The Sun. — London, England, 1851-02-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, PERIAL PkP.LI.A Iti7N ^^ • F tfe cl lhet o 11USE OR F iORS, Feb. , , Cit ° AlicEw took his seat on the Woolsack at o c k . I,lEarl of ERN . E PETITIONS. kl a presented several petitions against pession. ' 41.1 °I ST. GERMANS presented several petitions 8 01 ,ir of the Marriage Bill. a lloir r4l.l cf CARLISLE presented several petitions with 1 4e; Pla Yer• P i of MO UNTCASHELL presented several petitions leiph t beaPal a g;ression. and praying that no further grants „ s tf . irl the College of Maynoet . h. cessio a. "y presented several petitions againt Papal lord T a ,TR E COURT OF CHANCERY. en-,'"GDA.LE introduced a Bill authorising the ap ha,N3l°ol,l,,r_q a new Vi ce -C hancellor (as we understoo d , but _Nbley,„lrd spoke in so low a tone as to be nearly n Ntla w4tdd move the second reading of the Bill i on " Lo )* GUAM t: th °k ' ' expressed his approbation of the e iii was then read a first time. „tord _COUNTY COURTS. 24ty e4h...""I:cr.LIAM had, with regard to proceedings in betC"',..._ , been informed that in many cases certioraris r ,to p ,. stinted by the superior courts almost as a e ta c• notwi hha k hhe e lo o k ed ending the directions o . f the Ac m t, a but of at the returns, he was surprised at the small t r h 6 cat_es removed by certiorari in comparison di ° 411 41111 : r of mace which had been tried before y d; t3P -Ar ta. Since August last, since the tthctioa reia ` 4l ° been extented, there had been only eleven Oy e d k ° wed% ."Y certiorari. This was most satisfactors , a t s Oast wh i t k s t there was no disposition in the supreme cour t s 1 4 )4 '' ) f certiorari as matters of course. MARRIAGE BILL. ZI-m'heALaldailltELl., presented several petitions from L a ded r El i the Marriage Bill. Scotland . was . ft ate re r°ll2 o ,...the new Bill, but they considered th "ce Measure only rendered it the more et tl, i (oh t: considered it as contrary to the law °°s. exclusion of Scotland did not remove their .ieese petitions were signed by 11,000 persons. ktLarclCS,Re-14,1INAL PROCEDURE . BILL. its th at b tLL moved the second reading Bill, and °ftins • fon Propi e , e Mould not then enter into any consideration t k t l e te_ .4 ge°lll.,,..asr,he proposed that it should at once be re ts waisi":;_s-,onitruttee. T e t ad to a s el L., read a second time, and ordered to be BROtra, C ommittee. ot ~!-",kus. stated that in -consequence of the ‘. '° 'Noble Friend the President of the Coun9l 0. Lansdowne) he would postpone, until r teltsi oe t, the i ntroduction of his proposed Bill for the t‘°444loSicipttllet trisdiction of County Courts. Th e race .14 introduced a Bill for-the Registration Titles in England and Wales. '4014 ill 12, 1 : 4 0d a first time ; and ' -7 74 T 1 then adjourned. t .4 _ 'thetgpzA?23.E OF COMMONS, Feb. 21. 111 took th e Ch air shortly before. Four o'clock. 13144 NEW MEMBER. '° 4 the oaths and his seat for the Falkirk itit - 'llDOrt s ' REPORTS. la d bin its' c opperth the standing Orders had been complied r Mop R., the of England Bill, the Manche " s a°4 407 RallwaY and several other Bills were 111 4 - -1- , A PUBLIC RECORD BILL. DIl , 4 . i sad a s econ d t i me. lob o the I:n3NDEL POLICE BILL. tas4a74la of Mr.• DUNCO Al BE this Bill was ordered So% thae en the 18th of March. PETITIONS. NUJ • M o n. r• buncombe, Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. Fre fr k cilla les• 'Pp, and several other Members, presented cert,J4t rapid aggression. t tile 84 ,'erar g b i l/lI IT and Dr. POWER presented petitions qtl l l ,•,leitl t c h a ees Praying that the House would not ince the bleZoiterhe exercise of, religious liberty in consequence roea s -e s 4 t which had been raised in this country by for s.kwirc,s of the Pope. t he id elfoli t • •°S presented petitions from Clonmel . praying lliF,Pibo' - ` 1 ‘. 41 Or Ministers' money, and complaining that th o i e p Were d compelled to 'support a form of faith of a lg k fo r sea s approve. th;lote e ,i,m4 Mr. ROZBUCK presented petitions prayw , Ic i tsp di ‘eratton in the administration of the poor-la \APR A v att s of the-poor -law unions. kalles a 7 4 . ~ esented apetition from Edinburgh pray secitti...44l4,lsloc of the paper duty. kr . talki 13 ., Presented petitions from several provident Illity:\•Uti)lTer bodies to the same effect. " also presented petitions against the paper Pitt Lo rd. ix& B.ll3 tl is s , ibe a*lis;.l - ' N ' ICE RS presented a petition from several ;„ -•1N,,5,461--geshire eomplaining of the present: cur -esti e eslWpgra„Ying for their alteration. %Ito tattla rHER presented petitions sever!sl. pa e - T k bes t L' l ° fi t °f Lincoln, and from several p laces the aigned chiefly by the shopkeepers nn lis ht sster s'"o different towns and neighboutrhoods, stating 1 0 ,1 ° fh e e „ re ..sliffering great distress, and praying for a re anal "auonal tariff, with a view to impose such duties m et4h 4 0(j '„'ts, in order to relieve the bur tens upon lan Vrohltt' Presented several petitions praying that the . _ 16 11 144 0 , toitnlkke,,io measures that would interfere with li l l he no n bertY, and some of them for the aboli nl/41;WLMtainLiftablished Church in Ireland. 4 - 1, 14 11 - the 1 . -- en10 9 ,7 . Presented a petition from 3,605 butchers trs,44' imksa‘ a Llif Smithfield-market; also apet f it s io t n . 4 4 ,` 4 .01 •-• - i ziory. the inhabitants of the parish o er, complaining of the annexation of the Itc' titl k :Nt . tu ll ' a nne " zo'd s , P ti tr, and praying that before any other m issioners of Woods and SttoeYet"rllP,,,cliedthe Commissioners a report of their m at t e ---gs; 41 ° should na on the next day's sitting tet4, qilae Petition be printed with the votes. um _ fll/ 0, Presented petitions from North North . "sal `eying that the income-tax might be remitted A4ll t-fartner t4ititt ub 8 and others in a sim . ilar position, who istenc e from the cultivation of the soil.. Mr s ki Is petition aainst k l / e t tr ur i_!°, 11 , ‘ B as ar° •rd t . aalsoo Mr.sented.a Duncornbe,T Sir: g John k, h ‘ 'veral other Members. t •::e4 pirL 6 ' STATE OF IRELAND. - -th . "`lntox and Sir Lucius U'BgsEN gave notice, h im th; r tt.,, he should, on the 6th of next month, and k `e 'rise should, on an early day, - draw the atten ith a view to to the state of Ireland, ,scone measures to relieve' the w distress in the Western districts of that country. 'sh''‘,yept, MR. ERNEST JONES. t lir ta 'ag 4;fliNOR wished to ask the Right . Hon. Gentle- V.:41%014'Y for the Home Department if had re rsk,l4 meS --a aication from Mr. Ernest Jones complaining . 81,''"el llla at while in prison, and praying the Right Ho %lltilet to institute an inquiry into the matter? r eplied in the negative. bUBLIN PORT DUES. a- AsSkt I f it• "%ZS wished to ask the Secretary of the Tre L lvse - intention of her Majesty's Government to Art 'rsi,„. 4l ag the pr t ion of Parliament, any the inercraenate session traders of Dublin from the t sor th ° A which they are now liable under the o 1 4 ? •' ° 56 Geo. 111 C 62, and the Ist Ge IV., es ' tiv io , * I t 4 - I ( frov er " ) lS said. the subject was under the considers ° ' 4 l but h 3notprepared to say whether a re „,,„ he was k r . ellßii",'„oe brought in this session. ES L.N UNION WORKHOUSES"; Poor -6 h d,* h , wished to ask the President of the 4 tth t ..._atie es i n et :Pr he 4,74, ‘21013. aohusadesre.ncesivuedffelkinbfoermsidaetsiotnhesoef otherin the n ",thi: 4l • "`•,. tasi ftied by able-bodied labourers sent to blAalga-c'usequence of want of employment ttea_ refs said h e the lion. t o i, t rred had not, but no- doubtt aken place v et, orkii eese . a disturbance which bad Nor 'l4 had In the !lei hbouring county of h o eottse received g w contradictory itofw.shend_lsturbance in ° the Suffolk Union ac t c V o e u r n k ts 7 Its subj ect `),;• at all improbable that the affair would tk e'ls hA'Aquiv°,,ian official inquiry. 11 .1 lin --41 kk - T - ' 1 IN THE METROPOLIS. -t at -- w ished to ask the the secretary of State for whether his attention has been called thi °l llte e re; :,* of vagrancy in the metropolis, and whethe for i evi l? " 11 of the Government to propose any remedy Rh ie %LG. GR Ev . 1 7 1 eet ; had received no information whatever on allowedlthe Police Commissioners had made a return_ ithlesS Lem in 1850 'vagrancy in the metropolis had :"ralent than any of the ten preceding years, 1)411411 eepti °n fin No doubt that an increase b le,llletitee,of late in the * vagrancy of certain localities. :(11•"CiliSi'CP• IN A WORKHOUSE IN ESSEX. •la Ty ll 4 l. ‘rh;,. -4 e a „ ELL wished to ask the Pres . ident of the 14.„ ) i ct 1 ,% W ° l • - ,: b .m he had received any information of a die ,.`4l/14 D - ` uad t place in a workhouse in Essex. •sei. •••8 repli a d in n the negative. Lord • COII MUACATION WITH AUSTRALIAN vrt en t I g A COLONIES. tope 414 at l ' A S asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer 4tkh-(18 ° r what steps bad been adopted by Government e thiitiv•ettiablishing regular steam communicat . ion L ex_ e°,l°cles; and also how soon the public mop th e se etisen communicationtehe-ANCLLe f would be opened? e7: 1 , 41 . tto e i e l aN:rhich were oali t ed he f E or X s C orn H e E t Q im U e E a ß go r i e o p r li a ed at t e h a a m t k t ree c 'tion from Singapore to the Australian colonies leht ac ed two days back. He had only been enabled. they •‘t or over them ; but, as far as he could see, tn ~pti'l,,t,iunsAtisfactory character. r '' HOUSE TAX AND THE FRANCHISE. th e e. t L said he wished to ask a question withref.e; (Lo • ellao ha house -tax, which had been proposed 11, 41 t!ellOr of the Exchequer. The Noble Lord ek t Yi at o?ull Russell) was aware that by the rattee hoitase,, t i e of the Reform Act, it was necessary that 4 % i,j- 4 •44 and poor -rate should be paid by 101. heti G4,„ \ l'ish e rious to being put .on the register of voters. Tte ,t,lt icaes. t° ,. l Qlow whether • "it was the intention of Now,rah! th,•blise 07, case the House should agree to the it to Mick b t ;" 'the house -tax, that the payment of lactettsary qualification to a person who wished Roldnthe register of voters `JoSELL said it was not the intention of the I :e k ti. °ll ll bt t° impose any new qualificationhy the proposed _ 4 1 , a saZ I , se a• By the interpretation of the law, it would tit ilar,an assessed taxes. tet,,;t ta.,otlE-TAX AND THE FRANCHISE. the.. -q tltli,,,' - '4L also asked whether the Government in-_ ; °° lisa s :" the i ncome-tax should be considered as one of s i. )tet eo-481111 tax -1 Payments, which ought to be paid before th„°N placed on a register ? I:PIest.;„'SSELL said he could not precisely answer • ta x Al. It would be for a legal question, whether 13. -4/a,„aunder the denomination of