The Sun. — London, England, 1868-03-31 00:00:00

OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, When Lord Stanley, says the Times, sat down on the tirst night of the debate, the result of the vote on his amendment was no longer doubtful ; but if any one whose wish vas father to his thought stilhoped the amendment ml s ;lit prevail, he must have been undeceived by Lord Cran borne, who scornfully repudiated an amendment which admitted the possible propriety of any future action, and only pleaded for further time before giving a definite opinion on the Irish Establishment. The impression left by Lord Stanley on his hearers recalled the memory of that night, little more than twelve months since, when the present Prime Minister revealed the particulars of the " ten minutes " bill. Mr. Disraeli's strange restraint and nerveless diction on that occasion was explained a few days later by the secession of three members of the Cabinet, and the recurrence of the Ministry to " the original idea " which the leader of the House of Commons and his brother colleagues had unwillingly put aside •in deference to their weaker brethren. Can it be possible, it was asked, that a birnilar failure of energy in the representative of the betokens a similar crisis ? Can a battle so hope less as that Lord Stanley challenged be more than a feint, concealing the real issue intended to be ultimately taken? These are questions interesting to political speculators, who may, perhaps, discuss among themselves whether the Ministry is so strong as to be able to lose some of its mem bers as the sacrifice consequent on taking a bolder stand, but they are questions only tending to confirm the cer tainty as to the immediate result of the debate. Come what may, the determination of the House of Commons that the Irish Establishment must cease to exist is clear, and will soon be recorded among its votes. A pledge will have been given to the Irish people that the wrong which has been so long maintained shall be redressed, and it will be the first duty of the new Parliament to redeem the pledge by carrying it into offect. The Post observes that Lord Stanley insists that the time is inopportune for the consideration of the resolutions. It is true he goes a step farther, and suggests that a qualified assent should be given to a proposition that the Church Establishment in question may possibly stand in need of reform. And this concession constitutes the weakest part of his line of defence to the attack which is now made on the Ministerial policy. It is, therefore, theoretically con ceivable that men should be found who would vote for going into committee on Mr. Gladstone's resolutions who 'night, nevertheless, subsequently disapprove of them. In prctice, however, members of the House of Commons are not guided by such fine-drawn considerations, and Mr. Gladstone was right when he told the House that the true question on which it would be called upon to pronounce an opinion was whether the Irish Church Establishment should continue or not to exist. This is the question which every member of that House will he called upon to answer when the division bell rings, and it is one which all the sophisms of the Ministers or their supporters cannot obscure. • To the Daily News it is evident that Ministers are with out a policy. They are apparently ready to defend or sacrifice the Church, as party convenience may dictate. They will not send to Ireland the message of peace she needs, nor will they give to the Church Establishment that assurance which it loudly craves. They are prepared to act once more with respect to. the Protestant Establish ment the part which they acted Past session on the subject of Reform. When Ireland has been goaded anew to the verge of rebellion, when England demands that for her own peace the sister island shall be. pacified, the Church may possibly be disestablished without the indulgent regard to vested interests and natural feelings which: Mr. Gladstone is prepared to: chew. Lord Stanley's speech provoked and deserved the merciless criticisms of Lord Cranborne ; and nothing more condemnatory can be said of it. It has made the rejection of his amendment more probable than ever. If Mr. Gladstone makes the question of a State Church depend upon the number of those who profess to belong to it he has no answer whatever (the Herald lays down) to the Hadfields and Minns, who may demand disestablish ment in England on the ground of census reports, shew mg that more people go to chapel than to church. He makes the existence of the English Church dependent upon the view which Parliament may take of the accuracy of the figures which assailants and defenders may bring forward ; and if there was ariy meaning at all in the right hon. gentleman's quotation from Mr. Hallam, and the odd arguments by which he followed it, he will be likely enough himself, if only he - sees the slightest prospect of success, to cone forward some day and propose that dis establishment. There is no safe resting-place, it seems, between persecution and full religious equality—that is, no State Church, or the payment of all Church by the State. As to Lord Cranborne's speech, the Herald ex plains that the noble lord cannot forget or forgive the pas sage of the Reform Act of last year, and, assuming that it was a trick, will see trickery in everything else the Government does. • The Standard, dealing with the charges laid against the amendment, that it is ambiguous, most positively exclaims, `.` Lord Stanley's amendment is not ambiguous." It refuses, plainly and positively, to enter upon the con troversyat all in the present Parliament, declaring that the issue is one to be tried and determined by the new con stituencies. Is that a proposition at all doubtful, in definite, or confused? Is it open to any other objection than this—that it expresses an opinion in which many members on both sides of the House concur ; that it gives utterance to the exact feeling of a large number of Liberals in regard to Mr. Gladstone's resolutions, and that there. fore it is extremely likely to be carried ? After Lord Cranborne's crushing speech, conspicuously cheered as it was from the Tory side,,it is, in the opinion of the Star, impossible that the Government policy should escape the condigh punishment it deserves. The main question will then come to be tried, and whatever becomes of Mr. Disraeli's pretensions, those of the Irish Church must be immediately disposed of. The speech of Mr. Gladstone, besides placing in the clearest light all the arguments which bear on the subject as proving its urgency and importance, was exceptionally able in removing objections and in sliming how simp'..e was the work immediately to be done. Mr. Gladstone is what no member of the Government in office can be said to have proved himself —an administrator. The difficulties of the Irish Church settlement, if the prin ciple be once resolved upon,' will bb mainly in detail. There will be claims to consider ; patronage to stop ; vested interests to protect, but to hold in check. -There will be the gradual cessation of the Establishment to manage with propriety, and without bickering or scandal. It is worthy of a firstrate statesman to have responsibly resolved upon such a task, and it will need a firstrate administrator to fulfil it. The House of Commons, with such a statesman and such an administrator at their dis posal, cannot do less than accept his services. In spite of Lord Cranborne's vigorous and animated speech, the first night's debate, as the Teletgaph points out, flagged ; and the division, though fixed for Friday, may perhaps take place on Thursday. Meanwhile, the fact that Mr. Watkin has been forced by his constituents to place his amendment at the disposal of Mr. Gladstone so far clears the ground. The opening of the campaign has ; on the whole, confirmed the judgment of Mr. Gladstone, and shewn the weakness of his opponents. The principle advanced by the Opposition will be affirmed, and the Government will be forced to accept the opinion of the present House of Commons, that there must be no more trifling with the grievance's of