The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

'PIS" whit h of f ri. it have, and Iv bad 00 a prOper fO)tiglbei brought into CO . rape,"' r. The non, het slavery in 18070 1)01 had taken te refire! was well knovia'o/ a Committeeof how a former rei; had been carried 00:, I now at the bead 0. en Secretary for lb° ae abolitien of nee I pressed the ) or hurry. ge 93 ,0 a Committee, bey, eas now made, Oaf/ , for it ever Wows! ity and persererfo head of tbe Forei4ii and yet slaver). e!iti, red into treaties 0.4 in views --be Cotit i 1 in This poser of having $ S oas t of ItiVeriC ee, and did tll t,lll' w i t h all their OP Twestr 6re ts l4 t i n ned. o ed every ye ar 1 0 d the west eoe',/ooe them in that P s just or Oa-% gi was ber for South sh's•li Demerara, ill 11 " ic ht cisted; but heljoigio table of tbeg of West Indisslol worth handr,euiso be disposed o{ fur. them, in t he d Con3pany• 11,/ t colony es 1 °74 cliedoess 100014 lg. And if tbef Pro 4 sir the flo. r°,o hould be roatiso.l be a wilder:;r P system of Il e , ot day, by a ge°l tY, that OOP( I put down sle/e.dr)l4 r the Chioese °)Ti, 10 Africans, be ci co t old be apprentice Jo 3 and forat ed' lre o ef e uties. Perso ; country for ,iecir no obj ectioa Do ;heir colonies., 00 Y, or suggoso• except a eOO lO r hat was a v $ re. Let the reto, heir colonieele ply they vvonla Were not (1006 mit evert back to fe w or ought the VA of with labour f i ; f o r poor recone twined. oto' to vote fer tb "of e believed it 0 1 7 t o emaccipteutol, ,ken every o le his ed long et 4 of with larger grog they WO c, ely well instree in to what, jehr oo ountry. fel f ie should bay ° o r t ld give o to w- toes oo orn i o g the tt en. Ilarone; ve'l that donut:4ol importation 01.4) ' regulations At sted on there tact n any ernigtslltot a ld not take lil l e ;hey were tyit never toeb rches on setifeof the hardships or ', under 0°2:010 and the $04,i)0! Aldan() to Precoll n colonies, be,o, f the 130n.13/! o :; o ole t h er e was n. t oo the cause free trade b:dti was serer 10.4-011 Orality. 1° r ever 01000000 )to that P tlts vas a greai se there tbef ,fof ' in a dear tit',ool e free-trade 'tool duty in CO D ef ought soi °,llol', ours°' sod! ...",0 0r , the goo. 70 istrust of :0 i ti e esbip . and 18104 "" os l IPprenticohitpol s ; i O ni into ail iireth trentices; an slavery 0001 Limed °to to b e differen, Dula, tber,:iore' -(llear.) Aoosl, d, baying la .e wee deil9s pported tbe 000 i )uld not teg 0 1 4 Dr, ions which Phie Roisters a rpo ess i o n of thel ;hat respe(l; 1 .milting 03° de r/ his count of , o 33 were a ot : 0 05 0 could not 000 net bad dr 0011 oily, ler0!:1' from the t $ ,17 0i 1 . matters l, e The Son., o f 0 / .1 a dispatch, lig prove the I," he depress 0:0002 e could ste,t',lel , b which e A 0 of 10,00 !IQ'ptff,; n ee i Vr t; li to sestt r system c' eg o ; id that 0 1 / ty's Goleta/ could stet e• or; oboe titans were. °off labour, I o f to embark 14 to C olony ,o#l Nay of pr , 7' l l, aearest P a (fop le would a Odl e/ ; to tbe 1%112 'mount of ,3 )01 ado party, it c beris hi G o verar c .ich it Govern d to cut n t ,/ k n it slave- II; el, ll: )on them W i o3 ld entere l d slave trad icy fre-labou Or the slave. Or(r, tpleted tb ver/ lonikts per!, Until bad. 4,lir :)ircunasta,:e c rea s d 'oolf f roed the oil niltivating ;10 ,obe a planters '-t temselves, 1400, produce. 068 ev il not, "-; )ur mar of oar b Ot )strationl) Hof 0 know 4 int to d, C, 0.1 to Worti ever of lle roeioB a the to. 30 and tbe 0 1 ° would' 'Pod, • Pej onieo P e 'II l o d e in the had co tri,.l)'o ' d got the rde'do d that t ee be ' g oo ;ed in tl 6111 ll 0 crease d bo l that tb4,;00, ,ur prodaloln proilaice [lnes 0300 00!,te, )3 , the t, ti 3 present ionouuoe° 'if d in au 0Se r d with r be ions thao conjunetivj o. Their ph Goverotneh,4 t-office 10 t"'; ed iedifferclij us sofeeteAe Lae tbat (Lisa day..--(l)°,rio rained at "/ 3r's catnel•A 105 C p ea O de tt 10 slave , tvg pr 00; ~f Ireri‘r pod (° ° wa g ioo° . ' THE SUN, ante, e. • • t ee eerier with th e Th e G ^ on the e.vl' -Pee .' • -- ; f 13.4 ye- tioe. tse totsee te, zil, eat efully watchieg over the interests et las eV etl!tural subjects, had said in his speech from the three,. t th h:i t he .hoPed th, y would adopt measures for srpele ieg r ae riculturists with labour, the want 0. hich daily i' been "'' r easieg." Now, to what labour coula he have i%o retatine ?clearly to slave the anci,ltdo e other. It' appeared that in the year 1847 re e the a i Imported into tie Brazils 73,000 slaves, and that meortation had since that time been constantly in eteßettN; and yet it was not sufficient to meet the de pp-al'i ler slave labour in that country. The same mot:- A P ° , I MY prevailed in the United States which pre betielue 1 ° England upon that subject; and the question with o_l, ountries seemed to be, not whether slavery h shon ) l , l Or ?Quid not exist, but hove it could be turned to t e tee . - P °stable account. Nothing could be more inconsis tent „ then the whole policy of her Majesty's Government their that question. He found, that notwithstanding costly attempts to suppress the shve eti_ C onsented to enter into communications end was ee'age presents with the King of Dahomey, who 48tlitort1'1pracYt le:e3e7ged in the capture and the sale of slaves. r'o°' Strange to say that petty sovereign carried on his t of her }Majesty women; by means of an army of 8,000 h aving at one time applied to the representatives ‘,trul. Berkeley) for 2,000 caps for the use of those wo rt.; tdemand had been complied with. Now he felt curious to know what was the nature saps so supplied, and whether or not they were t h at aded for defensive military purposes? He found t i e . another of these barbarian kings decorated his war ii,e'shin the cast-off wigs of gentlemen of the bar—(A 0" ).-- and he (Mr. G. Berkeley) should be glad to ie.* whether the gentlemen sitting on the Tree . - dr? benches had supplied any portion of those heau -00:8"? It would certainly appear as if her Majesty' s la ern ment had no very earnest desire of suppress g th e Ivith slave trade, while th e y exc hanged presents b_oerbarians w h o der i ved their revenues f rom that e the rrible t raffic. Our W es t I n di a co l on i es did not ar le , odu.. t npetitio n o f any foreign country which raised f its e by free l a b our. B ut that to w hi c h t h e y o b 4 ek 4bee d wa s the admission into our markets of Slay.-- eeeset , 1 1 4 PrOduce. He would tell them that if they should '"se to go o n muc h l onger as t h ey went on a t pre _ eol o e t t Olir colonial emp i re wou ld b e l ost . —(H ear .) The Itedes in som e i nstances were almost r i pe f or revolt; logg ed 4l m any of th e co l on i es t h e peo pl e w i s h e d they Le • There to 'here e e any other country rather than to England. e e k eli‘s eas the much injustice in their mode of treating the old Berbice, for instance, they had maintained payefol-_Duteh lasr, and had compelled the colonists to Beverr the maintenance of canals and roads which they had b e use d. He was glad to find that some intimation herds en given of an intention to relieve them from that reli e , a t but he said they ought to have been long ego seed relieved from it. Her Majesty's Government had pur teieefauch th e same course towards our West Indian tetisut s ts which t h ey h ad pursue d towards the a, _ Prot e s t 4 this; country. They had deprived them 0 sthey they h a d ru i ne d t h e i r l a b our market—and f . ter. ad s et master against man, and man against mas ahe-;(Hear, hear.) Their policy had cast a gloom l th e r eve e s it extended; and their law-making had, .e ke r Pies of old, stained everything that it touched. t ele) ;: a WILSON said the Hon. Baronet who had had the discussion and the Hon. Gentleman who ap e ,Jast at down had placed the issue of the debate tie s candid grounds. They said that the British colt:- hey: h e ro not indisposed to compete with free labour t o be eere, The only thing to which they objected was litheel,eckneelled to compete with the produce of slave Ille tt l 4— (llear, hear.) It was just two . years . since the toe i t ps ° , ll was before the House. The discussion h w ite le iPlace then was preceded by a long and important e sti tger r Y into the position of the British colonies and th Fee,,,Producing countries of the world; and his Hon.. tioe';' , in order to justify himself for bringing the quese d e ..or ru le bad again at this time, ought to have shown that N u 0 s, two years of experience he had some *es:t° show why the policy then adhered to by the - e "taent had not succeeded, and why these colonies thtit-t!'", threatened with more danger than they were at the 14 ' e • It would be necessary for him shortly to refer the evidence taken before the Committee in 1848, to . arit''dictions as to what would be the result of tho,e'vernment policy, and then to show how .t fa . r to t',lo,Predictions had been fulfilled. It was imposs! ..e 'a(irseb this as exclusively a West Indian question. tee er t ar, hear.) It was impossible to exclude the large atie,,groducing countries in the East Indies, exporting . ereee':Y 75 ,000 tons and producing four times that t hla.„Te and the Mauritius, ' exporting 68,000 tons; and Pos 3e , 3 7ght go still further east, and include those new . a nte °'• which were rapidly becoming sugar-growing etlet -°'• He would take a rapid glance at the pro -4118 of the four great portions of the British empire . — ! k ettst, C e.}lon, the Mauritius, and the West Indies. With t hen s ° e to Ceylon they had before them Mr. Anstru -8°4'04.,-erY extensive planter, Mr. Christian, and others tele, "'eu with the island, by whom they were distinctly to fr 'llat it they did not retrace their steps with regard 'ttl is trade and raise the duty on coffee from 2d. to * l ;:t .4 , I ,e„!,s than three years the island would be a barren !se t 'That had been the result? The importation 10 ap i ,`,,ter the passing of the measure from 20,000,0001bs Sear t° in the next year, and in the following ski t ,;) 49,00 0,0001bs , being thus doubled instead of 1 % 8 ,„ 1 a nnihilated; and they were now told by Cey d - Ittei"erchants that protection had become se dead ltztar r E , t ad entirely unimportant, because, notwith ',a,eteLg c ompetition, they had managed so far to ' 4 it,,Ze their cultivation and the quantity supplied to L 'elte: at 'ket, that now tbe importetion from tho British n ett e -e ' exceeded the entire consumption of this country, :dasetittkrPlus remained for exportation to the continent, grower had to contend with the markets of the "Vot e This year they were told the quantity would be th:',l)9olbs, Let it not be supposed that this was owing titt e - .,.utgh prices ranging during the present year, b h e- Cse e t lutist have been the result of the prices of t e :ith r t : l 4 g Year, when they were the lowest ever known. 4 e e lerence to the East Indies, they had before them 4 Co the m os t a bl e di rec t o r s and officers of the East 1011'i1Cee2 , PY ao , and amongst others Mr. Tucker, M. Colonel Sykes, who stated that unlesslndia a rks sugar it would be impossible for us to find ( lett: fd a'r our manufactures there, and the whole evi .'ll,l e °4 the subject was most discouraging. Mr . .. Porth?r, vet eminent j merchant, told them that if sk ' 4 not a protective duty of 10s. per cwt. the in.en fege e e3 , °° ,. of sugar from the East Indies would fall sm, tbspe .'s" Year from 60,000 to 40,000 tons ; and that ° r four years the importation would cease 1, 44 et t it"ler• They - had also witnesses from Madras all ey ' a Poke in th e same s t ra i n . W e ll, two years ~.."°oro ls ed, and instead of the production falling from 4 0,000 tons, it was a great consolation to him te;, u le to say that the imports had steadily increased ;arg et , f le present time, and during the last year were s * ale r a n at the' year. They were also well , "r Be e n " that in present year there would be 75,000 81 sti )-°° t° l l9. He next came to the Mauritius. That ZSte t t at the time when this evidence was given pre hltto a Picture of gloom, perhaps unequalled in the 4 st t s Y s c)f the British colonies. All the British mer e'ltd te t e with very few exceptions, had become batiks:us, "era i r Te connected wi t h th e t ra d e o f the Mauritius I(i alle.' a state o f i nso l vency. T hey were to ld by li r . 