assessed taxes. li c hLt 11, tiA ,uSEYISM IN THE CHURCH. n. 114-`4,bl,i said he had to put another question of co of B d t" tr,ortance, which had reference to the . conduct nt to 14Naelse;r• Murray, who was appointed incume 1 4 ire 4 Church; in Wells-street, Oxford-street. d The v ided i ll : b leb this church was situated ha lately been parish, for the pur tai.. ,Of f aeil 'irn the other parts of the Vod tatin g the e cc l es i as tical government; it con the % Oirtr'es'uliii. Inhabitants, and 400 rated householders. st.._...ith a y.. Was consecrated on the 28th January, 1847, °lt ems having largely contributed towards its itlZdoa Memorial was presented to the Bishop of the ibit4 int 4ne 'd by more than one-third r a f ;Z e Mo s riari at P o lii ning of the hisconductsaid,that appointment Mr. Mur helkratv`" 'Make alterations in the church, and though re- L e ' w ith, and having promised not to make them t w , - 441 411 64 until he had brought the church into wba %N o . Y tailed a state of Puseyite discipline. The C9131_ as to . tab le titi at or altar as it was called, had twice been raised day s tla q oloth: e aPProached by steps. It was covered with r a . ana saintsltad candlesticks placed upon it, and upon ho t toile/4,_,days was decorated with wreaths of flowers, ap pro ..u! the chancel was regarded as a sacred place not 14 ' besti r emove by the laity. The table of the Commandments „Orais ed 'oloveil from over the altar, and though it was e ll itro 4 04 to k_ b e restored, had never yet been. . An expensive " ell en gaged, the Litany was intoned by the With . hi ll I)aCk tO the people, the sermon was A. ------- rregeltea in a surplice, and neither collect nor Lord's Prayer were t.t..d bskire it, but, ouiy an .uv.,cation. the name of the Father, Son, and of the Holy Ghost." The sacrament also was intoned and altogether administered in such a mode as to pre-. - ent many of the memorialists from attending it. It was signed by 450 inhabitants of the parish, and transmitted to the Bishop of London with an in timation that certain of the parishioners wished to wait on his Lordship and give him further information on the sub ject. The information was that the incumbent of this district had been in the habit of attending the Roman Catholic Chapel in King William-street, Strand. He (Sir B. Hall) considered this so grave a charge that he was un willing to make it unless the gentleman who had informed him consented to commit it to wr;ting, and authenticate it by his own signature, which had been done. The answer which the Bishop of London gave was, that he had remonstrated with Mr. Murray on the subject without avail, and to a further com munication, he replied that he was about to take some general steps for the prevention of such practices, which would, however, take some time to develop. The Archbishop of Canterbury had also stated, that he had warned the clergy of another diocese ten years ago, against such praajces. The question, then, which he wished to ask the Noble Lord was, whether the bishops and archbishops of the Church wi'l'e about to take any steps for the purpose of suppressing these practices, against which, as they said, they had preached foi ten years ; or were they to leave it fo the laity to take those step., for the purpose of fulfilling those duties which the ecclesiastics of the Church had neglected ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL —With reference to the statement of my Hon. Friend who has jest sat down, I have to state to the House that I have been in communication with the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in order to as certain what the facts of the case really are.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the Bishop of London, I am enabled to state that he juformed me that his attention had been drawn more than once to the manner in which the public worship in St. Andrew's Church is conducted, and that he has been fully informed of :he feelings of the inhabitants.—(Hear, hear.) He informs l ite that he is at all times willing to give effect to the rubric, h •_ , wl to attend to the feelings of the inhabitants of any district, in order to regulate the habits of the clergymen who minister in their churches, and that at all times he was anxious to render the mode of worship in confo:Enity with those feelings.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to t. he Archbishop of Canterbury, I , am informed by his Grace tni‘t he has that ways desired, and that the Bishops have always djired, the practice of the clergy should be at all times so ari .. .'wg ed that the predilections of the laity shall be ca refull y , at le.:qt so far as reasonable, regarded. The Archbishop states to me that he does not think that any alteration of the law is necessary, or that any interference of this House or of the Legislature is at the present moment re quisite. But the law is such, he says, that there is great difficulty in reaching cases such as those his Hon. Friend had brought before the H 0..., Although, however. no im mediate change may bring any advantage, some alteration is evidently necessary.—(Hear, hear.) I hope my Non. Friend will understand that we do not contemplate any al teration of the Liturgy of the Church of England—(Loud cries of" Hear")—but what we want is some greater or better means of carrying the law into effect.—(Hear, hear.) In one case not less than 3,0001. was spent, in order to reach such a case as this, and ray Hon. Friend and the House may be assured that no efforts will be left untried to remedy the mischief.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. A. HOPE regretted that the Noble Lord had de scended from his high position to answer a question respecting the character of a private gentleman, whose character he felt called upon to vindicate. Mr. Murray had been accused of at tending a Roman Catholic place of worship. The fact was, that Mr. Murray had only attended the chapel five times, and then only for the purpose of controversial preaching. — (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet and the Noble Lord would be surprised to hear that their friend Dr. Cumming was pre sent at the same time.—(Loud and ironical cheers.) Mr. Hope then read a friendly letter from the Bishop of London to Mr. Murray, promising to attend to his case as soon as he had leisure. But between Feb. 20, 1850, and Feb. 21, 1851, no further communication had been received. Mr. REYNOLDS protested against the introduction of this subject, and complained of the Hon. Baronet importing into his remarks the uncalled-for expressions of Romish error and Romish practices.—(Hear, hear.) Since he had had the honour of a seat in the House he had not only ab stained himself from mooting questions connected with the affairs of the Protestant Church, but he had induced other Roman Catholic Members to follow his example.— (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that the Hon. Baronet wished to convert the British House of Commons into a polemical debating club, but he hoped in future he would leave the Pretestant Church to the care of its two archbishops, its 24 bishops, and 15,003 ecclesiastics, who had the guarantee of the Crown for maintaining the in tegrity of their creed.- (Hear, hear.) Unless the Hon. Ba ronet did so, he was afraid the House would degenerate into a Praise-God-Barebones Parliament, and become a scandal in the eyes of Europe.—(Hear,hear.) Mr. HUME said his Hon. Friend had done nothing more than introduce a complaint of the laity of Marylebone, who had complained to the Bishop about the conduct of their clergyman, but they could get no satisfaction or redress from him, although twelve months had elapsed since they first complained, and therefore they had no other alternative but to come to this House.—(Hear.) Sir R. H. INGLIS thought Hon. Gentlemen would best con sult the interest of the Protestant Church by abstaining from bringing such questions as these before the House, which was firstly not competent to inquire into them, and even if it was it, secondly, had not the ability to decide them. THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES. Lord DUDLEY STUART rose amidst loud cries of " Ques tion, and Oh," to ask the indulgence of the House for a few minutes. He was compelled to take this course, in consequence of some other person having neglected his duty. He wished to put a question to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.—(Laughter.) It would be in the recollect tion of the House be made a motion on the 7th of February , last for certain papers relating to the treatment of the Hun garian refugees.—(Hear.) He withdrew that motion in consequence of the Noble Lord having promised to produce the papers to which it referred. The session closed, and the papers were not forthcoming. He spoke to the Noble Lord again and again on the subject, and even ventured to say that it was too bad—(Laughter)—and the Noble Lord replied to me, "it is too bad."—(Continued laughter.) On a subsequent occasion, when he went to the Noble Lord and complained of the continued delay, he told him that he could not but feel angry at his conduct — and what was his answer? That if he (Lord Palmerston) were in his situation, he would be angry too.—(Great laughter.) Under these circumstances, he begged to ask the Noble Lord whether he considered this respectable treatment, not of an individual Member who was a sincere, ardent, though humble supporter of the cause of Hungary—but of the House, when he had unfulfilled his engagement to pro duce these papers? Lord PALMERSTON said that he was quite willing to acknowledge that his Noble Friend had a claim upon him for the promise which he had made. He also was quite ready to acknowledge that which he had acknowledged to him in private, that upon their non-appearance he had a right to be angry. But if he knew how great had been the pres sure of matters which had prevented him from bringing for ward those papers he would be induced to extend to him in dulgence. However he should make a point of producing the papers on an early day in the next week. MINISTERIAL CRISIS. POSTPONEMENT OF THE BUDGET. On the motion for going into Committee of Ways and Means, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to move that the Committee should be postponed until Monday. He would then state the reasons for this request. Mr. BERRIES wished to know whether it was intended positively to proceed with the Committee on Monday ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he could not state positively. On I‘londay night he would state the reason for the request, and the course which he meant to take. The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned. PARLIAMEN TARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons, FRIDAY, FEB. 21. STANDING, ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee :- 1. That in the case of the Derby and Ashborne Roads petition, the standing or.dtteerds toougphretcteoedbewidtihsptehnesierdßwiltthpro_: That the parties be permitted vided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 2. That in the case of the Ulverston and Lancaster Rail way petition, the standing orders ought to b d e dispens e ed with hat the parties be permitted to procee with th ir Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 3. That in the case of the Clerkenwell Improvement petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with That ie parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, , provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this Report. 