The Sun. — London, England, 1868-05-13 00:00:00

OMIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, As the policy of the Emperor Napoleon is not revealed in the anxiously-looked-for Orleans speech, the Times turns to an article in the semi-official Constitutionnel of Paris. It vindicates the expenditure proposed in the estimate of the Ministry of War, and insists upon the necessity of keeping up such an armament as may " enable France to play the part which befits her in Europe." It contrasts the war budget of the Second Empire with that of the July Monarchy, and asserts that, although there certainly has been an uninterrupted rise in the military expenditure, yet this has so closely kept pace with the general increase in the national revenue that in reality the Imperial Government devotes to military purposes a smaller portion of its income than the Government of Louis Philippe. Under Louis Philippe, however, it is added, France was insuffi ciently armed, and the new Imperial ruler in 1854 found it necessary to raise the yearly contingent to 100,000 con scripts, and thus obtained a force of 600,000 combatants. F.ven these numbers were, however, inadequate to the reed, and the Emperor contrived, by the introduction of the Prussian system—a moderate standing army with a large reserve—to bring his own forces to a level with those of the German Confederacy — that is, to have an active army of 480,000 men, a reserve of 270,000, and a National Guard of 500,000, making up a total of 1,250,000. This plan combines the greatest efficiency with the utmost economy, inasmuch as it empowers the Government to rid itself of availa a gre ble forceat part of either in the expen the di ture by keeping reserve or at home on furlough, while in ten or twelve days' time all the absent soldiers can be brought back to their ranks. The Times never had any doubt that the application of the Pru: 3ian. system to France was the object of the Emperor Napoleon when he framed his original Army Bill ; but it has also often been explained that the Emperor's object was frustrated, and that, in order to dispose of a numerical force equal to that of North Germany, France must incur twice the Prussian expenditure, and cause the weight of military duty to fall twice as heavily upon her people, condemning them to a service in the active army double the duration of that of Prussia. All that France has achieved, or will achieve at the end of five or six years, is to bring her army up to the standard of the North German Confederacy ; that is, France, with 38,000,000 inhabitants, will muster about as many soldiers as North Germany, with only 30,000,000 souls ; and to obtain this result France must strain her resources in men and money to the utmost, while Prussia, whose system is already complete, can, besides the forces she draws from her Northern Confederacy, rely also on the troops of her South German allies. The alleged inferiority of the French forces to those of Germany is an evil which admits only of one remedy, and that a violent one. The French law of conscription cannot keep pace with the Prussian system of enlistment, and if France would really establish a numerical balance between herself and her rival, she must do so, not by adding to her own forces, but by bid ding Germany reduce hers. Napoleon's visit to Orleans, says the Daily News, turns out to have been a little episode in the domestic life of the empire with which, beyond admiring it, foreigners have nothing to do. No tranquilising assurance, no caution, no challenge made to reverberate throughout Europe has been pronounced in the ancient city. It is true that great Churchman, the Bishop of Orleans, meeting the Emperor in the porch of Henry IV.'s grand cathedral, spoke like a soldier of the readiness of France, or at any rate of the men of Orleans, to fight as of yore, and almost urged his sovereign to give them an opportunity. But the Emperor answered him like another St. Louis. Monseigneur Dupanloup was justly proud that Orleans had never had her gates forced by the foreigner, although, if D'Anville is to be believed, at a time when it bore another name, Julius Caesar did it the [honour to plunder and burn it. Higher thoughts, however, were working in the breast of the pensive Emperor. "On this spot," he exclaimed, " we can dwell with delight upon how much religious faith and true patriotism can effect for the safety and grandeur of a country." We cannot do better than leave this good man where he has placed himself, like Mr. Disraeli, " on the side of the angels," and hope he may never be worse occupied than, as at Orleans, in kneeling in basilicas, exchanging compliments with mayors and bishops, and giving prizes for horned cattle. The Standard complains that the Emperor did not speak at Orleans. If peaceful counsels do really prevail in the Imperial Cabinet, and, what is of still more importance, if the Emperor himself be bent upon the maintenance of peace so far as in him lies, as our contemporary not only hopes but sincerely believes that he is, it is much to be regretted that he does not seize with some eagerness upon such an opportunity of telling us plainly of his intentions. The public in France does not care at all for the assurances of the official press, and regards the utterances of M. Rouher as expressing his own views rather than those of his master. What it wants is a positive assurance from the man in whose hands rest absolutely the issues of peace and war. It has been di,- appointed in its expectations of receiving such an assur ance. The war rumours will now rise to fever heat, to the great disquietude of France and no small trouble of Europe. The only consolation we have is that matters might have been worse. The Emperor might have sounded a note of war, instead of blowing this trumpet of doubtful tone. He has not done so, and we may still hope that he will not. The Post rejoices at the passing of the Private Execu tions Bill. The measure meets every reasonable objection that has been raised against the substitution of private for public executions. No one, not even the least edn• sated, will ever entertain the slightest doubt that the sentence of the law has been carried into effect ; whilst the circumstance of that sentence being executed in private will invest such execution with unknown terrors, probably far greater than any inspired under the present system. Many, perhaps, will be inclined to regard this law as a step towards the total abolition of capital punishment. We cannot, however, regard it in this light. Many persons may well be averse from those degrading and demoralising, spectacles which have so frequently caused thousands to congregate, who nevertheless consider that the crime of murder shotild be expiated by the offender's blood. The same argument which proved so irresistible forty years ago in confining the punishment of death to cases of mur der operates with equal force to-clay in retaining that punishment for that exceptional crime. Formerly there was no inducement to a burglar or a highway robber to spare the life of the individual he sought to pillage, but, on the contrary, he had the strongest motives for slaying possi bly the only person who could convict him of his crime. Under the existing law, however, the burglar or the robber may, independently of other considerations, hesi tate to take life, knowing as he does that in the event of detection his own will be taken in return. Abolish capital punishment, however, and you restore the ancient state of things and once more offer the criminal a direct induce ment to take human life. This is a consideration which our contemporary is happy to find weighed with the majo rity of the House of Commons on a recent occasion when an attempt was made by Mr. Gilpin to pass a bill abolish ing capital punishment. The Telegraph does not regret the attempt, unsuccessful though it proved, to reduce the navy estimates, made in the House of Commons on Monday. The failure of Mr. Childers's amendment, however, indicates a defect in the endeavours usually made to reform our naval expenditure, which goes far to explain the almost uniform ill success that attends them. An independent member who selects some individual item in the estimates, and in a House care fully manned by the supporters of the Treasury bench, endeavours to have that item rejected, only invites defeat. Isolated ,attempts of that kind, repeated at long intervals, are no check to official extravagance ; indeed they only serve the .purpose of giving an apparent triumph to the department