The Sun. — London, England, 1868-05-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Timei p6ints out that Ministers hardly acted con stitutionally in shifting the responsibility of choice, as to resignation or dissolution, from them (the Ministers) to the sovereign. Mr. Bright and Mr. Lowe supported each other in denouncing the affection of the Government for office ; and Mr. Gladstone declined tb bind himself. in any solemn league and covenant with thim. But the sense of the House favoured the arrangement proposed. The course to be pursued is without precedent, but the emergency, also, is without precedent, and in such a case that plan deserves adoption which shews the best possible way out of the difficulty. Mr. Glad- stone's resolutions will run their course, and if his Suspensory Act ever reaches the House of Lords, its further progress will probably be stopped by the veto of the " waiting " chamber. In the meantime, there is no reason to apprehend that additional loss of a year which Mr. Bright dreads, inasmuch as Mr. Gladstone and his immediate associates can in the comparative freedom of opposition prepare their final bill, so as to have it ready when they succeed to office. The truth is, however, that a rejection of the Government scheme would effectually cause the loss of the year, a delay which would, according to Mr. Bright, make Irishmen doubt the sincerity of Liberal professions. The dissolution hangs over the House of Commons. Mr. Disraeli, as the spokesman of the Ministry, has declared their solemn conviction that the country views the resolutions of the House of Com m:ire with disfavour, and her Majesty has acceded to the recommendation that a dissolution be granted. It follows that if the House refuses to proceed with the measures preliminary to the dissolution in which an appeal can be made to the reformed constituencies, an appeal will be made to the unreformed constituencies. This is the choice before the House. The issue of an appeal to the =re formed constituencies would be the election of a Parlia ment whose first duty would be to eject the Ministry from office, the next to pass the Scotch and Irish Reform Bills, the third to submit to another dissolution, before the definite scheme for the disestablishment and disendow meat cf the Irish Church could be approved by the repre sentatives of the reformed constituencies of the United Kingdom. These considerations are sufficient to approve the wisdom of completing the work of reform at once. There can be no doubt that it can be done so that an election might be held soon after Michaelmas. A rpccial registration was an incident of the Reform Bill of 1832, and though Sir Robert Collier ap peared to be anxious about the appeals from the revising barristers, few will share his anxiety. If the crisis be weighed, as it must be by the majority of the House, dispassionately, and apart from the mutual heat of competitors for office, the advantages of a rapid settle ment of Reform, a speedy appeal to the reformed con stituencies of the kingdom, and a speedy introduction into Parliament of a measure definitely and finally abolishing the Irish Establishment must outweigh the advantage of ejecting the Ministry after an immediate dissolution, pur chased as it must be by a real postponement of the great object desired. The Ministry, then, says tile Post, will continue to oppose the policy of the Liberal majority, and will, if . necessary for the retention of their offices, dissolve Par• liament, and appeal to a constituency which their measure of last session has condemned, and which at best has but a few months of existence left. This is the wise, the statesmanlike and patriotic course which Mr. Disraeli deemed it his duty to recommend to his sovereign at the audience which she granted to him at Osborne on Friday last. The only merit which it possesses is that it takes no one by surprise. Every one was well aware of the tenacity with which Mr. Disraeli would cling to office, and no one will be astonished at hearing that he would counsel a departure from constitutional usage, and inflict great loss on the members of the House of Commons, and great inconvenience on the public, simply to retain his present position for a few months longer. The Ministry having decided on retaining their places, it behoves the Opposition to resolve oil the course they will pursue. ,Mr. Gladstone stated that he should proceed at an early day with the remaining resolutions, and should require a provisional Act of Parliament to enable the Crotvn to give them practical effect. The Prime Minister, on his part, declared that, although unwilling to waste time by protracted debates, the Government must oppose those resolutions. As, therefore, the battle of last week is to be fought over again, one is tempted to inquire whether, in the event of another Ministerial defeat, the Government will consider that such a difficulty has arisen as will necessitate a dissolution. If the resolutions stood alone, the Ministry might afford to disregard them and continue in office, but as they will be supplemented by a provisional legislative measure affecting the royal prerogative, the Government will be compelled to advise her Majesty either to grant or to refuse her permission to the House of Commons to read that bill a second time. A state of cir cumstances would then arise which would once more bring things to a dead-lock, and the Government would be compelled to elect between resignation and dissolution. It is perfectly clear that Mr. Disraeli hopes to terrify the I-louse of C,mmons into submission by threatening to in flict on its members a heavy pecuniary fine. No one, however, but the Premier would suppose for one moment that by such a course he could induce a body of gentlemen to abandon the policy on which they have determined. If the Ministry will retain office they must do so on the sole condition of blindly obeying the behests of the Opposition. - - The Daily News remarks that the old doctrine of Minis terial responsibility has been practically abandoned, and the theory of personal monarchy, as it is now accepted in France, has been transplanted to England. Mr. Disraeli is the Minister to whom we owe this attempted revolu tion. Defeated in the House of Commons, he seeks shelter behind the Throne. The cautious and guarded statement which he made last night partially dis closed the mischief which has been going on. Mr. DiSraeli, pressed by the inquiries of Mr. Lowe, Mr. Ayrton, Mr. Bouverie, and Mr. Bright, was unable to keep his secret. In reply to them, he was constrained to admit that the power of dissolution, which by his advice her Majesty had entrusted to him, was unconditional. In plain words, the freedom of parliamentary deliberation is, during the present session, at an end. Instead of the Ministry depending on the House of Commons, the House of Commons depends on the Ministry. A vote, disagreeable to the Government, given at any time on any subject, may be punished by dissolution. The Herald rebukes the impertinences uttered by Messrs. Lowe, Bouverie, Ayrton, and Bright, against the sovereign. All these persons—the phrase is Mr. Bright's —aspire to hold office under the Crown, and might at least have the decency to profess a respect for their sove reign, even if they cannot fees it. Mr. Bright did once rebuke—in another place—the offensive impertinence of the attacks made by the member for the Tower Hamlets upon the Queen. He would have consulted his own repu tation if, disregarding the cheers which greeted the allu sions almost as impertinent made by that same member last night,lte had rebuked them with the severity they deserved, - and instead of complimenting Mr. Bouverie had denounced his priggish and insolent twaddle about revolution and changes of dynasties. Talk about constitutional usage, indeed ! Mr. Bouverie and Mr. Ayrton, who made so much of these words last night, offended against them in their speeches in a manner which we are happy to believe unprecedented. The simple question for the House of Commons is this--shall the appeal, which its votes have necessitated, be made to the new or the Old constituencies? The Government will take the sense of the country