Ireland. And from that vote, however much may be of necessity and propriety left to detailed Acts and future sessions, will at once corn . rnence a new era of content for Ireland, and a future with out shame and hatred for " the Anglican Communion" i that country. In a leader on the Abyssinian expedition the Times puints out that, assuming that King Theodore is on the Talanta plateau, which is in front of Magdala, and appears to be - a good position for the defence of that place, there is, at least, the stropg probability that he may be brought to terms in a single battle. At headquarters they can get no information worthy of reliance concerning- his strength in - - ninnberS or armament. But it was noticed that Kassai had about 4,ooopep, well supplied with firearms, at the place where the interview was held between him and Sir Robert Napier. It was also known that he could have brought twice or three times that number from Adowa. Now, as Kassai lives in great terror of the Wan-shunt' Gobaze, and de sired.us to guarantee him against this still m ore power ful vassal of the 3ciperor, be taken for granted .that Gobazee meld •bring into the field a still larger force. But - Gobaze himself -does not dare meet Theodore, so, by all sound reasoning, thalatter has a still larger.ana better-armed force. We must, therefore, look forward to a regular battle, nor.would it be prudent to set - Theedore's army at less than teu of twelve thou Sand men. Ile has 'artillery, including his celebrated big gun, and Possibly- there may be with him some one with sufficient knowledge of the military art to turn these resonrces to account. Yet, if our army reaches the plateau of Talanta in good 'condition, we have no fear of the result. Sir Charles Napier, of Scinde, used to say that a large barbarian army was more easily beaten than a small one, because it could not mancEuvre, and that such enemies were only formidable • when they were in small and irregular bodies. We are disposed to apply this maxim to the present case, and firmly believe that 5,000 British, - a larger number than have won the most important battles in India, will -make easy.work of Theo dore's most disciplined army and most strongly fortified position.- We understand - that Sir Robert Napier ex pected to be in front of the enemy by the end of March. -Thus, unless something unexpected has occurred, the crisis of the campaign may by this time have come. Should such be the case we hope that the object of the ex pedition will he effected in time to allow a return to the coast - before the summer rains. A few weeks' delay in the campaign may, prolong considerably the stay pf. the army in the country, and add generally to the expenses of the expedition. THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH AT THE ANTIPODES. The welcome given to Prince Alfred in the colony of Tasmania last January was both simple and hearty. The Following is an extract from a letter addressed by his Royal Highness to the Governor, dated 23rd January : `I beg you will also convey my sincere thanks to the members of the Government and to the colonists generally or their hearty welcome and kindly efforts to make my stay amongst them a pleasant one, in which they so well succeeded, and assure them that I shall always look pack to it with gratitude." Prince Alfred, in his reply to ;he address of the Legislative Council, said : "It is m less a pleasure for me to receive, than it is for you to Afer, the expressions of your devotion and loyalty to the Queen, my mother. The gratification which I feel at your ;ordial welcome is indeed enhanced by the assurance that you recognise, in the fact of my visit to these shores, that solicitude in the welfare of her subjects which her Majesty feels, and which was also always shared during Ills life by my dear father." To the members of the [louse of Assembly the Duke said : " It gives me very great satisfaction to learn that, however varied may be the I shades of political feeling among you on other matters, you, the representatives of the people of Tasmania, are manimous in the expression of your deep attachment and loyalty towards her Majesty's throne and person. It is indeed a source of the truest gratification to me that the Queen, in entrusting to me the command of one of her Majesty's ships, should have afforded me the opportunity A visiting these most important possessions of the British empire." In answer to the address of the Lord Bishop of Tasmania, and the clergymen of the United Church of England and Ireland, Prince Alfred observed : " I re leive with much pleasure the hearty welcome you have given me on my'arrival in this colony, where I rejoice to ind the Church of England so firmly established. I trust, no less than you, that from this time, if it be possible, the ties which 'unite you to England may become closer still, though the numerous assurances I hm e received would lead me to suppose that nothing could be deeper than the affection or st4onger than the attachment which already foes, and I have n 9 doubt always will, exist in the isearts of the colonists of Australia towards the mother lountry and the Britith throne. I hope that with God's assistance, and the good example of my dear father before me, I shall always fulfil the duties of my position to the satisfaction of her Majesty the Queen, my mother, and my %ountry." THE ABYSSINIAN EXPEDITION. Letters from their special correspondents in Abyssinia have been published in the morning papers. The latest date from the camp, near Antalo, is March 8. The Daily News letter says: " The uniform good health Of the troops is probp,bly the point on which we should. most congratulate ourselves in connection with the ex pedition ; but next to that the most cheering fact in its history has been the 'abundance of the supplies found near Antalo. Captain Shewell, who is the chief, officer of the commissariat stationed here, and whose earlier exertions at Zoola have procured him this post in advance, has either had extraor dinary fortune in lighting , upon an exceptionally fertile district, or else he possesses some magnetic power of drawing in the produce of the country, which a large party have always maintained was considerable if we could only discover the knack of utilising it. The opinion that the country must be barren because hitherto our supplies were meagre has also had its advocates, and must doubtless have been communicated home. My individual opinion has always been that the resources of the country were ample for our wants, but that the task of inducing ;t to flow to our camps was not without its difficul ties. Great quantities of bread are daily purchased ; and' 15,2001 b. of flour were bought on the sth. Grain alone, which- averages about 5,0001 b. per diem, falls below what we would wish. The ghee obtained suffices for our consumption, so that except in tea, sugar, ruin, and rice, the camp is not only self-supporting, but is in the article of flour making a rapid accumulation of stores. On the evening, of the 4th there were 300,000 rations of this last article piled up ; hence, as meat can always be ob tained, we have the necessaries of life for 5,000 men for two months. In smaller points, such as onions and coffee, the 'commissariat have 'also been tolerably successful in their purchases." The same writer furnishes the following incident : "We are gaining some experience of Abyssinian fires, as an average of two or three in the twenty-four put in an appearance. Their origin is variously attributed to the results of hostility, accident, or a wish on the part of the farmers to clear and manure the ground, in order to facili- tate the growth of the young grass. A few days ago the fire alarm was sounded through camp, and a thick cloud of smoke, rising a quarter of a mile from our lines, pointed out the spot at which the efforts of the troops were required. The 33rd and Artillery, the first with sticks, the latter with their saddle•covers, ran, without attempting to keep any order, to the scene. On getting near, two thin lines of flame, about 400 yards in length, could be distinguished: the one to the windward of