assailed. Mr. Childers was outvoted, and the Admiralty issued from the engagement with colours flying and amidst salutes of triumph. Yet it is highly probable that the member for Pontefract was substantially right in his de mand, and could have established it by a fuller develop ment of the details. Something more, then, is required . for success beyond the possession of a good case. The member who takes it up must so entirely master the sub ject, so thoroughly and plainly unfold the facts, as to fix public attention on the abuse, and he must persevere in exposing it till even official obstinacy or inertia is shamed into granting redress. All this, of course, requires much energy, exhaustless perseverance, and constant devotion to one end—qualities which are not wanting in the present House of Commons, but which have been allowed to go to rust for lack of active exercise. A parliamentary return shews that the estimate required in the year ending March 31, 1869, for the expenses of the British Museum is £99,380, sheaving a net increase of £3,934 on the sum spent during the past twelve months. Salaries and wages absorb nearly £50,000 ; purchases and acquisitions, £24,000 ; book binding, £10,500 ; furniture and fittings, £6,365. The principal increase is in salaries and purchases. Last year the number of visitors admitted to view the general col lection was 445,036, a larger number than in any year since 1862, when the International Exhibition was open. To these must be added : readers, 103,469 ; to the galleries et sculpture for the purposes of study, 2,416 ; to the mausoleum, 520 ; to the print room, 2,792 ; to the coin vrul medal room, 2,084. Total, 556,317—a number which has not )?etni - ccAlglcd §incres THE LATE RIOTS AT ASHTON. Up to Tuesday night all was quiet at Ashton, but fears were entertained that the disturbances might be renewed at Stalybridge or Dukinfield. A procession attempted to leave Ashton for Stalybridge, but it was dispersed by the constabulary. The scene in the streets at Ashton twenty-four hours previously was of a very violent character, and it was found necessary to call in the aid of the military. Shortly before seven o'clock the English element assembled in Henry-square, and marched direct to Charles-street and Hill-street, better known as Reyner-row, and commenced sacking the houses in that locality, which are princi pally inhabited by the lower class of the Irish people. The rioters met with little or no opposition, and in a very short time every house in the row was forcibly en tered, the window frames and doors were smashed to atoms, and the furniture andbedding were hurled into the street, where they were burnt. Tables, chairs, sofas, plc tures, chimney glasses, ornaments, carpets—all were thrown into one heterogeneous mass and consumed by the flames. Information of the work of devastation was conveyed to the Town Hall, and, in the absence of the mayor, Mr. Hugh Mason, Mr. James ICenworthy, and other magistrates were speedily on the spot. Itwas found Ohat the rioters had received a considerable accession of numbers from Stalybridge, armed with the most formidable weapons, and it was determined at once to have recourse to military aid. Accordingly, a mes senger was despatched to the Ashton barracks, where the troops had been confined, under arms, the whole of the day. In the course of a quarter of an hour a troop of the 6th Inniskilling Dragoons arrived at the double trot, and charged the mob, who fled in all directions, merely to meet again and renew their work of destruction when an opportunity afforded. The arrival of the dragoons was speedily followed by two companies of the 70th Foot, the whole being under the command of Colonel Cowper. The soldiers were heartily cheered by the mob, but no sooner had they cleared one street than the rioters returned by another route and resumed their dastardly work until again interrupted by the soldiery. This state of things did not, however, last very long, for the specials were so disposed of that the mob were kept continually on the move, and those who possessed dangerous weapons were disarmed. The military were set at liberty about eleven o'clock, and the special constables, with the exception of No. 1 Company, were also dismissed to their homes. The mayor and other magistrates remained at the Town Hall until two o'clock on Tuesday morn ing, and everything being then reported . quiet, the whole of the specials were dismissed, as also were the members of the county constabulary, who had remained on duty up to that time. A meeting of the magistrates was held during the night, at which the mayor suggested that a committee, consisting of the whole of the magistrates, should be appointed, for the purpose of inquiry into the necessities of the poor people who have been rendered home less, and to make temporary provision for their wants. The appeal was promptly responded to by the magistrates present. The town was patrolled throughout the night, but no further disturbance occurred. The authorities entertain a fear that they have only seen the beginning of a fearful struggle. During the rioting on Monday night a respectable woman, the . wife of Mark Bradbury, of 59, Park-street, was trampled to death by the crowd. The unfortunate woman had gone lo the end of the street, about twenty yards from her own door, when the rioters made a sudden rush from Hill-street, pursued by the police, and in the confusion which prevailed Mrs. Bradbury was knocked down and literally trampled to death. When picked up her breast was found quite black with foot prints. Dr. Nowell was speedily in attendance, but life was extinct. The deceased was 67 years of age, and was much respected by her neighbours. St. Ann's Catholic Chapel was again attacked on Monday night, but the police prevented them from doing any damage beyond breaking the few window-panes that remained. When the rioters in Reyner-row found that they were overpowered, the cry was raised, "To Stalybridge," whither a large body of them at once proceeded, followed by the borough police to the boundary at Cock Brook. Here they were met by the Stalybridge force, strengthened by a large body of special constables. The mob, seeing the preparations that. were being made to receive them, turned off at Reyner's mill, the object being to get to their destination by Bayly's new road. In this they were partially successful, reaching Lee's-row, Bridge street, which is thickly populated by Irish of the lowest class. The houses of the poor people were attacked, and the work of destruction speedily commenced ; but this had not continued long before the constables arrived on the scene, and charged the rioters in capital style, driving most of them into the River Tame. A section of the mob succeeded in reuniting themselves in Caroline-street, where they were again charged and dispersed. A. number : arrests were made. LAW AND POLICE. DAMAGES.—In the Court Pleas, an action was brought by a man named Angliis, against another person for slande The defendant had, it was alleged, called the plaintiff a thief, and said he had picked his pocket and robbed him of £2 while he was asleep. The defendant denied that he had uttered some of the words attributed to him, and justified the re mainder. He called a witness, who said that he had seen the plaintiff take a mackintosh which did not belong to him, and the defendant himself said that with reference to a pony race he had stated that Angliss had " picked him up two or three sovereigns," and not that he, Angliss, had picked his pocket. The jury found a verdict for the plain tiff ; damages, one farthing. DAMAGES FOB A DOG'S BITE. —ln the Court of Exche quer the case of Godwin v. Dewick was heard. It was an action to recover damages for injuries sustained from the bite of a dog. The plaintiff and his wife went to a public•house to meet a person, and when going into one of the rooms of the house they saw the defendant's dog with the defendant's servant. The plaintiff knew the servant King, and shook hands with and afterwards patted the dog. " Don't touch the dog," said King, and as the plain tiff was in the act of withdrawing his hand the dog seized him by the forearm and lacerated it severely. King struck the dog, and it ran out of the house, and in its progress bit the landlord's son. The plaintiff succeeded in discovering the owner of the dog, and went and complained to him of the injury he had received. The defendant said the dog would do no more harm, for it was already dead. A doctor had administered half an ounce of prussic