4 an eminent merchant, that without a duty of, e til e tt ,,t a g,ai . nst . foreign sugar,. it would be impossib!e th cultivation could be maintained; and it was.evi- I us v id en ' tt every cultivator in the island must be ruined. I i'el e p:" e to the same effect was given by Mr. Hunter, ;tp..,,eSt cultivator of estates in the island, by Sir G. i tt eii t t , - ,, t ,' and Mr. Chapman. It was not surprising that a t wh'"etice should have made a powerful impression; 1 4 a tli ae a u t W " the result ? In the three years pre thme)itl,",,"° Period of 1846, when slave-grown sugar was h mte;", the production was 34,000 tons; but in the dladee-titieeeeding years, including last year, the average t, ll tty as 50,000 tons; and this year, it was conti ahs's 6 - ,l,"elPated that the production would be not less ',;, e ree ° ,„",uo tons. Next came the West Indies. The si;',retie-„:roportation for the three years preceding the sate of slave-grown sugar from the West India t rae wne 12 7,000 tons per annum, while the average I tt a - ' 4 l ti f 2t t hree years was 148,000 tons; and the impor -o.ooe°,r the present year would probably be from etSttse-bLeotsl4o,ooo tons. After sitting upon the Cout e ed qua 're which the evidence to which he had re - h ee Y s g i ven, and after deriving information from . arter to which he had access, he was not clis (kfi ted ed th i q ue stion the distress and suffering which . had !dar h tl e 2 l t West Indian and all the sugar colonies. t ß euled ; ) But it was a totally different thing to etir e ''lress, and sa that it was to be cured by pro lisgt.frtretttLeal. He believed the distress to have arisen be R, Withdrawal of protection, but from the d e4l B .!lth Y e B „`. e .m_ ..o . f years gone by, by which property had Pr the ei T e i t Fu we it i i some instances ' and burdened in others, which had been thrown on the l l ' l t °4 4l" g proprietors. They had before them the IP t i tl i r e rie r a:r o. /jemb ! sr . for South . Cheshire, who had just N I 3 , w , ". 1 a visit to his own property in the West l a tPeesliuo said that he had been told that he t ar ts ar lY happy in having one of the best managers i,is at P a t h i ze " : Q l , Ticl ies. When he went there, however, ... Tea awe- he had ever received anything from it -4 th e c ommonest agricultural implements were eh re tti mone .Pi tte " t istel, and the manure was of . ten . carried ltt e „ to place by handsful. He insisted on te"ite 4 ' l this, what was the result ? By the " l 'ie -84 °I the le a g th e e lion. Gentleman he . had seen the account, li t ayle t o ,,iesult of one year's experiment, which showed i 4 t ‘! be en :_b3.000/. out of 9,oool.—(Hear, hear.) They a n 'h , a },epee; f "'ld that the cry of "cheap sugar" . w cP " that the result of their legislation, in a short 'de e °isle be to throw our own lands entirely out of prices would Pl a y e and when that was achieved e taernitted that a very large i 8 a t ue elev. • b t the chief por e th e - - -e - growing countries, ta increase had taken qt a c t occurred between 1828 and 1840, whe l n d t e h d e . 'f slave labour was practically excluded. taken nl ae be de in .slave that a greater increase had 14Iq Übean se countries than in our own colonies. tis4re 2Clad a t . 6, ?ono Rico, in the three years preceding s the year 1845, when the cr i op h es *as e c l e d by a hurricane, the entire pro th ru i c e . lb '4 i t 450,000 tons while during the last . 11, 4 thN amounted to y s 00,000 tons. In Brazil, in t t a e., 97,0e,,Y,seetrs Preceding 1846, the average production t t 4e. /tiuu.,tons, and in the three last years 108, th t a erli ee .;°_e British West Indies in the three . yea h r e s a lh ee 4 10146 the amount was 127,000 tons, and in t legs' Years 1 48,000 tons ; in the Mauritius, be -144 Indi_34,ooo tons, and after 50,000 tons; in the ti t va, R 4al before 1846, 64,000 tons, after 72,000 tons. Ys e t t k ,a tri t i s t i l i g the quantities shipped ' . From the whole ?6,. 'there__ Possessions the average quantity for three l e °,s . oo o to n 5 1 836 was 225,900 tons; after that period, k e "Sh e t ' i n, or rather more; thus showing an increase (tictet, Porto Rico of 20 per cent.; in Brazil of 11 e st , ,1 1 , 3 ' /I 'ml lathe British possessions of 20 per cent. itt le r.) ead Ut there was another important consi -14 ree eeit _, 0 )3 1 810 to 1840 the consumption of sugar l e ?ear s b,e,,c l almost stationary; at all events, for about IPI 45 the 1844 there had been no visible increase. ."'s) and 4 _ 4 st alterati on in the sugar duties took 18,16 a change also took place in the law. What had been the history of the sugar trado during=, the v, ~ es? it lia , l 1 - 18 vry pidly, to no less than 300,000, "Oti increase of 50 per cent. Be lied reason to believe that the introduction ut slave-grown sugar had not given great encouragement to that mode of production, because she price at the llavannah of sugar during the three ears preceding the change in the law was 23a Id. a cwt., and in the three succeeding years :323. 4d. They might be told. perhaps, that the great increase in the consumption of sugar eince 1846 was owing to their availing thetut,elve,, of slave-grown sugar all over the world; but Vie f,ct was, that the production r f Britian free-labour sugar had increased, while that cf slave-grown sugar had ma terially diminished. At the conclusion of the first yt ar after the cl.alige in the law, the consumption of this country was 289,0001. tons, which was made up of 227,000 tons of f: ee - labour colonial produce, and 61,000 tons slave-labour sugar. In 1848, the consumption of free labour sugar increased from 227,000 to 243,000 tons, while slave-labour sugar decreased from 61,000 to 39,000 tons. In 1849, the consumption of the whole country was 301,000 tons, of which 253,000 were Bri tish free-labour, and 48,000 slave-labour sugar. What was the case this year? The accounts for the 10 months warranted him in assuming that the consumption would be 318,000 tons, of which he might take 282,000 as Bri tish, and 36,000 the produce of slave labour.—(Hear, hear.) But sugarewas not the only thing in which these colonies were interested. Molasses and rum must also be taken into the account. He would take 31bs. of molasses to represent llb. of sugar. In this article the increase of consumption had been horn 207,000 tons in 1844, to 317,000 during the last year. Of rum, the quantity imported from the British possessions in the three years preceding 1846 was 3,095,000 gallons, and in the three last years 5,080,000 gallons. The Bon. Gentleman who last addressed the House placed the whole issue upon the possibility of our confining our competition to free-labour countries, to the exclusion of .slave-labour. Now, it appeared that in the three years preceding 1846 the quantity was 354,000 tons, and in the three years following that period 263,000 tons. At the present moment the entire quantity of sugar produced was 1,227,000 tons, of which 530,000 tons were the pro duce of slave labour, and 697,000 tons the produce of free labour. It was unnecessary for him now to repeat the arguments based on the difficulties which would be created by the admission of refined sugar. and the de mands of Holland and the United States to the privileges of the most favoured nations. In addition to this they had the additional difficulty caused by the changes which had taken place in their legislation since the ad mission of slave labour and the repeal of the navigation laws. But he maintained that every attempt to return to protection would be the greatest injury they could inflict on the colonies. Suppose at the present mo ment they had it in their power to give the West Indies protection, what would the effect be? They were told that Trinidad was able to grow enough c f sugar for the whole consumption of this country—that British Guiana could do the same if it could only ob tain a supply of labour—that the production of the Mauritius was likely to be much more than at present. Then from the East Indies they had had a most valuable return of the produce of the last two years, and showing the extent of land under cultivation. the extent of ground under palm trees and date trees for the production of sugar; and the quantities there indicated amazed and astonished him, much as he knew of the extent of the resources of their East Indian possessions. In all these places they were on the eve, with the slightest en couragement, of having a surplus production. Notwith standing it had been asserted, and he believed truly, that the West -Indies were in a state of great distress—not withstanding all that, they were increasing the amount of production so rapidly in the West Indies, that long be fore the expiration of the Act of 1846—lung before 1854—they would find themselves in the same position with regard to sugar as they were rat present with re gard to coffee, and that protection had worn itself out. It would merely by a year or two anticipate the ordi nary course of events. On behalf ef the British colonies themselves, was that a desirable result? They only now required 10 per cent. of additional pre deletion iu their own colonies to have enough for their entire consumption. He had shown that the predictions that were made before the Committee of 1846 were not fallacious—he had shown that, instead of becoming more and more dependent on slave labour, the production o their own colonies, in place of being lessened, bed been gra dually and considerably increased. If the House agreed to the motion they would have all the slave-hi !din g ; countries looking up—they would be proclaiming the fsil ure of their own experiment, and it would be holding out to them an encouregemeat and an inducement to the continuance of slave Libman They would be telling the world that with the largest market and the greatest corn , merce of any nation they were unable to support the principle of free labour—that at that late period it had become necessary for them to retrace their steps, and for the sake of their colonies to go back to protec tion. On every account, therefore, he felt himself justified in opposing the motion; and he hoped the House would be of the same opinion, and reject the motion.—(Cheers.) Mr. S ICANLEY said—Sir, I have more than one reason fit asking the indulgence of the House. I have never addressed it before—l shall not now address it long—l have been personally referred to in the course of the debate, and I have some personal knowledge of the countries whose condition we are now discussing.—(Hear and cheers.) And further, I may say that I have not in my hand one single statistical table—(Hear, hear)—that I shall quote no figures, and that I shall detain the House by no calculations—(Hear, hear.) I shall con fine myself to a reply to those lion. Gentlemen who have preceded me in the debate, and to those I shall re ply as briefly as it is in my power. Before I enter upon the details of the question itself, I may be permitted to express my astonishment, and which, I believe, has been felt in common with myself by many Hon. Members on this side of the House, when the Honourable Member who immediately preceded me in the debate told us that it was something strange that the consider ation of this question, which had teen fully discussed two years since, should have again been brought forward, and that an appeal should be again made to the House to reverse its de cision. Why, Sir, the period is not very far remote when it was the practice of that party professing the policy of which the Hon. Gentleman is so warm a sup porter, year after year and session after session, to ask the House to reverse its former decisions—(Hear)--- when it was their practice to bring forward motions, not with a view to their being carried, but with a view te the effect which they would produce, not in that House, but rather with a view to the effect which they would and actually did produce elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) S:r, I admit that this does not alter the case so far us we are concerned ; but I was still more sur prised when I heard the Hon. Gentleman, not ten minutes after that expression of opinion, admit—nay, assert, that in consequence of certain changes that had taken place in the policy of the country, an entire change had taken place in all the features of the case.