The Sun. — London, England, 1868-07-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, The Times is anxious to know what has been the cause of the singular decline in revenue during the past twelve months. The deficient harvest of last autumn must be credited with part of the failure. The falling-off in the excise duties may be directly referred to this cause ; nor do its effects stay there. When bread is dear the con sumption of duty-paying commodities is at once restricted, for bread, even at its dearest, is the cheapest means of sus taining life, and must be got though other things are stinted. It can be easily understood why the duties on tea and sugar, and the luxuries which are all but necessaries, should fall off upon the occurrence of a bad harvest. The explanation o the decline in stamps and assessed taxes is not so clear ; though, with respect to the latter, it may be said that as the taxes paid in a year are apportioned in respect of the articles used in the preceding year, the exchequer only now shews the effect of the crisis of 1866. But it is with ropect to the future that the revenue returns of the past quarter excite the gravest reflections. If the Ministry cannot be blamed for the failing returns of the past quarter, it must be distinctly charged with the responsi bility of the present situation. The year now current has been recognised as a year of deficiency. For the first time since the Crimean war a Chancellor of the Exchequer has had to submit to the House of Commons a budget which showed an excess of expenditure above receipts, and proposed to provide the balance by borrowing a million upon the security of the arrears of the income tax to be received in the next financial- twelvemonth. Will the proposed loan, in itself a grave expedient, be sufficient to meet the exigencies of the current year? It is impos sible not to see that the answer is very doubtful. If the coming harvest be one of abundant returns, the revenue which may be expected will, with the million to be raised on exchequer bonds, be enough to supply our wants ; if it be of average yield, a deficiency above that contemplated in April is probable ; if it be, again, a comparative failure, a further deficiency is certain. We are thus financially " steering too near the shore to shew our wit." The ex piring House of Commons has bequeathed to its successor a state of things which cannot be one of conspicuous prosperity, and may be one of great embarrassment. The Administration may urge that the fault of the past is not theirs, and undoubtedly the. necessity of the Abyssinian expedition cannot be charged on their heads, but they are responsible for the fact that, in the face of a stationary or, rather, declining revenue, every item of expenditure has been increased. The Telegraph, on the same subject, notes that customs have fallen off £46,000 on the quarter—a loss which is partly to be explained by a reduced consumption of spirits, but mainly, perhaps, by the circumstance that large quantities of tea were taken from bond in the earlier months of the year, and that the normal de. wand for home use was thus to a certain extent anticipated. We are confirmed in this belief by the fact that while the customs has diminished during the quarter, yet on the whole year it shews an increase of £73,000. Excise is the item which exhibits perhaps the most adverse result, there being a reduction both for the quarter and the year. In his budget speech, however, Mr. Hunt pointed out with perfect truth that in some degree a defective harvest in England caused an improvement in customs revenue, and thus partially made up for a loss in the excise, since sugar was more largely used for brewing purposes when barley was scarce and dear. Such was the case last year, and such, also, may be the case during next autumn and winter. But when we have made every allowance on this head, it must still, we do not doubt, have to be admitted that the yield from an impost which is so largely borne by the middle and the lower classes is less, because the means to purchase exciseable articles have been subject to inevit able contraction. The same remark may be applied to the post office and stamps items ; part of the decrease in the latter being, perhaps, the result of the reduction on marine insurance policies. There is nothing in these facts to inspire uneasiness; but there is much to shew how deep-seated and lasting have been the consequences of the crushing disasters which marked 1866, and how surely two deficient harvests in succession reduce the wealth of the nation. We must also bear in mind that an enhanced income tax, as it presses most severely on the great consuming middle classes, neces sarily limits their demands for articles of luxury. We need not go beyond these causes to explain the effect we now witness, and the temporary loss of that elasticity in our resources on which, in past years, we have had suck good reason to rely. The Post lays down that the organisation and adminis tration of the police of the country is unsatisfactory throughout, and it is not, as an institution, capable of satisfying the exigencies of the kingdom. Its constitution and government rest upon no distinct or defined basis, but, like many other of our institutions, upon a compro mise. It is influenced both by the principle of centralisa tion and by the principle of localisation, and yet is subject to the ascendancy of neither. Hence there is neither freedom of movement nor unity of action, and it is consequently in emergencies constantly falling short of the accomplishment of its functions, and col lapsing between the horns of a dilemma. The circum stances and events that marked the riots of various character which during the present year have taken place in the provinces, shew how very far our police force is from being equal to the management of any emergency or exceptional occurrence. The Post does not attribute this shortcoming so much to the men, or to those in imme• diate command of them, as to the gederal character which has been given to the force from a want of comprehension of the uses for which police is wanted. The uses are various, and even diverse ; yet the organisation is homo. geneous. The Standard, commenting on the Suez Canal, repudi ates the imputation that Englishmen do not take an interest in the undertaking. The fact that they have taken comparatively few shares in the Suez Canal Company is no evidence of anything else than a common, and, as we conceive, a very legitimate prudence. No arguments are required to convince them of the great advantages which would accrue to the world by the cutting of a navigable canal between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. No one nation in the world has so much interest in the matter as we have, and no one nation would benefit so much by M. de Lessep's success as we should. The object of the canal being, we presume, to shorten the road between Europe and the East, the people who at present have the greatest use for such a road would derive the most benefit by its improvement. That people are the English. The Suez Canal is with us no sentimental project. If such a work could be executed it would be of vital importance to us, both commercially and politically. It would connect us with some of the wealthiest and most important por tions of our empire. It would bring closer together the various scattered elements of our power. It would save us from the risk, the delay, and the cost of the long sea route to India and to Australia. We have every motive.. therefore, to think well of the Suez Canal. The Daily News points out that the first of July in Ireland is as celebrated as the fourth of July in the United States, though not so peacefully celebrated. It is a red letter day in the calendar. On the Ist of July, a hundred and seventy-eight years ago, the English and Dutch, under William 111., gained a victory on the banks of the Boyne over the French and Irish under James 11. ; and ever since the day has been sacred to tumult and civil strife. Already the factions are preparing