is all its odium and its exclusiveness. It is well known that great numbers of the disfranchised class, amounting, according to Louis Napoleon, to three millions of men, but which we should say amount more nearly to five millions, have de ermined not to submit to the law, and that they purpose, on a general election, coming to the hustings, armed, if necessary, and prepared to defy, by their numbers, any force of military or police that Govern ment could bring to prohibit the exercise of what they deem their right. In coming forward to propose the repeal of the obnoxious law, Louis Napoleon has taken au vantage of the rumour, which he holds in terroreni up to the Conservatives, adding to it the assurance ac quired by his police of a general insurrection being organized all over Europe. We must confess that upon hearing that Louis Napoleon had determined to repeal the law of the 31st of 3[ay, and that he had dismissed his Ministry in order to form another favourable to so popular a measure, we entertained hopes that he had at length awakened to the necessity of a more liberal policy, and that he was prepared to use concilia tory language towards the people. His Message, how ever, undeceives us. Its language is still that of the policeman, not the statesman; of the terrorist, not of the liberal. Even his proposal of abrogating the law of May does not strike us as sincere. It leaves the six months' domicile as a condition, the mode of proving the domicile remaining the same, which would not restore the disfranchised classes to their rights. Then he makes the distinction between the expediency of universal suf frage for electing the members of the Assembly and its necessity for choosing the head of the executive; all of which sounds as if, were the broader principle granted for his election, he would leave the Assembly to be re elected by the restricted franchise. To procure a more enlarged constituency for himself, and to obtain the re peal of the clause prohibiting his election seems, in fact, to be the sole selfish aim of the President. He is driv ing a bargain with the Assembly, cajoling and menacing its conservative majority almost in the same breath, and employing not even that outward respect for the popu lar and liberal side, which would be but decorous in him, were it not also politic. On the whole, Louis Na poleon's Message strikes us as calculated neither to dis arm a foe nor to make a friend. CHRONICLE.—The majority of the French As sembly have lost no time in unmasking the breach which the late proceedings of the President had opened be tween himself and the members of the Legislature. The alacrity with which they have hastened to give the counter-check quarrelsome to the new Ministry of Louis Napoleon, is a pretty clear intimation of the spirit in which the present eventful session is to be conducted. By way of indemnification for the refusal of the Com mission of Permanence to accelerate the meeting of the Asstembly, they have taken care to use the first moments of their revived activity to declare their antagonism in the most unambiguous form. Since the time of Napo leon, no public manifesto has been looked for with more anxious interest than the Message of his nephew, which we published in our second edition of yesterday, and which appears also in our impression of this morning. It is justly felt that the destinies of France implicitly involve the interests of the whole continent of Europe. The central volcano has an unseen, but not unfelt, communication with all the craters of eruption which are smouldering around us. It is, therefore, a matter of no slight moment that one source of public anxiety—in which, however, we have never ourselves shared—has been removed by the mani festo in question. We never for an instant gave heed to the 'rumours that, by the dismissal of the Faucher Ad ministration, Louis Napoleon intended to adopt the policy of the Leit; nor did we imagine that he meant even to conciliate their support an y further than might be indispensable for his own particular purposes. The terms of the Message have set this point definitively at restE as that document is conceived in a tone evidently dictated by an anxiety to soothe the irritation of the great party by whom the President hes hitherto been supported. Beyond a somewhat significant sop to the military—in the shape of a project for rewarding the old remnants of the armies of the Republic and the empire —and an allusion, unconsciously ironical, to the tardy organization of the Roman Government, the Message contains little of general interest, till we arrive at its chief proposition for the repeal of the law of the 31st of May. The pro posal of the President is the absolute abrogation of the existing Electoral Law, and a return to the law of the 15th March, 1849, which requires only a six months' residence in order to confer the franchise. The propriety of this course is maintained in an elaborate argument at the close of the Message. With that invincible love of epigram, which no Frenchman can resist even in a State paper, universal suffrage is said to have been the means of regenerating the social fabric, " by:substituting a right liar a revolutionary fact." Is the basis of this right, it is asked, to be narrowed? Is it not unwise to leave any pretext to the enemies of order for question ing the legitimacy of the new powers which will be called to preside over the destinies of the country ? The scheme of the 31st of May, we are told, was a political act rather than an electoral law. In its application, it effected a far more sweeping exclusion than was contemplated by its authors ; and the result has been that the enemies of society have taken advantage of its mani fest injustice. If it is objectionable, as applied to the election of the Assembly, it is still more so as regards that of the President. The Constitution decided that 2,000,000 votes should make the election of a President validif-on the