The Sun. — London, England, 1851-11-06 00:00:00

'oart;oty AL INT E LLI GE N CE. e.,%,,4:11, Vi"..EbNEsDAy.-The Rapid, 6, , sloop, ' ur, °lled aiii tookeitEr by Mr Allred Me a ltcane -' ' will I e to lr°a -kr George Blau,-, who arrive tail ' 4 tPt.iglltlY steam-tender, Master-Commander The filli'litl,pd fibril Sheerness this morning. . n_ 'ct a l, 6, scram ass Captain He till 4, ' tteAt out to Stoke's-bay to-day to try her :A ci ll e ette I.'re'dll44.o•3,'ll°°P, Commander Hand, has been Th„.:,4ke --, Wages to-day. A court-martial 1 I e; 4 4,1 13 1P 13 e , ou Friday . on one of her office , r i . ed el ii4 lire New York line - of-packet ship sa I 11, AtiaPrica. It)uttic4, APPOIN T3IENTS. Thl:4liov „ P si„ • ,--Boatawain John Robertson to 41. 0 0 6 ' at Portsmouth. a, ~i,i4itli"?rge Blake to the Rapid. lI I '. Al i lat steam-vessel, Master-Commander 14 ‘ik,, t 31 :), Iti under orders to leave Woolwich for ii,Yoyl4t e'llwr4wito convey the coffin containing lthtee pi 0114114 d erolllwell Disbrowe, G.O . 11 -, a lOotnit,j4arY and Minister Plenipotentiary,. 't',l,eho Y. Great Britain to the Court of the I\ l- , c, tt.ted(lislti at the Hague on the 29th ult., atiu i,, tl tiy . 3 41 the family vault in this country. ,. e e h„ l t ti .---lialt MAJESTY'S SIIIP AJAX.-The 1,47,14 a t bel::e3tlel having been reportedat rotten wiA ik. "k 'bt gall r°4lo,cd, and a new mast substitut s e o lt : va te l tit QueenedPPoß that this work could not be . _ ~,,,i4l e,4,,atown, and that the vessel would irsa t . t s 1 .._ a to an English dockyard, bu r t e a . -siidt,4„!en erected •in her, the old mast was Vb 'ew Mast will be shipped this day. ' it -I'P OP ---- ---- teliNeti,. t°MUTII TO BIRMINGHAM. ~,)keei4l[l.‘YtbNtsba.T.--The Mayor having d ,, e :, ttiiistttt, t l l_ l ° the request made either to e6asint,l"l iv rk Is, to e fin cOuneil, or to himself invite Ko_ r L . 'tii, )4 , 4 the ehi,uilligatian Co mmittee, of which M . ti ,4Ni disp,, , leader (although not present on this 'rti,, , to Ere,' another deputation, to the an mai d with i,44Placil; and the result was, atter . e atltullirtc''ttith, that a reply was promised to , b_ 11 elli t „l4glial this morning. Accordingly tne 14.',,"4,Te0,,f',,,',Que o'clock, at the Udd Fellows' Ha 11,.., i,lt , itg,d'ilLn Steith, the barrister, on behalf the if It tl jiltaleau'!. he would visit Birmingham t 4l t 4( 1'144 4 t a Party character, The committee ._ 44' thirt. t ree that the invitation 'Was . n : . °4 y t ' r ' 411 (1 the invitation was forthwith , td ,il'i.tpirittelillielBt Xessuth will arrive in Birmingham, 1 1 4 ;,Isi on Y the mail train About two o'clock,.. '' littl • will I) , f l "in full ltikk 1154,„,.` in by the trades iltotiowled..._ in reply to an address, will following ' 4i ti ue 4 bit734L Ou the Wednesday ,r. rec d ' lit . p ;let at the own-hall, at which IR 4 1147 tu li, ' will preside r ine tickets for the i i •ttd at til e r ' , gill pi tu th a ..,,te of 1/. each, an i i 4 : 3 1 the worst Ykle galleries at 58. To the d ea l c a n d . ies are to ill:,;t41°Ilitiil1;; Men are to have access on The surplus 4 'lbe pi, ,terewil sad a shilling. iti,344Ritiaa e 'l M the hands of Kossuth on behalf a I !Nit!" the e4 , Lis e• The committee also passed 0 _ lositillll4th t 4,e4Plion d accommodation t ''' ill SliZiheriseterrf.aceilye.nTuesday will be spent 01, 41, 41 . Po i fa :iNere" l7 l'Rc ic, iivs „ , TITUTION. ?hk tl i -4 i4 (';' str ata of iron stone and coal whisch, „tkittaltd to eat Britain are too well known a _ el . t,li tit 'ill 4t e° mention are as anything new or re,_ s ti t \ l'e ca ;a4ti ~ilop,r . cannot help feeling interestedt l io tf °I iro 4titnts, and especially of 4" 4 a" d of in t - Prlt4. Y fqsh Steel, When treate the menu- ~ 4; , Itzd • , it qh tni3 animated lectures of 10,.1-. J.li. )* ON' ' riaoht excellent establishment. • i i i r , P4 '49 t:4IN the continuation of his subject, ' the 41 4 it 4 trop e composition and nature of at c ' thkt • int • ' roperl re )l4l, , If they 0 view, and very P only, itih,t:t taa:YtleWrer? re presente . d by ono mixture i ' 4 'lli tae toestlid" the troll ore, which is a _. ttl of the 1 supposing the ore 1,, 4 -iti l , , b meta , and sup .413,,att0h 5 Of Lo 41 r' Nil ' 1, 0111,-) . except as a most useful , I ;",a, Lllt Wllk h o Still be one of the most lc without 1, : I,i, 44r c oh.. I t r e . are acquainted ; rf"l• l''reaaerin,Mtlication with foreign countries 41,1„4 p p 3' lirnited if tit, „,at lab •opert6 , not impossible in many hi, „,at, ciabi 's nf other ores were also . . ;4do hill' e end L o lly to im I. 'N I. 4 04 i, e aVours of M.r. '1 ‘ , 4 m ` lll ' the manufacture of steel, were ',"tia kilib;,„,"" At th' - lecture Mr. 'QON• f lttp '`'wls '. l s part of the -1 I' M b„everal beautiful specimens of swords 4 ta Mate ''' kr. Nrlk. P of Pall-mall. 411 Ile "til' ) Ins"' tests were Oh l , 4 ,41 li l '"tkl t h ,R aPplieations of the . 'lll i t latlihis; 41°Played the nicety required by tl lt kli t ,? l tt ir tm ail d the professor concluded b hltieS ‘th1,,,,,-" ulbi,"ki Useful as a metal, hill 4iiiti-itliciti:n3es• its solution was used Prussian het was equally n Ilttekriltllieh:li,sol;lt is also the basis of 1 1' ' 411' 4 hi .e ' l in oxalic acid forms blue ink ; I N ./ bp ;44 ink a many dyes we re pro ill%% 4..11 t's agentll". jt°ll lcl ir tita e y. So much d of t he qit t4 itli tti tiotfii, rtisty nail, or the en e h tithi rtl 1, s k 43,f,ti1l to please and inform he audi such '11l!, 'lt v „ Pie please of chemistry, and tad save are well adapted to attract the ° S l ip e ~,, 1.4 ' 1 the attention of the old. ! gyp 5,,k1 1.4,, ---- -------_________ - Week ani4l-` ,PhdthwAY.--Traffic for the G•4'415t11.(9,Z01 '')qt„, ti lg e3 ~ Pareell horses, ~to . -, 0 ,a) Q. *,` •• l'erv'tft, l'°tal ~\ ,`,"Potlcii„ . 1 692 19 ii N4t'''' VII Nve ti in The t! 41.. -last year_ 1, ......________ at l'itbtliti,:l 4 t•tn e ----;,,,----------____--- ES.- 1 1 11 6_ tt N i !t4o rl t :f til jr(),,`L -I,l3.kbeS IN SouTII WAL Wales 04 1 41 orri t teri ll - , 4 a,rld coal districts in South o f an t - 41, Oit 4 !rs, ring totan of late, in consequencein ad ,t,,\i'' to 13411454 a of advance in price. i; l iii t t, tlttl . 11. r„eeurals has taken place to the very ' extent of de triNottitt4 tit le . 1411. The trade has been e th, 4 ll h , h 3 ac tin 'band this ad„„e has . be . ortant 0 , , 5 p r , 44 i 11 - ":. Th il 3', aN connected with this impeceived t 't!t it ra ttlt ap, Iron trade at Merthyr has crowe of t 1,,, 104WEty b et q an extensive order on a . c '-. to the ' cl e b to lis ween Cairo and Alexandria, of "tc,'4,tilat Of - r 411'. The cost is to be 51 . Per ton. iti:tlit ''ct t ''' Proviir - • i t •14 4tteat4lt of lu.g railway accommodation deal 4 4,04411 4ridXeter is exciting again a good ast line l'Noatly f alse b,,, t i l : :e old discussion as to the ee ii;ll4 ti lita ti iter i i i - T,', , „eell revived. A third project, said patronised, ii, l% iii sll. I,, t ; t ..,tui ina,„tially . 101 A I an, A to' b y 4 b en Uoniton and the i . 't kOtt.'`aary. raneh line from Cullomptonßor;llele.