upon the point whether the Irish Church is to be destroyed, and it will be the fault of the Opposition if the new and enlarged constituencies in which it professes so much trust are not invited to give the answer which is to settle that great controversy, and to decide the smaller but still important question whether Mr. Disraeli or Mr. Gladstone is to lead the House of Commons, and guide, so far as the will of one man can, the fortunes of this empire. The Standard observes that Mr. Gladstone made a strange and wholly unintelligible mistake, which vitiated the greater part of his attack on the Ministry- a mistake which Mr. Lowe appeared to share. He imagined that the Prime Minister had advised an immediate dissolution and an appeal to the "actual constituencies ; that her Majesty had rejected this advice, and—it would seem, though such an absurd error is hardly conceivable—that the proposed postponement had emanated from the Queen herself. The fact, of course, is, that in the first interview Mr. Disraeli suggested the alternative between resigna tion and permission to dissolve ; that the Queen choose the latter ; and that then, in the second audience, the Minister recommended that the dissolution should if pos sible be postponed till autumn, no time having been men tioned in the first audience, and no time being now abso lutely fixed. In brief, Mr. Disraeli has, as we understand it, her Majesty's promise to dissolve Parliament on his advice—after the passage of the Reform Bill if he can, before it if he must. The time, as we said before, rests with the leader of the Opposition. If he is factious and unscrupulous he may compel a dissolution to-morrow, and thus " inflict on the country the cost and trouble of two general elections within a few months." But if so, the infliction will come from Mr. Gladstone, not from Mr. Disraeli. • The Telegraph notes that accepting the terms dictated by their adversaries, Ministers will be expected to forward the measures forced upon them, and to obtain and announce the royal assent to the introduction of the Sus petisory initiation, and They must abjure every act of and merely register the wish of the majority, while they proceed with their Budget and their Reform Bills. The Budget will be at the mercy of Mr. Gladstone, who de nounced the expenditure of the Government last night by anticipation ; while the Scotch Reform Bill, contain ing tle; proposition to increase the number of members in the House, will have to be amended. We could extend the list 4 duties which will be imposed upon the Cabinet by the mode in which the Opposition consents to abstain, for the present, frrin the last step of all, the actual expulsion of the Ministers; but enough has already been sail to indicate the excessive stringency of the terms conceded. In sober truth, we believe that they must prove impracticable. The present occupants of office are to remain on conditions which they cannot possfmy fulfil ; and the manner in which Mr. Disraeli challenged a direct vote of " no confidence " seems to imply that he had some inkling of the truth. Thus, although Mr. Gladstone waived his resolution to take the order of business away from the official leader, the discussion leaves both the Government and the House in a position far more grave than it appeared to be even on Friday, -- THE LATE MURDER NEAR NEWCASTLE. At the Tynemouth Petty Sessions, on Monday, Stephen Cady, 45, Patrick Barrett, 22, Catherine Barrett, 42, and Bridget Maley, 38, were charged with having, along with another not yet in custody, caused the death of James Lavery, at Willington Quay, on Saturday night. The deceased, who was an Irishman, had a small kitchen garden, and fowls belonging to another Irishman, called Edward . Barrett, some times got into it and damaged the vegetables that grew there. This naturally annoyed Lavery, and about three weeks ago he summoned the owner of the birds before the county justices •at Tynemoutb. The case, how ever, was dismissed, as the magistrates considered that the proper tribnnal to try a case of alleged damage was the county court. But Barrett, his relatives, and friends seem to have felt very much aggrieved at Lavery's con .luct. They were also further vexed on account of a prac tice he had of occasionally shooting the trespassing hens. Among those who warmly sympathised with Barrett in the matter were two Irishmen who lodged with him, and whose names were James Lynch and Stephen Cady. Their antipathy to Lavery reached a tragical crisis on Saturday night. As he was proceeding to his garden and passed Barrett's door, about five o'clock, they came out and commenced to give evidence of their unfriendly feel ings towards him. They were joined with much hearti ness by Mrs. Barrett, her son Patrick, and her mother, Mrs. Maley. Although Lavery carried a gun, and bad as a companion a man named Case, he took as little notice as possible of the hostility that these persons persisted in shewiug. The women shouted, and Mrs. Barrett went even the length of holding a stone close to Lavery's face. Cady challenged Lavery to fight, but the latter wisely refused to do anything of the tuft. Case and he went on towards the garden, which is not more than a score of yards from Kellman's-row, where the Barrette re side. They entered the garden. Lynch, Cady, and the others followed, shouting and threatening as before. Lynch made forward to Lavery, seized the gun, which was unloaded, and after a severe struggle managed to wrench it from his grasp. Holding the weapon by the stock with both hands, be struck Lavery a fearful blow with the barrel on the back of the head, felled him to the ground, and inflicted a wound whence the brains protruded, and which proved fatal in the course of about twelve hours. The force of the blow was so great that the barrel was severed from the stock. Lynch stood for a moment over his victim and swung the butt of his gun round his head apparently overjoyed with his brutality. His delight was participated in by the women, who arc:said to have sent up a shout of triumph and gladness. Rut theylsoon deemed it advisable to make off from the scene - 6f their cruel wickedness. Lavary was removed to his home, but, nothing could save him, and he expired on Sunday morning. The prisoners were remanded, and meantime the police are actively ' for Lynch.—Northern , Daily Express. LAW AND POLICE. s. i—crioN or COUNTY COURTS. —ln the Court of c, ees Bench the case Owen v. Jones raised a question of some practical importance upon the important provision in le last County Courts Act, for remitting to the county :ourts cases of trivial actions of tort, improperly brought in the superior courts. The action was for illegally taking the plaintiffs goods in Wales. Mr. Justice Willes, at chambers, not being " satisfied " (within the terms of the statute) that the case was lit for the superior court, made an order (the plaintiff not being able to give security for the costs as required) to send the case for trial to a Welsh county court. To this order the plaintiff objected, substantially on the ground that as the goods were of the value of £2O, and the county court only had concurrent jurisdiction in cases of tort up to £lO, the case must necessarily he deemed " fit for trial in the superior court." The court, in the result, upheld the order to re move the case fir trial to a county court, although, for a special reason, the particular court to which it was sent was changed. There was nothing in the case, they said, of such magnitude or importance as to require that it should be tried in the superior courts. ILLEGAL SEIZURE OF GOODS.—HEAVY DAMAGES.—In the Bail Court, before Mr. Justice Mellor, the case of Harvey v. CrolVder and others was heard. The plaintiff was a livery stable-keeper at the North-Western Station, and he brought the action to recover damages from the defendants for having broken open his stable and taken possession of goods under a warrant. The facts were admitted, and the only question raised was as to the regularity of the judgment which had been set aside, and this question *as left for the decision of the court above. The jury now were merely to assess the amount of damages. The plaintiff had livery stables close adjoining to the North-Western Railway, where horses coming -or going by that railway were brought. Valuable racehorses were loft there, and there was a large private connection besides. The plaintiff had been induced by a traveller in the employ of two of the defendants, who were manufacturers at Leeds, to purchase a quantity of blankets, which had been made for the United States at the time of the war. He paid about £2OO, but another bale was sent to him. 