hypothesis of a constituency of 10,000,000; but the present law, by reducing that constituency to 7,000,000, and consequently changing the requisite number from one-fifths to one-third of the whole number of votes, has actually a n d most materially altered the conditions of eligibility. Finally, it is asserted; the restoration of universal suff rage i s the last chance of ob taining the revision o f t h e Constitution. Such, con cisely,. are the ground s On w hi ch Louis Nepeleon de fends ; his proposal. The first and most obvious reflections suggested by them is, that they are none of their new; for they are precisely the arguments which were urged by the most ration a l among the minority who voted aga i nst the law of May 31. For our own part, we have never concealed our opinion that the existing law is a bad one; and even the organs of the party which clings most tenaciously to its principles, are now reduced to admit that its pro visions are faulty. A heavy responsibility no doubt at taches to the Right for the rashness and violence with which this measure of restriction was framed. They acted like headlong politicians instead of sagacious states men, for panic-struck at the Socialist elections of Paris, they passed a measure, which they thought would suit their present purpose, without considering whether it was one which they would have t h e power to maintain, or the opportunity to revise. It was, doubtless, the i r business to look well to the sea wort hi ness of the vesse l before they launched it in waters whi c h they knew t o be so stormy. But conscious as the Con servative party h ave become of their remissness in this respect, and of the errors of the existing law, there is no reason to doubt that they arealmost unanimous in thei r resolve to a dh e re to ra its tm p e ;the for, in their view, i t i s not an iso l ate d programme of a precluded, therefore, from accepting th e project which Louis Napoleon has submitted to them, inasmuch as it as serts, in point of fact, not the law of i`ylay 31 is defective, eeriant, i h p u le t c policy, They are but that it is absolutely unnecessary and wrong. If, indeed, it were pretended that anti-social doctrines are on the decline, it might be proposed with some show of reason to remove restrictions which were imposed under apprehension of their spread; but on what ground can a Government, which is daily declaring whole dis tricts in a state of siege, advise the abandonment of a preceution which was adopted in the anticipation of those very dangers against which the edicts of the Presi dent are now directed? Have the Party of Order less to fear from the Socialists now than they had in May, Ilioniteur furnish only too The proclamations of the if the still same dangers too significant an answer. But remain, then the Right, were they to adopt the proposi tionrescind their votes of the President, would not on I ryeverse their policy. but abandon their principles and If, as the Message alleges, the Socialists now make f o r imagining that they ff e as an u rav use of the restriction of the s e argu ment, what ground is there will not make use of its extension as an instrument? Louis Napoleon, as is usual with public men on such occasions, makes loud he has pursued. protestation s Were of his disinte restedness: in the course which we to accept these literally, we fe ar t hat we should on l y be able to compliment his patriotism a t the expen se o f has never his adroitness; for certainly self-sacrifice 0.. •to the appearance ambition. blundered so grossly in do Joinville w as The world is certainly much mistaken,t if the announce ment of the candidature of the Prince not the immediate cause of the step which has led, at this critical moment, to his fatal were notoriously rupture with the majo rity. The claims of the Orleans Print©. wan put forward by that intriguing , who has bee ts • for so many years the evil genius of France, for the sole and they are now purpose of embarrassing the President; withdrawn solely in order that they may not stand in the way of a coalition to destroy him. At the same time, there is no doubt that the precipitation with which r , at th Louis Napoleon abandoned his form e ca p re olic y d to be en e moment when his individual interest appconfidence of that dangered, had seriously shaken the c large middle party which, with little sympathy for the very lively fear views of the contending factions, has a of anarchy and insecurity. We observe that an impor tant meeting was held on Monday, o.i the Club of the Pyramids —of w hi c h MM. de Montalemhere de Broglie, the Daru, end. Odilon Barret, were name 1 presidents, tor purpose of r econstruct i ng th e majority, and establishing Rivoli, the basis relations with th e party of the Rue di of the agreement to be an opposition to the abrogation, aw L aw of not to th e mo difi cat ion, of the Electoral L of May 31. N or i s i t probable that the Pre _ sident w ill d erive much ass istance even from the seal of the Loft. Their hostility • has never relaxed for an instant, e ven when rumours were most rife of hi s disposition to bid for their support; and they have now appointed their rendsavous at " Mother Redcap's," in May, 1852, and have no in clination to miss their appointment by loitering- at the " Napoleon's lles4" on the road. The gravity of the 'crisis a.; seriously complicated by the very injudicious language which has been addressed to the army by the Minister of War, and which we see M. Berryer intends to make the subject of interpellations in the Assembly. Such phrases as "the true military spirit now more than ever is the assurance of the safety of society;" and al lusions to the probability of the " army being the re sort to which society will have recourse in the hour of peril," are exactly the topics calculated, in skilful hands, to inflame the jealousy of a Legislative Assembly already sufficiently insulted by a Ministry imposed upon it against the will of the majority, and almost entirely relieved, by its constitution, from its surveillance. Altogether, the aspect of affairs seems more than ever threatening, and a peaceable solution further than ever removed. HEIIALD.