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, although I was not in Parliament when this question was brought forward in 1818, still I have some recollection of the debates that tool: place on that occasion ; and, if my memory does net deceive me, I find that the overwhelming majority by which this change was effected, and against which we are now told it is hoeeless to struggle, was, in a House numbering between 400 and 500 Members, a majority of just 15.—(Hear, and cheers.) Sir, I must also he permitted to offer one remark upon the reply, which the Hon. Gentleman made to the argument em ployed by the Hon. Baronet who brought forward the motion. That motion was founded exclusively upon the existence of great distress in the West Indies; and the Hon. Gentleman replied by a careful and elaborate cal culation, showing that the import of sugar had increased not in the West but in the East Indies.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Something has, I believe, been said about the protective system by the Hon. Gentleman, but, long as the debate has continued, lam nevertheless the first Member on this side of the House who has taken part in it, and, in reference to certain remarks made by the Hon. Baronet who brought forward the motion, I wish dis tinctly and emphatically to corroborate the statement he has made, and to say that this is not a protection ques- Hen, and that I do not intend to deal with it as men.— (Hear, hear.) Taking that view of the case, I feel that I urn supported by very high authorities who have been often appealed to in this House—by Mr. Deacon Hume, and by many of the most eminent of those who brought forward or supported the new finauciel move ment—by Lord Brougham, and by the Right Reverend Prelate the Bishop of Oxford, who voted against the Act of 1846, although they were in favour of the mea sure for putting an end to agricultural protection. lam further supported by a very powerful authority in this House, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam worth, for although his vote was given in favour of the Act of 1846, he at the same time admitted that sugar was not to be placed in the general cet >gory with other articles of agricultural produce.—(Hear, hear.) It at pears to me, then, that as regards the West Indian colo nies the case is very simple. One of two alternatives the House must adopt—either it must declare that free labour can compete with slave labour, or it must at once and openly confess that emancipation has failed (Hear, hear)—that it was useless to abolish slavery— that the 20,000.0001. given as compensation to the plan ters, and the 80,000,0001. indirectly raid away, have all been sacrificed, and are as much rost as if they hod been thrown int) the sea.—(Hear and cheers.) With regard to the impossibility of free-labour sugar compet ing with the produce of slave labour, it would be difficult to argue the questinn fully in a brief compass, but I shall just refer to one authority, which must be admitted to be one of considerable weight. I take the authority of Colonel Reid, who at the time this dispatch was written, May, 1848, was Lieutenant-Governor of the is land of Barbadoes :—" On the future prospects of the planter I shall say but little, since this subject has been publicly inquired into in England. I shall confine my self to recording an opinion I already nave its general terms on the 26th February, 1848, supported by the in formation which I have collected and transmitted, that the cost of making sugar Irons free labour is greatly be yond the cost of making it by slave labour—that sugar cultivation cannot yet withstand competition on equal terms with slave labour,. and that fro, - dom requires to be nursed with protection." Honour able Gentlemen will probably consider for a moment from what part of the world that declaration comes. It is from Barbadoes—frorn an island in the West Indies, in which, if the question of free labour could be any a here fairly tried, it could be tried there. In that island i the pepulation was far denser than in either England or ! Ireland, and it was estimated to be as dense as in Chine. • The wages of a g ricultural labour range fro m 61. t o Bd . per day, the land is all highly cultivated, there is Ti'4 waste lend, and therefore there is no possibility of squatting, The negro must he employed us a labourer or he must starve.—(Hear.) Is not that as fair a trial of free labour as it is possible to have? and yet the an swer to all that is, that there it has faile I.—(flear, hear.) Cornoared with Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana, the population of Barbadoes is considerably more dense; and, on the other hand, speaking of the area LONDON, SATURDAY EVE the repeal of the navigation-laws had rendered the re vival.of (li,tinetiens ef_thet king mere difficult.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, the piesent Government did not enforce the observance of the treaties- with Breed-and Spairs. Under these circumstances he saw no mode in which the object of the Honourable Member for Eise:c could to carried out but by making an alieratiou in the sugar duties, and for a time re-enacting protective duties to some extent; and at all events, fn. a given number of years, of arresting the descending scale.—(hear, hear.) He could not at present specify tie exact amount, but he intended to propose that the differential duty shoul,l not be lower than the differential duty which at pre sent existed between colonial and foreign sugar.—(Hear hear.) He could not look fore aril without dread to the equalisation of the duties in 1854. The Hon. Member far Westbury protested against holding out to the world the wild example or alteration of our policy. But had not our policy with regard to the sugar duties been frequently altered before ?—(Hear, hear ) The Government, in 1848, protection of 3s. 63. p er cwt. more than they found it necessary to make an alteration, under whi c h t h e co l on i es now en j oye d a would have done under the Act of 184 6, an d under wh i ch an equali sation would not tak e pl ace t i ll 1854, when the dut i es would be equalled at 10e. instead of 14s. And he be lieved that before 1854 the Government would find the pressure of distress so great in the colonies that they must give way to another alteration.—(Hear, hear.) He admitted to a eertain extent that the exports from the co lonies had not fallen off in quantity; but, nevertheless, the state of those colonies w as most di sastrous, an d they could not go on in their present condition. The subject at issue was, whether it was possible for the West India colonies to compete with the slave countries producing sugar. The Honourable Member for Westbury had adverted to the continued imports from the East Indies. Now a great deal o f sugar was grown in the East Indies for the consumption of that country, which was consumed there, and any surplus might find its way to England. It was now b e i ng b roug h t h ere under the protection of 1848, and it was a most noto rious fact that the importation f rom the East Indies was now carried on at a loss of several pounds per ton. With regard to the Mauritius, the condition of that colony was somewhat peculiar. It had the advantages of obtaining a supply o f co oli e s, and also the benefit of the increased protection of the Act of 1848. 'rho reports from the Mauritius and the East Indies were, therefores accounted for.—(Hear, bear.) He would now pro cee d to consider the state of the West India colonies , . Re admitted that since the year 1848 there had been a considerable fall in the weges paid to the labourers in the West ladia colo nies, varying from 30 to 50 per cent. In Trinidad the reduction was 40 per cent., and in Jamaica 30 per cent. These circumstances were undoubtedly favour able to the British grower. Lie also admitted that the importation of sugar from the West India colonies had r B wi a t n hstanding these large and 1849, as compared c with s former derab'Y years. B i importations the colonies were in a di stresse d an d increased ;i t I n B o 4 ruinous condition. When the Hon. G ent l eman tal k e d of the increased consumption of British sager as com pared with foreign, he had to remind bins that there was an immense import of British sugar in 1847 un disposed of in that year. That state of things was now reversed. In the last three mouths the amount of foreign sugar entered for home consumption in this country, instead of being 90,000 cwt., as in the similar period of last year, was 180,000 cwt.—exactly double, while the import of British sugar for the last three months was 19,800 cwt. against 22,900 cwt. in the corresponding three months of last year.—(Hear, h ear. ) T he Hon. Member for Westbury had omitted to allude to a most important point—the prices of sugar.—(H ear hear.) The Hon. Member had told them of the quan tity, but had said nothing of the price which the unfortunate British colonist had received fir it. In 1846 the Gazette average of muscovado, without duty, was 343. 51; in 1847, 28s. 3d.; in 1848, 235. 83; in 1849, 255. 4d.; and the average of ten weeks in 1850 was 245, lid. per cwt. —a lower price than that at the time they were debating the Bill of 1848. But it would be easy to s h ow that im ports might be large and yet profits small, or even no thing at all. Lord Harris, writing in the summer of 1848, admitted that the crop bee increased, but stated that it would not be difficult to show that since 1838, not only had there been no profit, hut, on the contrary-, a loss if British capital to the amount of at least a million.— (Hear.) According to the statement of Lord Harris, of 193 estates, 17 might be considered as giving a profit— es many just holding their ground—and that the rest had been cultivated a: a 10-s. Governor Barkly also gave evidence of the loss sustained by the planters of Guiana from a depreciation of the value of produce. Thee statements were conclusive proof that though the amount of produce might be large, the diminution of price more than counterbalanced it. The . Hon. Memb er f or W est bury halladverted to the quantity of rum imported, but again he made no mention of a fall in its price.—.(Hear.) Since 1848 there had bean a fall of little less than a third in the price of rum, a most important item, as every one knew, in the returns from a sugar estate. The Hon. Member had referred to the large importations of sugar from the West Indies as a proof of their prosperity, and seemed to deny that any material increase had taken place in the importation of slave-grown sugar. Mr. WILSON had spoken of the quantity of slave grown sugar taken for home consumption with fre, - labour sugar. Ho had never alluded to the quantity im ported, because it was often imported for the purpose of being re-expoyted to the continent. —the area of Guiana is very much larger, and aacorcl. • Ling to calatilation of Sir Ro!le!•, Schoini.urgk. while the one contains a population uf 130,000, Guiana, according to the same computation, should contain a po pulation of 50,000,000. At all events this much is cer tain, that British Guiana contains an area of 100,000 1 square miles; its sail is the most fertile iu the wort,', and, being everywhere accessible, is particularly alopted to the cultivation of the cane; yet, not wit'n st-anding all this, the population of Guiana is not le:lf that of Barbadoes.—(Hear.) I need not me many words in explaining what has been the result of the removal of protection in the West Indian colonies. The labourers are now become very few, and it is impossible to get these to work. Even if additional labourers could be procured, it is one hundred chances to ono that they may not become labourers on the sugar estates. They find no difficulty in buying land for themselves, and if they do not choose to buy land they have nothing to do but ascend the rivers for 50 or 100 miles, or make their way into the back woods and forests, and settle wherever they please.—(Hear.) But it was said that the draw back to the prosperity of the West Indies would cease if a sufficient supply of immigrant labour could be pro cured. I beg leave to doubt the truth of that. I doubt if you could ever obtain immigrant labour as cheap as that of the negroes, and you can only do it by re ducing the condition of the immigrants to that of the slaves.