acid, which the dog, it appeared, seemed to relish, and subsequently strychnine was administered, and the dog died. The defence was that King was not the de fendant's servant, but the servant of the defendant's mother, and that although the dog had been the property of the defendant, King had taken him out without his authority or knowledge. The jury found for the plaintiff with £25 damages. CHARGE AGAINST A COFFEE-HOUSE KEEPRIL—At Wor ship-street Police-court, Henry Palmer, a coffee-house keeper, was charged with having a quantity of skeleton keys and housebreaking implements in his possession. A plain-clothes constable of the G division said that there had been found concealed on the prisoner's premises 200 skeleton and other keys, together with a pick-lock, a jemmy, three small crowbars, a -file, two life-preservers, a book used by burglars to unfasten door chains, a bottle of aquafortis, a bag of bed linen, and a box containing a pair of light scales for the weighing of jewellery. When the skeleton keys were discovered the prisoner made a dash at the door, threw it open, and made off. He was followed, overtaken, and brought back. On being searched at the station a watch and chain, a knife, and an eye-glass were found upon him. When apprehended the prisoner said that he would sooner have given £5O than have had it happen. The magistrate sent the case for trial. BREACH OF PROMISE TO M ARM'. —ln the Court of Queen's Bench the case of Pane v. Higgins came on for trial. The plaintiff, a young woman about 20years of age, was met by the defendant, who is a builder, in the Haymarket, and he accompanied her home. After this the defendant became enamoured of her, and they lived together as man and wife. Defendant then proposed to send her to school, with the view of eventually marrying her, and he wrote to a lady at Bath, but she had no vacancy, and could not receive her. She then obtained 'a situation at a draper's shop at Woodford, in Essex, where he visited her, and when she came to London he met her at the omnibus or station, and they spent the day together. At that time she had given up her former course of life, and had become a respectable young woman. Subsequently a coolness took place between the parties, and the defendant was written to by the plaintiff, but did not answer her communication. The jury, after hearing witnesses on both sides, were discharged without coming to a verdict. The Prince of Wales has signified his intention of being present at the annual dinner of the 10th Royal Hussars, which is to take place on Saturday, the 30th inst., at Willis's Rooms. The report is contradicted that the passage money to America of " Colonel" Nagle has been furnished by Mr. George ...rands Train. Nagle is to be sent from Queens town to New York at the expense of the American Govern ment ; but he cannot boast of the generous treatment he is receiving from its representative here, who has taken only a third-class berth for his gallant countryman. The story goes that Nagle speaks freely of the deception that was practised upon bim by the American heads of the or ganisation, who had led him to believe that the people in Ireland were ripe for revolt, and that the power of the British Government would easily be oyero,rown, TUE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 13, 1868. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The Lava) CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE EDUCATION BILL. Lord GRAN VILLE said that he understood that the noble duke opposite had postponed this bill till Friday, the 22d. Would it be brought on on that day ? The Duke of MARLBOROUGH said that in the pre sent state of public business the noble earl must be aware that it was impossible to say what might happen. He should be obliged to postpone his answer till Monday next. UNITED PARISHES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Lord COLONSAY moved the second reading of this The Earl of DALUOUSIE said that ho was not going to oppose the bill, but he must object to the eighth clause, which treated of the consolidation of parishes. He wanted to know what would be done with the parish church when this second church was annexed ? Lord COLONSAY said that when there were two parish churches the parish was now bound to support both. The bill would prevent that anomaly. The Industrial Schools Ireland Bill was committed and passed. BROMPTON FERRY ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. to restrain the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for a limited period from making any new appointments to the Church in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) PUBLIC ACCOUNTS. Mr. DILLWYN moved the following resolutions :-- That those who conduct the audit of public accounts on behalf of the House of Commons ought to be independent of the Executive Go vernment and directly, responsible to this house; that, inasmuch as the appointment, salaries, and pensions of the officers entrusted with the conduct of such audit are more or less under the control of the Treasury, the pre sent system was one which imperatively calls for revision. The hon. member contended that the audit ought to be under the control of the house, and the best way of secur ing such an arrangement was for Parliament to ap point a standing committee, which would result in the work being done much better than it was under the present arrangement. He hoped the Go vernment would support his resolution. Sir G. BOWYER seconded the motion. The Controller of the Exchequer was the person in whose name all the money of the country stood, and ho thought it most ob jectionable that he should be the auditor of the public ac counts. If a proposition was made at any of the public companies in the city that the cashier was to fulfil the office of auditor, such a proposition would b 3 laughed at, and such being the feeling in public bodies, he did not see why the Government should continue a practice which, to say the least of it, was most absurd. Mr. T. HANKEY thought the accounts of the nation very well kept now, compared with what they were pre vious to the report of the committee which had sat to in quire into the system. Mr. P. URQUHART thought it possible to alter the present mode of auditing the public accounts with great advantage to the country. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained the system under which public money is paid in and out of the Exchequer, which he contended supplied perfect and stringent checks against irregularities. The Auditor- General, he maintained, was wholly independent of the Treasury ; he held his office during good behaviour, and, with the exception of first, appointments, he had the en tire control of his staff. The new system of accounts in troduced by the Act of 1866 had not yet got into complete working order, but there was every reason to believe that it would give Parliament a complete knowledge of the national expenditure, and, after some observations from Mr. O'Reilly, Mr. CHILDERS insisted that the Treasury must be the great controlling power over the spending departments," and deprecated any change which woul i lessen its power. He agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Act of 1866 when it came fully into operation would fur nish the most complete accounts. Ultimately Mr. DILLWYN, yielding to an urgent ap peal from Mr. Gladstone, withdrew his resolutions. Sir M. LOPES next brought before the house the local charges on real property, and moved a resolution " that, inasmuch as they have of late years much increased and are annually increasing, it is neither just nor politic that all these burdens should be levied exclusively from this description of property." In support of these propositions he showed, in an able analysis of the local taxation of the country, that these charges have doubled within the last 30 years, that they have risen by a million during the last year, and that more than £16,000,000 is raised from real property of an annual value of £90,000,000. When our present stem of assessment was founded real property was the only visible signs of a man's means and ability, but now it was only £90,000,000 out of .