—It may be remembered that during the last three or four weeks—and since the commencement of what is called the Ministerial crisis in France—we maintained that the "interregnum," as it was called, was by no means so serious as the Parliamentary chiefs wished to make it, «nd every day that has since passed has convinced us of the truth of these our first impres sions. The capital of France for now thirty days has presented an appearance of tbe profoundest tranquillity, indeed, considerine the circumstances, of the profoundes; apathy and indifference. Even the Faubourg de Marceau, is times of former Ministerial crisis so instinct with life, motion, and physical and mental excitement, was eminently passive ; and the Bourse itself, generally so sensitive to political movements, has on this occasion only slightly fluctuated. The state of the departments in no respect differed from the condition of the capital. Everything betokened repose among the millions, though a certain agitation and malaise were visible among what are called the higher political circles. The reason of this was obvious enough. The great body of the population felt that the announced policy , of the President was one of justice and conci liation ; while political intriguers agreed to con sider it as one not favourable to their diverse views, whether Legitimist, Orleanist, Fusionist, Regent ist, or Joinvilleist. To the last moment reports were industriously circulated that the head of the Executive would recede from his expressed intention of proposing a total repeal of the law of the 31st May, 1850 ; but they who circulated these misgivings must'see how futile were the tactics to which they have had recourse. The Message, which appears at length in this day's Morning Herald, and of which we gave a summary yesterday, at once dissipates the allusions and disappoints the hopes of the enraged and perplexed Burgraves. The Presi dent, without qualification or circumlocution, proposes the restitution of universal suffrage on the broadest basis, but, nevertheless, winnowed from impure and irregular elements. He says, and he says truly, that the law of the 31st of May went beyond the object sought to be attained. That law was passed in a moment of overwhelming trepidation, if not of dismay, at the election of several Socialist candidates for Paris, and it has gone beyond, indeed we may say gone far beyond, the object intended by its framers, if men, then so operated upon by fear as the Parliamentary majority, had any very de finite and precise objects in their hasty and timorous legislation. The result has been the utter extinction of upwards of three millions of electors, two- thirds of whom were peaceful, small proprietors in the country—men who, above all others, are the most interested in the maintenance of tranquillity. The result of this exclusion has undoubtedly driven some of the excluded into the ranks of the anarchists, and has served as a pretext— to use the tone and forcible language of the Message— to the leaders of a party who cloak their detestable de signs beneath the appearance of a right withdrawn and to be re-conquered. These are the men who, in various parts of France, have made passionate appeals to the ex cluded millions to join in Socialist, Communistic, and Babouef conspiracies, but we sincerely and firmly be lieve with far less success than the President and his Ministers suppose. Under, however, the responsi bility of his oath of office, and under their united responsibility as a Government—the President and his Ministers tell us a vast demagogical conspiracy is or ganizing in France and Europe. But though, judging on oar own opportunities of knowledge and observation, we consider this statement exaggerated, yet we admit that secret societies have been extended rapidly in France, more especially in some of the departments placed in a state of siege, although not, we contend, in such degree as is described in this vast demagocical organization, or anything at all like it. Indeed, even in one of the worst departments, that of the Nievre, and in the very worst portion of it, the military promenade—to use a Gallic phrase—of General Pellion and of the Prefect of the Nievre have served to produce a better understanding, if not to overawe tbe disaffected. But, admitting that the disease were to the full as bad as is represented in the Message of the President, and the symptoms as dan gerous as is represented in the State paper before us, we ourselves most potently believe that the best specific— the most sovereign remedy—indeed, the only antidote for the evil--is to be found in a healing and conciliatory , policy, and in restoring the franchises for three mil lions of, for the most part, well-disposed and well-af fected men. At every period of the wildest and most frenzied period of their revolutionary history, the French people have always been deeply influenced and affected by a policy of kindness and of justice; and such a policy is worth a trial now, after so many essays at re pression and coercion by both branches of the Bourbons. By satisfying the just demands of the well-intentioned the Government will have assumed^an inexpugnable po sition—a position, from whose secure basis it may, if needful, stringently and severely operate against the wilfully disaffected and factious. Will, however, the Parliamentary chiefs of factions enable the President to re-enact the law of the 15th of March, 1849, or any law re-opening the franchises to three millions of electors, requiring only to be of age, and to be six months resi dent in the commune or city in which they vote? This is, indeed, doubtful ; and if we were to judge from present appearances, and from the attitude of M. Berry or, we should