for the combat. The Marquis of Abcrcorn, summoned in hot haste from Dublin to give his vote in the House of Lords in favour of ecclesiastical ascendancy, will probably return with speed not less to repress the wonted manifestations of that same spirit in Ireland. He is for maintaining the perpetual memorial of conquest, and he will ruthlessly put down the periodic commemorations of it. With one hand he pours oil on the smouldering flame, with the other he throws cold water upon it. In the exultation stimulated by the temporary triumph of their cause in the House of Lords, it is possible that the mani festations of Orange zeal will be more difficult of restraint than they have lately been. In the North the usual irritating challenges will be thrown out, and the defiance will be quickly accepted. The Government have at tempted repression, but they have made a culprit into a martyr, and they are evidently far more afraid of Mr. Johnson of Ballykilheg, than Mr. Johnson of Bally kilbeg is of.them. With the Ist of July the danger is not over. No sooner has it passed away than the Orangemen begin their preparations for the 12th, which is the anni versary of the battle of Aughritn ; and when the 12th is passed their eyes are turned to the 30th, the anniversary of the raising of the siege of Londonderry. During the whole of July, from its first day to its last, the Irish factions put on their war-paint and go through their war dances. It is a month of madness, with but few lucid intervals. While the Imperial Parliament keeps up the source of division by maintaining the unjust privileges of a small minority, there is no room for astonishment that its effects should continue to manifest themselves. MARVELLOUS ESCAPE. —One of the most 'nar y( lions escapes that we have heard of is reported from the village of Hook Norton. Whilst a man named Bray was repairing a deep well, the walling gave way, and he was buried und er a t l eas t t hi rty feet of eart h an d s t ones . Ihe pNiple set to work to recover, as they imagined, the dead body of the unfortunate man ; but after digging eight hours they were surprised and delighted to hear his voice entreating them to be as quick as they could, as he did not think he could stand it much longer. Six hours more elapsed before he was extricated, Lut he was got out at List, not much the worse for his fourteen hours' interment. It appears that he was protected by a large stone resting on a bar which had been thrown across to strengthen the masonry, and he was supplied with air from a wooden tube belonging. DlUPP3illich. Wits Ltd from the well THEODORE'S FAMILY. The doomed king had but a short time to arrange the affairs of his family. His domestic life had not been happy of late years, and its course may be described in a few words. When Theodorus was a young chief, with his power and influence increasing year by year, he received the hand of the fair Tzoubedje, the daughter of Ras AIL This was a marriage of love, and many of the good qualities attributed to the rising chief in Mr. Plowden's account—his mercy, his abstemiousness, his chastity—were due to the influence of his beloved wife. But they had no children, and she died. The loss to him was irremediable. He was free to contract a political alliance, and when he defeated Oubie, the great chief of Tigrd, he married his daughter, the proud Toronecb, by whom he had an only child, named Alumayahu, a boy now about 7 years of age. But the marriage proved most unhappy. She was prouder even than the fiery Theodoros, despising him as an upstart. It was impossible for two such firebrands to live together, and for some years she bad resided apart from him, with her little boy, in the King's house, at Magdala. Since their separation Theodoros had lived a disgracefully irregular life at Debra Tabor ; and his favourite concubine, a fat Yedju Galla woman, named Itamanyu, had been living for some time with the Queen at Magdala, and receiving almost daily letters from her absent lord. Tho time for oblivion had now arrived. It is certain that Theodoros and his wife Toronech passed some time together on that fatal Saturday afternoon. It is to be hoped that they were reconciled, and, as we shall see pre sently, he expressed a last wish which she afterwards re peated. Theodoros bad several illegitimate children, among whom was a son, named Mashesba, now about 20 years of age, who was with him on Salamgi.—Macmillan's Magazine for July. RAILWAY ACROSS THE SOLWAY FIRTH. The last two girders of the viaduct across the Solway Firth, which forms the chief engineering work on the Solway Junction Railway, has been laid by Mr. Brogden, of Ulverstone, the chairman of the directors, in the presence of the engineers and leading promoters of the undertaking. The work is a wonderful triumph of engi neering skill. The bridge is 1,940 yards in length, and, with its sea embankments at each end, forms a road across the sea nearly two miles in length. Some idea of the gigantic nature of the undertaking may be gathered from the fact that 1,800 tons of wrought iron and 2,900 tons of cast iron have been used in its construction. The bridge is formed upon iron piles screwed and driven into the subsoil. The foundations proved better than had been anticipated, and the work is one of great solidity. 1 his new railway bridge will form a new con necting link between England and Scotland, and will pro vide a short route for the rich iron ore of Cumberland in its transmission to Scotland. The chairman, in proposing success to the line at a luncheon held in celebration of the event on Saturday, said that the Scotch ironmasters were looking forward to the opening of the line with great interest. That might be well understood when it was remembered that a saving of one shilling per ton in the carriage of ore would amount to £lO,OOO in the year. That was no small sum to look forward to when they remembered the present depressed condition of the iron trade. He believed this was the largest viaduct that had ever been constructed in the kingdom, and they had to look forward but a short time to the completion of a work which was interesting both physically and commercially, and was calculated to confer great advantages upon Cum berland and Scotland. LAW AND POLICE. IMPORTANT TO TRAVELLERS.—In the Court of Queen's Bench, the case of Zung v. the South-Eastern Railway Company, which involved an important point of law, was decided. The facts for the consideration of the court were simply these. The plaintiff was a passenger by the South- Eastern Rail Way from Charing-cross to Paris, taking with him a portmanteau and a hat-box. His luggage was registered and labelled ; but on his arrival in Paris the portmanteau could not be found. The plaintiff complied with all the requirements of the company. The defence was that the company were not liable. They issued through tickets for the convenience of passengers only, and consequently their liability ceased when they handed the articles over to the Great Northern of France Railway at Calais. In this case the articles were proved to have been handed over to that company. The Lord Chief Justice intimated that as the case stood the sooner the public were made aware that the South-Eastern Railway's liability ceased before the conclusion of the journey the better. However, the case would have to be argued, and then everything that could be said upon the point would be urged. The company appeared to contract to carry passengers from London to Paris, and as much for their convenience as the travellers'. Mr. Field (for the com pany) said the company got no profit out of the transac tion after taking the passenger across the Channel. A verdict was then entered for the plaintiff for £93 14s. 6d., subject to the opinion of the court above on the point of law raised. BREACH or PROMISE.