4. That in the case of the Smithfield Enlargement peti tion, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, pro vided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 5. That in the case of the Lancaster and Y o rkshire Rail way ( Fifth Shares) petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, with the exception of the Clause affecting the mortgages, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 6. That in the case of the Mayfield Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the par ties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, provided the same be presented not later than three clear days after the presentation of this report. 7. That in the case of the Dundee Police petition, for ex tending the time for the second reading of the Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : —That the time for the second reading of the Bill be extended to Friday, the 28th instant.—Resolutions agreed to. The Ulverstone and Lancaster Railway Bill was'ordered to be brought in. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The undernamed Bills are appointed to be read a second time on Monday, Feb. 24: Bala Pool. Briton Ferry, Docks, and Railway. Buckingham's Compensation. Cameron's Coalbrook Steam Coal and Swansea and Loughor Railway. Christchurch (Southwark) Parish. European and American Printing Telegraph Company, &c. Great Western Railway (Arrangements with reference to the Purchase, &c., of the Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth Railways). Killarney and Valencia Railway. London and Blackwall Railway (from London and Blackwall Extension Railway to Tilbury, &c. ) Manchester Waterworks. Manchester Improvement. • Maryport and Carlisle Railway. Metropolitan Cattle Market. Midland Railway (Purchase of Leeds and Bradford Railway and Increase of Capital). Richmond and Lancaster Turnpike Road (Western District) Continuation of Term, &c. Sheffield and Glossop Road. Sub- marine Telegraph Comp an y b e t w een England and France. Tenterden and Woodchurch R oa d s . Wiveliscombe Turnpike Roads. FALL IN THE PRICE OF BREAD.—Ye3terday the bakers throughout the metropolis reduced the price of the 41b. loaf one halfpenny. The best bread is now charged 61d. to 7d. ; second quality sid. per loaf ; some, howeveP, in Whitechapel, the Cut, and other populous districts, only charged od., weighed on delivery. )1 1 "Tir -1 13 1 TYrN IPriT t . ),TT T T 111..ALAk.).1ki ti JJ Li MINISTERIAL CRISIS. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Lord John Russell has tendered his resig nation to her Majesty, and only holds office till another Government can be' formed. The extensive loss of Par liamentary confidence, or rather of Parliamentary sym pathy, which his Lordship and his colleagues have evi dently suffered of late has probably prepared moat of our readers for this result. In the face of so much resolute opposition from so many different quarters, and with so much irresolate support—in the face of such divisions as those of yesterday week and last Thursday, Lurd John Russell could not expect that the present Cabinet would safely ride through the many delicate questions pressing upon the attention of Parliament. The Budget, it must be confessed, has satisfied no party, and it seemed only too probable that any possible modification of it would purchase lukewarm thanks at the expense of strenuous objections. It is proverbially difficult to please everybody, even under the most favourable circum stances, and that difficulty becomes an impossibility when there is a predisposition not to be pleased. The interest of the public, which for au unusu ally long period has been attracted to questions of the past, will be immediately directed to the future. What sort of Government are we to have? A new one alto gether, or a reconstruction? So far as regards the political principles and the personal characters of the men, there is no reason why a Cabinet should not be formed with Lord John still for a leader, but with seve ral new members, including two or three from Sir Robert Peel's Administration. Lord John could not have better colleagues than those who have proved such steady, though disinterested allies. But, whether for good or for ill, the Whig school is generally averse to coalition. It is too much of an oligarchy, almost too much of a family, to endure the introduction of new elements, especially when teere is anything to be for given or forgot. The Whigs come in and go out toge ther, and much as the public will undoubtedly lose by the sacrifice of the whole Cabinet, we can scarcely hope to see any part of it in new combination. Besides what has hitherto been the Ministerial sec tion of Parliament, the Protectionists are the most n estnerous body professing a common creed. What may they expect out of the pr esent crisis ? It is sufficient to say that they are still Protectionists, and to all political purposes might just as well be French men or rigid Mahometans. Suppose them summoned to her Majesty's Councils and compelled to dissolve ar liament, which they correctly avow to be their solitary chance—for they would not get a sixpence of the public money -from the present House—what sort of account would they give of themselves to our popular constitu encies? They can only pledge themselves to enhance the price of bread and all other food, and to throw away the legislation of the last five, or rather of the last nine—nay of the last twenty years. We are not saying what the Protectionists might have done. Had they but followed their leaders—had they taken common sense, instead of passion for their guide, they might now have been in a position to govern this country. But they . have wasted five years in one long fit of sullen indignation, and have DOW nothing to offer the public but their incessant maledictions on free trade and its authors. Their fate in a general election is too evident. They would only meet Parliament to be beaten on the Address—to leave public affairs in the greatest confusion—perhaps to lose the year 1851 altogether for the purposes of legisla tion—perhaps to incur the necessity of another general election—perhaps to throw the Government ultimately into the hands of the politicians with whom they feel much less sympathy than they do either for the friends of Lord John Russell or for the admirers of Sir Robert Peel. Undoubtedly there exist abundant materials for the formation of an entirely new Government, bound to that commercial policy which Lord John Russell in herited from his predecessor. This is not the time either to revert to the errors of the retiring Cabinet, or to in quire very critically into the personal merits of this or that probable member of the new one. It is rather the time to view things as a whole, and we have little doubt that from the numerous independent statesmen of our day a Government could be formed that would deserve, and generally receive, the cordial support of those who are for the present in power. Whatever is done, it is most desirable, above all, that there should be union, and therefore some degree of generosity and mutual for bearance, among the various sections that stand by free trade. The progress of sound legislation, the peace of the country, and the stability of our institutions abso lutely require that all should combine to prevent even a momentary success of the Protectionist imposture. For the sake of the country gentlemen, for the sake of the House of Lords, for the sake of that representative sys tem which still gives considerable weight to the owners and occupiers of the soil, the question of free trade ought not to come again before the people of this country. It is too serious and too sore a point to be re-opened, espe cially by the rough process of a general election. All wise men should combine to avert that peril, and all wise men should, therefore, com bine to give a fair chance—that, of course, is a ll that is asked—to what ever body of liberal statesmen her Majesty may summon to her Councils. As we long since prophesied, Lord John Russell and his colleagues have at length felt the odium consequent upon their,determination to maintain the direct taxation of the country in it present form. We have never missed an opportunity during the last nine years of making the most earnest remonstrance against the absurd and iniquitous assessment of the income-tax. Nor were our remonstrances confined to a solitary warning on each occasion. For weeks—we may ,almost without exaggeration say for months—at intervals of three years since 1842—we have endeavoured to re present the condition of public feeling on the subject whenever the renewal of the obnoxious method of assessment was proposed in Parliament. It was all in vain. Might makes right. As long as the Ministry for the time being found a House of Commons prepared to vote the renewal of the tax as it stood for yet another period of three years, so long did they stop their ears to all remonstrance. It was an easier, it was a safer thing to take the money in the accustomed form. There was less risk of a deficit when the year's accounts were closed if the usual balance under the head of " Income-tax" could be carried forward to the credit of the nation. Account was taken of figures, but no ac count was taken of the feelings of a people quick enough to discover injustice and powerful enough to defeat it in the long run. If we are not mistaken, the course pursued by the educated classes of English so ciety under the imposition and re-imposition of this unequal fiscal burden will be remembered as yet another instance of the exemplary patience of Englishmen under circumstances' of political trial. Three times since the re-introduction of the income-tax by the late Sir Robert Peel has a locus peenitentice with regard to its assessment been offered to the Cabinet of the day; and now, upon the third occasion, unless extraordinary means had been used, we were as far removed