decidedly say No. But when, on the other hand, the majority find—as find they must—that they .are wholly unsupported by public opinion out of doors—and that the President does not desire a better position than they would create for him by a factious opposition to the Ministry, and a perverse hostility to a popular measure—they may change their Parliamentary tactics and only seek to modify, or, perhaps, altogether to allow to pass a mea sure which they at first recklessly opposed. The latter supposition, indeed, is more likely to be the case, for the question is one in which the army as a body would be neutral, though a vast and overwhelming majority of its Members is known to be favourable to the repeal of the law of the 31st of May. The situation is, we ad mit, not without a certain gravity—but that it can lead to any extreme results we deny, for army and people are in the main and majority agreed to the necessity for the repeal of a law, which is only supported as it now exists by an experi enced, though not a wise, able, or long-sighted party of Parliamentary chiefs. Irrespective altogether of its wise recommendations as to the electoral law, the Mes ssge is a State paper of very great general interest, and more than average ability. Its tone is conciliatory and healing, but it is at the same time highly Conservative in the best and only proper sense of the word. It ex presses the philanthropic desire of the President to give an extension to railway labour, and to those great public works which afford efficient and useful means of em ployment, while they add to the means of public conve nience and to the sum of public wealth. There is abun dant opportunity in France for extending inter communications and advancing agriculture and commerce, of which the head of the Executive dexterously avails himself in his recommenda tions, not merely in reference to public buildings and to new streets, but to railways and canals, and in reference to th e cu lt ure o f fl ax as pract i se d in Belgium and Holland. Whil e t h e sum expen d e d on public works in 1851 has greatly exceeded that disbursed in 1850, it is satisfactory to know that the direct taxes are paid with promptness, and that the finances of the country are in such a position as that the deficiency will not ex ceed the provisioas of the Budget. Under such circum stances, and notwithstanding the perverse and indefen sible conduct of certain political leaders, we are of opinion —the heart of the people being sound—that the nation will recover its energy and elasticity, and disap point the vaticinations of those prophets of evil who have predicted a year of disquiet—if not of anarchy, in 1852 POST,—The Message of Louis Napoleon to the French Assembly, which we publish in detail this day, contains, as prescribed by the Constitution, a faithful exposition of the state of the country based on a review of what has been done during the past year in the se veral departments of the State. This, however, though in bulk and in substantial information the main part of the important document, evidently occupied a compara tively small space in the attention andinterest of those to whom it was addressed. It would seem that to face a political crisis, not to review the past, or consider the present, condition of the country, is the object for which the Assembly considers itself summoned. Of the hour and a half occupied in the delivery of the Message, proba bly the last fifteen or twenty minutes alone were generally received as comprising the real and stirring business of the occasion. In this short space was included the important proposal of the President for dealing with or mitigat ing the complicated dangers which surround the simul taneous close of his term of power, and of the present Assembly's existence. The character of the principal measure to be urged, that of a return to universal suf frage, by way of a road to constitutional revision, was indeed foreknown; but a strong and natural interest was attached to the manner in which it might be brought forward, and to the objects which it might be made to defend. The President, as we anticipated, repeated fully and firmly the enunciations of Conservative prin ciple, and of national policy as opposed to party objects, by which he conquered the general approbation of the friend s o f or d er at t h e open i ng o f th e sess i on i n Novem ber, 1850. Compelled, by the nature of the step which he proposes, to encounter the strong opposition of the Con servative majority, Louis Napoleon has not been tempted, for the sake of support in another quarter, to recede, by word or act, one inch from his position as the defender of France against the dangers of ,anarchy, If the demccratic or revolutionary character be gene rally attributable with justice to the three millions whom it is supposed that the repeal of the law of the 31st May would add to the electoral body, it cannot, at all everts, be alleged that the President, either in his Message or in his recent course of action, has bid for the purchsse of these votes, to his own objects or ad vantage, by the s!ightest unworthy concession. The po sition of the Chief of the State with regard to the As sembly is thus sufficiently singul ar . H e proposes to le gislate in accordance with the wishes of the Left, yet to continue to govern on the p r i nc i ples of the , Right. Theimmediate result of this state of things has been, naturally enough, the defeat of the Ministry on their first propo s iti on—that the question of the electoral project of law should ho considered urgent, The grounds Which are brought forward as • warranting the proposed abrogation of the present re- fresh outbreak in that country, especially in the present strictions on the suffrage are such as might have been combustible state of public feeling in Germany. would expected; and, i n fact, d o not differ from those suggested instenteneouslY light up the insureecsioneey flame at by us