—In the Court Of Common Pleas an action was brought by Miss Low, the daughter of an ex-publican, and at the present time a barmaid, to recover damages fur a breach of promise of marriage against Mr. Buckland, a clothier. It seemed that the parties became acquainted in the early part of the year Plaintiff's couns e l, the defen -1867, and, according to the dant soon after promised her marriage. The plaintiff left Andover to attend her father during his last illness, and afterwards she resided with other members of her family ; and such were the terms upon which she and defendant were, that from April to August she received from the defendant no less than thirty-two letters. After hearing the learned counsel, it was agreed that the jury should award £lOO damages. £4OO Pon WRONGFUL DISMISSAL —In the Court of Exchequer the case of Russell v. the Berne Bay Fishery Company, which was an action for damages for wrongful dismissal, was decided. The plaintiff had been surveyor to Lloyd's Salvage Company, and subsequently was appointed manager to the defendants, and afterwards dismissed, as he alleged, without reasonable cause. After a consultation between the counsel on both sides it was agreed that the plaintiff should receive £4OO. THE CHARGE OF SWINDLING BY ADVERTISEMENTS._ At the Chichester Quarter Sessions, Ilenry Watkin was charged with obtaining, by false pretences, a large number of postage stamps. The prisoner lived at Bognor, and when his house was searched a large number of postage stamps, testimonials, both original and copies, and also 530 letters were, found. The prisoner had advertised as " B. C." in the Daly Telegraph anti Voy fa News, and it was computed that he must have received 2,060 letters. After hearing the statement from the p osecutor, the recorder ruled that there was no proof that the prisoner, either on his own or on someone else's behalf, could not have given the situation advertised. The jury consequently found a verdict of not guilty, but wanted to express an opinion that the prisoner was morally guilty, but the recorder advised them not to do so. The Archbishop of Canterbury preached on Sun day morning last to a crowded congregation, at St. Thomas's Church, Portman-square, in behalf of the funds of the Hospital for Consumption and Diseases of the Chest, Brompton. At the conclusion his grace referred to the strong claims on the public for support which the Bromp. ton Hospital possessed, and a very earnest appeal was made for liberal contributions, which it was suggested might be suitably given as a thank-offering for the blessing which bad been vouchsafed in the success which had attended the British arms in Abyssinia. II THE WEATHER AND THE CRUMB. —The accounts of the crops are satisfactory, except on the thin and poor soils. The wheats have now, with little exception, com pleted the blooming, and are looking strong, vigorous, and upstanding. For all other crops rain is now desirable, indeed, should the dry and hot weather continue for another week, considerable anxiety will begin to be felt for the results. No finer time could have been experienced for haymaking, and this crop has been got up in first-rate condition. The yield, however, is remarkably light. Indeed, should rain prevail in any quantity during the coming month, the probability is that the second crop will in bulk exceed the first. Roots, pastures, oats, barley ; beans, and peas all want rain, and the barometer is now daily watched with anxiety. From the hop districts the accounts continue to be satisfactory up to a certain point, though all our correspondents allude to the great advan- tage which " good and soaking showers " would confer.-- Sussex Advertiser. BILLTNGSGATE MARKET. —A proposal is now before the. Corporation of the City of London for the removal of this ancient market to some central part of the City, where it can be brought into dirnt communica- Lion with the various railroads by which fish are now regularly conveyed to the metropolis from some of the remotest parts of the hingdom, and in larger quantities than are now brought to the market by the Thames. The Matketi Committee of the Common Council have reported that the most eligible situation for a new fish market would be in connection with Farringdon-market or some spot adjoining, or near the new meat and poultry market at Smithfield. They state that all the railway companies and other parties engaged in the land carriage of fish are in favour of the removal of the market, but the salesmen and those engaged in carrying fish by water are of opinion that it should continue in its present situation. All parties, however, agree in thinking.the present area of the market wholly inadequate for the businesg carried ou ;Lam PROTES7 AN Mill ENGLAND'S WEAKNESS Although English Protestantism is looked upon by continental thinkers, indeed by all reasonable men who think at all, as a broad farce, Englishmen themselves, who live in the midst of it, and have been from their infancy brought up in its contradictions, still feel that it is a kind of religion which suits the charac ter of the people, and is most easily bent to the requirements of the State. To an Italian the idea of an apostle of Christianity with the encumbrance of a wife and half a score children—of a bishop of the Church going about with his " lady," and talking of " the truth as it is in Jesus," when he knows well enough that the whole affair,. according to his principles, is an open question—of a woman, the spiritual head of the English Church, in this illuminated nineteenth century, and in accomplished England, is too grotesque even to be pleasantly amusing. All he can do is to shrug his shoulders in that expressive way of which he has a monopoly, and exclaim—" Eh, be ! the volcte con'sti matt' Inglesi !" and then pass on to something which his faculties will ba able to understand. If any thinking Englishman, who loves his country, and does not want it to be an object of contempt to those who live outside the magic circle of its falla cies, would take the trouble to read an article on the Irish Church, in the last number of the Civilta Cattolica, he would there see drawn with great force of satire, and accurate know ledge of facts, the picture which his country presents to learned and conscientious foreigners. And, in point of fact, that contemptuous opinion which has been formed of English religion as a display of consistency and logic, is founded deeply in truth. The principle of Protestantism is essentially destructive of the human mind, if the human mind is a living spirit made to think according to certain laws, and live on the strength of certain conclusions. It is the buoyancy and vigour of his animal constitution—the muscular portion of his Christianity—that enables our countryman to vault over the broadest contradictions, and the most dangerous sophisms, without his head becoming in the slightest degree affected. But, though such performances may for a time be kept up, it is certain, from the nature of the human mind, that they will never satisfy everybody, and that the time will come when they will go out of fashion altogether. To talk against the Syllabus, to decry the conscienti ous supervision of the Church, to proclaim the rights of man to think, to speak, and to teach whatever comes into his head, this is the practice of an English schoolboy grown up into an Englishman. We do not deny for a moment that the principles of Liberalism have about them something which attracts the merely human side of the mind ; indeed, it is just because they are in keeping with its bent, and give a semblance of right and reason to its cravings, that they have made so much way in our generation. But what is pretty does not always pay, and seldom works well. The less popular principles of Catholicism, which, because they lift man higher than himself, are not so comfortable to his human side, when days of struggle or periods of difficulty , approach, are sure to manifest their superi ority. To sail down the stream with a fair wind requires very little seamanship, and not a very first-rate boat ; but to direct her course against tide, with a chopping sea, and a squall of wind, requires skill in the captain and soundness in the craft. As long as no diffi cult questions are touched, no immediate solu tions haveto be effected, Protestantism