as ever from a fair reconsideration of the measure. It is not matter of astonishment that Lord John Russell and his colleagues have at length stumbled upon an insurmount able obstacle. The wonder rather is that they and their predecessors should have succeeded so long in playing off one class against the other, and in gaining currency . for the merest and most transparent sophisms as the inspira tions of profound political sagacity. The explanation us this phenomenon must be sought for in a succession of causes. In the year 1842, when the re-imposition of the tax was proposed, we had lost a whole army in the Can bul Pass—we were engaged in war with China—we were involved in the difficulties of a failing budget. It was natural enough that men should rather ac cept the means of safety than canvass the abstract merits of the system by which it was to be obtained. Three years elapsed, and we were intent upon the im pending revolutiou in the commercial policy of the coun try. All objects sank into unimportance in the presence of the one absorbing question of the day. Three years more elapsed. The Irish famine had rendered an enor mous loan necessary, the system of free trade bad been inaugurated, and the feeling of the country was against endangering the recent settlement by involving its re sults with the possible effects of other changes uncon nected with its operation. The injustice was felt as keenly then as it is at the present moment. Remon strances were utrered as loudly then as now; •but there was a fixed determination not to drive matters to an ex tremity. For three years longer the professional and trading classes of England made abnegation of their rights. It was hoped that, in the interval that must elapse before the Chancellor of the Exchequer was compelled once more to ask for the renewal of the tax, his pertinacity might be softened or his error removed. Well, then, we have arrived at the end of that period. Again, the Minister of Finance has come down to the House of Commons, and has asked for a vote of renewal without a ny proposition for an amended assessment of the tax. Have we not had patience? Is there now any shadow of political necessity to justify the further imposition of so unequal a burden upon a particular class, and that one—we use the terns advisedly—the most laborious, the most struggling class of English society? Our proposi tion is briefly this—that any system which treats a per manent and a transitory income as identical quantities for fiscal purposes is an act of public dishonesty of the grossest kind. If a confusion of this kind be inseparable f ' re r o e m r 0 t e h t e D e a n t y u r e e ue o h f i a m n p i o n s e t ! m eittea very r theny name let e h e u u s i d h e h a e r s n y o . nonymous with injustice and impolicy. Whatever i t ma y be in terms, an income-tax so levied is in reality nothing less than one of those expedients for the fiscal relief of certain privileged classes at the expense of others which mainly led to the French revolution of 1789. Let us see for a moment how the matter stands as a question of figures, and we will venture once more to employ an illustration which rwieveudsefdrett the e e o ih th te e r r e d et ay e . f ITOOII sterling income o is f — on s e sy m s a l i: pdeer the income of his neighbour is—say 5/. per au th his e brain.wag es forAt the ee endsweat of f t o h f e his y a ref m or an th i e s annum;n l m or a o B f possessed of 1051. in money ; the other of 5/. Tae Chancellor of the Exchequer then, upon a system which professes to be o ne of direct taxation, takes exactly two shillings and elev en p ence from each of these persons. That is to say, he leaves the 1001. altogether untouched. He ignores this sum altogether ; or if he admits its existence upon the one side, he assumes it upon the other, where it has no existence at all. This is direct taxation ! This is the system vaunted by statesmen and economic writers, as the most just and philosophi cal method of dividing the public burdens ! The in come of realized property is taxed at a given rate ; transitory income is taxed at the same rate. Omitting for the moment all appeals ad misericordiam, is this a method of taxation which it was seriously pro posed to fasten in perpetuity upon the people of this country? For it must not be forg otten that these per sons whose incomes depend upon the vicissitudes of trade, or upon the still more sorrowful vicissitudes of health and sickness—of life and death, contribute also their fair scare to the revenue in all other respects. The Taimen t they and their Emilio wear, the food they commie, 14 • dwellin,7s they inhabit, are affeeteg in various, ways Ciatoma:tiiiU li7li 15 Alit, of •i-lough' their iocoinee were but the interest On i-earzed c ;i pitxl. They pay for their light, they pay for their events end Liver csrrieges, if tle.y n a v e th eca , and dely meet all their assessed taxes—just us though they were capitalists. They live in towns and pay heavy contributions for the maintenance of the poor, not according to their real, but their apparent means. In what respect, then, do they enjoy any peculiar exerna tion which should justify the imposition upon them of any peculiar burden? If it be said that the in eo ms-tee was an expedient for the reformation of the fiscal eye. tern of the country, and that the trading and professional classes have received great benefits from the system ef free imports, the answer is obvious indeed. The physi cian or haberdasher who eats a cheaper loaf and washes it down with cheaper coffee, sweetened with cheaper sugar taken frcm a cheaper basin, is in no respect more benefited than the peer, the squire, the fundholder, the life annuitant. What, then, is the reason or the justice of tying him to the horns of the altar as a fiscal sacrifice for the sake of his fellow-country men? Not only considered morally is this a pro found injustice, but politically speaking it is a grievous blunder, as the event has shown. We will not here speak of the extrusion from office •of a Ministry which a week since might have looked forward reasonably to a long and prosperous existence, or of the public confusion inseparable from such an event. But of all the causes that ever led to the dissolution of a powerful Ministry, this refusal of Lord John Russell and his colleagues to reconsider the assessment of the income-tax is the most irrational upon record. Whatever may be the political turmoil incident upon a change in the Cabinet, at teast one of its consequences will be that the direct taxation of the country will henceforth be placed upon a .more equitable basis. CHRONICLE.—The House of Commons has seldom met in a more curious and excited condition of mind than that which urged its Members yesterday to crowd every portion of the House. On ordinary occasions, when the Budget has once been opened, the popular in terest in financial questions is blunted and satisfied. The representatives of special interests continue, per haps, to press their claims, in the hope that the exemp tions whieh they severally seek may find some peek or corner in the system which, in its general outline, is completed and final; financiers by profession etpresa their opinions in detail, and endeavour to mould the more pliable portions of the scheme into accordauce with their own fiscal theories; but the House in general is content to leave the responsibility of balancing the revenue and the expenditure to any Ministry which possesses its confidence. Sir Charles Wood, however, is a financier of peculiar qualification. His budgets have more than once been brought forward in apparent confidence of success, to be withdrawn is 'defe rence to universal disapprobation, and - remo delled in their general outline, even when seine' bf the details have been retained. Thus it was with the pro posal to increase the income-tax in 1848, and with two or three editions of the new Stamp Bill of 1850 s Even if his skill in the theory of finance were greater than the dissatisfied critics of the City are willing ter allow, the Chancellor of the Exchequer has undoubtedly shown a singular incapacity to anticipate the verdict 91 public opinion on his project. The general impression, which was left by his statement on Monday night etas com prised in two well-founded conclusions—that She Budget comprised as many blunders as proposals, and that, good or bad, it would never be adopted by Parliament. His financial explanation only stimulated curiositY—as the propounding, and not the explanation, of a mystery. The unapplied surplus of a million, and the reduced window-tax, were rather eliminated from the finan cial problem than seriously offered as a solution. Whatever the system finally adopted may prove to be, the first Budget is as unlikely to correspond with the last, as the first tentative vote of the Conclave of cardinals with the final election of a Pope. The univer sal disapprobation of the press, expressing, for the most part in milder language, the criticisms which were uni versally uttered in all popular and commercial circles, had, in four days, converted the original scepticism with which Sir Charles Wood's communications were re ceived into a confirmed and unhesitating disbAef. Nor was the position of the Government without its 'effect in increasing the general mystification. The Aggression measure had become stale and ridiculous, without ceas ing to be dangerous to its promoters. Although post poned, it still loomed in the distance, and must be dealt with in a Parliament whom temper might not be sweet ened by a previous exhibition of the financittAiecapacity of the Ministers. Rumours of a dissolution began to creep abroad, probably not without the saneion of the Government; and, as if for an election placard, Lord John Russell's motion respecting the Jevvi - stoldenly appeared in the paper of notices. A. fortnight ago the claims of the Jews were to be postponed until the Papal Aggression was dealt with. The determination to bring forward the question on Monday next, while the Aggression Bill ; stood for the subsequent Friday, might scorn significant of an in tention to dissolve, or might enforce the threat of disso lution. Mr. Locke King's success on Thursday showed still more clearly the anarchy into which the Ministerial party had been brought by the errors of their leaders. The Premier's extorted promise to introduca . 