in acme very recent remarks on the subject. It is their own doors. They have had—te latter at urged th at t h e law of the 31st May, 1850, was not an least—a sufficient taste of the insur h rectionary two dish electoral provision but a political expedient. The Demo- already, to wish to have it served up . The only crater par t y was then in full activity throughout the coon- hope of security which they can have anew for their own try, the Conservatives were divided, ill-organised, and, in thrones, is in the preservation of public order in France. the provinces especially, apathetic as to the exercise of the Self-interest is a curious thing ; it is the most powerful franchise. There was thus danger that the cause of order influence to which the human mind is accessible. But might be swamped by the revolutionary principle, not the part of the Presidential Message which will excite because the latter was really the stronger in the country, the deepest attention, not only in France, but through but because it was more ready for action, and more able out Europe, is that which relates to universal suffrage, to concentra whiff its forc e e on a alleged given poi n t. B u t it i s now Th e a d dress accords, on this point, with what that, eth blow then struck crippled the was universally anticipated. It was expected electoral action of a dangerous party for the moment, that he would announce the determination of it left them permanently u fertile source of strength and his Government to repeal the law of May 31, organisati on , a telling pretext in the grievance and de- restricting the franchise. It was expected he would re clared injustice of the extensive disfranchisement. It store universal suffrage. The event proves that the ex it said &het, the measure has passed its limit of useful- i pecutiou rested on solid grounds. The law of May, ness, and that the votes of the three millions limiting{ the franchise, is proposed to be repealed, and are less to be dreaded then the cry which the restric- a recurrence to the principle of a universal qualification , tiers has raised, " refuse our votes and we will tender is announced as part of the Presidential policy, from them with arms 11l our hands. Beyond these which no consideration will divert Louis Napoleon. But arguments are the reasons for change offered by the while the principle of a universal right to the posses coming Presidentizl election. Louis Napoleon shows sion of the franchise is thus broadly avowed, it is at that, the number of votes required by the Constitution the same time intimated that such regulations and to make an election valid being two millions, and the precautions will be adopted, with regard to the exer constituency being reduced to seven instead of te n else of the franchise, as Bill purge universal suffrage millions, this new proportion unfairly and unconstitu- from the evils which have hitherto been incidental tionally throws the eventual choice into the hands of the to it. The great question which all are now anxious Assembly. Lastly comes the warning, that the greatest to see solved is this—Will Louis Napoleon be dangers in the spring of 1852 have been fully recog- able to carry out his views in the face of a hostile As. the Assembly itself, by the sembly ? We have no doubt on the subject; we never nised by the majority Councils of Arrondissements, by the Councils-General, had any. From the moment that he and the Assembly by two of petitioners, and that the se impor- cam into collision, we predicted his eventual triumph. taut bodies generally agreeing in the impossibility a avers- TheeAsseby may affect, and may feel the deepest in ing such dangers except by revising the Constitution,— digraation at the idea of universal suffrage, but they must, an object which the President thinks may be gained, or in the end, succumb to the Government of Louis Napo of which at least an additional chance may be offered by leon. They are divided among themselves. the restoration of an unlimited suffrage. It is impossibl e sition are separated into four or five sections. They are not to see, nor does Louis Napoleon himself fail to r e - agreed on no one point among themselves, except in their The Oppo mark, that, in bringing forward these arguments, he hostility to the President. In a contest with such a body acts under a strong and damaging suspicion of serving he possesses peculiar advantages. And having, as he his own interests while appealing to others to sacrifice has, the masses on his side, not only can no question be theirs. " Revision" is very generally interpreted to entertained of the issue, but the conflict cannot be mean re-election; and the restoration of the three mil- protracted. There are, doubtless, many persona who will lions of voices might, in no small degree, swell the ex- be of opinion that the in auguration, in the Assembly, pression of the will of the people, which it is supposed of the President's proposal to restore universal suffrage may be set against the decisi ons of the Assembly and was not made under circumstances which look auspicious the necessities of existi ng constitutional law. for the fulfilm en t of our predictions. The demand of In denial and refutation of suc h motives and of such urgency made by Louis Napoleon's. new Ministry wail a charge, the President appeals to his conduct for the rejected h ley the Assembly. Still that fact does not shake theas t A o s t s h e e m i Is l a y ! that unto last three years; and it must be admitted that his worst oovviuerthfaaewitoaoltoinflwitihtthebescotowunnefieddoneentsheseeopfurooeutsairdienthooitiasoonnddsing enemies would be puzzled to point out a single instance of a principle abandoned or an intrigue adopted to serve a selfish end. So much certainly cannot be said for ward . event, the close of thecontest, in the firm perms either of the leaders of that restless opposition by which son that Louis Napoleon will come off victorious. the course of