where the grass must have first been lit, burned very feebly, and was at once got under ; that to leeward blazed about three feet high, and fought against its enemies for ten minutes, the infantry trampling with their feet, or beating with sticks the kindled herbage, while the gunners smothered it with their tarpaulins, some of the regimental bheesties (water carriers) assisting with the contents of their mussocks. The grass covering a space of about a dozen acres was consumed. Although the conflagration was but a small affair, it imparted a useful little lesson, as it shewed how quickly such fires can arise, and if taken early, to use the physicians' phrase, how easily they can be stamped out. The herbage which caught fire, probably from the negli gence of a muleteer, had never been thick, and for the last two weeks was much grazed upon. Had it been as luxu riant as it is in many places, and had it had another hour's start, we could not have extinguished it although we might have kept it off certain positions." The Post correspondent is a very frank gentleman, as will be seen by this extract :—" You will doubtless eagerly look for the latest news. I.low am Ito give it to you ? We. live in an atmosphere of lies ! No twoaccounts from one place ever tally in the smallest degree. The road is good—the road is bad ; the natives are friendly—they are quite the reverse ; provisions are abundant—there is not a morsel of food to be had within fifty miles ; Theodore is advancing on Magdala—Theodore is retreating to Tala,nta ; the prisoners have been released—the pri soners have been murdered ; Wagshum is 'hasten ing to welcome us—Wag,shuni has joined the forces of the tyrant ; the war will be over in April ; the war will last two years. These are the promising materials from which your correspondent has to extracts his facts ;' and if those facts prove erroneous he is liable to be ' hauled over the coals' for wilful misrepresentation. Let me be candid ; the real ' fact' is that we know nothing. Theo dore may be close, or 150 miles off ; the remainder of our march may be easy or impracticable ; the tribes may be friendly, or implacably hostile, but we know nothing - about it ; it is j ast as well to tell the truth as to invent theories concerning our future proceedings which have no founda tion." The Herald correspondent speaks of an order issued to the effect that the army would he compelled to go forward without either rum, tea, or sugar:—" Of course everyone is prepared to make great sacrifices, and to submit to every hardship which may be absolutely necessary. Every reduction of kit, the dismissal of the native followers, and the diminution of carriage, has been received not only without a murmur, but with actual satisfaction by every one. But this order to proceed without tea, rum, or sugar was received with the gravest dissatisfaction by men and officers.of all ranks. It was not as a matter of comfort it was objected to, but as a matter of health. Rum is an article difficult of carriage and can be dispensed with ; sugar also might be done without, but tea is, upon a cam paign like . this, an absolute necessity if the men are to have no rum. It is not that the tea is nice, for it cer tainly is not ; it is . positively nasty. It bears no resemblance whatever to the herb we drink in Eng land as tea ; at the same time it is an absolute essential. Were the water good the results might not have been so disastrous, but it is almost always drawn from stagnant pools, and is the reverse of wholesome. The privation of their rum would, therefore, in itself be much felt among the men. They have all been some years in India, where rum forms part of a soldier's regular ration. They are accustomed to its use, and no doubt would feel somewhat its sudden privation. Had they been troops fresh from England it would have mattered comparatively little. Our adjutant-general, Colonel Thesiger, is a total ab stainer. Of course his theory is that men are much better without spirits, and the present will be a great opportunity for testing the effects of a Maine Law. I believe, however, that officers and men would give up their rum and their sugar without a murmur were tea but allowed them ; but I am sure that bad water alone will lay up half the troops." The Cork Katiaince says that the example which Limerick has set, in protesting against the continuance of the Established Church, is about to be followed by Cork. " Arrangements are in progress," it adds, " for holding a great aggregate Meeting, which shall help to repel the slander, already so well answered by our neighbours of the north-west, that the Catholics are contented to wear a badge of inferiority. In a very short time we hope to afford our readers fall particulars onthis important subject. In the . meautime it is considered expedient that an emphatic expreSsion of Catholic opinion regarding the Establishment should be.recordee a.s soon as possible, and with that view petitions will be laid for signature in the various churches in the diocese." ESTABLISHED CHURCHES. None are more opposed than Catholics to the disestablishment of National Churches, to the confiscation of property set aside for religious uses, and to the severance of religion, as em bodied in a State Church, from the State. Catholics have no sympathy with the irreligious principle of modern society, which aims at making religion a matter of private concern, and excludes the Church from taking part in the public life of nations. The intimate and cordial union of Church and State is a Catho lic principle. Even in non-Catholic nations the public recognition by the State of a reli gion is, according to Catholic views, a condi tion of things infinitely superior to the irreli gious theories of modern Libeyalism regarding the relations of religion and politics. Hence it is out of no sympathy with the " Libera tion Society," or with revolutionary Liberalism that Catholics demand the disestablishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland. This demand is in nowise opposed to Catholic prin ciples ; if it were we should not find it insisted upon by the Catholic episcopate of Ireland. But, putting the weight of authority aside, it is superabundantly evident that the disestab lishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland is not opposed to Catholic principles. The Protestant Church is not - the National Church, but an alien Church, forced upon an unwilling people. Its existence as an Estab lished Church is a violation of justice, and of the rights of the national conscience. Although Catholics uphold the principle of Established Churches they only do so because they believe the public recognition of religion is pleasing to God, beneficial to the people, useful to the Church, and a duty on the part of the State. But in the case of the Established Church in Ireland none of these conditions are fulfilled; on the contrary, they are, every one of them, violated. Such an act of injustice as the sub stitution of an alien Church fot the Church of the people—not to say of a false religion in the place of the true—cannot be an act pleasing to the God of Justice and Truth. Instead of being beneficial to the people the establish ment of Protestantism in Catholic Ireland is the fruitful source of disaffection and discon tent. It is an insult offered in the name of religion. It is a badge of conquest flaunted in every parish before the eyes of a sensitive and high-spirited people. In what its utility to the nation consists the best friends of the Establishment would find it difficult to specify. Since it offends the conscience of the nation its disestablishment would promote religion, and, consequently, it is the bounden duty of the State, in its own interests, and on behalf of justice and religion, to separate itself from such an institution. Catholics, therefore, on their own principles are bound to insist on the disestablishment by the State of the Protestant Church in Ireland. On the other hand it may be argued that the State on Catholic principles is bound to endow and establish the Catholic Church as the National Church of Ireland, and that