£260,000;000. But all these local charges being levied on it exclusively, £6 out of £7 of the income of the country might be'said "to escape local taxation altogether ; and in enforcing the in:- justice and impolicy of this exemption he pointed out that some of the largest incomes of the country, being derived from capital invested in commerce and foreign funds, were not liable to the support of the poor by whose la bour the capital had been created, and he urged that by discouraging improvements in land they checked produc tion. The motion was seconded by Mr. CORRANCE, and Mr. M'LAREN pointed out some considerations on the other side of the question, reminding the landholders that they had been relieved of their original obligation of doing all our fighting and supporting the poor, and that the land tax imposed on them in lieu of it was levied on the original assessment of William 111. Real property, too, had a con siderable advantage in not being rated higher to the in come tax than personal property, and, on the whole, Mr. M'Laren maintained that if there were any changes the burdens on real property must te considerably in creased. Mr. LIDDELL made some observations on the exemp tions from taxation enjoyed by metallic mines; and Mr. Neate, while admitting that real property paid more than its share of local taxation, asserted that it had a return in its comparative exemptions from Imperial taxation. Mr. READ, in addition to the two exemptions of mines and woodlands, pointed to a third, the deterioration of rent, and therefore of rateable value, caused by the over stocking of land with game, and he indicated some grounds for believing that the reasonable annual profit would be a better basis of assessment than tho annual rent. Though heartily deprecating a national rate, which must lead to extravagance and centralisation, he held that the Consolidated Fund ought to assume the expenses of lunatics and other similar fixed charges. The subject, he expected, would receive greater attention from a house hold Parliament than from this. Mr. MILL maintained that though real property bore an extra share of local taxation, it did not boar the whole. That part of it which was proportionate to the rent of land fell on the land, but that which was proportionate to the rent of houses was a house-tax, than which nothing could be fairer. The land, however, had strong claims to con sideration ; but this must be borne in mind - that, though its burdens might have increased, its value had also been largely increased by the general advance of the com munity, without any exertions of its owners. But the question of local taxation—how to obtain the means for carrying out necessary local improvements—was a grow ing one, and must be speedily taken into serious consi deration. Mr. FLOYER replied to Mr. Mill that though the land had increased in value from the general prosperity of the country, the increase did not bear an extraordinary pro portion to the large sums invested in its improvement. After pointing out some inaccuracies in Mr. M‘Laren's historical retrospect, he argued strongly against a national poor-rate, by which all the value of local management would bs sacrificed. Mr. SCLATER-BOOTH was also decidedly opposed to throwing local burdens, which ought to be borne from local resources, on a national rate, but though visible pro perty ought not to repudiate its original liability for the maintenance of the poor, he held that there were many new charges, such as the cost of lunatics, and the like, to which property not now rateable ought to contribute. Much relief, too, might be obtained by sweeping away -infounded exemptions. On the part of the Government, Mr. Sclater-Booth requested Sir M. Lopes not to press his resolutions, and they were ultimately withdrawn. There was a long discussion on going into committee on the County Courts (Admiralty Jurisdiction) Bill, which was opposed by Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen, Mr. Gorse, and others, on the ground that the Commission on Judica ture may pesiibly recommend changes which will super sede this legislation. Ultimately the bill passed through committee. Mr. Sergeant BARRY moved the second reading of the bill extending to Ireland the English Act which prohibits the presence of military at Parliamentary elections, and confines troops to their quarters during the time of poll ing, and his chief argument for this legislation was that the military are used at Irish elections not to prevent riot nor to defend tho electors from attack so much as to act as custodians of herds of unwilling voters, who are driven to the poll to vote for their landlords against their own opinions. The Earl of MAYO opposed the bill, for it was impossi ble to dispense with the use of troops as long as scenes of riot and violence were so common at Irish elections, and he objected, too, to an interference with the discretion of the Government in employing the military for the preser vation of order. A motion by Mr. Bagwell to adjourn the debate wa s defeated by 57 to 37 ; but a subseque nt motion for adjourn ment was agreed to. The other orders were disposed of, a n d t h e House ad _ journed at ten minutes to 2 o'clock. eit 1 Society rADYERTISEMENT.]—HOIIOWay ' S Ointment and Pills.— wherever it may di scover itself, whether externally or in ternally, its victi ms ma y e nter on Professor Holloway's Safeguard.—Whatever the disease ma y be, treatment with hearts of hope that every day will bring some amelioration of the infirmity. For the cure of ulcers, wounds, sores, abrasions, eruptions, abscesses, glandular swellings, and the generality of throat and chest com plaints, the ointment need only be used according to the instructions to insure a successful issue to the illness, and a desirable restoration of health and strength. In all dis orders ts hich have been of long duration Holloway's pills should be taken ; they powerfully stimulate the circula tion and raise the needful nervous energy. [ADVERTISEMENT.J—Heneeforth no one will doubt the valuable properties of Du Barry's health -restoring Revalenta Arabica Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of blessings it has already received from Invalids whose position had been deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his HolinesS the Pope, whose health has been perfectly restored by it, after thirty years of unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the " (lazette du Midi," July 25th :—" Rome, July 21, 1866.—" The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other remedies, ho has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabiea Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly." We extract a few out of more than 68,000 cures:--Cure No. 58,218, of the M trchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver complaint, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous palpitation allover, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and the most intolerable ner vous agitation. Care No. 1,771: Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieutenant of Walerford, of many years' dyspepsia. N 0.49.832.: " Fifty years indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Joly." Cure No. 46,270: Mr. James Roberts, of Fernley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness Important Caution.— Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority Baron Liebig's name is most auda ciously attached In tins at Is. 11d.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4s. id, ; 5 lbs. 118. ; 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY DU BARRY and Ce., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadilly. aau at 61, Graceeharch-street; 4, Oheapside ; 68, 150, and, 293, OXt9473trelq 330, titivad and all firma 1414 Chemist , . _ _ JOAN OF ARC'S FESTIVAL. The 439th anniversary of the deliverance. of Orleans from the English was observed with great pomp and success on Friday, the Bth of May. The festival was established at Orleans in the year 1429, on the day after the English retreated from the town, and has been kept up with few exceptions throughout the years that have elapsed since that date. The Calvinists, who held Orleans in 1561. were the first to suspend the ceremonies and forms which had been arranged by the civil and ecclesi astical authorities of the town at the time of the deliverance. The famous Scottish Bishop of Orleans, John Kirkmichael, or Jean de St. Michel, had been assisted by the bastard of Orleans (Dunois) in drawing up the regulations for the festival, and it had become canonical by the Bull of Cardinal Estouteville, who admitted it into the local calen- dar under the title of Feast of the Deliverance of Orleans. In 1565 the Catholics returned to power, and celebrated the anniversary, though not with out much care and circumspection, lest they should come into collision with Protestant scoffers, of whom there were still a good number