may for the time stand ; but, in the face of danger or contest, it reminds one of " That long-buried body of the King, Which, at a touch of light, an air of heaven, Shpt into ashes and wa,s found no more." It is our conviction that the " questions of the hour " are of such vital importance, and so fundamental, that their solution must give a violent shock to the Established Church of this country. Thinking men will begin to see more clearly than ever that Protestantism cannot educate priests or statesmen,—that the greatest leaders of thought partake of the inconsistencies of that religion in which they have been reared,—that placed in high position, gifted with marvellous talents, and clearness of intellectual vision, they become, from their position, only the m ore c o n spic uous ex p onen t s of the fatality in their own creed. Take, for instance, three of the most influential men— men overflowing with talent, each in his own way, representative men of this day, and mark the miserable intellectual position in which they are placed—witnessing to the world from high places the outcome of those principles which are the weakness of great men, the laughing-stock of the world, and the bewilder ment of the conscientious. There is Mr. Gladstone, a man of great in tegrity, of vast range of mind, of astonishing versatility, one whose forte is, looking to every side of a subject, and, as far as may be, down into its depths —one would have imagined that he, at least, on a cardinal point of religious and political thought, would have seen his way along the straight road of truth. But no. Protestantism—its uncertainties, its con tradictions, its deficit of solid, stable, lasting principle, has affected his powerful mind, and, like some poisonous drug, has weakened his intellectual vision. Now he is for the disesta blishment of the Church in Ireland. He be lieves in the Protestant Church. He is not, as we are, a believer that it is a counterfeit, and a propagator of deadly error. He believes it teaches saving truth. But, carried on with the stream and the flow of current Protestant ism in its rationalistic manifestation, he be comes spokesman in owe of its contradictions. It is " Separate the Church from the State " now. Some years ago he wrote—" A nation, then, having a personality, lies under the obli gation, like the individuals composin g its go verning body, of sa n ctifyi ng th e acts of that personality by the offices of religion, and thus we have a new and imperative ground for the existence of a State religion." If Mr. Disraeli is not a man of that serious conscientiousness which all ascribe to his rival, still he is acute, farseeing, subtle, and gifted with the power of appreciating the action of principles when applied to life. Though a Jew, he has been Protestantized. The same flow of contradictions attaches itself to his course. Surely, he should have been aware of the fundamental principles of State craft and religion ? But, just as one day Mr. Glad stone was violently for Church and State, and now is as violently against that principle in Ireland, so now Mr. Disraeli, who some years ago made that memorable speech which ex presses Mr. Gladstone's present views, is, with great ingenuity, upholding its contra dictory. "It is," he said, the other day, "in the alliance between Church and State—an alliance between equal and independent Powers, which entered into a solemn covenant for the national good—that one of the prin cipal causes may be recognized why we have enjoyed those two great blessings of freedom and order. I am at a loss to know how these duties can be fulfilled if the State be not in intimate relation with an order of men set apart, who, by their piety, their learn ing, and their social devotion, not only guide and control, but soften and assuage the aspe rities of conflicting creeds." Protestantism is the juggler, Disraeli and Gladstone are the balls, and the British public form the audience which, far from being struck with shame and sadness at the manner in which their minds have been tossed and shaken now to the right, now to the left, consider it simply as part of a play resulting from the genius of the con stitution of the 'House of Commons. But far more painful and more saddening is the spectacle of a venerable, learned, and pious man, whose name has been given to a party in the Church of England, endeavouring to swim upon the surface of the multitudinous contra dictions in which he threatens every moment to be engulphed. Perhaps there is no more telling specimen of ecclesiastical contradiction and tinlogic than Dr. Pasey. • With a mind SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL POWER. The Civilta Cattolica has a remarkable article on the relations of the spiritual and temporal powers. If the basis of society be shaken, it says,- in the present day, we owe it to the doctrine of the independence of the civil power ; a doctrine whose birth was contem poraneous with Protestantism, and which is even admitted by certain Catholics, who may be sincere indeed, but are very insufficiently informed. A temporal prince may be sove reign in a certain sense; but it by no means follows from thence that his sovereignty is not subordinate to an authority of a higher order, such as the spiritual power. Non est potestas nisi a Deo. Gallicans and Royalists pervert the sense of this text, and apply it to the independence of the civil power. Bat such an error is refuted by the words that follow : Quce autem sent, a Deo ordinatce sent; and which the Doctors of the Church and the greatest theologians have interpreted in the sense that there must be two powers, the civil and ecclesiastic ; that there must also be relations between these powers. But it would be absurd to suppose that the ecclesiastical power should be subservient to the civil, be cause that would be to reverse the natural order of things. Nothing remains, therefore, but the contrary rule ; which is, that the tem poral power be subservient to the spiritual; just as the body is to the soul. It is neces sary, therefore, that he who possesses even sovereign power to govern temporally should Ibe directed by the Roman Pontiff, who is placed by God at the head of the Church, and ap truth and of thepointedsupreme master and g uar dian o f j the immutable rules of jus tice. The opposite opinion, which emanci pates the civil power from dependence on the Church, was developed, the civata Cattolica says, in all its foree, by the famous Defence de la declaration du clerge Gallican ; an d thi s i s the reason why that work has always been considered worthy of reprobation by the best theologians, and, what is graver s till, by th e Sovereign Pontiff's. Then, addressing " liberal Catholics," the same journal assures them that " they will gain nothing by interpreting the decrees of the Holy See after their own ima ginations ; and exhorts them to " put a stop to heterodox laughter at such attempts," by adopting the Catholic doctrine without com mentary. It goes on then to declare, once more, that the Roman Pontiffs have pro nounced " all liberty of public worship, liberty of the press," to be " madness, poison, pesti lence ;" that " nothing of the kind could exist which was not in itself an immoderate, perni cious, and deadly thing." Whereas " liberal Catholics" imagine that such definitions relate only to a " degree of liberty which amounts really to license, folly, and ruin," and that the Popes have not condemned a liberty which is not unbridled, but sage , and therefore not only not off ens i ve, b u t advantageous." But, says the Civilta, Cattolica, " this other sort of liberty is a mere creation of the reason which only exists in the brain of liberal Catholics, and li ves on l y i n th e d es i re f or that imagi n a r y reconciliation between the Church and the w or ld w hi c h ex p oses th em t o ridicule." Senator Sprague is said to be pledged to support Grant and Colfax, and with this understanding be was be the gentle pressure brought h t o o is, ear, he Consideringltnr Aaintloaivr unanimously n n a s n a l y y mi w s E u h c o r h se_ s Stipulation. son-in-law lo re-elected by the Rhode Island Legislature. b h o ow is satrboonldg man Ba rg , s Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, refreshing sleep, f unc tional regularity, and energy to the most di sor d ere d or enfeebled, removing speedily and effectually indigestion (dy s p e p s ia), habitual constipation, diarrhoea, hcemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous, ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, erup Lions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, nal pitation, heartburn, h ea d ac h e, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, and sickn ess , sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, incipient consumption, sc ro f ula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stoma c h , between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few out of 63,000 cures: —Th e Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Fool—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1366.