the Church is under the correlative obligation of accepting such a public recognition at the hands of the State. We would readily agree to the proposition, provided under the actual circumstances of Ireland such establishment or endowment of the Catholic Church would be for the benefit of religion. If, however, such relations with the State—owing to abnormal circumstances—would not promote the salva tion of souls, then the general principle of the Church's acting in co-operation with the State must be relinquished. But who are the ap pointed judges of what is good for religion, under the actual state of things in Ireland, if not the Irish Episcopate ? The endowment of the Church is one of those matters which espe cially fall under their jurisdiction.. They are entitled to pronounce their judgment, and it is the duty of Catholics to accept and act upon their decision without afterthought or reserve. The Irish bishops have unanimously declared that they would not a ccept any endowment of the Catholic Church at the hands of the State. They will not touch any part of the revenues of the Establishment. After such a decision it is plainly the duty of Catholics to give no countenance to any scheme which the State may propose by way pf endowing the Catholic Church. What the bishops and the Catholics of Ireland demand, in the interests of religion and in the name of justice, is the disestab lishment of Protestantism in Catholic Ireland, and the non-endowment by the State of the Catholic Church. We have endeavourpd to show that Catholics in so acting do not in the least contravene their own principles, nor countenance in the slightest the irreligious Liberalism which is everywhere opposed, under every conceivable circumstance, to the public endowment of reli gion and to the principle of State Churches. Catholics, on the other hand, maintain that the endowment of religion is a public duty, and that the union of a National Church with the State is the normal condition of things. But Ireland, according to the unanimous judgment of the Irish bishops, is an exception to the general rule. Therefore, without the least sacrifice of principle, we have the right to demand the disestablishment of Protestantism in Ireland, the recognition of the Catholic religion, and the non-endowment of the Catho lic Church.—Westminster Gazette. THE EAST KENT ELECTION. Mr. E. Welby Pugin has addressed the following letter to the chairman of Major Pem berton's committee : is with much regret that I find myself compelled to decline the honour of forming one of your committee ; but after the statements made by your candidate on the Irish question, I have no alternative but to do so. Major Pemberton tells us, in his address to the electors, ".that Fenianism is exceptional and of foreign growth, and that its existence is no suffi cient reason for the absolute overthrow of the Irish Church, or for immediate action upon ques tions which have been suffered to slumber by former Governments." Your candidate has evidently learnt to appre ciate how soon one precedent creates another, and that what yesterday was theory, to-day is dogma. We, however, have yet to learn how example can justify dangerous procrastination. It is true that this has been the course adopted by both the Whig and Tory party, and it has invariably been the policy of those in power; but it is equally true that the time has now come to put an end once and for ever to an anomaly, which is equally a gross in justice to the Irish, a scandal in the eyes of the world, and a disgrace—not to say the chief cause of weakness—to our country. Major• Pemberton knows full well that subter fuge regarding the Irish Church is not only a tower of strength to' him—among many of the landed gentry and agricultural classes-but is also the sharpest instrument of discomfort to his adver• caries. Subterfuge, however, cannot save that which is doomed, and I would urge •upon my fellow electors that we should not lose the opportunity of earning our share of credit by doing our utmost to have accorded to others a fair portion of the liberty which we ourselves enjoy. It is folly to expect equal loyalty where justice is unequally administered. It is still greater folly to talk of Fenianism as " exceptionsl and of foreign growth." It may be that discontent in the form of Fenianism is so; but this does not explain away the fact that five millions of people are discon tented to 'the heart's core. I do not pretend to say that there is any possi bility of satisfying the demands of those misguided men, the leaders of the Fenian movement ; but I do say that it would be not only possible, but easy, by a very moderate measure of justice, to make the mass of the population of Ireland so loyal that the success of any anti-social movement would be morally impossible. How can we look to find loyalty in a country where a vast proportion of the inhabitants- are in a state little better than serfdom ? How can we THE SUN, LONDON, 'TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 31, 186 S expect a people to be satisfied where the majority are not only governed, but crushed by the minority? Much may be endured from an overwhelming majority, but one-sided justice can never be tole rated from a sectional minority. Men who have nothing to lose,may at least hope to gain by any change. The Established Church in Ireland is the main spring of discontent among the Irish. That such a Church could exist in their midst is a practical proof of their subjection, at the same time that it is an insult to their faith and a slur on their in dependence. It is not a question of one particular religion, but the religion of the majority—whatever that religion may be. Two of the nations of Great Britain have, by their example, shown that they consider the endeavour to impose on the many the religion of the few to be a righteous cause of re bellion. When it was attempted to establish the English Church in Scotland, the people rose en masse, bound themselves together by solemn covenants, and suc cessfully resisted the Government. In England, a Catholic monarch was driven from the throne only because he was suspected of a wish to impose his own faith upon his Protestant subjects. Who is there, then, unjust or illiberal enough to say that Ireland should not have conceded to her what England and Scotland have claimed and won? Actuated by these considerations, I shall feel it my duty to oppose Major Pemberton's election ; and I trust that the Ramsgate people, one and all, will record their votes in favour of the Liberal candidate. —I am, sir, your obedient servant, E. WELBY PUGIN. The Grange, Ramsgate, March 23, 1868. THE LATE CANON O'NEAL. The late James O'Neal, Vicar-General of the Diocese of Westminster, was born in the county of Roscommon, Diocese of Elphin, Ireland, in the year 1794. At a very early age- he resolved to embrace the ecclesiastical state; this idea was, however, subsequently laid aside, and, like. a great many other enterprising young Irishmen, he came to London for the purpose of pushing his way in life. Becoming tired of the world, or, rather, adhering to his true .vocation, he, at the advanced age of twenty-seven, with the view of preparing him self for the priesthood, entered St. Edmund's College, Old Hall, where he was admitted to Holy Orders in his thirty-ninth year. Im mediately after his ordination, he became chap lain to the late Lord Petre ; he was next ap pointed missionary priest in Spanish-place ; from this he was removed to Chelsea; after wards he became assistant with the late Father Butler in Bermondsey, where he remained two years ; thence he was finally instructed to take charge of the mission in St. John's Wood, where he died on Sunday, the 15th of March, 1868. In the Church of Our Lady, St. John's Wood, which he founded, he was the chief pastor for the last six-and-thirty years. Dur ing all that time no movement was set on foot in London having for its object the promotion of Catholicity in which he did not take a pro minent part. Regular and systematic in the discharge of his duties, with consummate justice and judgment, skill and tact in the