in the city. In 1791 and 1792 the procession of Joan was stripped of all its ecclesiastical elements and be came purely military. In 1793 it was summarily and altogether suppressed, and for ten years Orleans was deprived of its annual rejoicings. In 1803, at the prayer of the citizens, the First Consul issued a decree for the renewal of all the ancient cere monies of the Bth of May. In 1831 religion was unpopular, and the procession dared not leave the cathedral. In 1840 a reaction permitted the ac- eustomed rites to be renewed. In 1848 the 11,nti. ecclesiastical irritation rendered it prudent to ab- stain from any but civil and military observances ; but since the Empire the celebration of the deli verance of Orleans has been reinstated in its ful pomp. In the present year even more than the wonted honours have been paid to the peasant girl of Vaucouleurs—whom, in accordance with con- ventional usage, we call Joan of Arc, rather than Jeanne Dare—in consequence of the desire that exists to procure the crown of canonization for the heroine of so many fights. Rome, however, has not been so docile as might have been hoped, and it is said that a word of warning was sent to Bishop Dupanloup advising him not to commit himself by pronouncing the panegyric in his own episcopal person, as he had intended to do. In obedience to this, or some other pressure, monseigneur handed over the responsibility of proving Joan's right to the saintly crown to a less prominent but not less eloquent advocate, the Abbe Bonnard, a cathedral canon. For weeks past the respectable town has been roused_from its provincial apathy, by the necessity for cleanings `and decorations. The civic authori ties have voted extra supplies. An undersized statue of Liberty has been converted into a per sonificittion of the to' n of Orleans ; • and set upon an oversized 'pedestal, armed Ito' the teeth With sword and. halbert, and all that Orleans' can 're - quire. Triumphal arches, flags, escutcheons, of all kinds and sizes, apposite . and inapposite, have enlivened the uniform grey of the elderly streets. Even the cathedral towers have been elaborately spotted over with coats of arms and blazonries up to the very top. The actual round of festivities began as early as the third of the month with the name-feast of the cathedral, which is dedicated to the Holy Cross. Then a horticultural show pro vided gaiety for a day or two, the tents being illu minated at night in a manner ravishing to the Orleanists, but scarcely worthy of a café chantant in Paris, or of the raise en scene of the most meagre Chateaux des Fleurs. An agricultural show sup plied additional distractions, many English names appearing among the machinery entries, and the Emperor competing freely from his model farm of La Mothe Beuvron. On the 7th, at noon, the bells tolled forth the inauguration of Joan's an nual harvest of worship and honour. Every fifteen mi. utes t heir metallic wail was heard, re calling, in accordance with old custom, the angui s h of the beleagured city. At half-past eight o'clock, the hour at which Joan crossed the bridge and entered the town, after taking the Fort des Tou relles, this doleful clang became su&lenly a merry , peal of joy. The principal streets blazed forth in illuminations ; as did the Place du Martroi, on which is a statue of the maid with a Don Quixote sort of air ; so did the towers of the cathedral, though as yet only partially. A military pro cession wound along the streets and quais, and crossed the bridge over the Loire to the celebrated Place des Tourelles, where stood the fort Joan had to take before she could win her way into the town. At the great porch of the cathedral the bishop and chapter and other clergy ranged them selves in order, awaiting the arrival of the mayor. Presently that functionary appeared, escorted by military torchbearers, who formed a semicircle in the broad place, and bearing the banner of Joan of Arc. As he presented this to the bishop, for yet another annual benediction, the whole front of the cathedral burst out instantly into a maze of lines of red light. The sky was dark and stormy, which added to the beauty of the sight, and the illuminations had been so arranged as to pick out to perfection the architectural points of the grand building. The bishop then re-entered the cathedral, in the midst of a 'crowd of banners, Joan's banner taking precedence over those of St. Michael, St. Aignan, St. Enverte, St. Callinice, and St. Marguerite, the tutelary saints of the city. St. Aignan and St Enverte were in their time Bishops of Orleans, and the former of the two performed on one occasion a feat something like that of Joan herself, driving a be sieging enemy from the walls of the town. The troops filed off, music en tete, and took up a posi tion at the foot of Joan's statue in the Place du Martroi, the said statue being provided with sundry gas-burners about the helmet, representing a glory. After a few symphonies from the band, the mobn came out from the dark clouds, the illuminations paled and died out, and by eleven o'clock the good old town was asleep. At sunrise on the Bth the bells announced the anniversary of the festival. By the way, Orleans cannot boast of her bells ; the cathedral itself only possesses three, and they are not much worth. The quarterly tolling continued throughout the morn ing, but no longer representing a wail, it is to be presumed. At t.n o'clock all the magistrature and officials of the place went in state to the cathedral. The bishop celebrated the Mass. The Abbe Baunard pronounced the panegyric. Then a pro cession composed of tie clergy of the twelve parishes, the seminarists, the various banners, the holy relics of the Cross, issued from the cathedral, and wended its way to the other side of the Loire to the Place des Tourel'es. The choristers of the cathedral sang during the solemn march a motet specially composed for the occasion in 1843, partly Latin, partly French. After the return from the Place des Tourelles the procession drew up in the Place St. Croix, the bishop raised on high the famous relic of the holy Cross ' gave a blessing, and dismissed the world to their homes. In the evening a display of fire works, and next day the Emperor, whose speech was to have have been an event, but proved to be purely formal and meaningless. —Pall Mall Gazette. • The Norihern TVhig urges the claim of Belfast to a third member, on the principle of the representation of minorities. •That town has now 160,000 inhabitants, and nothing could be more unjust (it says) than to give a Conservative colleague to Mr. Bright in Birmingham, awl a, Conservative membei: , to City of Lowlon, on the,l minorities principle, andto reinse a Liberal colleague, on the same principle, to the Tory ; members for Belfast, The Murat-Mingrelia, marriage will take place in a few days, the obstacles which., stood in the way having been removed. The Emperor is to pay the Prince's most pres Sing debts. • In speaking. of Mr; Whitbread's resolution, the Cork Examiner CIS' that "Roman await further assurances•as to what may be the action of Parlia ment.. The Begiunf l?onum and the Maynooth grant are not, it contends, analogous. The foriiier is a religious endowment of the same character as payment to the Catholic clergy would ba ; the Maynooth grant is a counterbalance to the school of divinity of Trinity Col lege. "It would be preposterous to suppose that the Maynooth grant, a pureiy educational subsidy, could be taken from the Catholics, while so vast an establishment for the education of Protestant ministers was maintained out 01 the"publio moneys." THE NEW NATIONAL GALLERY. Lord HARDINGE asked what were the plans proposed by the Government with regard to the construction of the new National Gallery. He said that at most a year had elapsed since it was announced that the property which was to form the site of the new National Gallery would be in the hands of the Government; he thought it very fair to ask what plans the Government intended to pursue. He thought that it was highly desirable to know what the Government intended to do with the barracks and the building of the gallery. The Earl of .I%IALMESBURY said that as soon as the report of the committee was received they applied to the trustees of the National Gallery for information, and ob tained some very succinct advice from them. The plans were now ready to be inspected, but he could not at that moment say what was to be done. He would, however, make inquiries. Lord OVERSTONE said that he regretted that the an swer which