the Executive has been so vexed and thwarted for the last twelve months. We have thus re capitulated the grounds on which the Assembly is in vited to adopt the somewhat startling means of preserv ing order in 1851, by a return to the very system which was considered its destruction in 1850. The reason which guided the authors of the restrictive measure in its original preparation, and which may have determined them in resistance to its proposed repeal, scarcely need repetition at the present moment. What may be the issue, or even the course of the discussion, it would be unsafe, if not idle to predict. It is not for us, occupying, as we do, the position of mere spectators and impartial well-wishers, to suggest to either of the contending parties the decision to which they should come, or the possibilities of compromise which may present themselves. Should we do so, we do not know where we should look for a better or more just recommendation than that contained in the declara tion of the President himself, that his duty is " to pro pose every means of conciliation, to use every effort to bring about a pacific, regular, and legal solution, what ever may be its issue." In these remarks on the important state paper before us, we have confined ourselves to one among the many subjects which it embraces. At any time but the present, in which this subject appears the key of so threatening a difficulty, we should not have omitted to notice more fully than our space will now allow us the more general topics of which Louis Napoleon speaks in his Message. In the treatment both of the domestic pro gress and foreign relations of the country, many points, however, will be found of very deep practical interest to all who wish well to the prosperity of France. The cor dial cooperation of our own Government with that of the President in many of the vexed questions of Europe, con tinues to be a subject of congratulation to both countries; and the well-placed acknowledgment of the treatment of French industry at the Great Exhibition is in good contrast to the unhandsome manner in which the same subject has been viewed by the press, though not, as we believe, by the public of France. ADVERTISER.—The Message of Louis Napoleon to the National Assembly is by this time known in all parts of France. Before the close of this day it will be in general circulation throughout England. It is, on the whole, an assuring document. Considering the state of matters which for the last three years and a half has prevailed among our neighbours, it might have been ex pected that the Presidential Message would have to tell a dolorous tale. Not that we mean to say, that there are no drawbacks to the gratification with which it will be read. That would be out of the question. No reasonable man could have expected that the picture would be with out its proportion of shade. The great wonder is, that it is so bright—that the preponderance of light, over colours of a darker hue, is so great. On home subjects, the Presidential Message is full and explicit. It admits the prevalence of Socialist principles —principles utterly subversive of all order— which prevail iu particular parts of the country, and avows the firm determination of the Exe cutive to deal with Socialism and Red Republicanism, with a vigorous hand, wherever they are found to exist. On the subject of the financial position and prospects of France, the Presidential document speaks a language which must surprise, while it gratifies, even the most sanguine. With one great revolution, preceded and fol lowed by a series of insurrections, in the short space of three years and a half, the ground for marvel is, that the financial position of France is not one of utter dis order, if not of irretrievable ruin. Had that great country been, with regard to its finances, engulphed in the abyss of bankruptcy, the fact could not have caused the least surprise. Time after time, financial difficulties of appalling magnitude environed the Executive, owing to the derangement caused by revolutions, insur rections and anarchy, and the sea of uncertainty as to the future, into which the French people were plunged. The past, the present, and the future, seemed to be leagued together, to crush the com mercial energies, and consequently to dry up the sources of financial prosperity in France. None but a great country —ono possessing marvellous elasticity— could have survived this financial crisis through which France has passed. There are only two other countries in the world that could have passed through so severe an ordeal without being destroyed. Can it be necessary that we should name those two countries? There is not one of our rea.lers to whom the names of the two countries will not at once occur. America and Great Britain will suggest themselves to every mind. In must be exceedingly consoling to France to feel a thorough and well-grounded conviction that were the political differences which now distract that unhappy c suntry once satisfactorily settled, its financial prospects would not only be bright but brilliant. If France is in so favourable a pecuniary position, comparatively, with so many causes in operation to impair her financial pros pects, what may she not expect to become when these causes have ceased to operate and full scope is given to her resources? Louis Napoleon adverts, in emphatic terms, to the great progress which Franca has recently made, and is still making, in the construction of railways in all parts of the country. To the intersection of France by means of railway transit, he does not by any means attach too much importance. Much, very much, of the financial prosperity which France enjoys, and the still greater measure of prosperity which is in reserve for her, is to be ascribed to the opening up, over so large a portion of the country, of railway intercommunication. The system is yet but in its infancy. When more fully developed; when the whole of France is