administration of Catholic affairs, he never engaged in any work in which he did not succeed, and the numerous schools and religious houses which sprung up under his auspices are living monuments of his zeal, piety, and industry. The convent schools, in Blandford square, the Richmond schools, which were built from his own design, the Convent of Good Shepherds, which was in a sad state when he took it in hand, is now in a flourishing condi tion owing to his exertions ; the institutions about Brook-green and North Hyde, and the Catholic cemetery, at Kensal-green, prove how energetically he must have toiled in the cause of religion and of education. He was also a very prominent member of the Poor School Committee, which was formed for the purpose of resisting the Government in its attempts to possess itself of the management and direc tion of the education of Catholic children ; no one fought harder than Canon O'Neal, and in this, as in every thing else, he succeeded, for the terms he and his fellow-labourers insisted on, though long and obstinately denied, were ultimately conceded. When the hierarchy was established in England, he was appointed a Canon of Westminster, and, being a special favourite with the priests of London, at their request he was made Vicar-General of the diocese. Upon the death of Cardinal Wiseman, he was elected Vicar-Capitular by the chapter, and continued to discharge the duties of that office until the elevation of Dr. Manning to the archiepiscopal throne of Westminster.. The life of this good priest, this useful member of society, this faithful and patriotic Irishman, requires no comment or eulogy ; all who had the happiness of knowing him, whether Catholic or Protestant, loved and respected him, and now that he is gone, recognise what he has done, and regret him. Though his death was rather sudden, it was not unexpected, as he had been sinking for some time past. He received the last rites of the Church from his Grace the Archbishop of Westminster on Sunday, the 15th instant, and on the following morning, whilst seated in an arm-chair, he quietly re signed his spirit into the hands of his Creator. On the following Friday his Grace the Arch bishop, with Bishops Morris and Grant, ,and nearly one hundred priests of the dioceses of Westminster and Southwark, assisted ah a requiem for the repose of his soul. At the conclusion of the High Mass his Grace the Archbishop delivered a brief address, during the course of which he pointed out the amiable qualities of the deceased, while the parishioners who crowded the chapel were very deeply and sensibly moved. His grace said :—He whom they had come to bear to the grave to-day had broken to them the Bread of Life for the last six and thirty years. As long as he (his grace) knew him, he had never heard any one com plain of him ; but, on the contrary, all were in his favour. He passed away his life walk ing in the midst of men unnoticed—in the meekneSs Of wisdom not of this world—in the fullness of simplicity and charity ; they (his flock) who had known him so long, who had experienced his generous virtues, could tell what he was. In all his illness he never ab sented himself from his duties ; no one was more punctual and regular—no one-was more unrelaxing in industry—no one had greater fortitude in bearing, up against the monotony: of the arduous duties of his avocation. His heart was the very foundation of tender ness. We have never known one so compas sionate, so benevolent, so merciful. How many widows and orphans and persons in distress has he not relieved ? Many of them have lost a father, We a brother and friend ; in fact, he was our right hand—a light left us when he departed from us. We know no one to take his place. Long may the memory of his example inspire us to the same holy life. Instead of being surprised at the approach of death, he appeared to rejoice. We had the happiness of .performing a duty which we can never forget —that of ministering to him the last sacra ments of the Church. They who had so long been the recipients of his kindness and his ad vice would pray for him, for prayers for holy souls are powerful with God. After the Re quiem, the funeral cortege, which was com posed of several mourning coaches and private carriages, wound its way to Kensal Green Catholic cemetery, where the remains of the lamented deceased were deposited. Repiescat in yace.—Westminster Gazette. [ADVERTISEMENT.] - Holloway's Ointment and Pills.— Few ailments are more disheartening and none more omi nous than ulcerations on the surface of the body. Where ever they are situated it is difficult to cure them unless treated judiciously with some cooling, healing, invigorat ing application like ' this never-failing Ointment. It has worked wonders in making bad logs sound and strong, even when the power of the blood vessels had nearly been destroyed and almost entire stagnation of the circulation had rendered every other curative means abortive. No sore, wound, or ulcer can withstand its healing influence, which can Le most beneficially exerted When Winter is giving place to Spring; and the circulation becoming more active and more readily controllable by proper purifying Soothing, and strengthening agents. PROGRESS OF IMPEACIDIENT. On Friday, the 6th March, the Chief Justice took the chair of the presiding officer in the Senate at one o'clock, and called the Senate to order—the journal of the procee ling on the trial of Andrew Johnson being read by the Secretary, Mr. Forney. The Chief Justice then reminded the Court that at its adjournment last evening it had under consider ation the motion of Mr. Johnson, that the case of the Senator from Ohio be postponed until the other Senators are sworn in ; when a long debate ensued, interrupted by dilatory motions, points of order, and other Parliamentary tactics, which ended in the withdrawal of Mr. Hendricks' objection, on which Mr. Wade came forward and took the oath. The Chief Justice then rose and said—" All the Senators having taken the oath required by the Constitution, the Senate is now organized for the purpose of pro ceeding to the trial of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. The Sergeant-at-Arms will make proclamation." After the proclamation, Mr. Howard moved " That the Secretary be directed to inform the managers of Impeachment that the Senate being organized is ready to receive them ; and the Chief Justice inter rupting said that, before submitting the motion, he considered it his duty to present to the considera tion of the Senate the rules which had been adopted to regulate the trial. In the opinion of the Chief Justice the Senate, as now sitting, is a distinct body from the Senate when sitting for the consideration of legislative business. The members are under a different oath. Its presiding officer is not the President pro tem, but the Chief Justice of the United States. Under these circumstances, the Chair is of opinion that the rules adopted by the Senate in legislative session for the conduct of this trial must, to be binding on this Court, be adopted by the Court. But be desired to submit this question to the supe rior wisdom of the Court for their discretion. The question that the Chair now puts is, Shall the con duct of the trial be considered as the rules of the Court? The question was decided in the affirma tive without debate, and the Chair then declared that the rules adopted by the Senate in March would be the regulation of this Court. Mr. Howard's motion to notify the House managers was then adopted. At 2.45 p.m. the managers of impeach ment, on the part of the House of Representatives, with the exception of Mr. Stevens, were announced. The Chief Justice—" The managers of impeachment will please come forward and take the seats pro vided for them within the bar." The managers then came forward and took their seats. Mr. Bingham, chairman of the managers, then said—" We are in structed by the House of Representatives as its managers, to demand that the Senate take process against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, that he may answer at the bar of the Senate the Articles of Impeachment