had just been given by the Government was so unsatisfactory. It was a question of the highest import - tance, both for the preservation of those magnificent pic tures, and that the people might enjoy the prospect of them. He seriously and earnestly hoped that the plans of the National Gallery would be immediately carried out The subject then dropped. THE GUILDFORD BOARD OF GUARDIANS. The Earl of CARNARVON moved for copy of corres pom'ence which had recently passed between the Poor- Law Board and the Guildford board of Guardians, in reference to the relief of vagrants. He said that the board had appointed as the officer of the Union a person who had once been a policeman. To this there was no ob jection, but ho understood—iu fact, it was well known to the whole neighbourhood that it was so, that the relieving officer had taken his course of inquiry into the conduct of the various applicants, and not granting relief to those who were in the habit of habitually living upon relief. Now ho (the noble earl) considered this idea of his duties to be quite erroneous, though persons who lived on vagrancy were liable to bo punished, and it was not for the Boar} of Guardians to decide when application was made to them. Several communications had been made to them by the President of the Poor-law Beard telling them that their course of conduct was illegal, but by a vote of the majority no notice had been taken of the communications. He thought that such being the case all information ought to be given to the house. The Earl of DEVON said that there was no objec tion to the production of correspondence, but he would ask his noble friend to modify his motion that it might include the body of correspondence which had passed not only between the Poor-law Board and Guild ford Union, but other boards of guardians. As regarded the Guildford Union it had done what his noble friend had said; they had appointed an assistant relieving officer a man who had been a policeman, and in that he thought they bad exercised a wise discretion. They (the Poor-law Commissioners) had told the Board of Guar dians, and believed that whatever the character of the ap plicant for relief, that if he or she required it, they were bound by the act to give it. An inspector had had an in terview with the board of guardians, and impressed upon them what was the nature of the law. Lord OVERSTONE said that this was only a fore shadowing of what was coming, viz., a large, full, and comprehensive administration of the Poor-law. He thought that every person ought to be relieved without regard to conduct, character, or the circumstances which surrounded them. Lord REDES DALE said that he quite agreed with the noble lord a f ordoepwpoNsvioterdisn from mthattheheDhuakdesaoif CLEVELAND, the d. motion was agreed to. In reply to a question from Lord DENMAN as to the new c o u r h t se Lord of law T CHANCELLOR explained the very peculiar e of d o elay n7d i e n sig c n ho h o a s v in in g g th b e ee p u la p n r s e . fe l rr t ed a , ro a se nd fr t o t r i n e n th a e tu i i n •e te o r f io th r exterior of another, a choice with which the contending competitors disagreed, and the matter had been referred to arbitration. Lord FORTESCUE called attention to the report adopted by the International Conference on Weights, e ea n sl d ma e e a ns v db o uC u ro r Yi t n o rse'phl render ieeldd ti ha u a n Pt i : h e re : s m hi no the pjeudn weightsol r 8 d 6 , F t andoo r t w o h s e i cu he. Lord s l d u 3 mea sures of this country, leaving the international law to be dealt with at some future period. Their lordships adjourned at 20 minutes past 7 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING The SPEAKER took the Chair at 4 o'clock. COLONIAL BISHOPRICS. In reply to Mr. GLADSTONE, Mr. ADDERL EY said that it was entirely owing to the information from Cape Town not being as full as that from Columbia that Kiss Burdett Coutts was not described in the parliamentary return, No. 575, as the lady who ha d provided the endowments for the two former to the ex tent of £17,530 e ac h , as we ll as th e en d owmen t f or th e latter. An amended return would be printed, and laid on the ßo t y a table a s early as possible. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND. Sir C. O'LOGEILEN asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland when he would lay upon the table of the House the draft of the charter her Majesty's Government pro pose to grant to the Roman Catholic University of Ire land ? The Earl of MAYO said a correspondence bad been going on with respect to the subject, which would very soon be closed, when the subject would be laid before Parliament. THE RITUAL COMMISSION. Mr. WALDEGRAVE-LESLIE asked the Secretary of State for the Hume Department why the second report of the Ritual Commission, which was laid upon the tablo of that house on the 30th of April, by command of her Ma jesty, has not yet been distributed among members, and how soon it would be in their hands. Mr. HARDY said the delay had been occasioned by the fact that a large blue-book of about 300 pages had beef, attached to the report. The report, however, would, he thought, be in the hands of hon. members to-morrow. THE FORTIFCATIONS. Mr. O'BEIRNE asked the Secretary of State for War whether he would place upon the table of the house a statement of the several contracts entered into and still unfinished for work connected with or for the pur poses of the proposed fortifications for the de fence of the dockyards and naval arsenals, &c., of the United Kingdom and the colonies, showing the date of each contact ; the nature of the work to be executed or material to be provided ; the total amount to be paid ; the extent of work executed or of material already provided ; the amount already paid on account of each existing con tract; and the date fixed in each contract for its comple tion. Sir J. PAKINGTON said the sum voted for the con struction of works amounted originally to about seven millions and a half sterling, and up to March last abet four millions of money had been expended, but he was not able to say exactly what had been expended up to the present moment; but he might safely put the amount down at five mil lions. The work was all done under contract, with two exceptions, one of which was compensa tion for land. He did not think it was convenient for him to give a long and detailed statement on the sub ject, but if the bon. member would move for a return it would give him a better opportunity of dealing with the question in a more satisfactory manner than merely an swering a question. THE IRISH CHURCH. The COMPTROLLER OF HER MAJESTY'S HOUSE IIOLD brought up her Majesty's answer to the address of the house on the subject of the Irish Church. It stated that her Majesty had received an address praying her to place at . the disposal of Parliament her interests in the temporalities of the archbishoprics, bishoprics, and other dignitaries, and benefices of the Established Church in Ireland. Relying on the wi,dom of her Parliament, her Majesty has desired that her interests in the temporalities of the United Churches of England and Ireland might not stand in the way of a consideration by Parliament of any measure relating thereto which may be introduced during the present session of Parliament. Mr. GLADSTONE then gave notice that to morrow he would aline for leave to bring in a bill MR. DICKENS'S WELCOME ROME. The Athenxunt says very charmingly, in men tioning the fact of Mr. Dickens's arrival again in England—" Every English man, woman, and child who reads a great ' story-book' will rejoice in the return of Mr. Dickens from his visit to the United States. The fatigue must have been great ; but the welcome was magnificent. On the occasion of the farewell dinner at New York every kindly feeling was awakened. A public meeting of the kind is too often a forced celebration. This was a thoroughly hearty and genial one. - There can be no doubt that such a visit so received has a humanising in fluence of no common value. Oar great novelist must rest beneath his cedars of G.td's Hill with the assurance that his work on the other side of the Atlantic has been well done ; and can only . bear good fruit, not merely for himself, but for ;he vast audiences whom he charmed—so well and o wisely." Th..t Spectator remarks that—" The American journalists gave Mr. Dickens a far ;well dinner ou April 18, and Mr. Dickens, who is said to have made 5,10,000. by his hundred readings in the States, delivered an eloquent although somewhat turgid