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban doning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely by Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of 'which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benefi cial effect on his h ea l t h , and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi." July' 25. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Joly, Wortham, Ling, near Dies, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies Importa,nt.Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached. In tins, at is. 1 1 ,d.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d ; 2 lbs., 4s 6d.; 5 lbs , I ls.; 12 lbs., 225 ; 24 bs , 40s —BARRY DU BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccta dilly and at 61, Gracechtu•ch-street ; 4, Cheapaida; 68, 150, and 931 9Viltrint ; 8 O; Strand; and all groan azi chemists. ESDAY EVENING, J ULY 1, 1868. stored with a vast amount of indigested learn ing, with a heart all tender and overflowing, with a meekness which saturates the ill constructed and muddy sentences, which convey the yearning of his imagination rather than the conclusions of right reason—with a large following, an ascetic habit, and a high position—he exhibits at once many most a miable qualities of the man, together with all the weaknesses and inconsequences of the religion into which he had the great misfortune to be born. He: must know well enough that Protestantism is religion, not as by Christ established, but as by Parliament established. He must be aware that the very principles on which he justifies himself in creating a sect in the midst of his own Church, are not to be confined in their application to himself alone. He must be aware that if he has liberty to judge of doctrine and discipline, and come to his own conclusions ; so have all others an equal right. The same claim he makes to interpret the Lord's Supper, Baptism and other essentials of religion according to his mind; that same claim other men must be allowed by him in coming to their conclusions. Still, h e complains with true Protestant inconsistency, and with his known goodness of heart that " every sacred truth is questioned, even to the being of the God who made us, or of our own eternal existence." Of course it is—and so it will be. And according to your principles so it must be. Again, "Better," he says, " disestablish, not the Irish only, but the English Church, better undergo the loss of all things temporal, than that a Minister shoild have power to treat our clergy as civil servants, and to threaten them with the loss, not of their temporalities (these would, I trust, be made up), but of their spiritual offices too, if they should do any act to disown one who has been lawfully deposed from his office of a bishop, and has been excommunicated as a heretical denier of G'od's truth, one of those grievous wolves of whom St. Paul spoke, who spare not the flock of Christ. As well be under Nero or Claudius at once. They could but banish or burn Christians for not denying Christ. This Minister has not denied that he threatened with loss of a spiritual office those who would recognise any other bishop than one who has denied Christ." Here the good ness, piety, moral rectitude of the man come out, and display all the more glaringly the in consistency of his position. What business has Dr. Pusey to call any man a heretic ? Is he infallibly directed in all saving truth ? Has he a greater certainty of what God's law is, according to his principles, than that Minister —that representative of the head of Dr. Pusey's Church, whom he speaks of with such severity? We might consistently compare a Government which trod on our spiritual leaders to that of Nero and Claudius ; we might even say that those pagan monsters were preferable. But Dr. Pusey is powerless. The very prin ciple on which he lives out of the Church, and contradicts her, gives his enemies a right to take a different view from his view, and contradict him. In a word, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Disraeli, and Dr. Pusey, the three most conspicuous men in England just at present— perhaps the most gifted, each in his own sphere —are far from being a strength to the reli gion of the land. They manifest its weakness. The growth of its follies, inconsistencies and fallacies in their large minds, assumes a pro portion which must make a deep impression on all thinking men, and lead them to the con clusion, if not, with foreigners, that English Protestantism is a farce, at all events that it is England's weakness.—Westminster Gazette. THE PRESIDENT'S LAST VETO. (Frcm the Anglo American 2 Imes.) When the mail left New York on the 13th inst. the people were speculating on the PRESIDENT'S action regarding the Bill admitting Arkansas to representa tion in Congress. It was generally thought that AN DREW JOHNSON would allow the ten days to lapse, so that the act might become law without any exer cise of his authority, his silence being a sufficient proof that he dissented, though he might not desire to waste time and to stir up bad feelings by a uselass opposition. But Impeachment must have wrought a strange change in ANDREW JOHNSON'S stubborn nature if he bated an inch of his power to thwart, and those who knew him best were prepared for the telegram from Washington, dated 'Time 20, announcing that the bill had been vetoed. Of course it was at once passed over the veto in the Repre sentatives by 110 votes against 31, and in the Senate on June 22 by the necessary majority. Therefore it is now law, and runs as follows : "Whereas, the people of Arkansas, in pursuance of en Act entitled "An Act for the more efficient government of the Rebel States, passed March 2, 18G7, and the Acts supplementary thereto, have framed and adopted a Con stitution of State Government which is Republican in form, and the Legislature of said State has duly ratified the amendment to the Constitution of the United States pro posed by the 39th Congress and known as Article 14 ; therefore—Bo it. enacted by the &nate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that the State of Arkansas is entitled and admitted to representation in Congress as one of the States of the Union upon the fol lowing fundamental condition ;—That the Constitution of Arkansas shall never be so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens in the United States of the right tc vote, who are entitled to vote by the Con stitution herein recognized, except as a punishment for such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall have been duly convicted under laws equally applicable to all the inhabitants of said State, provided that any alteration in said Constitution, prospective in its effect, may be made in regard to the time and place of residence of voters." We can only guess the reasons given by the PRE SIDENT for vetoing the first Bill presented to him after Impeachment. Doubtless he-will strongly deny the right of Congress to impose conditions of representation upon States other than those recognized by