'a change in the suffrage next year made it embarrassing for his adherents to vote against his principles for the sake of supporting his actual policy. It was clear that the alle giance of the majority was shaken; and the certainty that the Budget would be found to be untenable shook the confidence even of the most favoured organs of Government. Yesterday morning it was evident that the journal 'which had most constantly enjoyed the con- Sience of Downing-street was preparing, in the pro bable crash of the party, to leave a falling house. The more faithful evening supporter of the Ministers en deavours to bluster out a desperate case by making the most of the threat of dissolution. In answer to the re mark that no question is at present at stake which renders an appeal to the constituencies; proper or necessary, we are informed that Lord John Russell is prepared to go to the country on a threefold " cry," which would exceed in audacity any 4evice of the Tadpoles and Tapers whom the author of Sybil" has celebrated. The ill-used Minister, it seerns, is to appeal to the electors as a Protestant, as the intended author of a new Reform Bill, and above all as the patron of free trade, The Protestant claim may, perhapa e raot be suffi cient with Church of England men, whq see penalties provided against the unoffending representatives of their communion in Scotland; nor, perhaps, will the Irish con stituencies require any pledge of their members, except that they shall do their best to drive fron4ower the au thor of the Durham letter and of the Aggression Bill. With these exceptions, we admit the claim of the Mi nister on prejudiced constituencies who may not be able to find a more sincere or consistent advocate of No- Popery views. But it is a happy device 4 appeal to the country on the franchise after the aateeecr which was given to Sir Joshua Widinsley, and the fate against Mr. Locke King's motion; nor will Free-traders fail to recognize the claims of a Government whioh dis solves in the middle of a session, and in prefer ence to proposing any serious relief' to trade and industry. When we are told that the dissolu tion is, after all, only a threat' to secure; the votes of- Members who hold liberal opinions, we reply that the Government might have united them, Without menace of compulsion, by a liberal and comprehensive policy. If the loyalty," as it is called, of the friends of progress is confined to the persons of the hereditary Whigs, they ought at least to abstain from tempting it by measures of religious persecution; and by ill-digested and imprac ticable projects of finance. The excitement which we have described was raised to its height by the Protec tionist meeting summoned by Lord Stanley to hear the decision of the leaders of the party immediately before the meeting of the House. We are of course not in the secret of the consultations which took place in St. James's square; but it is said that Lord Stanley's language was studiously moderate, and that the less cautious Protec tionists were entreated for the present to forget or suspend their pursuit of Protection. Mr. Herne*, as the financier of the party, was entrusted with an amendment, to honeyed on the Budget. The resolution was,' we believe, to the the diminution of the effect that the results of the income-tax had, in nine years, been accomplished. Tho House ivas at the same time to be invited to pledge itself to maintain public eventual and proximate abolition. displayed by the Protectionist Tcredit,income taxhe with g and ea ta party aoi view commence. toi tits e v e dexterity a sprinkling of admitted, al t h oug h var i ous ly judged. l triumph depended on the suppressing of the p eculiar opinions of t heir p art y eaders will Theirbeo —in which, indeed , it is well known th at neither Lord Stanley nor Mr. D israeli participate. The country nly generally c hance o f a would not hear the o p en triumph of Protection, but ula d n , oaublodlitbioell time the income-tax; and, e to consider the policy which might tend to secure it. It was Hume and well known that Mr . by other advanced y once wou ind rejoice office, t h i n e r t e he w motion, either on its own merits, or for the purpose of giving a warning to Go l verhmant. A . majority Liberals, moderate not imhig racwcooneulpdan !apport the P rotection i st was within reach, and the s p oil of the had the victo ry seeme d likely to remain with the party which brought the field. Th largest mass of forces into the e result of Lord Stanley's meeting was scarcely known in the House when the time for commencing the financial debate arrived. The impatience of all parties to b e re li eve d from suspense gave vig our to the applause with which successive protests against religious discussions i n Par liament were received during th_e_ conversation which Sir Benjamin Hall commenced. Mra Hope's contradic tion of a charge brought against a clergym an by some anonymous " gentlernan"—vsh ose . state ments were as correct as those of anonymous gentlemen usually are— was listened to with a patience which was exchanged for amused indignation on the production of a letter from the Bishop of London, which illustrated the idiosyncrasy of that active prelate in a manner almost incredible, and yet highly characteristic. Lord Dudley St uart ' s com plaints of Lord Palmerston, though they produced re peated laughter, Were treated as an untimely interrup tion. At last the clerk read the order of the day, and Lord John Russell rose, instead of his colleague, to an nounce that the further progress of the Budg e t was ad journed to Monday. In a few minutes the astonished crowd had dispersed, and the whole of London was fall of conjectures. No portion of the community was more surprised and puzzled than the five hundred gentlemen who heard the Minister's announcsment. We believe that its meaning was utterly unknown, except to those possessing official information. The cause of this sudden resolution of the Government, a nd its result, will shortly be known. At present the general opinion inclines to the belief that a dissolution will result from the Minis terial embarrassment -- a lthough, perhaps, the fact that the Premier, during the brief interval between the termination of the Cabinet Council and the meeting of the House, proceeded to Bucking ham Palace and bad an audience of h er 11 4 . jesty, renders it nt least equally probable that either the resignation or readjustment of the Cabinet may be the immediate course adopted. A now Budget, to be brought forward by the resent holders of office, 4.L. presents a third alter4ative; but before the Liberal party ceo he'ieuoited, thefoolisii anti• Aggression blunder must be abandoned.----With sectarian disputes -quiettui i and an improved financial policy, there is no saving but that the Whig Mniistry might oven yet wcat j her the storm. We scarcely think it necessary to contempiate the contingency of the reins of Government being • risAumed by Lord Stanley; for the mere supposition r:t once suggests difficulties which, iu the estimation of the principal personage concerned, are, we doubt net, regarded as insuperable. While partisans are devi:iog " cries " for the hustings, and including free trade in their advertising catalogue, they may b, well assured that the country is resolved, and will not even allow it to be discussed as an open question. Even if Lord Stanley could retain office he must aban don his party, or persuade them to compromise all their favourite doctrines. His pledges to support a vigorous policy against the Roman Catholics must also be re considered, and left unfulfilled. In our own criticisms of the policy of the present Government, we have ever sought rather to urge upon it the adoption of sound principles, than to involve it in party difficulties. With pledges given to toleration, to free trade, and to pro. cress, it is perhaps not impossible that the Administra tion which has so long enjoyed the indulgence of Par liament and of the country might yet redeem its credit, though it is certainly difficult to hope anything for states men who have contrived to be wrecked by deliberately steering ou a shoal, with calm weather and sea-room at command. _ _ HERALD.—Last evening the House of Commons was taken by surprise when, in a full House, anxiously expecting the resumption of the adjourned debate upon the income-tax, Lord John Russell rose, and, without assigning any r eas o n , move d th a t th e debate should be adjourned until Monday, promising that on that day he would state his reasons for the request. That the re quest has originated in some Ministerial crisis is evident. At three o'clock yesterday a Cabinet Cuncil was held. It lasted three-quarters of an hour, and from that Ca binet Council the Premier proceeded to her Majesty. Mier an audience of the Queen he came down to the House of Commons and postponed until Monday the de bate upon the Budget, stating that he could not pledge himself that even then he would bring it on, but pro mising that on that day he would state his rea sons for the request of postponement. It would be, perhaps, useless to repeat the rumours to which this proceeding naturally gave rise. It was said with confidence that Ministers at the Council had resolved on tendering their resignation—that Lord John Russell had proceeded to the Palace for that purpose— and that nothing but the shortness of the interval pre vented the announcement of their resignation from being formally made to the House. Our readers will under stand the grounds upon which this rumour rested, when we place before them the paragraphs from the Court Circular and the Parliamentary report, which give the authentic account of Ministerial movements yesterday. The Court Circular informs us that—" A Cabinet Coun cil was held at the Foreign-office, at three o'clock, the summonses for the Council having been issued in the fore noon. The Members present were Lord John Rus sell, the Lord Chancellor, Sir George Grey, Vis count Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Francis Baring, Sir John Hobhouse, Right Hon. 11. Labouchere, the Mar quis of Clanricsrde, and the Right Hon. Fox Mettle." The samo authority informs us that—" The Council sat three-quarters of an hour. After the Council Lord John Russell went to Buckingham Palace to hare an audience of the Queen." What is the course which the Noble Lord proposes to take is the question which is in everybody's lips. For the rumour that the resignation of Ministers has been actually resolved on, abundant confirmation is to be found in the circumstances. The hasty summoning of the Cabinet Council—the full at tendance of its members—the shortness of its delibera- tions, and the immediate proceeding of the Premier to the Queen, all seem clearly to indicate such a conclu sion. It was but anticipating the inevitable result of the evening's debate, and escaping a damaging exposure of the inefficiency of their financial scheme. Other accounts, or rather, we should say, other speculations, inform us that the Cabinet Council ending in an open difference between the two sections of the Cabinet, Lord John