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I for one, do not think that desirable.—(Cheers.) I do not think the English Government would do that ; but whether they would or not, I believe it to be utterly impossible.•—(Hear, hear.) The wages of immigrant labour can never fall below the present price, but they may rise very much higher. Even if the whole African coast were thrown open to the West Indies, and that you obtained for them an abundant supply of labourers, still you will not obtain an abundant supply of cheap labour.—(Hear, hear.) DA the House for one moment consider the expense of introducing a supply of immigrant labour. The colonies had the alternative of bringing them from India, a dis tance of 3,000 miles, from the other side of the globe. You have by law provided, and I do not complain of it —you have, by the existing law provided that the planter is bound at the end of a certain period to provide the labourer a passage back again to his own country. The expense of that passage back and forward can hardly be less than 71. or 8/., and in the interval he has to pay him wages, and besides this, to provide him with every single thing that may be considered necessary. He has to pay him wages during the time he employs him, and he is then, at the end of a cer tain period, obliged to send him back again. I am firmly convinced, then, that aided or unaided by immigration alone, these colonies will never be able to compete with slave labour.—(Hear, hear.) lam aware that some per sons have placed much confidence upon the ultimate effects of the blockade by the African squadron. Now, in the first place, it is nut difficult to prove—in fact, there has been already abundant proof—that the African squadron has not effectually answered its purpose. I cannot think that it is reasonable to expect that with the present system of tariff any amount of armed force that it is in the power of the world to employ will suc ceed in putting down a traffic in which one successtul voyage will pay for five failures.—(Cheers.) The House will bear in mind the continental blockade which was enforced by Napoleon—he endeavoured to blockade the Continent, and to prevent that free intercourse which the necessities of these countries rendered necessary. We know by the experience of history that there never Wa3 a greater failure than that continental blockade.—(Cheers.) I do not think that that trade was more remunerative than the African slave trade, and I do not think that the blockade of the coast of Africa was more strictly maintained than that continental blockade.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, 1 have only one point more to advert to, and 1 must call upon the House to consider well what they are doing in tne vote they are about to give. As regards our colonial empire I know something of its vast importance, and I know also some thing of its feeling; and I tell you now, that from Ca nada to Jamaica, from the St. Lawrence to Essequibo, there is in the minds of all thinking men but one predo minant all pervading feeling—a feeling, call it un-Eng lish if you will, but you cannot call it unnatural—a feeling of growing disia-lief in the attachment and of distrust in the policy of the mother country.—(Loud cheers.) Ido not say that feeling is well founded, but these men believe that their claims have been neglected and their interests sacrificed to no real or imaginable considerations of policy—(Hear, hear)—and have not the West Indies good cause to complain?—(Hear, hear.) Look back at their early history; it was England made them a penal colony—it was Eogland that forced slavery upon them, and they adopted that system at her repeated instigation. By force England took it away from them, without giving them any compensation for injury thus inflicted.—(Oh, and cries of "Hear. hear.") I am merely pointing out the inconsistency of England in this matter, and the additional injustice of now re proaching the West Indies with having resorted to slave labour. On the last crowning stroke of all—the passing of the Emancipation Act of 1834, the colonies were, indeed, compensated with a sum, which, however high for England to give, was absolutely nothing for the West Indies to receive. —(Hear.) Let the House con sider for one minute how the case stands. It was dis- tinctly stated by the Government which passed the Emancipation Act, that the planters in the West Indies were to be compensated; but it was impossible to suppose that the Government meant that the compensation should he only half. There were persons in this country who said that the West Indies had no right to hold slaves, and were not entitled to compensation. But compensation was awarded—Commissioners were sent out to value the slave property, and they returned the value at 43,000,0001. sterling. As compensation for the slaves, a sum of 17,000,0001. was paid down, being some thing like forty per cent., while all the capital invested in buildings, machinery, improvements in land, fixtures which were in their nature absolutely irremoveable, lost half its value when the Act was passed, and for all that no compensation was given.—(Loud cheers.) I do not dispute the right of the House to ruin our colonios by their course of commercial legislation.—(Hear, hear.) But let there be no half-measures—let their be no under hand work, let them at once, openly, avowedly, and in the face of the world, proclaim what they mean to do. Call the slave trade a humane and profitable traffic—de signate slavery, as it has been termed in some of the states of South America, as " a glorious institution handed down to us from our forefathers"—apologise to Cuba and to Brazil for all the injury the African squa dron has inflicted upon their traffic—allow them to carry on unmolested their laudable pursuit, and without in terruption let them continue their trade with the coast of Africa, with which you will assure them you will never interfere again; but do not mock with your sym pathy those whom your policy tends to ruin, and du not stand forward to the world at one and the same time as the supporters of liberal institutions at home, and the abettors and supporters of slavery and the slave trade abroad.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. HUTT complimented the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down upon the able and effective speech which he had delivered. At the same time he must give his vote against the motion of the Hon. Baronet. As re garded the question of the sugar duties he must observe that their consideration had been forced upon the pre sent Government under circumstances of pressing and extraordinary difficulty. It was impossible upon any just commercial principles to refuse to apply to sugar the same commercial policy that was applied to all other articles. The introduction of slave-labour sugar had been opposed on the ground of humanity, but he be lieved that argument untenable. It was impossible to keep out slave-grown sugar after the passing of the Act of 1845. The only question for the Honse to deli berate upon was under what circumstances and on what terms they would undertook the great and important change iu their policy. Some distinctions of a very fine nature had been se , ; up relative to the difference be tween dealing in slave grown sugar and slave-grown cotton and tobacco, all the productions of Cuba. Now, there could not be two standards of right and wrong. If it was not permissible to deal in any of the produc tions of slave-labour, let it be so stated, and let all the productions of all the slave-owningcountries in the worli, including not only sugar, but cotton aeld tobacco, the copper of Cuba, and the gold of Brazil.—(Hear, hear.) But if such a policy as that was impeachable, what be came of the principle ? It had been said that the sugar law stimulated the slave trade. But did not the copper law stimulate the slave trade? and did not the cotton trade stimulate the worse than slave trade carried on by Carolina, and Louisiana?—(Hear, hear.) Although Hon. Gentlemen opposite said this was not a question of pro tection, he was afraid it would be so regarded by large numbers of those who intended to support the motion of the Hon. Member for South Essex, although the Hon. Member felt very little sympathy with their views. He admitted that the treatment which the West Indies had received was a treatment of which they had a right to complain—(Cheers)--and if they were not entitled to compensation for the injury which they had received, they were deserving of every consideration.—(Hear, hear.) But there was one concession which could not be made. We could not agree to the abandonment of a great national policy—a policy which he believed to be beneficial in itself, and of the highest possible value to every portion of this empire—a policy which had been established by years of conflict and labour, and by some of the most serious personal sacrifices ever made by public men in this country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON said he approached the subject with undiminished sympathy for the sufferings inflicted on our colonies, and with undiminished indignation at the extent of the discredit which was thrown upon the national character by the policy of the Legislature of late years and by that pursued by the present Govern ment.—(Cheers.) He wished to give his most decided and cordial support to the motion of the lion. Member for South Essex; but he f It it right to indicate the course which he should feel it his duty to take in the event of the motion being carried, as he hoped and trusted it would be. If it should be rejected it would t e another result of the unhappy state of parties to which legislation had so long tended; because he was certain that if lion. Members were t r vote solely on their own opiuions, without reference to the state of party, the legislation of late years would be generally condemned by a decided majority.—(Cheers.) Ile would now slate the course which he intended to take in the event of the motion being carried. Should that be the case, he would take the earliest opportunity of moving for a Committee of the whole House to reconsider the sugar duties of 1848.—(Bear, hear.) The motion now under con sideration came before the House in an incomplete shape. It was merely an abstract resolution declaring it to be unjust and impolitic to expose the sugar of our own colonies to unrestricted competition with the sugar of shave-trading countries, and did not proceed to say in what manner injustice was to be prevented, He therefore had thought it necessary to give notice of an amendment.—(Bear, hear.) The present Government, fellowing a precedent not uncommon, had rather ham pered themselves by some hasty declaration, and had pledged themselves so strongly to the favoured nation clause, that it was impossible for them to maintain the distinction which had been drawn between foreign free sugar and foreign slave-grown sugar. In addition to that Sir J. PAKINGTON felt that this was a point, never theless, which required their attention. In 1831 the West Indian colonies exported 205,000 tons of sugar; in 1848 the quantity had diminished to 139,000 tons; in 1849 it was 142,000 tons, and he believed the amount this year would not exceed 112,000 tons. — (Hear, hear.) Meantime in five years, from 1831, Cuba exported 84,000 tons; and in the four years from 1846 to 1849, the amount had increased to 176,000 tons.—(Hear, bear.) Brazil exported from 1842 to 1845 on the average 69,000 tons; from 1846 to 1849 the figures were reversed, the average export being near 96,000 tons.—(Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the condition of our colonies nothing could be more deplora ble. He might refer in proof of this to the able pam phlet which the Hon. Member for Lynn had published on this subject within these few days. Writing of what he had witnessed in British Guiana, the Hon. Member said he was prepared for desolation, but not for the scenes of ruin which he witnessed—that the whole Toad which he traversed was lined with ruined houses and mills.