the Constitution, and this he will greatly enlarge upon. This merely opens up the old question, and back we go to the position of the rebellious States when the war ended in their sub jugation. It is a fearful defect in a ruler when he cannot discern the difference between words and things. The PRESIDENT has his policy : it has the misfortune of being impracticable; what its merits are may be an interesting question for the future historian, but useless for those who have to act at once to waste time in discussing. But ANDREW JOHNSON cannot see this; and that his consistency may be maintained, the old battle is renewed im mediately after the late desperate close. The veto in the Arkansas Bill will of course be followed by the veto of the " Omnibus Reconstruction Bill," which was passed on the 10th inst. in the Senate by 31 to 5, and is now before the PRESIDENT. The Act includes Alabama, although Senator TRUMBULL moved to strike that State out, the Constitution having failed for want of the required number of the registered votes for its ratification, but he was defeated by a majority of eight. The same condi tion is imposed on North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Florida, and Alabama, as on Arkansas, with the addition for Georgia, that the provision against enforcing contracts made before the year 1865 be struck out. It is also enacted that the PRESIDENT shall, within tea days after these States have complied with the terms of the measure, notify this to CongresS. It is doubtful if the Senate will pass the " Omnibus" Bill over the PRESIDENT'S veto in view of the fact that it includes a State which, according to the provisions of the Reconstruction Acts passed by Congress, failed to ratify the Constitution. The best evidence is also before the Chamber that public feeling in Alabama is averse to the Constitution. General MEADE arrived at Washington on the 10th June, and as Alabama is in his military district, he took upon himself to protest against forcing the Con stitution on the people. If the " Omnibus" Bill be passed over the PRESIDENT'S veto, a question of great interest will arise—What will be Mr. JoHN SON'S action in reference to the part expressly dele gated to him by the Act ? Will he report to Con gress, as directed? If so, he recognizes its legality, which, in all probability, his veto will strenuously deny ; if not, there will be another infringement of law, and, consequently, a case for Impeachment. Indeed, some assert that the dilemma has been carefully prepared for the PRESIDENT, and Congress is like the angry bull with head down and eyes glaring, threatening poor ANDY, who takes a singular delight , in flaunting a red rag before the enraged bitite. Mr. JOHNSON has dex terously escaped the effects of the last charge, and in the " Omnibus" Bill it may be that the horns are being lowered for another. But it may be'that the Senate, in which TRUMBULL'S amendment to exclude Alabama was only rejected by a majority of 8, will not pass the bill over the veto (always supposing that it must be vetoed) by the two-thirds majority. From all that we can gather the policy of Congress is working well in the South. Such is the testimony of independent travellers ; and from Florida, the " Italy of the Union, " where many last winter sought a climate, un usually genial, the general report coincides with that of Mrs. BEECiIER STOWE, who says " the Southern people are . no more inclined to re sist the laws, or to foster the spirit of rebellion, than Vermont is." :The plantlrs are beginning to discover that they will rule under any circumstances, as their influence over the blacks cannot be de stroyed, and certainly not by the riff-raff which finds its way from the North. In South Carolina the late local election showed that thousands of negroes have voted the Conservative ticket, having swun g round from the Radical platform, to which they had at first been enticed. We therefore regret the PRESIDENT'S continued opposition to a policy which on the whole is working favour ably in the interests of the South, and it is the more culpable, as Mr. JOHNSON confines himself to de nouncing the Congressional policy without substi tuting anything in its place. We want to see the Civil Governments restored, to see the Southern Senators and Representatives in their seats in the Capitol at Washington ; and this is the object of the bill which the PRESIDENT has vetoed in the case of Arkansas, and will surely veto in the case of the other States. He stigmatizes Congress as an illegal body in so far as it does not represent all the States, yet he rejects and counteracts every effort of Con gress to bring in the representatives from the South. He denoun ces;mili tary govern men tin the States lately in rebellion, yet he refuses his sanction to the mea sures by which Congress would sweep away the military rule and restore the States to the Civil Constitutions framed and adopted by their own inhabitants. Mr. JOHNSON cannot urge with truth objectionable conditions as the reason for his oppo sition. Putting all the vile party cries aside, Con gress has but one end, which it is the PPESIDENT'S duty to forward—the security of Negro Emanci pation. And if ANDREW JOHNSON would but show how best to attain it, instead of denouncing Con gress, be would more usefully employ his time, of which surely enough has already been sacrificed, as well as that of the Legislature by him, all of whom are paid servants of the nation. Our article was finished before the telegram dated Washington, June 25, was received. As every body anticipated, the " Omnibus " Reconstruction Bill was vetoed by President JonNsoN, but the serious part of the affair is that the Senate by 30 votes against 8 has passed it over the veto, and the Representatives by 105 against 30. If it really be the intention to drive Mr. JOHNSON into another infringement of the law, upon which to ground a charge of impeachment, the Legislature is iu the right path ; bat neither the Executive nor Legisla tive branches at Washington will benefit in public - estimation while thus engaged in playing at Go vernment, not the harmless farce enacted by chil dren, inasmuch as it may be productive of infinite mischief but of little good. TIIE TEA TRADE, June 29.—The deliveries in London estimated for the week were 2,085,3811 b, which is an increase of 132,564 as compared with the previous statement. Ilorni;nan's Pare Teas are 81. per p)uncl et. , ;aper. Their 2 500 agents—confectioners in London, and chemists in the country —aro coustaatly rezeivin.3. fresh supplios •of those Amp-approved teas, field only in kack,ets. 1 CHIEF JUSTICE CHASE. The numerous reports and the strong denuncia , tion affecting Mr. Chase have moved him to write a L letter, which has found its way into print. The ! country desires to know what position he has de i tided on taking, in view of the unconcealed desire of many leading Democrats to run him as their . 