speech. He pledged himself to bind up with every copy of the American Notes' and Martin Chuzzle wit' which he may hereafter sell, his tes:imony that he has been received in America ' with unsurpass able politeness, delicacy, sweet temper, hospitality, consideration, and respect for privacy.' " According to the Exaniiner " it is said that Mr. Charles Dickens has cleared not less than $20J,000 by his American trip." While the Saturday ReviAth, among other coni- eaents upon our great noveli,t's return home, ob serves—" Mr. Dickens's popularity certainly illus trates the importance of tha tolerably notorious Lc', that the Americans talk English. Iu some respects the two races not only differ, but tend to diverge from each other. The Anglo-Saxon race' must really be a small minority of the population of the United States. The Gern - kan and Irish emigrants And their descendants are constantly reinforced by new streams swamping the original Yankee. In political and social institut►ons the contrasts are pei haps greater than the resemblances. The one in disputable bond of union is that Mr. Dickens is very nearly as intelligible at New York and San Franci6co as be is in London. This certainly implies a close relation between the two nations, and a relation of a remarkable kind. That one nation should be in- tluenced by the great religious or political thinkers of its neighbours might be expected. The European nations are all sufficiently allied for the thoughts which • -powerfully affect one to be propagated throughout the whole family. But it is much more difficult for one nation to understand the jokes of another. Mr. Dickens's works, when tran7dated into French, amuse Englishmen by the grotesque effect of their new dress, but we should imagine that theyoOmply bewilder Frenchmen. Oa the other hand., the humour of Mr. Pickwick or Mrs. Gamp is as much appreciated across the Atlantic as it is • with us. The currency of an English joke is co extensive, not only with sovereigns, but with green backs. The Americans, in this department at least, are able to make us some return. If they have pro duced anything distinctively American in literature, it is their peculiar turn of humour. Yet the &g -low Papers,' in spite of many local allusions, and still more the fun of Arteraus Ward, have been as popular with us as in their native place. Orators who wish to establish a resemblance between us should put in the background bits of eloquence about the Anglo-Saxon race, and rely upon the much more indisputable fact that we all see the point of the same witticisms. The popularity of Mr. Dickens in the United States is an illustration of the intellectual similarity, whatever it may be, implied in this curious sympathy; and if a mutual power of relishing each other's humour is a proof that we ought to be intimate friends, Mr. Dickens has done more than any one in confirmation of the proof." AMERICAN CITIZENS ABROAD. (From the Anglo-American 2 lines.) Of all nations the United States should be the most cautious in legislating on naturalization, so as to establish a principle. It is of the utmost con sequence to her that her people should be fused and held together as one. At the present moment, and perhaps for a century to come, a great object will be to attract people into the wastes of her ter ritories. This object, however, requires no legisla. .o❑ ; the natural attractions being sufficient Over so vast a space there cannot fail to be diver sified interests, and it is a far higher object to en• deavour to implant in the minds of her citizens an overruling passion for nationality than merely to attract population. In erecting a nation it is better to build on a rock than to run up a showy edifice that has no real and lasting strength. The rights claimed for naturalized citizens who come from abroad are rights that must be granted to the native-born of the Republic who choose to go. The United States cannot pretend to enforce on foreign nations laws relating to their natural-born subjects who may seek a home in the United States, which they do not extend to their own natural born citizens who seek a home in foreign countries. In all nations except among the few where imme morial usage has reconciled the people to the exist ing state, two principles have been at war—the one centralization, the other decentralization, local government, or nationality. The late struggle arose out of these conflicting elements. Other principles, of course, as in all wars, entered into the contest, but emphatically it was a war for local government. Had it been successful, the United States would have been brought face to face with the question of naturalization, and the ex treme danger of loosening the cords which bit?d the citizen to his native country would have been brought forcibly home. Laws must be framed and principles laid down to meet probable and possible events, not merely the emergency of the moment. What guarantee is there against a future severance of the States? And if the legislation of the hour be based on an erroneous principle, it cannot fail in such a case to complicate what must in the nature of things be a difficult position. Working on the pre amble of the bill just passed by the House of Repre sentatives concerning the rights of American citizens abroad, a combination of States might on it assert their right of expatriation to be a natural and inhe rent right of all people claiming to expatriate them selves ; but not choosing to leave their land, they might insist on voting as to whether the States em bracing the Confederation should not be severed from the Union. If the people have the right at any time to throw off their allegiance, they have a right to carry their territory with them ; and if the Government recognizes the right of all people to shake off their allegiance, not by the forms which their native Government may dictate, but by the forms which any other Government may prescribe, then we maintain that the bonds of natural allegi ance are severed, and the country which establishes such a principle will hold its people together by a very slender connection. It is clear, however, from the debate that the United States, does not recog nize the principle as applicable to herself. Represen tatives have commenced legislation at the wrong end, endeavouring to force a principle on foreign Govern ments before they have established that principle in their own country. The law of the Unit©d States regarding expatriation is similar to that of England, the absurdity of which is very properly condemned. But the first thing to do, if the House is legislating to establish a righteous principle, is to lay down clear lawirby which citizens of the Union may, if they desire it, shake off their nationality. Mr. PHILI P VAN TRUMP, of Ohio, offered an amendment, de •claripg the right of expatriation on the part of Atnericans but Mr. BANKS refused to give way. The arguments brought forward in the bill mainly had reference to American citizens arrested in Ire land, and turned on the power given to the PRESI DENT in the 31 section to arrest all subjects or citi zens of a country where any case had occurred in which the provisions of that Act were infringed. Henry L. DAWES, of Massachusetts, pointed that, by the Act, the PRESIDENT would be enabled to suspend the Habeas Corpus in time of peace, thus violating the Constitution, which guaranteed to all residing within the boundaries of the country the right of the writ of habeas Corpus. It v/, also shown that individuals would become liable to arrest and indefinite imprisonment without an investigation of the offence, or even without a charge being preferred. But, in truth, the bill goes much beyond this, for it permits the imprison ment of persons wholly guiltless of any crime, a principle of legislation only worthy of an uncivt- lized country, and one that would ill become even a despotic Government. While denouncing the arrest of American naturalized citizens in Ireland on what appears to Mr. BANKS an insufficient cause, he de sires to place among the statutes of his country a bill sanctioning the arrest of foreigners in the United States for no cause. Legislation such as this must tend greatly to lower the character of the House. of Representatives in the eyes of the world. One sided enactments are sure sooner or later to come back unpleasantly against th-e interests they wore passed to protect. Nor was there any necessity for this hurry in the House to truckle to the mob. The question can no more be settled by Congress than it can be by the