heretofore presented at the bar of the Senate by the managers on the part of the House of Representatives." Mr. Howard then offered an order that a summons be issued, according to the rules of proce dure and mode of trial in cases of Impeachment, against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, returnable on Friday, March 13th instant, at the hour of one o'clock in the afternoon, which was adopted. The Chief Justice—The summons will be issued. On the motion of Mr. Howard, the Senate sitting as a Court then adjourned until Friday next. Ou the same day in the House of Representa tives, at three o'clock, the managers of the Impeach ment trial appeared at the bar, and Mr. Bingham, on behalf of the managers, announced that in the matter of the Impeachment of the President of the United States the Senate had organized itself into a High Court of Impeachment, and the managers had, in the name of the House of Representatives and of- all the people of the United States, de manded that process be issued against Andrew Johnson, to require his appearance to answer, and the Senate had informed the managers that process would be issued at once, returnable on. the 13th of March, at 1 o'clock p.m. The report of the mana gers was ordered to be spread upon the journal. On Tuesday, the 10th inst., in the Senate, Mr. Howard, from the Select Committee on Impeach ment., reported a substitute for the ceder presented by Mr. Anthony, relative to the admission of spec tators during the Impeachment trial. The substi tute provides that during the trial of the Impeach meet of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, no other person than those entitled to the privileg cs of the floor and clerks of standing com mittees of the Senate shall be admitted thereto ; that 1,000 tickets to the galleries shall be issued daily, under the direction of the Sergeant-at-Arms ; that the diplomatic gallery shall be reserved for the dip lomatic corps, and 40 tickets to that gallery shall be issued to the members of the foreign legations ; 4 tickets to be issued to each Senator, 4 to the Chief Justice and the Speaker of the House of Represen tatives, 2 to each member of House of Representa tives, 2 to each Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, 2 to each Judge of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, 2 to each Judge of the Court of Claims, 2 to each Cabinet officer, 2 to the General commandieg the army, 1 each to the Mayors of Washington and Georgetown, 1 to the Smithsonian Institute, 1 each to the Commissary-General, the Quartermaster-General, the Surgeon-General, and the Paymaster-General, 1 to each of the admirals of the navy, 1 to each minister of a church i❑ the District of Columbia, 6 to the President of the United States, and 60 to the reporters of the press, and the residue shall be distributed among the members of the Senate in proportion to the repre sentation of their States in the House of Represen tatives. Mr. Cole thought that some portion of the galleries should be thrown open to the public. Mr. Willey doubted the propriety of any such arrange ment. Mr. Fessenden hoped the report of the com mittee would be adopted. Mr. Anthony was in formed that the capacity of the galleries was but 900, and therefore moved to reduce the number of tickets from 1,000 to 900. Mr. Grimes thought the means proposed by the committee would.be en tirely inadequate to the occasion, and that no better system of confusion could be adopted, no better method of annoyance devised. Mr. Johnson said the committee had, after great consideration, com e to the conclusion that it was absolutely necessary to issue tickets to preserve order in the galleries. lie had before this witnessed scenes in the galleries which were disgraceful, and on the occasion of the approaching momentous trial he wished the Senate to be preserved from any such danger. Finally, Mr. Anthony's amendment was thrown out, and that of Mr. Fessenden adopted, to amend by strik ing out the issue of tickets to the following :—To the Mayors of Washington and Georgetown, the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute, to each member of a church in the District of Columbia, to the admirals of the navy, and to the heads of the bureaus in the War Department. Long before Friday, the 13th March, every place in the Senate Chamber of the Capitol had been allotted. Admission was by tickets, each Senator dis posing of a limited number, and each house occupied by a Senator being surrounded by eager applicants. On the 24th February, when Impeachment was de bated and excitement at its highest, the day opened with a severe snow storm ; now it was dull and drizzling, with mud and gloom. Outside the Capitol the crowds, notwithstanding the weather, was dense, and inside every seat in the Chamber of the Senate was filled. The doors opened at 11 o'clock, when the ticketholders rushed in from every lair where they had crouched, each with his yellow placard bear ing the inscription, " United States Senate—lm peachment of the President. Admit the bearer. March 13, 1868. George T. Brown, Sergeant -at- Arms." In half an hour the galleries were filled, women predominating, elaborately dressed, with opera glasses in hand, giving to this Great State Trial the gay appearance of a theatre. Among the diplo matists present were—Francis Clare Ford (of the ' British Legation), M. de Berthemy (the French Minister), Baron Gerolt (the Prussian Minister), M. Cerruti (the Italian Minister), M. Rougabe (the Greek Minister), Blacque Bey (the Turkish Min ister). Not a negro gained admittance, and it was noticed as a singular fact and telegraphed to dif ferent parts of the country that this Republican Legislature, engaged in overthrowing the pseudo Moses of the race, and substituting itself as that deliverer, had not invited a single member of these lost tribes to witness the meat climax of the con test. After the usual prayer, the Chief Justice in his robes of State entered and assumed the chair Mr. Wade vacated. After Proclamation, and the House being informed of the opening of the Court, the managers appeared. In answer to the cry of the Sergeant-at-Arms—" Andrew Johnson, Pre sident of the United States, appear and answer to the Articles of Impeachment against you," two of the Presideut'sprivate Secretaries, and Messrs. Stan: berry, Curtis, and Nelson, his counsel, replied to the summons, the reply being read and entered. In it the President named Judge Black and William M. Evarts as additional counsel. Mr. Stanberry, on behalf of the President, demanded 40 days in which to prepare the defence, but Mr. Biugham, Chair man of the Managers, urged the immediate opening of the trial, under a rule to proceed at once adopted by the Senate, when in default of an answer by the President the plea Not Guilty was to be entered. Au earnest discussion ensued, in which Mr. Stanberry spoke of the " railroad speed" at which the Mana gers desired to drive tide State Trial; and 8311 Butler retorted that this age of railroads and tale graphs demanded railroad speed. Senator George F. Edmonds, of Vermont, Republican, moved that the President be given 19 days, that is till the Ist of April, to prepare. The Senate withdrew to an adjoining apartment, where they remained in de liberation on the motion for two hours. Oa their return the Chief Justice announced that the Presi dent would be allowed to the 23d March—that is, ten days—to file his answer, and proceed with his defence. Mr. Bingham then moved that the trial should proceed forthwith on the President filing his answer,—a motion :which was put to the vote and defeated by 25 to 25 ; Mr. Wade refrained from voting on that day. The proceedings were conducted throughout with great decorum, and the Court maintained a grave and becoming dignity. More than a thousand ticket holders had assembled in the gallery, the most dis tinguished from all parts of the United States. No important changes will be made in the Senate Chamber for the impeachment trial. The Senators will occupy their seats as usual. The reporters' gallery is to be enlarged so as to accommodate 30 more correspondents. A number