1 candidate for the Presidency. His letter reassures 1 his Republican friends as regards his principles, but I will scarcely aid the Chief Justice in securing the Democratic nomination. A negro, who went to Washington to see the Chief Justice on the subject of Negro Suffrage, gives this as the result of the in terview :—" He had always been an anti-slavery man and always expected to be ;he had never gone down to any man or .party. In 1818, in Ohio, neither of the great parties could elect a Senator without the aid of the liberty party. The Democrats made a proposition to its members, and agreed for their snpport to repeal the black laws and elect a Free Soiler to the United States Senate. He was him self elected on that condition, and the bill repealinf , the black laws passed as he had himself drafted it. He had not gone down to them—they had come up to him. If his friends placed him in a similar posi tion now, he was in their hands." He and Pendleton are now most prominently spoken of ; yet it is hard to believe that eii her has a chance. Pendleton unnine repudiation—Chase, negro suffrage. If the Demo crats choose the former, they go in weighted, so as to have no hope in the race, and they will bring on their party not only defeat but disgrace, for it would be stigmatized henceforth, both at home and abroad, as the party of dishonesty. If they take Chase they throw away their trump card as a party, although the Chief Justice may cast a heavy weight into their scale. If the Democrats can win, it will be by working on the Northern prejudice against the Negro. This is the shoal the Chicago Convention so skilfully steered to avoid, but could only pass by heaving overboard the ballast of principle, and they will find when again in deep water that their craft is all the more cranky and liable to be capsized. Tha Democrats have got no principle, and they can take short cuts over any shoals to the haven of office, the harbour they desire. Therefore if they throw away their power of working the prejudice of the white against the black, they throw away their best chance of success. We would be well pleased to see Chase nominated, and the struggle narrowed to two such good champions as he and Grant. But we fear that his unqualified declaration of principles will destroy his chance, for it is notorious that with such a programme hundreds of thousands of Democrats would refuse to vote or would support Grant as the better Democrat of the two. " WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1863. " My dear Sir, —You are right in believing that I shall never abandon the great principles for the success of which I have given my entire life. I ad here to my old creed of equal rights without one jot or tittle of abatement. I shall be glad if the new professors of that creed adhere to it as faithfully. I am amazed by the torrent of invectives by which [am drenched; almost everything alleged as fact is false hood, out of the whole cloth. Where an allegation has a little fact in it, the fact is so perverted and travestied that it becomes falsehood. I know no mo t the disappointm en t that Im tive for all this, excel) peachment has not thus far proved a success, coupled with a belief that I have done something to prevent its being a success. I have not been a partisan of Impeachment, certainly ; but I have not been a partisan on the other side. As presiding officer over the trial, my conscience testifies that I have been strictly impartial, and I am sure that any one who reads the report will say so. Individually, I have my convictions and opinions, but I have very seldom give an utterance to them. Indeed, Ido not think that the case, i n a ny of its aspects, has been the subject of conversation between myself and more than four or five Senators ; aul then only casually and briefly. No Senator will say that I have sought to influence him. The real ground of denuncia tion is that I have not been a partisan of convic tion, and his denunciation I am willing to bear. They may denounce and abuse me, and real me ont of the party if they choose. I follow my old lights, not the new. What the developments of the future may be I know not. I neither expeet nor desire to be a candidate for office again. It would, however, gratify me exceedingly if the De mocratic party would take ground which would assure the party against all attempts to subvert the principle of universal suffrage, established in right, and to be established in all the Southern Constitutions. Then, I think, the future of the great cause for which I have laboured so long would be secure, and I should not regret my ab sence from political labours. " SALMON P. CHASE." THE LONDON PAPERS ON AMERICA. The Times occasionilly, once a month or so, gives some American news. It has an American correspondent at Philadelphia! whom, we presume, it has picked up casually, and who when in the humour drops the Times a line. His letter pub lished on Thursday was dated June 12th, and although REvEttny JOIINSON'S appointment as Alinister to England had been unanimously con firmed by the Senate on the 11th, the corre spondent did not consider it worth while to men tion the circumstance. Whole weeks pass without the publication of a word of American intelligence written for the leading journal of Europe, and when it does condescend to notice the Union it i 3 from an occasional writer loc del in Phila who gives little more than a column, and omits all mention of such an item as the selection of the Ambassador to St James's. It is no won ler that the English are culpably ignorant to their own great detriment, of American affairs. It is impos sible for people to be interested in news who know nothing of the bearings of the questions discussed, and of all the educational means in that way the 'limes ought to be the most powerful. Englishmen acknowledge the overwhelming importance of their relations with America. The Times itself has often asserted that given the friendship of the Union that of all other nations is immaterial ; yet it does nothing to forward an object it professes so highly to appreciate. No American papers are circulated in England, and the people are wholly dependent for their knowledge of America on the great London dailies, looking more especially to the Times. If they see nothing of the news of the country they know nothing of it, and think nothing of it, until circumstances force-it on their attention, when they have suddenly to judge questions of which they are profoundly ignorant. Then they make gross mis takes, to the annoyance and disgust of Americans, who scarcely know whether to attribute them to stupidity or malignity, for they cannot understand the extraordinary ignorance. Even American newspapers in small towns have London corre spondents ; and although the Times the other day sneered at an item of English news from America wherein it was announced that the PRESIDENT was to be prayed for with the QUEEN, yet, a s a rule, the information • is not only full, but accurate in a high degree. When reviews like the Spectator write articles on American subjects, they are usually skipped, for what is the use of following the reviewer in the ela borate discussion of a matter the alphabet of which is unknown. And when an article is read, as it pro bably runs wholly counter to the ridiculous preju judices entertained by the realer, it only excites irritation. Thus, from beginning to end, the great American war was fought, the English people knowing little more about the real merits of the question; the objects, and the relative powers of the combatants, than they do of the Russians in Bukhara. But no matter what may be the want of knowledge, it in no way prevents sides being taken. Had the Englishmen who got red in the face, and felt inclined to fling off their coats, effec tually topuniih those who differed about the war, been questioned, they would have been compelled to acknowledge their ignorance. True sympathy can not exist where the one is so unacquainted with the other, and the first step towards the cultivation of kindly relations is to dissipate this ignorance. Not long ago we discussed the desire of the British clod to 'cave 'alf a brick at a stranger, and we know that this feeling is general not only through the nation, ' but throughout mankind. It is impossible to secure an interest without either seeing or bearing, and while the Times does not even maintain a regular corre spondent in that vast country, where the most inte resting problem regarding the human race is being solved, Englishmen will go drifting into a Republic, or into chaos, not knowing where they are going, or what it is that moves them. They know that all Europe, but more especially themselves, are influ enced by the Great Republic, but they seem deter mined to learn nothing of the nature of the influ ence—at least if we are to judge from the action of the Times. A question of vast interest deeply affecting England is about to be fought out in the United States—Free Trade versus Protection—•yet they know little about it, and we fear that the Times is •very ill qualified to teach them. Surely that great organ of public instruction and opinion might employ an American well vers3d in suc!l sub jects