Russell has taken until Monday to endeavour to reconcile those differences and prevent the Cabinet being broken up. It is, we believe, useless to speculate beyond the facts which we find in the authentic record of the Court Circular and in the Parliamentary report. We may have on Tuesday to congratulate our readers upon the downfall of a Mi nistry that has betrayed all the best interests of the country. We may, perhaps, have to tail of some of those miserable devices by which the Whig Cabinet may continue to prolong for a very brief period its doomed existence. To the great cause of the country it matters very little. Their existence as a Cabinet is doomed. That Lord John Russell should on Monday evening announce the resignation of Ministers will, no doubt, give something of character to their closing scene. Tney cannnot affect to be ignorant that they have lost, irretrievably lost, the confidence both of the House of Commons and the country. If, in spite of that know ledge they make an attempt by patching up their dif ferences, or even by appealing to new assistance, still to hold office, the attempt may bring disgrace upon themselves, but cannot really injure, or even retard, tla , triumph of the national cause. The Protestant people of England repose with perfect confidence on the convic tion that no Ministry that will mock the Protestant spirit of the country can govern it—that both the Sovereign and her subjects will demand from her counsellors an honest, a firm, and uncompromising course—and that neither device nor artifice can prolong the existence of any Cabinet which has forfeited, and justly forfeited, the confidence of the nation. Whatever be the course which, on Monday evening, Lord John Russell will propose to thke, of one thing we may be assured—that his Cabinet is virtually this day at an end. ADVER,TISk:R.—There is all the difference in the world between theory and practice. It is one thing to lay down sound principles, and another to act up to them. If saying a thing and doing it were synonomous terms, Lord John Russell would be one of the best Mi nisters which modern times have produced. Unfortu notely, however, the actions of the Noble Lord do not correspond with his words. ne lays down principles, but never turns them to practical account. Having laid them down, he suffers them to go to sleep; and never, if left to himself, would he disturb their slumbers till the crack of doom. A remarkable exemplification of the differeisce there is between the Premier's theories and practice is now before the country. For the last four or five years the Noble Lord, when hard driven by the in dependent Members of the House of Commons, has ad mitted the great defects which exist in the Reform Bill, and recognized the propriety of farther progress in the pathway of Parliamentary reform. Time atter time, during the last four years, has the Premier confessed that the electoral qualification ought to be extended to large masses of the population, quite as deserving of it, and as likely to exercise it honestly and efficiently, as the better class of, the existing constituency. But it somehow or other has happened that Lord John Russell has never, during all these years, taken a single step to carry out his views on the necessity of further representative reform. When pressed on the subject, heehas always, under one pretext or other, put off the time for commencing the work of Parliamentary amendment. And not only does he refuse to do anything himself, he will not, if he can help it, allow any one else to move in the matter. Every proposal for legislative reform is met by the Noble Lord, under some pretext or other, with the most strenuous opposition which Govern ment can offer it. When household suffrage is proposed, the motion is opposed on the ground that it is too vague. When two or three measures are proposed at once, they are resisted on the ground that they ought to be sub mitted to the House in detail, or rather that each pro position ought to be brought before the House singly. "The pretext for the opposition is, that more than one proposition in favour of popular progress caunet be ad vantageously considered at a time. If measures of reform are brought in after the middle of the session, the pretext for refusing them a hearing is, that it ie then too late in the session to admit of their being carried. A discussion on the question would be a mere waste of the time of Parliament, when no prac tical result can follow. If some popular representative seizes time by the forelock, and does not allow more than a fortnight of the session to elapse, without intro ducing a measure of legislative reform, Lord John Rus sell, inexhaustible in his resources for evading his own virtual promises, pleads hard as a reason why the motion ought to be negatived, that the Ministers have other bu siness chalked out for the House, which will fully occupy the sessioa. This was the shift to which the Noble Lord resorted on Thursday, when opposing the motion of Mr. Locke King for the extension of the ten-pound qualifica tion to the counties. It is pitiable to see the Prime Minister of a great country like England capable of having recourse to such discreditable expedients. It lowers the national character in the eyes of foreigners; for the people are, unhappily, always iden tified by other nations with the Government. It would be infinitely more manly on the part of the Noble Lord, to say at once, that he is hostile to all further reforms. But he has not the candour or cour age to do that. He still endeavours to sustain the cha racter of reformer, though not having the slightest pretensions to it. He has not a single yearning after popular progress in his little Whiggish heart. Secretly, he abhors real reform. He is called the Mi nister of Finality. We verily believe he would, if he dare, show by his conduct that he is the Minister of Retrogression. Under his Administration the country, is, indeed, retrograding. Every sueceeding year sees the constituencies of boroughs diminishing in large numbers. We have the prospeot before us, unless some thing be done to arrest the process of retrogression, of seeing some of our populous towns so many no mination boroughs. Lord John Russell and his Whig colleagues are practising a gross deception on the country. They profess attachment to the cause of popular progress, but they cherish none. They are hostile to any further advancement on the road to representative reform. The Premier will not only never move an inch in an onward course, but he e ill, if he can, drive the country back to the state of things which existed prior to 1832. He is the Minister of false pretences. As such, his Cabinet has been tolerated too long. The people have borne with him and his Government, because they were unwilling to come to the conclusion that be was deceiving them. This is the result of the generosity of the national cha racter. But there are limits to generosity. However disposed we may be to take the most generous view of the Premier's political character, there are facts and evi dence so utterly conclusive against him, that we can not, if we would, resist their force. We are compelled to believe that he has abused the confidence, and taken an unworthy advantage of the generosity of an unsuspicio us people.. The great and invariable aim of the Igli e Lord has been to retain office with the least possible amount of concession to the popular demand. . t If ho ever brought forward a really liberal s ur e, meaur fruit wrung from him by circumstances. It was h of any affection for popular principles; it was extorte d from him by coneideratiou Qt. expediency. He has - )- FEBRUARY 22, 1851. yielded t t o,th,a,popular wish, because he saw that con , cession tees fitsolutely neeessery to the exis'.:seee, of his Asioveenment.—Bis refusal-to ecquicece, On Tharsitayein the motion of Mr. Locke King. for the extension of the 101. quel;fication to coantiee, was aecompseed by air; use of langussee which the nation must testiut as an in sult. The Noble Lord repeattdty and explicitly e 4 mitted, in the course of his speech, that the principle f Mr. Locke King's motion was in itself ueeeceptienuble, and that the extension of the 10/. franchise to the coun ties would confer the electoral qualification on as irtelli gent and honest a body of men as any whose names ate to be found on the existing registries, either for tomes or counties. But then Lord John Russell went on to say, that the representation was very veil as it now existed. Does the Premier then imagine that Englishmen are a nation of dolts? Dues he suppose that they have no understanding? Does he take it for granted, that they can discern no inconsistency in his oft-repeated admis sions, in the course of the last four years, that the re presentation needed amendment, and his assertion on Thursday, that it is all that could be wished? But this was not all. As if to render his inconsistencies as glaring as it is possible for inconsistencies to be made, the Noble Lord went on, in the same breath, to state that he would be prepared next session, if in office—a very prudent and necessary proviso —to bring forward a measure for the extension of the franchise. Is it not melancholy to sea the First Minister of the Crown, thus in two successive sentences, uttering things so entirely incompatible? If the state of the representation of the country be so excellent as he says it his, why propose to alter and amend it next session? Why not let well alone? It is impossible for the country to respect a Minister who can thus so flatly contradict himself. Any little prestige that attached to the name of the Noble Lord has been completely done away by his lament able exhibition of Thursday night. POST.