—(Hear, hear.) Governor Barkly held similar language. What more deplorable than such a state of things? Again, he would refer to the pamphlet of ; the Hon. Member for Lynn. The Hon. Member gave ari ac count of ten estates in Beti.h Guiana which bad been sold at different periods, from 1835 to 1844, at an aggre gate of 155,0001., but which, when sold again, during the last three years, had only realised 17,0001.—(Hear.) Again, referring to the pamphlet, he found the Bon. Member stating that passing through the parish of Sr. Ann's, Jamaica, he was informed of an estate of 800 acres without incumbrance, that was in the market. fer 601., and that meeting his informant some three weeks . ~......_ -- - later, was told that he had actually become the purchaser at the stipulated price.—(Hear.) But there was another point to be considered—the dreadful effect of such a state of things on the Creole population of the:West Indies. He feared that if they persisted in their present policy every hope of improving the social and religious condi tion of the negro population was at an end, and that they would lapse into barbarism. --(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War had lately pre sided over a meeting of the Wesleyan Missionary So ciety, at which reference was made to t h e d ep l ora bl e state of the West Indian population. Lord Grey, in.his dispatch to Governor Barkly, a l so a ll u d e d to the state o f the negro population, and ad m i tte d t h at i ns t ea d o f ad vancing in civilization they had retrograded.—(He4r.) The opinion of Dr. Lushington, given before the Com mittee, was that the Act of 1846 had greatly stimulated the slave trade. He would also quote the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxford in favour of his proposition, where that Right Hon. Gen tleman had said that he wished to maintain the charac ter for sincerity which this cou n t ry possesse d amongst foreign nations , and therefore he sh ou ld no t h ave p asse d to a speech o f the Noble Lord at the Government, wherei n i t h a d b een admitted colonies had b een placed at a disadvan tage Sugar. Bill of 1846. He cou l d even refer, in support measures of the G overnment of which the the head. H e was sorry to say that he freely rae f egoa h ebedl i l ay,bloyttpLhrttoaohhrteed Ghweoa position, s erbsyon,hcmognasiadgearing that they had passed believed the Noble Lord had done more to stimulate which ho had used, they should carry out their policy with ttthhheaenAsalcaat;'oeoftlthBrea4rd6e.l;and were prepared to defend its policy. the coast country tli .aY 0 f Africa, —(Hear.) If they sincerely wished to put down the slave trade, single ness of purpose and steeliness of design, with sincerity any blessing of keeping p i long ng n a p s t tobeennechoeusr.a)geTiht.27( twanhnieedt Heaven vmaoepnnordeteeoashrtaaaytn, appearance edc o ne r tto e t ft they e ae l y apsv c ogi o l siuuhcalyedddrcr, fitheir this whilst with the other they were inviting and giving every snwYplataithcoe of t essi a 'a n iv: e gc n Y d w.— t h o i(lat slavery, W i and ona Hear.) They couldh anencouragementhand they hneo yt der xel7.vig ei to-the itrit.e —and be hoped some day ac ti n g in a manner which should not Loud policy cheersmwiutsh must thebe from re other y erths reversed did _p —(Cheers)—and co everything theeeet iros) to see this country invovle suspicion of its honour — in a manner whi c h wou ld not involve suspicion of its sincerity — in a manner which would exhibit this nation to the world as , one not gu id e d merely by motives of gain—(Cheers) — w hi c h wou ld show to the world that we could not be led solely by pecuniary considerations, but that we werelleterinined, at any cost; to put an end to slavery and the slave trade. —(The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud cheers from the Protectionist benches.) said the ob jects h. ofe Gentleman C te h i n l et A l e Hon.NmCa En GentlemanL( L s O i r R e E. of ti3b whoi l e x E t : hi C ; dHwjEtihQsot whose r es sup ported, were as different as well could be conceived. The lion. Gentleman ( Sir E. Buxton) had stated he brought forward his motion as a great question of principle, and no one who knew the Hon. Gentleman could doubt he had brought it forward as no party motion, or was influenced by anything but his attachment to the principle of destroying in every way slavery and the slave trade. His motion, how. ever, came far short of the principles he avowed. On what principle would he draw a distinction between the produce of Brazil and Carolina? The Hon. Baronet emphatically said that the man who bought slave-grown sugar was as guilty as the man who bought a slave.—(llear, hear.) That might be so, but how could the Hon. Baronet draw a dis tinction between slave-grown sugar, slave-grown cotton, and slave-grown coffee?—(Hear, hear.) lie was afraid the Hon. Baronet did not altogether abstain from the use of slave grown coffee. According to the principle he had laid down, Was not he guilty of the blood of the slave ?—( Hear, hear.) The llon. Gentleman opposite (Sir J. Pakington) supported the motion on far different grounds, and, aware of the impos sibility of making a distinction, would pat all foreign sugar, flee and slave•grown, on precisely the same footing with respect to duty. Did the lion. Gentleman opposite propose to extend the principles of his policy to the Mauritius sugar? Did he mean to protect free-labour sugar grown in any of NG, JUNE 1, 1850. pr ops,vossessi or did he o '. he confine himself to the West Indies; 1 -(Loud cheers.) It was true- and happy it was f or philan °'c',,,, Otection to all British colonial sugar as throw that such was the fact-that the emancipation of :l ie opposed to all fG su•••ar ? The Hon. Lictiaber for Dorset- fiegroes in the West Indies was not immediate. He a d. 81ilre-w " 1 " , ex sall foreign sugar; . and there,. at -least,- mitted,-also, that- tkose philanthropists who bad recommended it must be adalt, slat he was consistent with himself; but the abolition of slavery were not responsible for the ruin of the opposite e',,'"' dno standing whatever-it had no prin- these colonies.-( Hear, hear.) But what did Parliament ciple to rest ii' appeared to him that manyof the lion. do. The Government of Lord Melbourne sent out instruc- Members N ' Vito tit I.•tett the motion desired protection to all tons for the postponement of all the preparatoTy legislation colonial stirrer. hoped that'the •., lie was not prepared for that, and he which was necessary for the new state upon which the). were I : was not prepared for it either. In the about t., enter. They obliged the colonies to postpone every course of the pre. enough made discussion An observation had been justly . act or precaution and legislation which might tit them for the details and statis ' .he question before them was one of new state of things. In 1837 a Committee of the House of a nd though he might to some extent Commons recognised the Emancipation Act as containing a trouble the lions he would not unti. some of that species of evide nce , y e t solemn contract of apprenticeship until 1840, and they stated he desired to callu the first place, in the 'r report that nothing could be so disastrous as to shake respass upon them. I . • attention to the fact that for the fif- the public confidence with regard to the sanctity of that con- IVestteen years endina• -844 the importation of sugar from the tract. In 1838, by a hasty and injudicious vote of the House, Indies had i tin.'er 200,000 tons; in 1848 and 1849 they compelled the West India colonies to give up the re it rose to 206 000 , ' ar .it now amounted to 300,000 tons rnainder of that apprenticeship which the House had gua per annum. That ' -overnent might be reckoned amongst ranteed to them.-(dear, hear.) They were thus not only the earliest clian , Ye .'" But the first effect , sequent upon the abolition of slavery. deprived of the pecu n i ar y b ene fit o f th e t w o . years' appren would be not what i me ,resent motion, if it were carried, ticeship, but the G overnmen t h av i ng d es i re d th em to post o°. Mover might expect-its first pone all preparation, they we r e com p e ll e d t o pl u nge into the effect would not be discourage slavery at all. But the new state into which th e y h a d b een f orce d b y pu bli c o pi n i o n true way to look at question before the House was to in this country. . With regard to the question of labour, he consider the effect oe preaent state of free labour and of could not join in any censures relative to the present open competition, ar ts he thought might be best seen by proceedings of the Government. The supply of labour the average rate of e mpoon of sugar per head per annum for the West Indies was a far more difficult subject than in this country. In , 1840 the . veer average consumption the Hon. Member for Montrose aupposed. The Go was 151 b.; in 1841 it. was 171 b.; in 1845, 201 b. ; in vernment, he believed, were desirous to give such facilities as 1846, 211 b. ; in 1847,, 9. : in 1848 and 9,241 b. He pre- they safely could to increase the supply of labour. But he sumed that no one wee - tor a moment doubt that that was spoke now of the state of public sentiment in this country; a great benefit to th 'ple of this country, that it was a and he said there was a period when, by seizing the oppor great advantage to tL to be enabled to raise their con- tunity, the House might have produced the most important sumption of sugar from consequences by the introduction into the colonies of free -- o. to upwards of 201 b. But the question beyond this waplabour from abroad. Had they chosen to give facilities at of or t . 111D0 tance Let Hon Members look to the e the time for the moderate introduction of labour into the of ihis ea ch l ange r upon . the West . Indies themselves. A r islands, much of the evil would have been avoided, buethe 9sition, however, like that then r before them was one to A had refused to do this. With such jealousy was every pro- . he would not consent ;for his impression was, that .o. cee ding of the West Indians-every:effort pf laudable enter -more unfortunate for the West Indies could not be devr prevailed in the coloniei l He admitted the distress Which prise on the part of some of the 'planters to increase the one could be more ready to means of labour watched at home-so hostile a' consineetion afford relief than he sho having wasplaced on every act of the colonists, that the'Goiern teenbout the colonies sub- ._ matted to the Act of 184' admitted that . Act as a ment did not venture to give the slightest facilities for the final settlement-havin aavia g taln and promote their( eide unusual exertions to main- introduction of labour; but, on the contrary, precaution af interests under its operation or ter precaution, regulation after regulation, was interpoeed to with its aid, whatever respects, there could be ,ht ,ht be their condition in other create an artificial scarcity of supply.-(Hear.) For that. ar- , ioubt of this fact, that sugar, tificial scarcity of labour the public opinion of the time, and the produce of the We.st . c • threpresentatives of thatpublic opinion, were responsible. the Mauritius, had greap3s, of the East Indies, and of e creased within the last two (Hear, hear.) After the breach of contract of apprentice years. That fact was be t he House, and was beyond all ship, after the artificial scarcity of labour, came the Act of possibility of dispute. If: . 1846; and, as to that, he disputed and denied, not the Members' would refer to the returns of 1848 and 1549, ee would find that in Antigua, figures, but the inferences of the Right Hon. Gentleman op- Barbadoes, Jamaica, St. lent,s, and Trinidad, there had posits. The Right Hon. Gentleman cited the three years been a steady and nifest nu e - ease of production and expor- since 1846 as indicating the effects of that Act upon the pro- - tation. Thus 2,794,000 cw pease advanced to 2,840,000 cwts. ducing power of the West Indies. Did the Right Hon. Gen and the export from Guiat kr the first quarter of tete year tleman really believe his own argument? Had the Right 1849 was 7,920 hogsheads ;. Hon. Gentleman so little studied the nature of cultivation in de, in the corresponding pe riod of 1850, it was 9,336 ho, a , as sbowing an increase of the West Indies, or anywhere else, as seriously to believe 1,416; and an increase not I) eS.ps always precisely similar that the exports from the West Indies in 1847 were the Mea in amount, but pretty nearly might be found to have oc- sure of the effects of an Act passed in 1846 ?