overspread with a net-work of railways, the commercial and financial prosperity of France will reach a point which would, at present, appear altogether visionary, even to the most sanguine. Louis Napoleon makes an allusion to the Great Exhibition, which must prove highly gratifying to all classes of her Majesty's subjects, from Prince Albert to the humblest peasant in the kingdom. It is duo to him to say, that in thus alluding to the Great Exhibition, he does not do so with the view of paying us an idle compliment. He is not a man to deal in imaginary and unmeant compliments. Whatever other defects may attach to his character; whatever may he his other faults, insincerity is not one of the number. What he says, ho feels. When he uses language, it is not to express principles which ho never entertained, or emo tions which he never cherished. Language is, with him, a symbol of thought and feeling. We can therefore all the more appreciate the compliment which be pays us, because we know he thinks it is deserved. From that great gathering of the nations of the world, Louis Napo. leon is known to anticipate the happiest results to huma nity. And he is right. It is impossible it could be other wise. From so free, so full, so extensive an interchange of kindly offices, as then took place among the various nations into which the great family of man is divided, consequences of the most beneficial kind to the whole species must of necessity arise. The Presidential ad dress adverts, as was to be expected,tothepdoelmitiocnaltre lations of France with oth er countries. These are spoken of as being of an assuring ki n d . Louis Napoleonses notremas to have no appreh e n s i on o f any unfriendly tion on the part of o th er E uropean powers.He does betray the slightest symptom of a notion that they even entertain a hostile feeling to France. We will say nothing on the latter point. The despotic courts ca see how any useful end may be served b showing their neither when a t i h a e h y or cannotrrus iPrussia, bite. h a NsY an hb r y. a t h teeth, ei very er s a u r s d p e e n c t t a ff t e •c tlir w t tion for Republican France—repu lican at least, in name. But let that pass. We quite concur with Louis Napoleon, that France has nothing in the meantime to fear from the northern Courts. They have each enough to do, just now, to look at home; and they will have enough for some time" to come. They will find they have quite sufficient occupation in preserving their ow n countries from revolution, instead of intermed dliug in the aff a i rs o f o th er l an d s . B a t Louis Napoleon eee does mo re th an a l lude in his a d dress to the . absence of hostile purp oses on th e p a rt of the desponc complete re- powers. He says they are desirous of seeing the ' establishrneut of confidence—of V We d allegiance to the Go o not doubt that Go vernment—and ent Napoleon— a nd is s t ssoocfiaarl right.order But why these absolu . tist aspirations after contentment and quietude i a France ? Is it from any love to the institutions of th at country, that the feeling springs ? Louis Napol eon i s • • Austria, Prussia, Russia, too shrewd a man to be deceived b y a n y pretensions of th a t kind, should any such be made. Prussia, severally and jointly, are anxious fur the completo re-establishment of order a n d contentment ulronce, b ecaus e they know fttll well, that any ST. ALBAN'S BRIBERY COA 111115510 N. ST. ALBAN'S WEDNESDAY.—To-day the Commis sioners re-assembled to resume their inquiry at half.pas 10 o'clock in the Town-hall, which was crowded in the usual way, chiefly by men of the working class, and amongst whom were understood to be many of those who had received head money for their votes. There were also many of the gentry on the seats around th e Com missioners, and several ladies, who appeared to take I counsel who applied, but unsuccessfully, to be permitted great interest in the proceedings. It is stated that the to represent a section of the electors, who fear th a t th e result of the inquiry may deprive them of their elec toral rights, and injure the trade of the town, received 100 guineas fur his retainer. Mr. Blagg, the town clerk, was examined at con siderable l engt h re l at i ve to t h e part h e took in the late electioneering transactions. He gave a historical state ment, already recapitulated in the evidence of Edwards and ()there, relative to the corrupt practices that had prevailed in th e b orough at the past and previous elec tions. He admitted having given " head money," sup plied by Edwards, to voters for their votes; and what Edwards had s t ate d in his evidence on that subject was perfectly correct. He (the witness) from 5/. to 71. to ab ou t 13 or 14 voters, had This i v s e y n s teen: bads ad o f been more or less pursued in the borough for the last 20 years. As far as he himself was concerned he had been a great lo ser b y t h ese transactions. He b l y B32 i t; foron Turner wentof o e I f ee 2 ti . o o n oo/ i . n ' had lo s t u i p u w ru a e rd e s s M ou t. ; of the country, and witness never recovered a penny. He had never received more than three elec tion fees during the whole of the twenty years that this sort of thing was going on, and these three did not in the aggregate amount to more than 8001. Witness was a Conservative in politics, but wished what was known in St. Alban'a as the compact adhered to, but unfortunately some of the party broke away from his lead, and opposed Bell, and joined the third, or contest party, who were always ready for a struggle and for ex pense, for the outlay of money without any regard to principle whatever. In consequence of a portion of his triends refusing to observe the compact, and determining to oppose Bell, witness felt it was but right that he should support Bell himself, and this he did throughout the last election. He had been accused of obtaining some per sonal advantage by remaining neuter and observing the compact, and he was