—Professors of landscape gardening tell us, that the chiefest object of the science is the production of unexpectedness. If this be equally true of political strategy, then is Lord John Russell unquestionably the most successful man of the day. Never was unexpect edness more perfectly presented to the House of Com mons than when, last night, on the order of the day for the Committee of Ways and Means being read, the Prime Minister moved the postponement of the order till Monday next; and in reply to a question across the table from Mr. Herries, stated, that he could not even positively say whether he would than proceed with the Committee or no. It was evident from the manner of the Minister, that it was on no trifling grounds that he had taken this step, and speculation was instantly iu full activity, endeavouring to divine their nature. We shall be content to wait patiently, though not without some anxiety, till five o'clock on Monday, and shall leave to the wise men of the Clubs the task of weighing the innu merable reports from good authority and the latest intel ligence, which will flood the political world for the next two days. The results of the meeting of the House, how ever, have not been entirely of a negative character, and we have before us at least one tangible and positive pro duction. Mr. Herries has placed upon the notice-book the terms of the resolution which he had intended to have moved in Committee as an amendment to Sir Charles Wood's proposition, had the consideration of the Budget been proceeded with, but which, under the circumstances, he has now, as a matter of course, post poned till Monday. Mr. Herries will then submit to the Committee the following resolution:—" That it is the opinion of this Committee that the respective duties in Great Britain on profits arising from property, profes sions, trades, and offices, and the stamp duties in Ireland, granted by two Acts passed in the sixth year of her present Majesty, and which have been continued and amended by several subsequent Acts, were granted for limited periods, and to meet temporary exigencies. That it is highly expedient to adhere to the declared inten- tions of Parliament, when these duties were granted and continued, and in order to secure their speediest practicable cessation, to limit the renewal of any portion of them to such an amount as may be sufficient, in the existing state of the public revenue, to provide for the expenditure sanctioned by Parlia ment, and for the duo maintenance of public credit." It is gcnerall held that the duty of an Opposition does not extend beyond finding fault with the measures that emanate from the Treasuy bench. We are glad that Mr. Harries has taken a more liberal view of the sphere of action, and has not withheld from the country the ad vantages which they may derive from his eminent finan cial knowledge and experience. 'We rejoice that he has not waited to be called in before he prescribed. As re gards the scheme itself, it is perfectly simple and easy of comprehension. Above all, it contains a positive, dis tinct, and intelligible principle; and, without endanger ing the revenue, or risking the creation of a deficiency, it will check our advance in our present most alarming path—a path that, if persevered in, will one day lead tile country to the inevitable necessity of adopting a system, not merely of proportional direct taxation—that indeed, as the history of every country that has tried it pro claims, is a system under which no nation has ever con tinued to flourish—but some such ruinous scheme as that proposed by that:wiseacre Mr. Macgregor, based on the principle of progressive exactions, or rather confis cations of property, graduated according to an arbitrarily supposed ability. Rely upon it we are not exaggerating the moment of the present crisis. Now is the great turn ing-point in the fortunes of the country; low profits will never bear heavy direct taxation; follow the lead of Sir Charles Wood, adopt his expedients, without principle and object as they are, restrict your area of taxation — and the moment the tide of manufacturing prosperity begins to ebb you, will have a catastrophe that will shake your organization to the very centre. There is another consideration not less important than those which we have now pointed out. Parliament, should it adopt Mr. lierriee proposition, will be keeping faith with the nation, and will be scatheless of the offence and disgrace of having abused the confidence reposed iu it, and of having obtained, under false pretences, supplies from an energetic, self-denying, and trusting people. It will be an earnest that Parliament may be depended upon for the redemption of its pledges; and the sense of security, and the feeling of confidence, that such a step will en gender, especially„among the commercial and trading classes, will be of ten times more value to the country than the modification, or even abolition of any tax or taxes that could be selected. We have not gone into any mi nute calculation of the precise amount of the income-tax which it would be practicable to remit, but from a rough consideration of our ways and means, wo imagine that it would certainly not be less for the present year than twopence in the pound, or within a fraction of a third. DAILY NEWS.—The announcement of Lord John Russell that he was not prepared to proceed any further with the financial measures of the Government until Monday next, and that he could not state whether he would be then prepared to do so—or until then the reasons why such an abrupt postponement had been ren dered unavoidable—will create throughout the country, us it did in Parliament, more anxiety than surprise. It was clear to all intelligent observers of the public mind that the Whig Budget was a failure past repair; and at the meeting of the House of Commons yesterday the only subject of curiosity or discussion was upon which of its ill-omened features the weight of condemnation was first likely to descend. The infatuation of its rash and shal low author would have led his colleagues to inevitable defeat; Lord John's better judgment discerned the true nature of the position, and pointed out the only sate and manly course that could furnish a way of extrication and escape—namely, to place the seals of the Exchequer iu other hands. Sir Charles Wood refusing to play the part of Jonah, and the crew refusing to fling him overboard against his will, all thoughts of going into action became impossible; and the only question now remaining is, can the ship by any means refit and be partially remanned in the interval of the next two days, or must it actually founder? When comment ing upon the tenor of her Majesty's Speech on the sth of the present month, we observed that neither its pro mises, nor the programme which the then Ministerial Times had chalked for the session, of doing nothing, save merely registering the income-tax, would suffice. Our words were:—" We may surely say that this won't do. Even if it did do for the present, and that the session was thus got through with a non-result, the effect upon the country would be a disgust and a reaction, not like the reaction of '49 and '5O, but resembling and far out stripping the onward career of 1830 and 1831. It is said that we are in a lull;' in other words, the tide is full out, and the moment is coming when it turas. Public opinion is this tide. It has ebbed for the last three years in a conservative and calm direction. But we repeat, it is on the turn; and a Government that idly slumbers or unwisely resists will infallibly be carried away." These remarks have been verified in a surprisingly brief lapse of time. One day the Ministry is lett in a minority on an important free-trade division by the de sertion of several of its staunchest followers; the next, it is compelled to make up for the omission of all men tion or promise of progressive reform. And, finally, the admission is made that the Budget is too unpopular to be proceeded with. The unpardonable fault of Sir Charles Wood's ill-starred Budget was, that it did no thing, led to nothing, and amounted, iu fact, to no thing. It dealt with a large surplus of revenue only to squander it. It trifled with the reduction of the national debt in a manner calculated to render the very idea of gradual liquidation ludicrous. It failed to amend the income-tax in any one particular, and, with no other ex cuse than an off-hand sic nolo, it demanded an extension of its term for three years more. It pretended to abolish the house-tax estimated by the number of windows, only to substitute another to be measured by the number of pounds paid in annual rent. It mocked the demands of the agriculturists by a species of fiscal badinage; end, by way of compensation for the loss of a te profit, secured by a differential infinitesimaloi fruits of the field, offered the farmers au remission of charge upon clover seed. Y enltures lany sentences in favour of what nobody the Chancellor of the Exchequer ( • (it such to de any longer to dispute, the abstract principle of f h re e e i t t r i a li de b — e) proved to demonstration his utter t il e ) of Let. greahtapi thing calculated to develop, illustrate, practical working f h nc o . r pie s . trenF r t h h e en u t n h i e . pronounced against versa voice of public opinion his scheme of meddling without settling, and spending without mending. A amiable,upright, and dili .s ar n Charles . ' we have no doubt the.: Sir C g withorck;edit many positions requitiug eh m s a m n ig o of plain a ll in s kably of intellect of financeintejlecor originality country' bas y r of umist view. n i : at in 1 the e ss d g e r p a a sp rt m e e , Never more be of f icer of mine." What then?, '4Daoide—s the existence ol a Ministry that has survived do mestic calamities almost unparalleled, and surrounding convulsions wholly without example, depend upon the adherence of one minor man? Or is the country di,pesed to suffer an entire change in its policy be cause the Member for Ualifax has committed a comical end somewhat coxcamical concatenation of blunders? There is not surely such a dearth of available ability and experience in Parliament as to render it a matter of any great difficulty to supply his place, or that of others whose exodus from office would excite still less of sym pathy. It will be vain for Lord John to endeavour to persuade the world that his Cabinet could not spare such men as liobhouse, Minto, or Wood; and if the Adminis- tration is broken up, no other reason being essigeed than their disegreerneet as to the selection re' WfT.E.ors to peseonagee of this stamp, the eanblic wilt be co-ie, to seck for a solution of, the riadlo in other cavate and de( per influencee. Ihd the Wihas been defeated i n rely question of honour, and defy thei r a d versar i es with confOcece to polic y W I 'lnch eeulo ,esiga With appeal to the sense of the country for is dieeolution, their position would be one of preeent popule,ri:.y and of future pe%er. But to b rea k down throneLemere inherent weakness, would indeed give the Tory party a fair chance of not gaining offi ce merely, but of keep ing it. Rumour, as is her wont on such otoeleions, is busy with the names of some who might, and . trad'ai Who could not enter with eredit, to thi=selves - and ad vantage to the public, into combination with ;ho-e among the Whigs who are likely to retain office. 