-(Hear, hear.) curred in all our possessions w su sugar was produced ; yet Was their no other fact in our legislation-a fact happily of the reverse of all that had beet, ed&ed ;it had been p - re. a different character-which, concurring with favourable dieted that Ceylon would be 4 1 er . , s tthat the Mauritius seasons, might be connected with the increase of crops in the would be a desert-and yet tho. l.°hecies so confidently West Indies? Had there not been an Act of 1845 as well as D made and so implicitly relied U ' ia 1 (1 been falsified within an Act of 1846 -an Act reducing the duty on our colonial the short space of two years. Th. on. Member for Lnn sugar from about 21s. to 145., and to which, and not to the in his statement, certainly did not ; and Act of 1846, the inferences of the Right Hon. Gentleman . et the West Ind' he, comparing periods of three yea statements, and Act of 1846, the inferences of the Right Hon. Gentleman result of which showed an statements, th e were referable? But for the check of the Act of 1846, in result of which showed an increa ?,, oduction ad of 1848 the Act of 1845 would have been in full operation, exportation from 127,000 tons t . . OCO tons, the in- whereas the Act of 1846, so far from developing itself in crease being in the three years suo,cn t to the Act of 1847, had not until after 1848 come into full operation. 1846, as compared with the three yen - . What, in the Committee of 1848, said the resolutions` pro eced'n that measure. But, further to show the r . . on which the motion of the 'lmmure: -,' I t. g round posed by I e roust len g rested, the President of the Board of Control-eihose absence from so deplorable a cause was a source of grief he should call the attention of Homoas deep as unaffected to the whole House?-(Hear, hear.) le Members to.• the average importation of sugar nt the West Distinctly this, that the distress of the West Indians was Indies during the five years ending 181% d the five markedly traceable to the restrictions imposed by public years ending 1849. The details were as folin_ Antigua, opinion, in its anxiety to carry out the Act of Emancipa tive years ending 1844, 177,727 cwt. ; five J .s ending tion, upon the supply of labour to our West Indian colonies. . 1849, 180,737 cwt. ; Barbadoes, ending 1844, 2e e3 cwt. . -(Hear, hear.) No mere formal regard to consistency ending 1849, 402,987 cwt. ; Trinidad, endin g 184 '482000 would induce him to repeal his vote of 1848, could he agree cwt. ; ending 1849, 385,000 cwt. ; St. Mitt' s , ena, 1844, with the Right Hon. Gentleman in the belief that the NestB9,ooo cwt. ; ending 1849, 107,030 cw t. ; St. Lucia, ,1, 4 Indies were rallying from the stroke they had received; and 1814, 55,000 cwt. ; ending 1849, 70,000 cwt . ; G 4 c; ' hat the present was an injudicious proposition, calculated ending 1844, 522,000 c wt. ; en di ng 1849, 572,000 c , n ' ' . retard returning prosperity.-(Hear, hear.) He would Jamaica, ending, 1844, 602,000 cwt. ; ending 1811_ freely concede thus much to the Right Hon. Gentleman; that. 665,000 cwt. ; Mauritius, ending 1814, 591,000 cwt. ; ending erotection would be no permanent cure for the evils of the 1849, 9)7,000 cwt. ; aggregate of all colonies, including the 'est Indies.-(Hear.) He fully bore in mind the admis- Emt Indies, five years ending 1844, 3,925,000 cwt. ; ending st of the Right lion. Member for Tamworth, an admission 1810, 5.072,000 cwt. The next point to which he should °!-rse carrying the greatest weight, that the case of the solicit the attention of the House was the co m p ara ti ve ope - West -lies was fairly to be treated as an exception from ration of slavery and freedom-the productiveness of free the oreery category of free-trade principles; this was labour as compared with slave labour, and he should take an adinm,m so often made that lie need not now dwell the six years ending in 1834 for the purpose of comparing upon it, aeeould it be shown that the permanent restore them with the six years ending in 1849, the quantities Hon of pro..ion, or its permanent maintenance, or its being, in cwts. : - Antigua, 1834, 175,000 ; 1849, permanent inc..e would operate as a cure for the evils 183,000 ; increase, 12,000. B ar b a d oes , 1814 , 343,0(t) ; 1849, of the West Indic:ne e should be prepared to give his 390.000 ; increase 47,000. Trinidad, 1834, 310,000 ; 1849, vote in accordance wonshennorinciple-(Hear, hear)- 316,0)0 ; increase, 56,000. The question was what might but he would ask the House to cider well what would be be done by means of free labour, and that question was one the operation of protection as a Pnnanent instrument of re which he conceived those statements fully answered. lief in the state of our West Indiatcolonies? Suppose you It was scarcely necessary for him to go over the were to increase considerably the -ate of protective duty. ground that his Hon. Friend the Member for Westbury had When the intelligence of that Inoue reached the West already traversed, but as the House was now more full than Indies it would reach not the plater only, but also the when his Hon. Friend addressed them, he would say it had labourer, and so act on the rate of ac e s quite as much as on been clearly shown by him that the consumption of colonial production.-(Hear, hear.) What C es the competition with sugar had increased, while the consumption of foreign sugar the West Indian? Not that of the foeign slaveholder only, had fallen off. He should now trouble the House with only a but that of the Mauritius planter and eat of the East In tew more details, for the purpose of (contrasting the effects of dian planter, both of whom had plent ; of labour at their slavery with freedom, as shown in the consumption of sugar. command, and for both of whom protect en would operate Thus it was in 1846-47: -Colonial, 227,000 tons; slave- with undivided effect as against the W a t Indian, with grown, 61,000 tons; 1847-48, colonial, 242,000 tons; slave- whom its effec; would be divided and brok e n nn.-(hear, grown, 39,000 tons; 1848.49. colonial, 251,000 tons, slave- hear.) What he was prepared to vote for was that the grown, 48,000 tons ; 1849-50, co l on i a l, 282,000 tons; slave- scale of descending duties should be arrested.- (Hear, grown, 36,000 tons. The years ending July 5, and the two hear.) The British. capitalist who was to be invited to months of this /year, were estimated at the same rate as the invest his money hi production in the West Indies ought 10 months. The average importation from the West Indies to have some fixity of scale held out to him, and not be 1844-5-6, was 127,000 tons; 1847-8.9, 148,000. Those facts subjected to an incessant change of differential duties, so ' appeared to him to be well worthy of the attention of the that he could never know, from year to year, in what House, and his belief was it would always be found that Position he stood.-(Hear, hear.) He did not say the slave-labour was inferior to free labour. He agreed with the House should pledge itself indefinitely on this point, liut he Honourable Member for Montrose, that protection would certainly considered that for such a term as the House not save the West Indies, but increased cheap- should think reasonable the scale of differential duties should ness of production would, and the duty of the be fixed for the West Indies.-(Hear, hear.) He would not Legislature was to afford the colonies every facility for aug- refer merely to the decrease in the exports of the great staple menting the means of cheapness. Now, reference had been of the West Indies. That decrease was not the less enor made to the Dutch colony of Surinam, and there, it was not mous, that it suited the purpose of some reasoners to pass unworthy of observation, the proprietors of sugar estates over the differences between one colony and another.- were beginning to think that free labour was more profitable (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman, for example, and advantageous in all respects than that o f slavery. Surf- triumphantly cited Barbadoes in pro o f of th e good results nain was on the verge of our possessions, and appeared to be of free trade-Barbadoes, where there was plenty of labour, likely very soon to follow our example. They and others and not an inch of spare ground. Yes; it was quite true were about to dis Cover that the way to cheapen sugar was to that the production of Barbadoes had been positively abolish slavery. The Honourable Member for Lynn had stimulated since emancipation. In the four years preceding quoted a passage from the dispatch of the Lieutenant-Go- emancipa ion the production of Antigua and Barbadoes vernor of Barbadoes, and now he should take the liberty of was 26,900 tons of sugar on the average, while in the reading a few additional words from that dispatch, because, three last years the average had increased to 32,300 though the writer had been represented by the Hon. Mem- tons. But look at Jamaica; in the years 1831 to 1834, the ber as holding that free labour was less productive than slave average production of Jamaica was 67,000 tons, of British labour, yet the following portion of the dispatch would show Guiana 43,000, or together 110,000 tons ; whereas, in thgt an exception was made in the case of Barbadoes :- 1847-9, notwithstanding the liberality of the Legislature in " How long that time should be your Lordship will un- reducing the duty on colonial sugar to 145., the exporta derstand that I cannot say. If there be no protection, tion from these two colonies did not exceed 65,500 tons, a the cultivation of sugar will be given up further reduction of 45,500 tons, or more than 40 per cent. on the in Grenada, and it will dwindle in all the Windward whole production.-- e (Hear, hear.) This was not a ques- Islands, excepting Barbadoes." With that passage in the tion merely affecting the planters; no, it was a question hands of the Hon. Member, ho*c ou ld h e say t h at the expe- a ff ec ti ng th e w h o l e negro population of our West Indian riment of free labour had failed in Barbadoes? -He also held colonies-( Hear, hear)-and he affirmed with sorrow that in his hand another paper, with a quotation from which he those indications which the Hon. Member for Lynn had should trouble the House; it appeared in the Times, i n th e given in a recent publication of the decaying condition of month of December last. It was in the following words :- all that we should wish to see flourishing in our West Indian " Labour was abundant and cheap, and the Trinidadian says, population were but too true, and but too truly the effect of that field-work was never so cheaply performed in the island the legislation of that House.-(Hear, hear.) Not only by as at the present day, not even when slavery was at its the reduction of prices, but by giving an artificial command zenith." Such facts could not be got over, and they clearly of the market to the negro race, they had done all in their proved that wherever slavery existed production could not Power to deaden and discourage labour itself, and to stay be cheap. At the same time, the Government were not the progress of the negro's permanent civilization and pro prepared to adopt the plan of buying slaves in Africa for the sperity.-(Hear, hear.) During the years of emancipation purpose of setting them free in the West Indies, but they the cry was-" True, the exports from the colonies, on were prepared to grant any facilities short of that which which the planters depend, have undergone some decrease, was only another mode of slavery. The only means similar but do not, in your regard for the planter, forget the great to that which had succeeded was, when the expense was mass of the West Indian population, or the increase of those incurred of importing liberated Africans. During. the last imports into the colonies which tend to the greater comfort three years there had been a gradual increase in the num- of the negro." How stood the case now? That the ber of liberated- Africans imported into the West Indies. amount of these imports, the stated tests of the negroes' In 1847 the number was 1,097 ; in 1848, 3,148 ; in 1819, comforts, had fallen below the point even of the days of 4,762. It was also right the House should remember that slavery.