'which he had not ordered, and for this he refused to pay, and a writ was served upon him. Plaintiff not liking to go to an attorney, obtained a friend to enter an appearance for him. The next thing the plaintiff heard of the matter was on Saturday afternoon, the 16th of March, when a person announced himself as Mr. Taylor, a heriff's officer, and he stated that he had seized ,he horses, &c., which were upon the premises, under an execution which bad been issued against him at the in lance of Messrs. Crowder. A man remained in posses ,ion until the following Monday, when he left, as it was liscovered that the judgment was irregular. The matter vcame known in the neighbourhood, and some horses were taken away, and persons did not bring horses in con sequence of the execution. The plaintiff's credit was much injured, and he was compelled to give up his busi ness altogether. The plaintiff had carried on the business for twelve years. The jury found a verdict for the plain tqf ; damages, £2OO. ROBBERY AND FORGERY.—At the Central Criminal Uourt, 'Wiliam Robert Stephenson, a boy 15 years of age, pleaded guilty to a charge of forgery and stealing a letter containing a post-office order, and was sentenced to one month's imprisonment, and afterwards to be sent for three /ears to a reformatory. At the same court, James Thomas Lloard, 18, engineer, pleaded guilty to forging and utter ing a receipt for payment of money, with intent to defraud. In this case the prisoner stole a post office savings-bank bock, and by means of forging the name of the owner obtained the money. The accused was ordered to be imprisoned for eighteen months. THE CASE OF GOVERNOR EYRE.—At the Bow-street Police-court the summons against Mr. Eyre, late governor of Jamaica, which was held adjourned to await the result of an application to the Court of Queen's Bench for a mandamus, was again adjourned to the 15th inst., as, the rule nisi having been granted, it was necessary to await the result of the arguments in the higher court. THE POSSESSION OF GREEK FIRE. —At the same court Edward Barry and Michael O'Keefe were brought up on remand. before Mr. Vaughan on the charge of having a quantity of combustible matter in their possession for the supposed purpose of committing a felony. Mr. Poland, who appeared for the Treasury, said that since the last examination the police had been engaged in making in quiries as to the circumstances of this case. There could, of course, be very little doubt that this considerable quantity of phosphorus, in quite an unusual form, was intended for an unlawful purpose. Still, it was possible, and even pro bable, that on this occasion the prisoners were only re moving it from one hiding-place to another, and after the inquiries already alluded to the police were not in a posi tion to bring forward any evidence tending to prove that any specific act of felony was immediately contemplated. There was a further charge against the prisoners of having assaulted the police while resisting apprehension ; but, considering that they had been nearly a fortnight in. cus tody, he would submit to the magistrate that they had been sufficiently punished for this offence, and should therefore ask that they might be discharged. Mr. Louis Lewis, for the defence, said the prisoners had been charged with a very serious offence, and although that was now withdrawn for want of proof, they would not be content to let the proceedings terminate without prote s ti ng i n t h e strongest terms that they were in no way connected with Fenianism. In support of this assurance he might mention that they had been confronted with all the informers—Massey, Corydon, Devany, Mullany, and others—not one of whom could identify them as having been in any way mixed up .with the conspiracy. Th e y were honest working men, and could have good characters from their employers. Mr. Vaughan said that though the circumstances under which the prisoners were appre hended, the resistance they offered to the police, and especially the incredible statement which they made at the time, tended to make further inquiry necessary, he was glad to find the prisoners so far exonerated that it was his duty to discharge them from custody. A DISHONEST SOLICITOR.—In the Court of Queen's Bench, Mr. Murray moved on behalf of the Incorporated Law Society for a rule nisi calling upon an attorney to answer to matters of an affidavit with a view to his being struck off the rolls. It appeared that the attorney in question, after he was admitted, entered the employment of a firm of attorneys as their managing clerk. lie had since left them and had commenced on his own account 1 , Suffolk, and it had been discovered that he had rt,cei two snms of money, £B5 and £B, during the time he v. in their service, which he bad not accounted for, and ha, appropriated to his own yurpos!s.7 - 11 . ul? vauted. THE "IMPROPERIA." (I'rom the Church Times) A letter in the Guardian, April 15, signed F. W. Fowle, contains an attack on the beautiful service known as the "Reproaches," now happily used in so many of our churches on Good Friday. Our readers need scarcely be reminded that the " Reproaches " are a translation of that of the very remarkable Missa Prxsanctificatorum called Impro peria, sung during the kissing of the cross on Good Friday, a touching and significant ceremony, which it is much to be regretted has been lost to us for so many years. This Missa is a very remarkable service throughout, and perhaps its symbolical meaning may be scarcely understood at the present day. It is doubtless a very ancient service, as would seem to be shown by the introduction of the untranslated Greek hymn of the Trisagion from the Divine Liturgy of St. James. But, whatever its antiquity may be, we may at least be sure that, if the Missa Prxsanc4ficatorunt with the Improperia was not exactly the Good Friday service of the early Church, that day was certainly marked by something more edifying and more appropriate to its solemn thoughts and awful memories than "Dearly Beloved" and Table Prayers. Mr. Fowle says, " We complain that religion does not attract intelligent minds, especially among the professional and artizan classes." The "we " must be taken to be emphatic. No doubt the complaint is common and perfectly true iu churches where such bea u tif u l serv i ces as th e I m pr o p er ia are viewed, as by Mr. Fowle, " with profound repug nance." Has Mr. Fowle ever attended St. Matthias' or St. Alban's on Good Friday, and found religion unattractive to the professional and artizan classes ? If not, we could refer him to the newspaper reports of the attendance at the Good Friday services this year in churches where the Improperia are valued as something better than " offensive doggrel." " But," says Mr. Fowle, " this service introduces the dramatic element, utterly foreign as it is to the English Service Book, and to all true conceptions of spiritual worship." We certainly thought that this was an argument which had been so completely disposed of that no man in his senses would think of reviving it again ; and we are almost inclined to think that the letter containing such utter nonsense must have been intended for the Record or the Rock, and has somehow got inserted into the Guardian by mistake. Catholic worship must be dramatic. No one can study the ritual and calendar of the Church, whether of England, Greece, or Rome, without being convinced that its whole aim is to be dramatic. It is not the mere reciter of events which happened centuries ago, nor their expounder, nor, as the Puritans would say, their improver. It sets them forth before the eyes of man as if they were happening now ; as if they were scenes in which we ourselves were taking a part ; as if they were events occurring in our own times, and in which we bore a living interest. Catholic worship must be dramatic. It is a repre sentation of what goes on in Heaven, as witness the Sacrifice of the Mass. We might go further than this, and say that every Christian man is by profession dramatic ; he ought to be acting out the Incarnate life of his Lord and Saviour in his own person. The imitation of Christ is an obligation upon every Christian. And what is this but the highest realization of the dramatic element ? Sbake.peare's idea of all the world being a stage, and all the men and women being players, is thus in the Catholic sense much more true and unmis takable. Christians who do not regard themselves as imitators of Christ—priests who do not believe that they have received the power to bind and to loose, or to make the Body and Blood of Christ, but merely assume so much only of the functions of the priesthood as they like—all these, of course, do not comprehend the dramatic results of Christ ianity, and look upon the Church's holiest services when fittingly rendered, where all things are done decently and in order, as " a mere peg to hang luscious music and theatrical effects." Mr. Fowle says that he has "no intention of calling the legality of these services in question." Neither have we. Their legality may be another question ; but, alive to the beauty, solemnity, and awe-inspiring character of the Missa Prmsancqfica torunz and its Improperia in the Roman Church, and (in its degree) of the "Reproaches" in our own, we cannot let such an attack pass without bearing our witness to its untruthfulness. We can afford to acknowledge how much of beauty and solemnity and true devotion exists iu services that are un happily lost t o us , or to be recovered only through much tribulation. TAE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 5, 1868. WILLS AND BEQUESTS. _ The will of William Weishaupt, Esq., of 2, Crosby-square, Bishopsgate, firm of Messrs. Horst man and Co., merchants, was proved in the London Court on the 15th ult., and the personalty in Eng land sworn under £45,000, the surviving executors and trustees appointed being his brother-in-law, the Chevalier John de Gaveron, of Trieste, Spanish Consul ; and Henry William S zelcke, Esq., the testator's partner, of 30, Gordon-square, to whom probate was granted. The will is dated February 4, 1857, and the testator died March 28th last, at his residence, 42, Gordon-square. He leaves to his wife, Catherine Josepha Maria Weishaupt, his fur niture and household effects absolutely, and an im mediate legacy of £1,300. He has left legacies to his half .sisters, his nephew, and his executors; also legacies to his servants. To the Catholic Chapel of St. Aloysius, Somers Town, £25. He bequeaths to his wife a life interest arising from his estate, and after her decease the same is to be divided equally between his daughters and for the benefit of their children. The will of Sir Richard Digby Neave, Bart, of Dagenham Park, near Romford, Essex, was proved in London under £25,000 personalty by his son, Sir Arundell Neave, Bart., 3d Dragoon Guards, and Wyndham Slade, Esq., testator's son-in-law, the joint acting executors and trustees. The testator married, in 1827, Mary, daughter of Lord Arundell, of Wardour, who predeceased him. Sir Richard died,March 10 last, at his town residence, Eccleston square, at the age of seventy-five. He has left his estates, both real and personal, to be divided be tween his son Reginald and bis unmarried daughters in equal proportions. The will, dated the 29th of November, 1865, of the late Very Rev. James Canon O'Neal, of Our Lady's Church, Grove-road, St. John's- woo d, w h o died on the 15th ult., has been proved by the Very Rev. William Hunt and the Very Reverend George Last, the executors. The personal pro perty is sworn under £1,500. The testator gives, besides a few small pecuniary and specific legacies, his books, bookcases, and household furniture in trust for the use and benefit of the Catholic priests appointed or employed in the mission in connec tion with the Chapel of Our Lady, Grove-road, St. John's-wood, and the residue of his property, real and personal, to the superior of the Convent of Mercy, at Blandford. The New York Tribune does not think that General Grant will walk over the course in the next pre sidential contest. It especially fears the Roman Catholic vote. There are over one million voters belonging to that Church, and the Tribune thinks Grant will be lucky if he gets 50,000 of them. _ [AavEarisnizfir.]—Dyspepsia(lndigestion), Constipation, De bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and liver complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and acceleratea by dings of every description, but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, such as—cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver com• plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, head ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach and between the shoulders, itc. We quote a few :—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" Rome, July 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other remedies, he has e„-. 'Vine(' himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes a Hateful at every moat. It has produced a sur prisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the " Gazette du Midi, July 25 Cure No. 46.270 Mr James Roberts, Umbel merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness Care No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness. ~sthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sickness and vomiting.—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, withou' authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached.— ln tins at Is. 1&d.; 1 lb.. 2s 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s. il, ; 5 lbs. Ils. ; nibs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY Do Benda and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadilly and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, and 298, ozwd-pueet ; 830, Strand . ; 444 ttll sown And chemist!. ANTI-CATHOLIC PREJUDICE. From a letter which the Archbishop of Westminster recently addressed to the Rev. Mr. Lockhart, it would appear that his Grace has the intention of some day giving us an account of the queer notions held by our Pro testant countrymen concerning Catholics and their religion. It would be difficult to imagine a more useful, and, in. a certain sense, more amusing, work than such a book must inevi tably prove. Few, indeed, amongst us could form an adequate idea of the helpless and dense ignorance of English Protestants as to all that concerns Catholicism. Even among the Ritual ists, that section of the Anglican Church which devotes itself to the study of our dogmas and the imitation of our rites, the most ludicrous errors and misconceptions prevail widely. Bat in regard to the more numerous section of non-Catholics, taught simply to hate and de spise us as a body given up to the grossest superstitions, they have been hitherto only too ready and willing to credit any wild and ab surd assertions as to the religious practices and belief of Catholics. In fact, men who in the ordinary run of affairs may be held to be of sound judgment and good common sense— men who are not at all given to accept idle rumours, or, indeed, anything but well-ascer tained or highly probable matters—will, never theless, credit any absurdity, provided only it be set down to the account of Catholics. Indeed, the strangely-distorted ideas of the Romans concerning the doctrines and rites of Christianity in its first age were scarcely farther removed from the truth than are many of the notions held of us even at the present day by hundreds of our fellow-countrymen. Take one of the most intelligent men from among those who are most active in their denunciations of Catholicism, and question him about those doctrines which he so violently condemns, and his ignorance of the very first and elementary principles of our religion will astonish you — if, indeed, you were not convinced ,of it be forehand. Of course such a state of things is deplor able ; but