'When the significant phrase, " We must close our ranks," fell from the lips of Sir James Graham in a recent debate, the thought suggested itself to the mind of every think ing man—how comes it that he ‘v ho himself seems to have caught, if any one has, the mantle of Peel—should so long have been left to fight as a volunteer in defence of a field he:aided so powerfully to win? It may, indeed, be true that the Member for Ripon entertains opinions upon certain points at variance with those on which the Government have recently been acting. But if these dissentient views are in harmony with the calm judg ment of the nation, it might be no unimportant service to the Whigs as a party, as well as to the country at large, if Sir James Graham's joining the Administra tion proved tue cause and the occasion of a change of measures. No additional strength which he or his friends could bring with them, either in point of admi nistrative talent or numbers in a division, could do so much to retrieve the damaged position of the Whigs as the infusion into their counsels of a more resolute and heartily popular spirit. LEADER.—Tae Ministry beaten by two to one!—that is the event which quite eclipses the Budget iu public in terest. It is tottering! a few more such blows and it is over! Mr. Locke King invited the Commons to admit a Bill extending the 10/. borough franchise to counties; Lord John objected to so sweeping a measure, and invited the House to wait till n ex t sess i on. T he House went w i t h Mr. King, and the Speaker announced a majority against Ministers of two to one: imagine the Premier's counte nance at the ghastly sound. The defeat must be, will be, followed up. All are now convinced that the Ministry is useless, effete. It ,is only blocking the path against the entrance of some better Ministry; for any would be better than the present. Already Lord John has ceased to be Premier: he is only the Obstacle-General; and Policeman Public is ordering to " move on." At last we are again in motion ! WEEKLY NEWS.—What can Lord John mean? With a Papal measure that pleases nobody, a Budget that dissatisfies everybody, a narrow majority of 14 on the great Free-trade question, why should he further dis gust all sincere Liberals by meeting Mr. Locke King's sensible and moderate proposal for extending the fran chise to 10L occupiers in counties, by the platitudes of finality and the cut-and-dried fallacies of the Black stone-and-De-Lolme school of Reformers. The melan choly truth really seems to be, that the former leader of Liberal England has fallen down a prostrate worshipper before what Sydney Smith used to call " the anility of these realms." He did one great thing, but, " not being great in mind," has remained ever since exhausted by the preternatural effort, and now finds nothing so congenial as the languor of dignified inaction. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday morning in the garden of Buckingham Palace. Lurd John Russell had an audience of fact. Majesty yesterday. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horse back yesterday morning, attended by Lieut.• Colonel the Hon. Alexander Gordon. Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess de Nemours visited her Majesty yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses afterwards went to Clarence House, St. James's, and paid a visit to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent. The Royal Family took their accustomed pony and walking exercise yesterday, in the garden of the Palace. The Queen had a dinner party yesterday, at Bucking ham Palau.. The company included her Royal High ness the Duchess of Kent, his Excellency Mons. Tri coupi and Madame Tricoupi, the Marquis of Donegal, Lady Fanny Howard, Baroness de Speth, Lord and Lady Stanley, Lord Fitzroy Somerset, the Right Hon. William Sebright and La iy Caroline Lascelles, Vice- Admiral Sir George and Lads Seymour, and Colonel Wylde. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester-house. A Cabinet Council was held yesterday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, at the Foreign-office, the summonses for the meeting having been issued in the forenoon. The Ministers present were Lord John Russell. the Lord Chancellor, Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmer ston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Francis Baring, Sir John Hobhouse, the Right Hon. Henry Luhouchere, the Marquis of Clanricarde, and the Right Hon. Fox Maule. The Council sat three-quarters of an hour. After the Council Lord John Russell went to Buckingham Palace, to have an audience of her Majesty. Mr. Scholefield, M.P., and Dr. Birt Davies, Coroner for Birmingham, had au interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home-office. Ur. M Gill, from Canada, had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office from the. Governors of West Australia, the Mau ritius, and Malta, and from the Lord High Commissioner of the lonian Islands. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yes• terday. Present, the Master of the Rolls, the Chan cellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, the Judge of the Ad miralty Court, and Sir Edward Ryan. An appeal from Bengal, "Baboo Sheodass Narain v. Mussunaat Khawal has Kooer" (part heard) was resumed; Mr. Turner, Q.C., and Mr. Forsyth, and Messrs. Wigram and Lloyd, Q.C., appeared for the respective parties. CALEDONIAN SOCIETY OF LONDON. The anniversary ball of this patriotic and national in stitution took place on Thursday evening last, at the Hanover-square Rooms, where the members and their friends gathered in great numbers. This society is now in its twelfth year, and its pretensions are " social friendship, and charity." These are carried out, in the true acceptation, and with a thorough regard of these virtues, by its committee of management; always re membering that to do them well, must needs be to do them gracefully, and in this way they apply the surplus of their annual balances between the Scottish Hospital and the Caledonian Asylum, worthy objects of their pa tronage. The ball last evening was for the double pur pose of the society's objects, giving an opportunity for friends to meet in one common hall of friendship, to pa' s the night in mirth and glee, which the natives of Cube donia never forget to do on such merry occasions. There was present last evening upwards of th-ee hundred persons, and their varied and handsome ti igbland dresses had a fine effect; the rooms were tastefully deco rated with heraldic emblem, shields, spears, and national flags, the whole draperied with various clans' tartans. Supper was served in the spacious hell below, where everything that was of good cheer was to be had, the stewards ever active in their attention to the:comforts of the company. This festivity over, dancing was resumed and maintained with unabated vigour till an early hour. The modern fiances of every description had due places on the proferamme card, also strahspeys and reels, toge ther with the country-dative, and the goold old.favourite Roger de Coverley, which should ever ant as the rear dance of a British ball. The music was of the choicest, and Mr. Mackay, her Mejesty's piper, assisted by Mr. Ma3beth and the Marquis of Dougla.,'s piper, attended to play the martial music of the North. It was a happy and pleasant assembly, and those that partook of that enjoyment owe it to the excellent arrangements of the management and the indefatigable secretary, M . r. Gray, to whom, as a matter of course , belongs the major part of the labour attending the getting u p such a meeting. ANTIDOTE AGAINST POlSON.—Hundreds of lives might have been saved by a knowledge of this simple recipe —a large teaspoonful of made mustard mixed in a tumbler of warm water, and swallowed as soon as possible; it acts as an instant emetic, sufficiently powerful to remove all that is lodged in the stomach. EXTENSIVE ROBBERY ON A RAILWAY.—On Thurs day evening, as a gentleman named Alford, residing in Blan chester, was waiting the arrival of the train at the Bolton Railway station, New Bailey-street, Salford, some adroit thieves contrived to abstract a red morocco pocket-book containing 8001., from his person. The Sunderland Herald says that the sailors' strike in that port is virtually at an end, as stern necessity is driving children the vi h o deponentshow eshow e d the men, one after another, to take employment. An Irishman swearing the peace against his three sons, concluded his affidavit ofth further saith, that the only One his' youngest, L arry, for he him auy real affection was r , )aver struck him when he was • ALLEGED POISONING AT SODBURY, NEAR BRISTOL. u h s is '— ch " —The little town of Sodbury has been placed in a state of considerable excitement in consequence of Mrs. Jane Rath way,wife of a person keeping a w ay, t he small public-house, hav i n g died somewhat suddenly under suspicious • An inquest upon the body has been circuits stances. commenced. The deceased was seized with her last illness after having partaken of some onion broth given her by her husband. Aft e r partaking of it she was seized with w hi c h usually follow the administration f the symptoms 0 sur geon was called in, and she died. It arsenic. No band and herself h adj lived upon unhappy te r ms. It is also appears that her bus alleged that during her lifeti me h exhibited marks of violence cauer person had frequently sed by her husband. The contents of the stomach and vi s cera have been submitted to Mr. Herapath, the analytical chemist, and the inquest has been adjourned to await his examination of their contents. NORTH CAROLINA COAL.—A space of fifteen miles in length, by four to five miles in width, situated in Moors and Chatham counties, North Carolina, has been lately ex plored, and unmistakeable signs found of a deposit of the best kinds of bituntinoti, semi-bituminous, and anthracite coal. The deposits extend a distance of thirty miles by four or tive miles in width, embracing a space of about 150 square miles. They reach a depth of seven feet two inches. ATTEMPT TO OVERTHROW A RAILWAY TRAIN. — James Prior, a labourer, was yesterday convicted at the Aylesbury Quarter Sessions, of having attempted to upset the express train of the North-Western Railway Company, from Liverpool to London, on the 19th November last, by placing a large piece of iron-rail, and several chains, on the rails. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment, the highest measure of punishment allowed by law. PRESENTS TO .THE SULTAN....4t. Turki,h officer, named Rassim Effendi, serving on board her Majesty's ship Arab, has landed at Portsmouth some packages containing curiosities from China, w hich are intended to be immediately f or warded to Constantinople as presents to Mahomet Pasha; and Sir Godfrey Webster, who has been appointed by the Admiralty to attend on the Turkish officers during their so journ in this country, has made arrangements for them to be shipped on board the Turkish frigate Maritz Zafer, now lying in Portsmouth harbour, for transmission to their des tination. A AV,1:17 ~~ • 4 re ) T•IN