Parliament in London or that in Berlin. Indeed it would be wise not to press in any undue manner the North German Confedera tion. Count BISMARCK is, in truth, master of the situation, for it would be almost impossible to con ceive a country more wholly beyond any measures of compulsion, and it might suit Prussia to stop the German exodus, at least for a spell. Such a bill, instead of strengthening, will weaken the hands of the Executive when the subject of naturalization and expatriation comes up for settlement. In the first instance, it will compel the United States to base the question both of the expatriation of their own citizens as well as that of foreigners on the principles they have laid down. To demand what they are not prepared to concede is simply to meet with a derisive refusal, and a foreign combination against their unjustifiable arrogance. To concede it with out clearly defined restrictions is to lay down a principle which will yet militate against the well being and peace of the United States. And `what is Mr. BANKS'S object? Is it to give im punity to Fenian conspirators in their assaisina tion of members of the Royal family, and in blow ing down streets of houses of the poor ? Can England be accused of having done anything unjust or harsh in her attempts to suppress this atrocious conspiracy—this gang of secret assassins ? If she has, why not openly bring forward and prove the cases and demand satisfaction ? It is proposed is the Dominion to make one year's residence sufficien t for naturalization—why not one month, and what would be the effect? That a JEFFERSON DA-V l5 might in a few days shake off his allegiance to the United States, and claim as a foreigner to be exempt from trial on a charge of treason, while, in truth, he was plotting as a native against his own Govern ment. This is the position assumed by the Fenian!, and as sure as the sun shines this will be the posi tion assumed by some future enemies of the United States, when General BANKS will discover that he has been playing into the disloyal of their own more than of foreign' countries. It is not in Massa chusetts, perhaps the most enlightened spot on earth, that General BANKS, as member. from the State, will receive countenance. He must look elsewhere, and among a very different community, for thos e who give their support to such legislation. Th e United States is too great and too advanced fo r such paltry and contemptible measures, and our regret is that a House of Representatives could be found, even when half empty, to pass an Act se crude, so unjust, and even absurd. It has lately often been predicted that the Representatives, lik e the English House of Commons, after breaking down the power of the PRESIDENT, after trenching on the constitutional rights of the Supreme Court, would endeavour to sponge out the Senate, th ee centreing all authority in itself. With such sample of its handiwork before the nation thought ful men will feel little inclination to entrust th e well-being of the Unites States into such band ! ' We believe that there is no other legislative bo d y which more requires the careful supervision of it: acts by a superior assembly, and we are hapPY to think that recent events have tended to elevate the Senate so greatly in public estimation, that in any struggle between the two houses that great bud/ would receive the ardent support of the most en ightened in the United States. Tile London correspondent of an American perio dical, writing about the inordinate multiplication of ellei t9 magazines, says : —The Corn/till, which but lately ha d circulation of over 80,000, is now generally supposed t° be 33,000, but in "1 he Row" it is spokon of as not selling over 18,000 copies ; .Macmillan, supposed circulation I8,1:t while "The Row" says about 7,500; Belgravia, e dited b ) Miss Braddon, began with over 36,000, in " The Row ‘ ga d put it down at 18,500 ; London Society is increasing it% sells over 20,000 ; Temple Bar, supposed circulation 20,00 we in " The Row" say not over 13 , 000 ; Blackwood's .111,ga: zine sells about 7,500; St. Paul's, edited by Anthony "; lope, our latest, and most promising in contents, b es ,„t with 50,000, but does not now salt more than half t`i-si number; Tinsley's Magazine, edited by Edmund I.!itees and containing a story by Dr. Russell, of the 7imes, de not sell ten thousand copies per mouth, an d h o on. Even of the famous Sylvanus Urbana, the vener s ;l o Gentleman's Magazine, which last year departed frool traditions of a century or more, to admit fiction t°l o pages, he tells us that its announced reduction in at from two shillings and sixpence to one shilling is !ailit, flickering before expiring." ',h hr the f1°61161 Mr. Ilepwort- .ixon has written to ho o e lh Table to show that Dr. Marsh drew largely from h is :, 9 "The Holy Land," for his pictures in " Walks and loc,re of Jesus." The Round Table had observed tha t if tl3;ecl had been plagiarism at all, Mr. Dixon must have berr,°T-ile from Dr. Marsh, whose book was in print before 1 0 Holy Land" appeared. Mr. Dixon gives copiou s elt/lecel from each work, asserting that Dr. Marsh ha d boro;fir, the descriptions, as he had not been in Palestine, that tue Dixon had never heard of Dr. Marsh's book till after noticein the Athenasupv, and ho maintains that Jr. 3-I'''. had lifted much from The Holy Land." Sto r e ,Macmillan's Magazine for May repeat fr if the 4b told in the American papers of Theodore Tilton ° f to IndePendent that the proprietors of the paper offsr e- do e raise his salary to $12,000 per annum if he would s l36 " l "be lecturing, and confine his attention exclusively t f ;c t it Independent. Mr. Tilton declined the offer; from ss'; - 0 13 5 , appears that he finds lecturing . a very profitable bils'u:,-,500 in ' he Pacific Mills, of Lawrence, began operatw 1853. They now contain 100,000 spidles for 0 4 tt o ° 00 with carding, picking, and cleaning machines; 00, spindles for worsted goods, and 18 printing tasPl3-ilsvi° The machinery is driven by eight turbine wheel* 0, of which are 84 inches in diameter. The weakliAPtbs duction of cotton goods is about 70 0, 000 yards, a-off sales about 7,500,000 per year. The comp an y Are - employing about 3,600 hands. bee f The Round Table alludes to a report it ha s ci ao' unable to trace to an authentic source, that M. d° Icic o ( ville left among his papers the MSS. of a u entirel9 -110- edition of his "Democracy in America," in which t ' n ie tfo - ber of chapters are wholly replaced, and the author's modified in many essential points. Silas C. Herring, of " Safe" fame, has ree- u tb transferred from his farm in Brimfield to NevY.°,l.,- largest horse in America. The animal is s ix ye'i-g-piew' over 19 hands high, weighs 2,0001 b., and will m ak° did addition to Mr. Herring's stud of truck horses' d s ir foaled in Westchester county, N.Y the nisr ol/13 being both Canadian. Births. ISO re, GARFORD —On the 12th inst. , at 31, Russell -P:l'l3 Garford, of a son. P9l.lr nes' •nef KENDERDINE —On the 12th inst., at 12, fter',. e-- „dera l " terrace, Gloucester-gate, the wife of Isaac J. -N'''' ..- e r ' . of a son. , rro co st SCROPE —On the 9th inst., at Spetchley Park, ''S Mrs. Simon Scropo, of a . son. - Ross—RusH—On the M l a li r lf i i a n g t e , l t St . , Cb c d ii i Georg 6 1 3e Hanover-square, James Ross,s inst., uton J-.„ 41. 13 1‘ '. P 914 to Sarah Ann, second daughter of the late P' Lindsey, - Suffolk. A , hO r a eli' t VIVIAN—BOERUcx—On the Gth i ,at St.Jll , -.! -- , ° ,3a 311 e Southsea, the Hon. John Brabazonnst' Vivian, t-'°'"- Royal Navy, to Alice Mary Disney Roebuck. : Wandso Or t Deaths. BELL—On the 9th inst , at Bath-terra ce, o Of road, William 8011, Esq., aged 61. a , < 30 11 ,, BECK On the 10th inst., at Washington, _Su ss e ; 13 0° ! Beck, Esq., solicitor, son of the late Mai ° P' 47 0 19 , CROFT - On l7th the e 11th giment inst aged Mr. . Thom as Croft/ ° W e ' Whitechapel-road, aged 6'7. Elva t 0 01, ,, , CRAWFURD —On the 10th inst , at 4.„5 5 0 cl - ; ok Queen's-gate, John Crawfurd, 'Esq., F•l'•';', - lost 8 :10ft FOSTER—On the 10th inst ,at Rome, Win. ll' f' fn°- Merton College, Oxford, eldest son of the lit 3lr ' rector of Foxearth, Essex, aged 23. .001 c, V/46 • ~ ,c ,' RasDhcirLeTa—dyVlladtheleiffl:tligiendst7.l,. at Budding i. f)TIS S° :I! ------.--------- "-- ja,- Ir. / London : Printed and Published by WILL III3SI, A , e 14° / °I of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Via Su-s 0,-,-'o,ot, Btrald, 111 the Precinct of the Seroh in tba Mildlesex.7 . 4edanday, May 13, 1368.