it serves to set out in strong relief one of the ruling characteristics of the nation —its susceptibility to blind unreasoning preju dice. For centuries past Englishmen have been brought up in determined hatred of every thing Catholic. From their earliest years they were taught to look upon Rome and the Pope as the centre and head of nearly all evils ; and the notions thus justified into their minds in early youth were increased and deepened in manhood by all the influences of interest and association. Such a course of training as this, acting upon material as stolid and stubborn as that of the average Englishman, could only result in that incarnation of stupid and persist ent prejudice of which so many specimens are unfortunately to be found around us. To im press natures of this kind with the truth, or eves possibility of truth, of the views of their opponents, is wellnig,b. impossible. To tell them that after all, perhaps, the Catholics and their religion were neither so bad nor so absurd as they are generally represented to be, is in their eyes to suggest a plot for the de struction of the constitution of the kingdom. Almost with the air they breathe theyhave im bibed an irrefragable conviction that Catho licism, of the nature and doctrines of which they are entirely ignorant, is the worst of all mundane e7ils ; and they resolutely close their ears to all argument or evidence which could endanger their darling prejudice, only to open them widely and credulously to slan ders and falsehoods which they would not even believe of their worst enemies. To a certain extent this state of feeling as to Catholics pervades all classes, from the highest and so-called educated to the poorest and most ignorant. But, unfortunately, it reaches its highest development in that class of persons who are precisely in the most favour able position for making the weight of their aversions felt by all kinds of petty, indirect persecutions. It is the misfortune of our sys tem of local self-government that it places so large a share of power in the hands of that section of the community which, both by edu cation and career in life, is least fitted to use it in a public-spirited and beneficent manner —bucolic magnates and retired shopkeepers. Any one who will for a moment realize to him self the mental condition which must be super induced by the business avocations or other associations of these classes will find no diffi culty in understanding the incredible narrow - mindedness which characterizes all the pro-. ceedings of bumbledom and visiting justices ave obviously pa much to expect that men whoi n pettifogging greater part of their lives transactions, and bamboozling It i s hss e d too t he the public to their own great profit, should, at the eleventh hour, as it were, adopt wide and generous views. The whole business of their lives has been passed in a routine which could only tend to narrow their views and contract their sympathies. To resist, to ob struct, to assert their petty authority in a hun dred irritating ways, has become their second nature ; and it is only to be expected that Catholics, a small and somewhat feeble minority in the country, and, therefore, one of their safest objects, should be made specially to feel the weight of their bigotry and prejudice, which they conceal beneath the guise of a Quixotic devotion to the imperial Protestant interests of the country. It is satisfactory, however, to feel that this state of things is giving way. Protestantism is fast losing its hold upon the nation, and with it the anti-Catholic prejudices which have been fostered as its essential foundation in the national mind. A certain section of Pro testants are fully aware of this, and alive to its consequences, and hence the frantic but unavailing efforts of the Whalleys, Brock mans, and their troop of hired slanderers to arrest the current of public opinion. But the tide has set in too strong for them, and by some curious fatality they and the whole band of prejudice-mongers fail to see that their labours are but hastening their own final discomfiture. —Westminster Gazette. RELIGION IN FRANCE UNDER LOUIS PHILIPPE. I have shown how religion, chained down by the Concordat, as the King by the Charter, had no power to curb the revolutionary spirit which in 1830 was still as anti-religious as in 1792. The Concordat, by the malicious in terpolation of the o rganic articles, was made a handle by the Liberal party to keep religion in subjection, which was every year exposed to the most disgraceful attacks in the Cham bers on the occasion of voting the subsidies for public worship. These attacks resembled not a little i n th e i r a b us ive bitterness the annual debates th a t use d to take place in the Eng lish Parli amen t i n vo ting the Maynooth grant. Although the Ministers, according to the Char ter, were alone responsible, yet every fault they committed was imputed by the so-called Liberal party and by the public press to the King, who thus became the cons `ant target for the dis graceful attacks of a misguided faction. The Revolution of July, 1830, was carried in Paris with the cry of " Vive la Charte. A tri. coloured flag, hoisted on every mail and stage coach, conveyed the intelligence to every de partment. The Church shared the unpopu larity of the King, and religion was attacked and insulted in Paris; but the working classes respected the Sister of Charity ; they regarded the bonne sceur in something the same light as they are accustomed to regard the mere of their trade guilds. In France every' guild or corporation of artisans and workmen is placed under the tutelage of a mere. She is to the trade guild what the vivandiere is to the regiment, only held in even greater respect and honour. The Sister of Charity, the bonne sceur, like the famous Sister Rosalie, was treated even in. the heat of the Revolution with the greatest reverence by the working men of Paris. She was in their eyes, if not invested with a re ligious character s at least to Do respected as the mere of the moral and charitable institutions of the country. And though the people had been taught by the public press to hate religion, the sight of so many devoted Sisters of Charity taking care of the wounded in the hospitals, victims of the three glorious days, made them perceive that religion was not altogether use less. It was the habit of the devoted Sister of Charity that saved the soutane of the priest. Besides, as every child had been taught the Catechism in order to make his first commu nion, so the great majority were in the habit of calling in the priest on their death-bed. The priest was, therefore, a necessity, and it was that necessity also which prevented, in 1830, every priest from being murdered as in 1792. It is a very remarkable fact, that in that circle of forty miles round Paris, called by the world the most enlightened portion of France, in which nobody attends church even on a Sunday, no sooner is a man taken ill than he calls in the priest. This fact shows at least that the belief in the immortality of the soul, in a future world, in the judgment of God, survives even in the worst part of France. It also shows how fashion and human respect work upon the better judgment of men. The influence of the infidel press is, indeed, the real cause of much of the anti religious feeling ; for these impious papers are to be found on the table of every country-inn, and the people do not dare to contradict what is read to them in print. The Catechism and the fruits of their first communion were, there fore, the only barrier left to keep up that sense of religion which, when once obtained, never dies; God cannot visit, by a worthy com munion, the heart of a child without leaving in it an eternal benediction. Although at first the voice of the people was in favour of a republic, that honest voice was soon put down by the traitors of the day. The great schemer of the day, Lafayette, was in league with the Palais Royal ; he and many othr noted charpcters of the time were leagued together for the purpose of getting the Go vernment of France into their own hands. They pleaded how useful it was to have a King subjected to the power of the Chambers; and in