-(Hear, hear.) In the last four years of slavery at present there were not unsatisfactory accounts from the exports from this country to the West Indies were in value many of the colonies. He was far from saying that distress 2,575,000/. ; ha the four years of apprenticeship, from 1833 did not prevail in the West Indian colonies, but in Trinidad to 1838, they rose to 3,450,0001. ; from 1843 to 1846, after he found, from a dispatch of Lord Harris, dated February 20, the abandonment of apprenticeship, they fell to 2,657,000/. ; 1850, that the revenue, the exports, and the imports, bad all in 1847, the year Honourable Gentlemen were so fond increased during the last year. In Guiana the import duties, of quoting, they had still further fallen- to 2,279,0001; which amounted to 23,191 dollars for January, 184 G, were, while in 1848, the last year for which we had returns, in January, 1847, 2 . 2,506; 1848, 27,685; and 1849, 46,195 those exports, which in the years of slavery were dollars. His Hon. Friend (Sir E. Buxton) had brought for- 2,500,00 a, in the years of apprenticeship nearly ward his motion with a view of discouraging the slave trade, 4,000,000/., had fallen to 1,500,000/.-(Hear ' hear.) That and in his hands it had no reference to protection. But th ese most important, most significant, an d mos t disastrous fact were not the grounds upon which the motion had been sup- indicated that there was a necessity for their considering ported by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who had advocated pro- what further measures were required for the relief of the tective - duties against the admission of all foreign sugar West India colonies -(Hear, hear.) To what measures, whatever. But lie hoped that the House would take into then, did he point for permanent relief to the West Indies? its consideration not only the interest of the planter but the In 1848 they had indulged the hope that great things would interest of the consumer at home. Looking to what was going be done towards cheapening production in these colonies, and on in the West Indies, in the exertions which were being numerous were the modes loft down by which that object made, and successfally made, to cheapen the production in might be attained. In many places it was to be effected by the colonies and to adopt a better cultivation of the lands, he drainage of lands; in many, by a system of irrigation; trusted that they would not, by acceding to this motion, in others, by the improvement of roads and by aiding in the check the active spirit of enterprise that was going on, or formation of railways; and in British Guiana speculation induce the hope that by a return to protection they would be turned much upon the means by which it was hoped t)okeit._ sugar.keep giving any encouragement to free-labo ur over s l ave -l a b our out the sea from large portions of that colony. A !.; mtu tee of that House laid down in its report the principle, that ear. GLADSTONE said, that the Honourable Gentleman Government were to take on themselves the responsibility the Member for Essex, in a motion f or w hi c h hi s name , i n - of looking to the circumstances of particular colonies, be made available dependently of his character, was a p er f ect guaran t ee , had and making grants of money that might invited the House to resume the consid era ti on o f a ques ti on by the planters themselves. Instead of all this, however, h teyer. The projected the difficulties of which increased upon them at every step what had been done? Nothing w a Government had not they took. In 1848, when this question was last opened, improvements had not made;been hich s anticipated, but had they had before them the question, not whether they would assumed that responsibility e w C 10nial Le islature, themselves in the. maintain the settlement of 1846-because that' its authors thrown it upon the g tc and but very imperfect themselves proposed to abandon; but whether they should midst of financial embarrassmen -, introduce a fixed system of protection, giving unif orm ity of organs for numerous the West Indians were told that protection pur poses of the colonies they legislated-. condition, and time for the resources of the colonies to de- for; so that while velope themselves under the new system ;or whether they was no remedy for the evils under which they laboured, and should -adopt the scale proposed by the Government, which that other those m other measures had never been attempted, and than protection would be tried for their ' provided a progressive descent in the different d u ties, a benefit, precisely the same condition that they occupied they were in p descent at first very • slight, and which was no t yet ex- . 3 ears ago.- (Hear, hear.) They had not taken the perienced, but •which would in another year be a rapid t a w o o rk - in hand which two years ago had been promised. In one-(Bear, hear),-and from which they might expect ' the colonies they were reducing the expenses of their own not only a continuance of the present pressure, but a very greatly increased pressure.-(Hear, hear.) I n 1348 he (Mr. G ov ernments, and in that they had received no encourage ment.-(Hear, hear.) In the case of British Guiana, on t h e Gladstone) with many other Ge n tle men on th a t (the Oppo- c sition) side of the House, who felt th emse l ves bound upon c ontrary, the report of the Committee showed pl a i n l y t h at other points to support the applicati on o f the principle of the influence of the Government had hot b een used in the direction in which it should have been direct d e .-(Hear freedom to the regulation of our commercial system, voted hear.) As to the condition of the planters, he begged ' against the proposal of the Government and in favour ofa the House to recollect that the possibility of their proposition to extend a larger measure of protection to the the pre-West Indies. That vote he felt bound to repeat on ti. ruin was Not disproved by circumstances which might motion of seem to give colour to such an idea, because where sent occasion. -(Cheers.) The words of the there had been • t the means a vas expenditure, and where by legislative the Hon. Gentleman might have afforded him f 1 - of them, measures the floating capital of the planters had been re becauseof escape had he felt inclined to avail himself the whole d ed to nothing, it followed - uc the motion placed is the same category _ which, if they stood come in, encouraged and attracted by the advantage of of the British possessions, to some of aid e to re- obtaining a large amount of fixedcapitalat a nominal rice alone, be (Mr. Gladstone) should not be prepared But (Hear, hear) -and, ' - commend au extension or augmentation of protection.. . putting in their own fresh capital for the the case really before the House was that of the West Indies cultivation of the soil, that would be a temporary stimulus --(Cheers)-and lie would admit that in proposing under given to the property. ( hear, hear.) This was not an ar the present peculiar circumstances theywould ex- mony of Govern or Light, of those colonies, but was one borne out by the testi, and bitrary representation, protection to them, .. who in a dispatch stated that one tend it also to other portions of the empire which had no of the finest estates in British Guiana-and this was a such peculiar claims.-(Hear, hear.) . The case of the West sample of the rest-had been sold during the time of Indies was before them nowlB4B, only as in nearer, the suffering aggravated. The grounds of justice as to the figures] ; during the apprenticeship, for 30,000/. were the same, and the grounds of policy were clearer and or 40,000/. ; and in 1848 ; for 2,0001. (Hear, hear.) G broader than ever. The House :must recollect the crisis vernor Light pr oce ed e d in language not more quaint through which the West Indies had passel. They were than full of meaning and instruction, to say that the not now complaining merely and suffering merely, but purchaser having acquired all the buildings, works, what ground down absolutely to the ground and reduced to total machinery, &c., on the estate for 2,000/., had ruin by the Legislature of this country.-(Cheers.) They he termed " a noble chance of escaping ruin." had begun with emancipation, a great and v it a l c h ange i n (Ch eers , an d L aug h ter .) Th is w as - what . matters had the constitution of West Indian society, an d if it h a d b een conic t o hi m i n t h e wrec k an d dilapidation a nobleof a once powerful conducted with no more tenderness and wisdom than some of class-there was left for some fortunate purchasers our more recent changes it would have precipitatel the West chance of escaping ruin. -(Hear, hear.)i The planters, he ence of that House, colonists at once into ruin. But happily a wiser repeated, had strong claims on the nol ul_ g i n strument of their spirit, and one more in accordance with justice', presided over whin had been in fact the cause and appeal to the Hous e He wo uld ask them to give the that act ; and Lord Stanley, as the organ of Lord Grey's Go- diffi culties ; but he did notmake b vernment, with great energy and wisdom contrived so to mainly on their account. temper and adjust the details, that while he satisfied the planters such a forth of fixed P rotation as would serve them to be introduced were c are majority_of the Mouse, lie by a singul a r f e li c ity ga i ne d th e -till the remedial m easuresiwould give confidence t o t h e meant eminence of the planters themselves. Within the last few tied into effect, and which days; and even within the last few hours, they had seen that British capitalist co me and avail himself of this " no bl e to c . ~ -(Hear, hear.) But h e as k ed the perfect talehts andstatesmanship of that Noble Lord had chance of escaping ruin. descended upon his son, who had that night addressed them. this • chiefly on behalf of the negro population, who were ..d . now losing the advance they once made under happier aus pices. Lot the House consider all the bygone circumstances connected with the emancipation of this race, let it consider the eulogies by Dr. Charming and other eminent men in foreign countries in reference to what had been done on be half of the negro. Those eulogies were founded on the fact that they had in their West India colonies a happy and pros perous population, who had been saved from the lash and all the horrors of slavery; and was the House willing to lose the bright title of having achieved these things' in their be halt ?—(Hear.) Was it not painful to think that there was a gradual slipping from the hands of the negro population of the comforts of civilisation, and a less disposition to ask them, and to cultivate the rational and spiritual:part Of their being, rds ( epe l s tor l an e t a si t f re sponsibility. . 1. Foran West On ill-usedin by following : after the benefits ( :`tif -religions education 2 wie n t l g h l e r H he o rrom us pr e op o r f s ie ° c !l i o ic mi o n n ot s ne i partnd ilndies, theirsh, cbelheasi.e.ishas:l hoped,rl should rs forming be sorry to share in that re s would support the moth n of the Hein.Bitronet.—(Hear, beer.) He would always regret that 'the had chosen to, break through the distinction so we ll ma i ntained by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tarnworth, relative to slave grown sugar. For that distinction he was always prepared to contend, and he lamented that a great political crisis in the country should have wrung. from -'any these reluctant votes that had produced a change so-disastrous in its con sequences and so injurious to the high character of Great Britain as that effected in the Act 'of-- 18 46.—(Hear.) He admitted the difficulties under which they - alp* "stood; but never certainly was greater - industry 'sho‘wri' by any party .than was shown by theNohle Lord end his friends in,bffect ing the change of that distinction to which Parliameht had formerly given its. stanctionli' I`l4 ;hoped the ,House would ,not rejeot the appeal that had'been made to them —whether they considered it in thetlight Of tan- appeal from a suffering class, or an. appeal urged in behalf uf a ,poptilation once happy and -prosperous, and advancing in 'a career orsocial improvement, but now, under the legislation- of that House, losing the ground they had gained,' and sinking gradually back towards the inferior, if not degradedt'nendition from which they were rescued by philanthropy 'and benevolPnce. Viscount PALMERSTON—It has seldom fallen to my lot to witness a,debate conducted on the tone side with more curious iheenitiatencies,and with a- greater series of contra dictions.