of distinguished journalists have signified their intention to be pre sent during the trial. Mr. Bingham is sanguine in regard to the duration of the trial, for in a single week the managers will present their case, and they are confident that the month of April will see its close. THE WAR IN PARAGUAY AND THE FOREIGN OFFICE. The mail from the Brazils and the River Plate, via Bordeaux, has arrived, and we have only to re peat to-day what her Majesty's Minister, Mr. Mathew, wrote in December, 1866, to the Foreign office, viz., " It will surprise your lordship to receive from me what appears to be the usual monthly bulletin, No news from the scat of war.' " This, with very little change to the advantage of the Allies, the Buenos Ayres Legation could have written up to date with truth, but it seems that the representative of her Majesty's Government was not satisfied, and wanted more explicit news as to what was going on at the seat of war. To effect that the Secretary of Legation at Buenos Ayres was sent. to Paraguay, the alleged purpose being to free some English subjects held in Para guay against their will. The papers just laid before Parliament " respecting hostilities in the River Plate " are certainly curious documents. It can scarcely be believed how hardly our Foreign-office is served, how the feelings of our representatives are biased, their views and ideas obscured, when they ought to be only just and correct, and what erroneous statements are made for the public to swallow. Sune specimens of this we had last year, when Mr. Watson wrote to Mr. Mathew from Corrientes a statement of what he had heard and seen, when he made President Lopez an " eleve externe" " of the Ecole Polytechnique of Paris, and who was subsequently present with the French army in the Crimea"—that Lopez and Paraguay had to give in, and were all but exhausted, and the war would soon he at an end, aed the Allies at Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay. hew these prophesies have been realized all know. Lopez and Paraguay are as strong as ever, and if any one shows signs of exhaustion it is the Allies and their treasuries. This year's papers in relation to the hostilities in the River Plate are written in the same strain, besides containing a mass of misrepre sentations. It appears that a Doctor Fox had written to Lord Stanley to help his son, a surgeon in the Paraguayan service, to leave Paraguay, and Lord Stanley wrote to Buenos Ayres to Mr. Mathew to take the necessary steps to release Dr. Fox and other British subjects desiring to leave Paraguay. Mr. Gould, Secietary of Legation, went to Para guay in her Majesty's gunboat Doterel to obtain the release of his countrymen, but did not succeed, as Marshal Lopez stated that nearly all the English in Paraguay were under contract with the Govern ment, mostly as engineers, well treated and well paid, and had no wish to leave. But Mr. Gould insisted that his countrymen wished to depart, though he had no proof of this, as the parties most interested, the English engineers and surgeons, never had ap plied for leave. Nor does it appear that Mr. Gould had an opportunity of speaking to them. Six Eng lishmen only were in the camp of the 100 said to be in Paraguay. Mr. Gould said he was afraid to compromise these men, and the English themselves feared to mention their grievance, dreading the resident's irritable temper. It hardly can be believed that out of so many Englishmen not one should have pluck enough to come forward openly to state his wish to leave the country. But even if it were so, if their contract time had expired, under the circumstances it would have greatly endangered the position of Marshal Lopez to have sent into his enemies' camp men who were well acquainted with all his resources, positions, and movements. Most of the English in Paraguay have been engaged as military engineers and surveyors, and of course knew what they were about ; and no complaint should have been trumped up at this time to em barrass Marshal Lopez and his brave people, who now for nearly three years had fought so cour ageously against such tremendous odds, reinforced from Europe as well as from their own country, and during which Paraguay was entirely thrown on her own resources, shut out from the rest of the world. Mr. Gould wishes it to appear that Lopez was acting wrongly against his English employers. We wonder what the Buenos Ayres Legation has done, in so many cases brought to her notice of English sailors having been induced to desert their ships, and under false pretences have been taken to the army ? Mr. Mathew, under date of the 27th of November, 1866, wrote to Lord Stanley :—" I am assured that a very considerable number of British subjects so kidnapped are now in the Ar gentine army on the frontier of Paraguay." Pre sident Lopez complained to Mr. Gould, and, we believe very rightly, that England had helped his enemies, the Allies, contrary to the laws of neutrality, with money, arms, and ships, and that thousands of Englishmen were engaged in their army and if his dnavy. Mr. Gould had the courage to deny this, saying Government knew this they would hinder it. But we all have seen or read in the public papers what was said about the trial trips on the Thames of steamers for the Brazilian navy, armed and equipped in this port. The last loan was for war purposes. Though all this was notorious, Mr. Gould, it appears, did not know it ; but he tells us of what iu reality he does not know. lie says, i n his really wonderful despatch to Mr. Mathew, dated from the Paraguayan head-quarters at Patu Pucci, Sept. 10th, 1867 :—" The whole country is ruined, and all but depopulated. The cattle on most of the estates has entirely disappeared. The slaves, of whom there were 40,000 to 50,000, have been emancipated, the males sent to the army, the females -to work for the Government. The women have been obliged to part with all their jewels and gold ornaments, though this extreme measure has been called a patriotic offering on their part ! The saga cious secretary found out this in the few days he was at headquarters, in a country of which " no re liable information has been received since the ediu mencement of this protracted war," to . quote hi ; own words from the same despatch. But the in formation he gave to his Government we are called to rely upon. Now, whom are we to believe—the diplomat or the sailor ? The commander of her Majesty's gunboat Doterel, which took Mr. Gould to Curupaity, writes to his chief, Rear-Admiral Ramsey, September 30, 1867 : " The troops appeared in good health and spirits, and are an extraordinarily fine race of men. They do not suffer half the hardships reported. Large quantities of cattle and sheep were in the camp." The 40,000 or 50,000 slaves Mr. Gould speaks of, certainly must be a mis print, and some zero has to be taken off. In the bal tniest days of slave trading there was not such a num ber of slaves in the River Plate, and certainly not in. Paraguay. In Paraguay there are no slaves ; they were emancipated by the first President of Paraguay, Carlos Antonio Lopez, as long ago as the year 1842, and in fact one of the first acts of his administration. As to the women having been forced to part with their jewels and gold ornaments, for what purpose? Lopez wants no money, lie can buy nothing, he has no market to go to like the Brazilians. The offering of the women in Paraguay of their jewels ou the altar of their country is entirely in keeping with their heroic character, and that of their fathers, brothers, and husbands ; but that offer was not accepted by the President, as it. was not needed. Why deny to a people what they have so strongly proved, their love and devotion to their country and their Government. Mr. Gould treats us also to the description of the Paraguayan army, which, according to him, only consists "of about 20,000 men, of which at most 12,000 are good troops, the rest boys from 12 to 14 years of age, old men, and cripples ;" and, furthermore, that " the men are worn out with exposure, fatigue, and privations," and that they are actually " droop ing down from inanition." Please