the name of liberty and of the charter, they proposed the Orleans family. They had little difficulty to prove to the people that a King was a necessity, and the people in their simplicity thought they were going to have a King with unlimited power. Kingship in France accords with the genius of the nation —a nation of heroes mustliave a King. There is no gradation or glory in rank without a King to award the recompense. The younger branch of the Bourbons, in spite of being Bourbon, was proposed to the. people, and the Orleans family, previously prepared by the conspiracy which had been for some years at work at the Palais Royal, accepted, in spite of their oaths and family connection, the crown of France. From that moment France fell into the hands of perjurers and unbelievers, who had the, effrontery to require an oath from every official ; they thought that they could only be safe in the hands of as great per jurers as themselves. The consequence was that every place-man who had any regard f or honour and conscience was obliged to resign his post, and France was abandoned to the guidance of freethinkers. The people felt the disgrace they had fallen into ; partial revolts took -plabe every six months ; the sovereign was called the King of barricades ; his life was many time 3 attempted. Religion was more than ever restricted. The civil Government found fault with the bishops for having too many pupils in their seminaries ; no religious order was allowed to open a house of educa tion; the persecution was such that Catholic families had to send their sons to the col lege of the Jesuits at Brugelette in Belgium, and to Fribourg in Switzerland. With one or two exceptions it was impossible to get a Catholic education in France, and those houses which did escape the fury of the persecution were not allowed to obtain for their pupils university degrees. The centre of this evil was the University of Paris, which enjoyed a monopoly of the edu cation of the country. It was in the hands of Deists and Materialists ; it was the great seat of the propagation, not of faith, but of unbe lief. Materialism was openly taught from its chairs. The consequence was, as might have been expected, that year by year it sent out into the world its students corrupted in faith —teachers of infidelity and materialism. The University of Paris was not merely the centre —and that would be bad enough—of ration alism and unbelief, but it was a monopoly which held in bondage the whole of the higher edu cation of the country. Against this monstrous evil Montalembert fought his glorious fight; he rallied round his standard " freedom of education," all that was still sound and free in France. The Catholic party in the Champ hers and in the Press kept up a prolonged and noble struggle for freedom of education. They knew that religion in France, the safety of the State, public morality, depended upon freeing the education of the country from the dis graceful bondage under whic h it suffered. .. Louis Veuillot, in the Univers, for nearly seventeen years, waged this war of freedom of education without cessation, and yet with won derful intellectual fertility and vigour. The evil effects of this monopoly of education on the part of the godless University of Paris was everywhere visible. I might recount from my own experience innumerable in stances of its corrupting influence. I will, however, content myself with one or two illus trations. Crossing one day in 1831 the Place du Carrousel, I met the head master of the University Lycee of Nantes. He was a good Catholic :—" Well, sir," said I, " were you able to hold your post after the revolution of 1830?" " I was. I thought I might do some good, so I kept my place; but later, finding things were getting even worse than you knew them, I was so disgusted •that I have sent in my resigna tion." " Well, sir, I often repeat that out of the 800 boys and masters only about twenty went to their Easter Communion." "In my opinion," he answered, " if you exaggerate at all, it is in saying more went than fewer. What good could I possibly do in such deep' iniquity ?" I was a student in Paris in 1830, where I met many of my old school-fellows, some from the Jesuit college of St. Anne, near Auray ; most of them had abandoned the virtuous lessons of the good fathers ; they had been led astray by human re spect and the bad example they had con stantly before their eyes. They dared not go to church on Sunday, nor abstain from flesh meat on Fridays in the public restaurants. Vice was allowed to walk in the open day, the vilest pictures were exposed in shop windows, the most abominable romances were sold, and religion, in a word, was regarded as only fit for idiots. Some priests even did not venture to appear in the streets in their soutane ; the livery of religion was looked down upon with disgust by the free thinkers; there was scarcely a man who went to church on Sunday to be found in the administration or in official circles. In the army there were many men of. honour, or at least men of integrity ; their example offered a great contrast to the shameless pecu lation which was going on at the time in every other Government department ; but as to reli gion, the army of France at that time, even in its highest grades, knew nothing of it. Offi cers and soldiers alike were practical unbe lievers. Every man who had respect for religion and virtue, and considered perjury as a stain on his honour, had retired into private life. Many of the gentry or noblesse who had coun try seats, were engaged in agricultural pur suits ; now and then, in the midst of their re tirement from public life, some of them gave expression to their indignation by pamphlets, exposing the depth of the general corruption and predicting its necessary consequences. Religion was never so. powerless as during that immoral period of 1830 to 1848 ; Eng lish newspapers had lavished the greatest praises on the Constitutional King ; the recep tion of the Queen of England at the Chitteau cl'Eti, cannot be forgotten, A Protestant was Prime Minister; the eldest son of the King had been married to a Lutheran ; there was every hope on the part of Protestants that France was about to adopt the so-called reformed re ligion. But whatever may be the amount of irreligion and infidelity in France, common sense remains. The people know that if there be any truth in religion, that it is only to be found in the Catholic Church—that all other sects have worldly motives, or motives of self interest in view. Every Frenchman has a keen sense of the absurdity of the system of pri vate judgment which pretends that every indi vidual is capable of safely interpreting the often mysterious and mystical language of the Bible ;—they know that to be a lawyer or a doctor it is necessary to study for three years at the faculty of law or medicine at the 'Uni versity. of Paris, and they think it the height of unreason to believe in a self-taught theo logy, and to reject the authority of the Church. Fortunately, for France, there were no tithes and church estates held, as in England, by a hostile establishment, whose worldly interest it is to oppose, as it has done, by a long conspi racy against truth and common sense, the Catholic Church, and to support by its ill gotten estates, church and abbey lands, a false system of religion. France, more fortunate than England in this, escaped the great danger of a systematic perversion of truth. It is true that freethinkers in France and worldly men heap every kind of slander and abuse upon the clergy ; they have political interests to gain, passions to gratify ; but such abuses do not bear lasting fruits, as every day they are contradicted.by the saintly lives of the clergy, whose good example the people of France have ever before their eyes. It is not so in England, where the clergy of the Established Church are themselves most interested in keeping up pre judices against the Catholic priesthood. They can be moved to revenge, even to bloody deeds, as during the great revolution, for the sake of correcting more or less crying evils, or for the sake of following the craving of their worldly appetites. But those deeds carry with them their own remedy in the disgust vice always awakens, and in the reaction which it invari ably produces. But , even in the corrupt days of Louis Philippe's reign, there was no danger of France falling a victim to Protestantism. Since the first outburst of the Reformation Catholic nations, Lord Macaulay says, have become infidel, and have become Catholic again, but have never lapsed into Protestant ism.