to write from New York or from Washington. It ought to have a correspondent in each of those cities! one to discuss political, the other social questions. By attention to such points the Standard obtained a circulation that extends over England. It ryas " Manhattan" that gave the great impetus to theTorY journal ; an eccentric, sensational, but really Ameri can writer, who, had he not drifted into extravagant Copperheadisra and died, would have become a celebrated man. No mail reaches England without a letter instantly appearing in the Standard, which unfortunately is too one-sided not to convey false impressions. We would not object to the Standard. , correspondent if the readers thoroughly understood the questions discussed ; but as they do not, the impression conveyed is that America is a land of jobbery and corruption, violence and rowdyism, lawlessness and vulgarity, with but a thin slice of good in the extreme Democrats. Thus the millions of the most industrious, ingenious, law-abiding, brave, generous, and patriotic people are included in the sweeping censure which bas reference only to the professional politicians, and the most ignorant and brutal of the imported element. The Telegraph does not much discuss American subjects ; the Pot avoids them ; the Daily News has but the other day come down to the penny, which will insure its wjdC circulation ; and the Star is not read by the classes most ignorant on American subjects, and among whom it is most desirable that correct information should be circulated.—Anglo-American Times. BUTLER UNRAVELLING THE “CON SPIRACY." On the Bth June Woolley appeared with his coun sel at the bar of the Representatives, summoned on the House refusing to receive his petition from the Speaker, which Woolley asserted would clear him of the charge of contempt. Mr. John Covode de scribed him as a perjurer ; Butler called his counsel a co-conspirator. Woolley agreed to answer the questions, and it transpired that he and Shook, a revenue collector of New York, were drunk in a Washington hotel, and that Woolley offering to bet $20,000 that the President would be convicted, took out of his pocket a roll of notes, which be threw on the table, and a gentleman who was pre sent, seeing the state of the men, counted the money, and finding $17,000, took the sum to the master of the hotel, who locked it up in the safe. The money was produced in the inquisition-room, where the Washington Express describes the General as re-acting his old part at New Orleans, and give the following scene :—When a respectable and well known gentleman appeared in the room, Butler, walking the floor rapidly, asked in a gruff voice, " What have you been doing in Washington so long ?" The witness, looking at him a moment, answered quietly " None of your business, sir." Butler at once became excited, and, stamping his foot on the floor, said that no impertinence would be allowed. After the victorious General had rested for a few moments the following questions were pro pounded : Butler—What became of the money that Mr. Woolley left in his room on the centre table ? Answer—l have it in my pocket. Butler—Will you produce it and the envelope containing the other papers ? Answer—l will produce the money, but the papers you shall not have. The money was then laid on the table, amounting to $17,100, in seventeen one thousand dollar notes, and small bills making the one hundred dollars. Immediately after Butler received the money he ordered the witness out of the room, but he declined to leave, giving as a reason that he (witness) was respon- _ sible for the money, and he could not leave it in his (Butler's) hands. Butler insisted on the witness leaving the room, but the gentleman refused un less he coati take the money with him. At last Butler was forced to succumb, and the money was counted in the custodian's presence. Butler counted the money, the clerk of the committee taking the numbers of the notes. After the counting Butler, looking sideways, said to the witness-1 find, sir, here sixteen thousand one hundred dollars. Wit ness—Mr. Butler, if you will take the trouble to look under that piece of paper near you, I think you will find a one thousand dollar note, which I have no doubt was placed there through mis take. General Logan, rising from the sofa, said —" Yes, Butler, I see one corner of it sticking out." Butler—" Oh, yes ; 1 did not notice it before. Were you ever indicted for perjury ? Have you ever been arrested for swindling ?" These were the questions put by the General, and he actually took upon himself to imprison a witness for contempt, supposing, we presume, the days of military des potism had returned—but he was released on the General discovering that he could not thus act with out an order from the House. The evidence given . by Woolley on the 11th instant has not transpired, but it is known that the funds were intended to affect the Whisky Tax, and had no connection what ever with Impeachment, Woolley denying emphati cally that he ever even discussed the subject of cor rupting Senators. He was released by order of the House. But Butler, having still the powers for ferreting out the conspiracy, has been actively en gaged in seizing telegrams, searching for evidence , and directing slanders against the characters of leading men in Washington. Two schemes are now attributed to him. Some assert that he is collecting evidence to sustain a neW charge of Impeachment ;--others, that still cherish ing his old grudge against Grant, he intends to drop down on him, in the hop es o f crus hi ng hi m, n o matter what the risk to his own neck. He has in dicated his intention of ceasing to act with the Re publican leaders, at least for a spell, under certain circumstances, which means that he intends to oppose Grant tooth and nail. We have not heard that Miss Vinnie Ream has got back the room taken from her for the incarceration of Woolley. Much annoyance and uneasiness is caused by Butler's action, and the House is beginning to desire that this fertile source of mischief should be checked in stead of as hitherto encouraged. They know him to be unscrupulous, not only in his means of using the powers entrusted to him, but of using the in formation collected. • They cannot tell when he may suddenly wheel round on the party, and fire the very shells at them with which they have fur nished him, and, to say the least, he is as dangerous as slippery. Births. BARKLEY—On the 29th ult., at Folkestone, the wife of Commander E. Barkley, R.N., of a son. WILLOUGHBY—On the 29th ult., at 32, Montagu-squaref the wife of 11. W. Willoughby, Esq., of a daughter. NUGEN . Y—On the 30th ult., at 76, South Audley-street, the wife of Albert Nugent, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. MA ncx—llArcir—On the 27th ult., at St. Pancras Church , Middlesex, Octavius March, solicitor son of the Rev 11. March, of Southa m pt on , to Emma, only surviving daughter of the late G. E. F. H a t c h, sq., , Greenwich, and Farnham Royal. OSBORN—MEYER----On the 27th ult., at the parish church , Pengo, George H. Osborn, of Northfield, Bromley, Kend to Helen Beatrice Meyer, of Islington. Deaths. CARTER—On the 26th ult., at 7, Shaftesbury-terrace► Kensington, Julia Adeny, widow of Admiral J. Carter. CLABON—On the 29th ult., at Gravesoud, John Clabont Esq., formerly of 76, Mark-lane, aged 80. GOODMAN—On the 28th tilt., at 6, Pavilion-parade, Brigh ton, Benjamin B. Goodman, Esq., aged 81. GRAYsx.tutc—On the 28th ult., at Basingstoke, Miss Grays mark, aged 47. NICHOLSON—On the 6th ult., at Antigua, West Indies, 4' Nicholson, Esq., M.D., aged 49. NUSSEY —On the 27th. ult., at Chi lehurst, Kent, Malt widow of the late John Nussey, of 4, Cleveland-row, S t ' James's, Esq., aged 69. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDRDW' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan SuN alle:), No I) `i Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the (I.uatl ° ItiddltAM-..- I ,YedneBday, July 1, PM. %sr' J I T 1N A I .. This eelel, pr'ze 3 / 1 , 451. 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