—(Hear, hear.) ny Hon. Fripok who :ttroduced ,this motion proposed it on the ground Of- hltifitanit and as a mode of'gettipg rid of the s l ave tradril , -but k - airce y 'bad his arguments fallen on , our ears when the debate took another turn, and from that time his' inotiOn"has been, • chiefly sup ported on the ground of protection, a principle .which I be lieve my Hon. Friend had not himself intended to advocate. - 1 --(Hear,.hear.) Almost /the only example of consistency which we'.have witnessed in the course:of this debate, is that -consistency of - talent and ability which have been displayed by the Hon. Member who has for the first time spoken on this question, and who has proved himself to be the consis tent representative of that father wborci We bare SQ often heard with admiration within these walls. "The ,Right Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down bas, I think, crowned the example of inconsistency in this debate.—(Hear,'hear.) Whether the limited scope-of my capacity or the ambiguous arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman be the cause, I am now quite at a loss -to know what he Means to do and on what side he intends to vote. (Laughter and Hear,hear.) He declared himself, as I, understood hint, ready to support the motion of my Hon. Friend, that motion being a perma .nent declaration that it is impolitic and unjust-to expose the free-grown sugar of our colonies and possessions, abroad to unrestricted competition with the sugar of foreign slave trading countries. But the Right Hon. Gentleman has not, as I understand him, as yet so entirely thrown off the princi ples of free trade, of which he was once an able advocate, and in support of which he has often rushed into the Van at periods of great difficulty, and given his moat honouraLle support.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman did not, as I understand him; abandon that doctrine, or accept the doctrine of protection. All he asks for is a limited period of protec tion to give time for those remedial measures for-the colo nies for which he is anxious. But if that" is his only object, if be does not wish for the permanent re-establish ment of the principles of protection, then I ask on what principle of consistency can he vote for a resolution r wjaich is permanent in its object, and which does not give a limited but a permanent period for the continuance of protection to our colonies? - (Hear, hear.) I certainly shall not vote for the motion of my Hon. Friend.—(Laughter.) lam not either for limited or permanent protection. lam convinced that protection has done no good to the West Indies, and will do no good.— (Hear, hear.) Now, it was under a sys tem of protection that the West Indies have been in former times in a state of continued distress and ruin; and it is not by recurring to that system that we can restore them to that prosperity which I trust they are still destined to attain. It is by those remedial measures which the Right Hon. Gen tleman alluded to -by a better system of cultivation— (lronical cries of " Hear, hear")—and by that stimulus which competition affords that we may hope to see them ex tricated from the difficulties under which they complain.— (Hear.) Now, how my lion. Friend thinks that - this exclu sion of slave-grown sugar would put au end to the slave trade I really cannot for a moment be. I cannot see how such a measure would operate in the way he wishes to put an end to that traffic. Has my Honourable Friend en tered into the • proportion of free-grown sugar introduced into this country for home consumption as compared with slave grown sugar? He would have seen, had he done so, that for the year 1849, -the proportions were five and a half mil dons of cwts. of free-labour sugar to half a million of cwts. of slave-grown sugar:—(llear, hear.) It is, in fact, not the competition of slave-grown sugar which is ruining the West Indian planters, but it is the annually increasing compitition of free-labour sugar from other parts of the world—(Hear)-- and if my Honourable Friend is prepared to give to the West Indies that protection which he thinks is essential to restore them to prosperity, it must be done not by confining the restriction to the slave-grown sugar of Brazil and Cuba, but by extending to them the full protection which they enjoyed it former times against free-labour sugar, a proposition which lain sure my Honourable Friend would - not advocate, and a proposition which I am sure this House would never en trtain.—(Hear, hear.) It has been - often 'urged that we lad only to exclude the slave-grown sugar from the market if this country, and to draw an equal quantity of free-labour , sugar from the market of the world, in order to afford the Fotection desired; but this would be only creating a vacuum chich would be at once filled up by the slave-labour sugar of Cuba and the Brazils.—(Hear, hear.) The slave-owners a those countries would laugh at 'your precautions, and eould know that there were still markets enough open to ; tam to induce them to go on cultivating sugar and increao iig the number of their slaves as before.—(Hear, hear.) But liana , man could doubt that the attempt must be perfectly faile, I think those who heard the speech of my Hon. Friend . Lie Member for Westbury, and attended to the manner in which he demonstrated that the recent changes in our navi iation-laws have added an insurmountable.; )obstacle to the arrying 'out of any such arrangement, must have every madow of a doubt removed. his not measures of this kind 'or excluding sugar of one kind, and laying heavier duties on. .he produce of this. country or that, by which we can extir pate the slave trade—the object which I know my Hon. Friend has most at heart. No doubt many Hon. Gentlemen have protested against the African squadron, and against air maintaining a maritime police as being insufficient to elect the suppression of the slave-trade. But I have never naintained that that alone was sufficient to put the slave oade down, though I have always contended that without this maritime police other measures would be fruitless.— (Hear, hear.) The House may rest assured that other mea- Lures for this object are in progress, and that we are, by trea ties with native chiefs in Africa, and by other exertions on the other side of the Atlantic, pursuing measures which, I trust, if properly continued, in the course of the next year will enable us to entertain better hopes that the slave-trade will be, if not extinguished, at least very considerably dimi nished. Now what is the state of the slave-trade at the pre sent moment? There are now in Africa 1,500 miles north of the line entirely free from the slave-trade-of the entire 2,C00 Iniles north of the line there are now only about 420 in which the slave-trade at all exists; and I trust the measures sow in operation may lead to the extirpation of the slave trade from that remaining portionolhiioimdnnioaotdrieths for barter ab oun d ;of the line. I this very day received a dispatch from one o f th e Commis saries at Sierra Leone, stating that during the quar t er w hich had just expired, he can assert that n o t a s i ng l e s hip had left that place with slaves. There are 12,000 miles south of the line where the slave trade exists; and one-half of that territory belongs to the Portuguese dominioui, where better methods are at command on the coast for the suppression of the traffic with Brazil. And I hold it to he by no means that chimerical expectation which gentlemen who sat in Committee have chosen to term it, that the combination o f all the measures now being adopted may tend at no distant period to accomplish that end. And I must say that no object-1 speak not now of those higher considerations mostthat ncthing can be accompliehed t hat would tend mor e to further which the Right Honourable Gentleman ha s adverted to, 'and which, 1 think, nevertheless ought to i nfluence a nation like the British in matters of this kind -but ind ependently n of arr i e h w vieesehigher f the commercial interests and prosperity of this count r y th an the entire extirpation of t he slave-trade . N o part of the e t o e n m si p d o e r r a a l tion in s ier t e a s k ts i , ng l m even us t the say globe offers more scope for the commercial enterprise of thi s Iltaisesbe to been exchange lintited to th a r coun try than the interior and the coast of Afric a . We have :a demand for the things which she produces, and she stand s in want of the g , ods that we can supply. In many o th er parts of the world, where there is a larger pepuliti on to con sume what we can export, there is a w an t o f commodities to oc o ue f f rr e t r ap irin:ddrteleesttruse.ren. by return. I iat Our livna t At r i a tfr d ei e fe aw the commodities t o h me there is hardly anything Of value which cannot be found we there to offer in exchang e f or th e goo d s that Cotton might be gr own on th e western coast can supply. in infinite quantity and of the best quality. And, recollecting how precarious is the source of supply which we now derive front the United Stat e s o f America -recollecting how the growing manufactures of America herself are now annually absorbing more and More of the cotton • which she produces-and recollecting what a vast amount of our own . population de pendi upon ,th e manufactures from that taw materialor daily bread, it becomes a matter of the most extreme i nt " .portatice that we should seek out other sources a supply. —(Hear, hear.) Palm oil, an 'article also of great value and much used, is found in abundance in that country, there are also coffee, ivory, gold, in fact, hardly' anything of value and utility might not be produced or found In Africa, and might not be received in return for our own exports. I say, therefore, it is an object of great national importance, that by an .end being put to the !lave trade, we should be enabled to enter into commercial inteioaurse with the vast population of that region.-(Divide.). I , will. not follow the Right Hon. Gentleman into all those details-connect ed with fit to our West Indian - pOssessions into which he thought_ my Hon. enter. I confine- myself solely Ito the motion , or F' 1 "Icontendeb ' ' Friend." . at it is no, t 5 method that can be of an againit which the motion s avail in putting down the trait , levelled. I contend that without accomplishing its purpose it I would tend to inflict a great injury . on the comfort of. th e country, and would holdout to the West . Indians a delusive hope relax their energies, and prevent which might induce them to measures them frona• adopting. those other ill's by whi c h althae they can recover their station and . prosperity ; and therefore, both of expediency and principle, labject on every ground, Honourable Friend. lt ' to the 'notion of my .. is insufficient for the putposei n of to u re ma i n n iy at f e or th w e hich he brings it forward', and it woUld'tendrelations -aprinciple of protection in our commercial injury to the country, an . inimical. to the prosperity of every unity to whose affairs it may • comfy be applied.-- (Year, hear, and cries of "Divide.") i i i E. N. BUXTON briefly replied. He . would not detain the House at that late hoer with any lengthenedsimarke- Ile felt very grateful to the Government generally for the measures it had adopted to suppress the slave trade, and es- . pecially to the Noble Lord who spoke last, for the manner in which he had at all times directed his efforts to securing that object. But he must urge his motion on the adoption Of the house, simply on the ground that while on the one hand we sent out a fleet to the coast of Africa to put down that nefarious traffic, we encouraged it on the other hand by the admission of slave-grown produce. The, House then divided. The numbers, were- • I.or'the motion ... - - ... 234 .. Against it ... ... •••• ••• .... , 275 . . „;, i , Majority against ... „ .... .....,_ 4l : , Aile notion was therefore lost. 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