—Correspondent of the Westminster• Gazette. WHITHER ARE WE TENDING? . (From the Anglo-American Times.) The biggest placards everywhere announce the biggest journal in the world, and those who would like to see that elephant dancing should read the Standard or Morning Herald, or whatever it calls itself, of Thursday last. This elephantine jig is per formed to a tune of the New York Herald, which on the 7th April published an article in reply to the question—Whither are we tending ? " From one end of the laud to the other," according to the New. York Herald, " the people are the prey of political harpies. Property, order, personal rights, are mere names, and in all things in which a Govern ment should secure the governed, the people are at . the mercy of an unscrupulous class, who, in virtue of universal suffrage, hold the offiees and make the laws." Instead of the purity and economy the States expected to secure after casting away the tyrannical and corrupt yoke of the British Mo narchy, by making the rulers feel the direct in fluence of the people, the Herald finds that " after eighty years our experience only results in show ng the world how to secure the worst G - vornment the sun can shine on, how to orga nize the system most certain to defeat all the good objects of government, and how to tie the people hand and foot, and hand them over to the rogues and wretches of the community." Here are fine texts for the Tory journal ! ande how it avails itself of them we may gather from its remark—" It is the perpetual pressure of these ob ligations (promises of political support) which has brought about the dreadful condition of the national finances, the terrible state of corruption in the Revenue Department, and that fearful necessity for more oaices, which has driven the • Legislature to the remov ml of the PRESIDENT and the encroach ment on the Presidential power. The final result of universal suffrage is to set up the whole wealth of the State and the property - of the citizens ' as the reward of the winner in a race for office'— the winner being, four times out of five, one who seeks his position only that he may make money out of it. As for universal suffrage, which was not urigi ginally contemplated by the framers of the Consti tution, it is the parent of all the vices in the politi cal system of the United States." No one denies the gross political corruption prevailing in the United States. The question is, To what i:; it due ? And of course to this the Standard iast intly replies, To universal suffrage. But, unfortunately for the Standard, the most corrupt period of English his tory was the time when the franchise had bee❑ reduced to its narrowest limits, and the Govern ment was that of the aristocracy. Every Republic has fallen by its tendency to create an oligarchy and the gross corruption which ensues. This arises from the unscrupulous educated, using the want of knowledge in' the masses to further their own de signs —the alliance of knavery with ignorance. It is not the fault of Democratic institutions that cor ruption has gained so firm a hold in the United States; it is purely due to the dense ignorance► shipped into the country from Europe. The marvel is that the institutions of the United States should so well have stood the strain, nor is there any in superable difficulty in working a thorough reform. Take away the prizes in the lottery of villany and there will be but few candidates. Make the civil service of the United States a profession for which lads are educated and rise through the different grades as they do in the army, an I all the gang of corrupt politicians are knocked oa the head. This is the grand work for the incoming PRESIDENT, who, we most fervently hope, may be General GRANT— not that we care for one candidate more than another, hut because we believe that he would lend himself heartily and with single-minded patriotism to this work. Democratic institutions have not yet had fair play in the United States, nor can they until the European tide of ignorance passes through some preparatory straining before admission to the exercise of the franchise. Indeed we much doubt whether any process could qualify the bulk of the immigrants, and the people should not forget that in leaving prizes to be striven for by the unscrupulous, and freely giving the bal lot to the immigrant, with one hand they offer the inducement for, and with the other the means of demo ralizing the community. If England adopted for a year the civil service system in force in the United States she would be precipitated into ruin. No country but one patient under taxation and in the highest degree law-abiding would endure it. But there is no necessity for enduring it in America, as it can without much difficulty be remedied, and an immense reform effected. What the American people have to defeat is the chance of any mere po litcian, such as ANDREW JOHNSON, being elected to the Presidency; GRANT, or CHASE, Or CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, are of the stamp, whatever their political proclivities, from whom, unless infatuated, they will elect their next President. Except the man elected be devoid of true patriotism, he will turn the whole force of his energies to the reformation of the civil service. Although the people stand aghest before the political cor ruption developed since the war, the system is in truth the mere expansion of that in existence be fore the war. The machinery of Government has been vastly increase i, and in prop )rtioa to that in crease has been the corruption. Before iS was com paratively a minor evil, but the increase to which we have alluded has made it a stupendous one. It is bad enough for the people to have their means of existence wrung from them wholesale as now ; .but it is worse that adlitional burdens should be added to fatten up such blood-suckers, and that the plunder squeezed from the nation should be used as a means of demoralizing the nation. Fortunately for the United States the magnitule of the evil has directed to it public attention, and the President of next November, be he Democrat or Republican, must stand upon the platform of Civil Service Be' fofn. It is not, however, fair to charge agains t Democratic institutions the vices arising from a want of system. No man pretends that Republican institutions will alter human nature, although they may modify it. Men will be dishonest, whether rolling in luxurious carriages in Rotten-row o r "stumping" the States, and the greatest thieves O f Modern days- have been shown to be the Rotten row men. We freely confess that the next greatest are professional politicians of the United States. Bat Democracy had as little to do with educating the one as the other. We do not suppose that even the Standard will argue that the privilege of elect ing his rulers must necessarily make a man corrupt, though it may increase his opportunities of be- p ° corrupt. Its influence instead of being to degrade' is to elevate, and in the whole mass, if the Froli c " tion of elevation be greater th in the ule3stise of evil it has evoked from the naturally viel eu t s ; then we maintain that Democracy is good. all men were impracticably evil it would v . ° impossible for D e moc rac y t o s t an d. Its On °. plais that men are not wh )11y vicious, and the more enlightene I and educated they become, the bette r qualified they are for self-rule, and the only to le , Conservatism is resting power on the individatn shoulders of every citizen. No one expects the United States to develope a perfect form of Govern' went, but what believers in Democracy assert is, th at in so far as it attains this the true end of Conser vatism, it is better than any other. The Standard .points to the vast mass of rottenness shown by th , e article of the New York Herald, and this we fran