look at this picture of the Paraguayan army and that painted by Commander Michell of the Doterel. Besides defending the two strong fortresses of llumaita and Curupaity, the Paraguayan army has also to defend a line of 15 miles of fortification, according to Mr. Gould, and all this with 12,000 men and 8,000 boys, and to keep in check the Allies 50,000 strong. Certainly Mr. Gould has paid, although unwillingly,' a great compliment to this Paraguayan army and its renowned chief. Up to this day's news the Paraguayans have not moved back one inch, but kept their ground successfully for over 18 months. Mr. Gould also furnishes a list of persons who died during the war, but does not say if they Mere the victims of disease or by the epidemics brought to Paraguay by the Allies or killed. But he wishes us to believe that the war was the reason of their untimely death. As to those living, we are told, they are well treated, but will leave, and the examples are Dr. Fox, Dr. Stewart, and Mr. Valpy. Dr. Stewart is married to a very wealthy Paraguayan lady, with considerable possessions in lauds, has a large family, is well paid, enjoys the confidence of President Lopez, and thus certainly has no reason to wish to leave. Dr. Fox, long before the war, threw up his engage ment, wanted to leave, but being of a very eccentric character, notwithstanding the en treaties of his countrymen in Paraguay and friends at home, for reasons of his own, did not leave Para guay, but took a new engagement or volunteered. Mr. Valpy, assistant civil railway engineer, made him felf so busy with to Powers that he was deco rated we believe, " Pour le merit." But Marshal Lopez allowed Mr. Gould to take away from Para guay three English widows and their children. They are now in England, and could give good evidence to the Government as to how their countrymen fare in Paraguay ; and if it should be found that they had been treated not according to the accepted usages and laws of nations, we are certain no one would be more willing to make good and re pair all damages than President Lopez. But Go vernment knows little of Paraguay and its great resources, and the actual causes of this war, or the springs that have moved this great bloody South American drama for the last five years ; although it is perfectly well known that Lopez is only fight ing for the free navigation of the River Plate and its great affluents, the Paraguay and Pa rana, for which the independence of Uruguay is a sine (pa non against the encroaching and absorbing policy of Brazil. Still our Foreign office has done nothing to help the good intentions of Paraguay to open to commerce one of the most fertile quarters of the globe, nor as yet offered its good offices to join the United States of America in a friendly mediation, which Paraguay was willing to accept. But all the Foreign-office has done is to inform Mr. Gould, Nov. 20, 1867, that his report has been read with great interest by her Majesty's Government. Madame Celeste, after her successful tour in the Australian colonies, will take her farewell of the London stage ere long, and which will be under the special patron age of his Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh. The gross receipt of the Paris bals masques this year show an increase of £2O a night on 1867 ; the money taken was £6,800. A Washington paper says that Ole Bull breathed "transcendent inspiration from his divine instrument." Nice name for a man's nose—" divine instrument." Madame Musard, the beautiful wife of the well known bandmaster and concert agent, gave last week at Paris the sum of twenty-four thousand pounds for a mag nificent suit of diamonds recently sold by a crowned bead —The Musical Standard. San Francisco writers complain of the barbarous fashion of leaving a theatre just before the fall of the cur tain, which bad habit prevails there to the same extent a$ in New York. [A D VERT'S ENT.]—Dyspepsia (Indigestion), Constipation, vo," bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, and complaints in. every stage, are only aggravated and accelerae u by thugs of every description, but perfectly curable by P 4 Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved Iby. thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless, sue s as—cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver coat plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore threl diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head an ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria, neural irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, he ( " 1- ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sicknes s ' even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking tits, bronchitis, scroftut tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach a u between between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few:—The Pope's hea lth restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" Rome, Ju l / 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially, since, abandoning all other remedies, he has confined hirnsn entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which u` consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a b ar-, prisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness ettnu., praise this excellent food too highly."—From the " Gazette u" Midi, July 25 Cure No. 46,270 Mr James Roberts, tin lbez merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased 11 1148 : . spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafu es jf Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. ~t , „ Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.,—No. 49,832. years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousnen asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, sickness an vomiting.—MariaJoly.' Important Caution.—Beware of the 11 103 ,: : unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, With ° _., authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attache(' , In tins at Is. ltd.; 1 lb., 2s 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d,; 5 lbs. 11 ;i: 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY Dir BARRY and Co., Na,. Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, ip co aal s : and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, an d 2 Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers and chemists. Births. JONES —On the 28th inst., at 7, Wimpole-street, Cavendisiv square, the Lady Elizabeth Inglis Jones, of a son. TKEVOR—On the 27th inst., at 65, Queen's-gardens, L a t a ; caster-gate, the wife of Oharlas C. Trevor, Esq. , °. daughter. r l e TWIST—On the 30th inst., at 38, E 110 l om g e ld- s t re et, Westbourne-terrace, the wife of George F. Twist, 1-;:' 111 of a son. Marriages. BROWNE—RivEas—On the 20th ult , at Lahore, C3Pl3,ili ~ , Swinton John Browne, of the ult., Field Punjab, to Grace, elder daughter of Ambrose Iti v s' 4 ' aq., late 11.E.1.C.5. • relit YETTS-31Ansu—On the3Oth inst., at St. Nicholas 01;1,00 Great Yarmouth, Henry M. Yetts, Esq , of Lays"„',' 3 1. Villas, Lansdowne-road, Croydon, Surrey,. to Bil.„'"J,. s ll, Marsh, sixth daughter of the late Samuel Chas. .A'3" Esq. Deaths. BOURNE—On the 29th inst., at 29, Brixton, Stephen Bourne, Esq formerly rec46".31. Berbice, aged 77. ; s tilt near 17_1. lIALE—On the 28th inst., at Claverton Rectory', the Rev. Wm. Hale, M.A., rector of Cla,verton , 3 g t3d ia ce, JENNINGS—On the 27th inst. at 3 QueensberrY-1' South Kensington, the wife of Louis J. Jenning s ' of a daughter. 0 0 ° 1( ' SWORD —On the 29th inst. at at 36, Eldon-street, LAr-e Scotland, Archibald Sword, merchant. f g3l - nortl,l,l SLADE —On the 29th inst., at Felix Slade, Es+ , t °,.o 8- ' steads, Yorkshire, and Walcot-place, Lainbetl, ..g„ry WALTEus —On the 29th just at South ..1 ,- ,rorivn °( : l 'oo l- Ann, widow of the late Janes Walters, a c"' • street, aged 74. , London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM: AN •- ELEV(Sat of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tau Bug 0 31°4 ' 00 0W - Strand, in the Precinct of the Se m, in al° Middlesex.—Tuesday, March 01, 180. --~-~''