so disgusted with this accusation that he made a declaration on the hustings that he had determined to support Bell. Sir H. W. Carden was next examined. He gave a history of his introduction to the borough, his canvass of the constituents, and its unsuccessful issue. Origi nally, certain parties, professing that they were dis gusted with the impure practices ;that had so long pre vailed in the borough, and which they stated had cast a deep stigma on the constituency, came to him and re presented that they wished some one to come forward as a candidate on " purity principles;" and that if be (Sir H. W. Carden) did so they would give him every sup port. They told him at the same time that the cost of acquiring the seat, and to defray the election expenses, would be 5001. At first he declined having anything to do with them, having heard that St. Alban's was so notoriously bad, and thinking that he might get a better and purer place wherein to commence his Parlia mentary career; but at last he respond: d to the persua sion of the parties, entertaining the hope that he might to the first Member to be returned for a long time past upon purity principles, or that he might to some extent give a tendency to redeem the disreputable character of the constituency. With these views, he consented to stand. lie believed that, with few excep tions, he had on his side of the poll all the respectable people of the place. Money, he found, was used by the other side to such an extent that he soon disco vered there was no chance of success unless the rival candidate did likewise; but, notwithstanding, he deter mined on adhering to his original intention of not offering money to influence voters. He entirely repu diated have given any authority for, or having had anything to do with, the pay men t s t o voters for their services mentioned by Mr. Law, the local agent con ducting the election. He knew nothing of it. Had paid about 400/. f'or the- expense of his election, and 5001. for the expense of the proceedings on the peti tion complaining of Mr. Bell's return before the House of Commons. Mr. Law's bill has not been paid yet, and witness did not know what it was. After some further evidence, the Court adjourned to this day, when Mr. Law (of the firm of Vendercem, Law, and Cree) the London agents for Sir H. W. Carden, will be examined, together with individual voters who were bribed. COURT CIRCULAR. WINDSOR, Nov. 5. The grand dinner party yest( rday, in the Waterloo Chamber, consisted of her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the Duchess of Norfolk, the Dukes of Norfolk, Wellitgton, 13edford, ar,d Cleveland ; the Lady in Wait ing to the Duchess of Kent, the Baroness de Speth; the Matquites of Lansdowne, Salisbury, Hertford, and Camden; the Earls Fitzwilliam, de Grey, and Mulgrave; Lord Edward Howard, the Rev.LordWriothesleyßussell, the Bishops of Wirich€ster and Oxford, Lady Adeliza Howard, the Ladies Charlotte and Dorothy Fitzwilliam, Lady Caroline and Miss Barrington, Colonel the Hon. Charles and Mrs. Grey, General and Lady Isabella Wern Sir e George , ,rge Cowper, Colonel and the o Rev. Mr. Birch u er ie, Lady Emily , S m e y r: moor, Glower, and Mr. Becker. The band of the Royal Horse Guards was in attend ance dur:ng the dinner, and performed the following music:— Auber. WOvaelrtztu,7‘,R"osMerasda'Animeno°;" Selection, "Le Favourite" ................ . DonizAti. Selection " Antigone" Her Majesty's private band attended afterwards in the evening, and played the following selections:— Overture, " L'Entant Prodigue" Scene do D ance, "L a Bayadere " . Auber. ... Krieges M arsc h , " Athalie " . .......... Mendelasoh Adagio and All egro 4la Russe ........ The Queen wa lk ed in the Rome Park and the Slopes this mor n i ng. The Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the younger members of the Royal Family, took their usual walking and pony exercise. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, accompanied by the Mar qu i s of Hertfort and the Earl of Mulgrave, went r ou it t z s r h oy ooatnd Colonelingthisfo F. H. attendedrenoon, seymou. r by Lord Charles The Duke of Norfolk, and Lady Ad and Lord Edward el Duke of B e dfo r d , t h e D u k e o f Clevelan d , the Marquis of Salisbu r y, t h e M arqu i s o f t. Hertford, rave, the Bishop of Camden, Earl d e G re y, Earl m \V inche s t er , th e Bi s hop of the Castle this Oxford,after noon. from Howard, took their departure the Marquis iza Howard, the noon. 's Most Honourable Privy the 12th instant, to settle the Council will meet in Majesty's Most Chamber it West of Sheriffs for the ensuing year. roll . miTnshteerL, on n rd sy s o e f d hr e r s.d Mr. Briggs, and Mr. Larking, had an Mr. Gregson, A deputation, consisting of Mr. A. Anderson, M.P in terview on Tuesday with Lord John Russell, at his official residence in Downing -street. Colonel Fancourt had an interview yesterday with Earl Grey, at the Colonial-office. The Cambridge University Commission had a meet.. ing yesterday, at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury. Present, the Bishop of Chester, Sir John Herschel, Professor Setigwick, and the Rev. W. H. Bateman (secretary). Viscount Palmerston left town on Tuesday evening, for Brceket•hall, Herts, the seat of Viscount Melbourne t It appears that the announcements of the appoint ment of Mr. Walker and Mr. James as Masters in Chan cery were premature. It is now reported in court that Lord J . Russell, as Premier,linsists on:his right to nominate, and:on the duty of the Lord Chancellor to appoint the nominees. hlr. Temple and Mr. Bellenden Kerr are said to be the persons fi xe d on b y hi s L or d s hi p as the successors of Sir R. Kinderaley and Mr. Senior. .A third vacancy is spoken of in the retirement of Mr. Farrer, and the candidates are numerous. The Osservatore Romano states that upwards of 16p figeiguers arriyed at lime from the 11th to the 22d tilts THURSDAY NOVEMB Ilied os il (Or 11109