kl admit to be a huge blot marking the inroad of the eneaty against the liberty of mankind, and proving how the best institutions are defeated by the vice of human nature. But to . understand the su b j ect we must take a more comprehensive glance. Sud denly the lightest taxed and least governed of 0° Great Powers found itself overwhelmed with In.l ' posts and officials. The transition was, in truth, a: instantaneous as the change a man makes w h a swims across a river, the bank on the one side alit the bank on ta, other being his connecting poi 3t . s ; though all around him may be altered. So it. w 3 .1 With the States when they passed through the eiv ec i l war. The country they left and that they. ent er were widely different, and the difficulty is to aaCcllliii modate themselves to the change. That they sh o3 have succeeded so well ought really to be the matl.o. for surprise, not that while the baggage is e. strewn on the bank that robb e rs should be ac t i ve. There is every reasonto expect that the refOratill' ,be Civil Service will soon be inaugurated, and the abt lse ; over which the Standard danced its elephantine J() on Thursday, will at one stroke be swept a vla: But is it fair, in reviewing Democratic institati°ns',, to take one phase, and that arising from such peculiar circumstances as the demoralization g r i t) ce ing out of a defective Civil Service System, i° of a total change of circumstances ? Whit 113 been the predictions and the earnest desire of 00 'oligarchical organs ? In the first instance , tlei maintained that a Republic had not the-consistelic/ and determi na ti on successfully to fight thro u g h desperate and long-continued struggle. They b . °i 0; that a pu r e Democracy could not stand . the O li o that the people were too fickle, too little iucli ° to for honour, patriotism, or for auy other mot iv r e h i,4 endure privation and make great sacrifices , "" 0 1 the United States dispelled by facts so patent none could deny them. It was then asserted td though kept up by the excitement of wa r, c b ti l bribed to acquiescence by the seeming con in t r o clo prosperity which alway s i n th e fi rs t i ns tance a t " - o r, the substitution of a p a p er f or a me t a llic cu rren a ja that Democracy could not bear the after st r te a when the liabilities had to be met. The 1/° . l O , States have patiently borne a system of tax 3+ " l l ol 3 which, it is confessed, no other nation e n ja would endure, coupled with the very eorrupticwthe the Government employes which furnishej ca d, tune to which the Standard last ThursdlY d an t o l a The third prediction was, and even now is , 615 5 3 11 Constitution would break down ; that it I":t very well for times of peace, and very P re ' 0 Y , 1 1,1 theory, but when tested by the fiery ordeal it , 31 1 0 be fannd wanting. N.)w here again the R e P ti , o t, presents a grand spectacle—that of Preside. Commanding-in-Chief the Armies of the United States, and exercising the whol e c e iv il cutive power of the nation, being tried bY 3 0 ,/,1 tribunal, and all his acts brought to the P e ' , : be t and iNa' o , arbitrament of law . . Can the Standard tell us ,a , eo such a sight had ever been seen before ? ' c lsn e have gone down in scores before armed vi° and instances are not infrequent in which icv i surfeited with the pomps and vanities of thi s b „‘, world, have voluntarily surrendered nov er ' eati ‘a never was there an instance of a great e x ° v ial officer, the head of a powerful nation, befo ,e quietly arraigned like any ordinary citizen 0 , of the tribunal appointed by law to test the leg a : tv rb his conduct. 'This is perhaps as grand a tag as ever Democracy achieved. We put asidtl:ooo constant prediction of the great financial c onV h3 t i 4 which was to collapse the States as an °Pe r , bay ° flattened beneath the arm of its owner. /' e had the financial collapse, but it has been i n is pot land, not in the United States ; a n d the effe ° go unlike that of a man enjoyi ng the speetac:l tt , o er fight between two others, w ho su ddenly aa'' ifo r pectedly gets knocked down himself. It is no'-':,,41; him to look for eith er o f th e pug ili s ts to be . "'" ° , 3 ;) %1 but he gets up surprised, confused, and utterlY" it i 0 to account for the fact as regards hit:ll°l%oa pie unfair, when reviewing Democracy, to C° l3 i 3 bC' discussion to a single phase, while the wil ol° . oo dc' fore us; and although we deplore the currnP l . ljo :P l veloped among the political harpies of th e v reit' s States as much as the New York Herald, we ofeC; that the country is tending toward a mo reP . o br 3 goal, because in other respects Republica n '' , 4 brought out in striking relief the virtu' • people. Tennat AO 1.4 THE ECLIPSE OF THE SUN.—Major 7 going out to Indi a t o o b serve th e t o t a l eclipse t.'‘ ) , 18, with a special view to ph o t ogra phy and 1:01$""„.-1 19 the cost of the expedition having been sanctione;di e- Secretary of State for India. This eclipse is 311 7, C0° 4 4 , 5 ! citing unusual interest among astronomers , . " - j , , , ,r 1, ',;1 quence of the (comparatively) long period of ,f ,,r o f which it will occasion. A line drawn on th °lll' .( s° o l Aden across Hindustan, and away to the southern lino Now Guinea, will represent pretty accuratelY o° 4, total obscurity. It co happens that on the u t i l ' e 0 0 1, named the moon will be almost at its nearest te and the sun at its furthest from the earth, ceos',„ Jt" g the moon will hide the sun so completely teen tion of the total darkness will be e ' ia - c f. - ) This is so rare a phenomenon that allinterestti tild cal science are earnestly desirous of getting 91 ` 0 , 0 10, to out of it by observation. Foremost a mong., 0 , 0 Royal Society have taken such measures that, e f oto e v i ther be only favourable at the time and place ° ,l I is" tion, most satisfactory results will be obtain c tru cte v re• have sent out to India a number of giewly o us t i a oto ° , o o9, struments—telescopes, spectroscopes, prisms 1 . e o f and others, by which all the phenomena of t il t ' e b, SO r e be well observed : and as the observers Wil l the the most skilful of the officers employed o g tli"' ev oa trigonometrical survey of India, we may ll° P l , - 0 00 0 ,013' highly important questions involved in the V; t he 5 , 0 0 11 will be cleared of their present uncertaintY• Wr, west monsoon, which will then be blow i lle' s o leave the sky clear at the place of observation, ud its Christmas next know more about the Sill' 3 and atmosphere than hitherto. Births. IP 16001 P X 3 the Ist inst., the wile of —r . co dg, e ' 312, Regent-street, W., of a son. S MONTMORENCY—On the 3d inst., at Pounu' ll. De Taunton, the wife of Captain the HOU. I L or morency, 32d Light - Infantry, of a son. „vas, of • PORTER—On O es n t D tll v 3 i d eb, in th st e ., w a i t f e 4 o , f T h a o n s c . e pli°orrte'r, 8017. tO°' Marriages. BALLARD - HALSE—Ou the 2d inst., at D. al- I, Elward Ballard, M.D., of Islington, t° don fo ll (, youngest daughter of John li a ise, Esq. , c if of. il)' -t, GOOCH—BLAKE —On the 2d inst., Bra r rl . tneto 11i,tyet Charles C. Gooch, Esq., of Niestbourne-t,!ror, park, to Mary, eldest daughter of the I'l' - . rector of BranTierton. - d C ' ''' Deaths. j,or t 00 1) * CALTHORPE—On the 2d inst., at Elvethan, this thorpe, aged 77. the itig ij ~, FonnEs—On the Ist hist , at Richmond, li 4 . P i 0 Walter, Lord Forbes, .aged 70. tree. , ,,O f Alelvill e i,, s o os 1 STUART—On the 17th ult at 31, burgh, Katherine, widow " of the late Sir "- re C A Bart., of Allan Bank, N.B. , sq uat" WENLOCK—Ou the 2d inst., at 29, 13eikeh75. . line, the Dowager Lady NVenlo ' ck, age' -- ".% ' No , London : Printed and Published by - - (01 e of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Trts - a ; 4/ 1-1 Strand, in the Precinct of the WWI iII - , Blay 6, 160. Ak ,--''--- DA tail to 1 lies: o'cl Ar Mr. OL: 11194 Of I ro.o; Sep Lot But C Of ), flair ed.: Th Ravi by A 11 „,tor ol t 0 P~ ail d, for 0 lia„ tl Oll , tr a , 144 S' sPee( s s . c at kni all c Thi s hour for enrli 80 1.1 itud gi ; 151';11 ecti, I; /11 ,- ) ve; With ° ; Pi at Z .al 111 alt CI se ven "Amp 4 4(1 a] tug. ti rn 4 t AL