- 1 4 'Nt 414111 's i q it t t i 4 , ~. odgit,.... h . iikllilt,ici t.inrie,tia ,ti H o use of large size, has f‘jmusit lat k a tj estalaii3ill,,, ...Norway Twenty-two ance on the 4 ' 4 *° t4bli '"' , l , 4' there, 'Phi; is the first con bonainstance tt ,t 4 a t ''ltt4.4t li• r°Pe rn . id e t 114'44 b een completed l ilt 4 1) Ipliod an as . his 6,111543 tr aid es, on s te nt in balloon,. l'A in ig t l h e e , Nli t ,lv l ,, a q thr ee , anday, having with iil I.'lucts t aught i "inateurs. Soon after him in eeded t he tl e ts•'•4ei at sobs la violent storm, and Pr`lF an 6 + ~,!Ildte luilsN rate o f L' 4 4 1 6,' tl ) IC ti l " 3 hi, l3 „ more than, Godard tveitapNea plai t , ',,,, "Q at M. Csodar Id be thrown l ' i tt% etl ea oflitl4 csints4ll, Ived;lo' Passengers w • ou the fores„ so 4, -.,e, atr ti i)tp. . come down in sixt y tear feared miles that if Otl t they r i t° i• H; .11'g4 have the advantage b o y f Va ll e e i t. ° tli e trkheq th2lui this successfully, ti balloon was likt, ' Q V," e " tiatii ails and safelY. The 5t,t,..1,,,t ‘.4(4,,i, aSsilstailee could be procure d l'ii.')4(l3lNat 11. 1 it'01, 4 4 to ittiver & 43ll4qt.This line was visited b e y , t t‘ ti o4 ills I',4mtletit harbour engineer, and Mr. the r 5; isf h r 1 1 lo a 1. 1, on Thursday last, to report on 0 1 til t "ton 4' 'tfJt NISI NM ti.14,1.11ii mes aq Le aa arrived in Grafton• street, fqtth(. 'a jtilt startted Lord's seat in Westmore t lan o d._ t at (Nd h J ; rl g at hie chateau in the sou h 1 4 1 , sa t , OF st ealth. t44ti''tla',l,:tftilli,:lsteir"th'ss•The Outer House assembled LO ,tb ` 4 (l , ~d long vacation on Saturday, ‘ I P 4 • 41:1 ge3 Were present. The Liner it.1:44,14 • kk capersi'4tq „ Y t ' i ßht• House . 'Il 1 " a ch ast ' "'acln after ten o'cloc k, a fire ' , i ''tii ' 'le , er of ten ricks belonging to I d lr s . ItN4'3, toadllolh°P'S Can ' in a field tltt ,_, ..., th, ,nings, standing ~4 4 ti ,7ti t h Iv % lieckharnpton turnpike . road,. near ;Ne t '44 "UN • asancit ex tinguished until it had de ,t,iqt. I:l7.6e,tlgithittielt4e,,tvfo.barle ricks, ana , a peas rick. In the sh \lsl,44t, f ae, ~,e w"znititpossible to sa) t w s . accidentally ryt. ' 04,4 the isoLteafsiit'lnahtioopn e o i f the a ricks, it seems A ~Ilt)l,,Q"cico•d.to arrive, satisfactorily, at this conclusion. kt,N4t4l‘4llSe "k 4 4Elll] T E BITION.- IN ktit l 3 Wly • '---- HE ROYAL XIII . f. tte°l),,,,titl ~1,t6, layented very small powerful waistcoa be I•l4,titglli 144 O f a wa in ' ~ liti,_ e r,,, li ~,d ie tt , by which a person can par. ill, Sty 't-to,„"‘"e ant, they answer every en y, i ih, tt tor ole aely le e , at the o pera - houses, country seareeF_ , ll iitte q ki not • e n at 12 to 14 miles, they Into ~ , ..f 4„4, etitte,,.'4g, beer Stalking, Yachting, le ''',.:Vitrrk'S'• C'''' arllB Keepers and Tourists- co be t ittstil „ 11 ill y t at b. Solornons 0 ticians, 89, Albermar tkt,, tith74St Ir .,' °Pp osite th York'pli tel. Telescopes - A hipkV4diria;Pertant itic4 ' in Hotels 1 ' 1 0441 1/l ee s 1. P o we rs, that ion 3 inches, with a '' lil it , ti l , , Will h,„.. some, moons. Saturn's I N, te oil Illy 'lv some, Jupiter's possessing t 'iti, t i k m aces stare, with the same Telescope, weighing tlie uti le "' iiii e ' t) °an be seen a person's countenance, 31 ''" supersede it lu tli tit : kit,4 fieet horn 16 to 20 miles, they ti tki; es t,, s ttitl a i t) : file Waistcoat pocket, and tit, Itt,e'll 1043 'creasing Powers accordingly. .Operaan be ki p .tol to 44 % et, with wonderful powersobject c . B. are of larger,a n 1V) I) iit i : :•t° 16 miles distant. Messrs. S. d Nte1ki4,"444,-:441, have invented invaluable preserving lit lit ' elt itilmedlatelythey are placed before i t 'iv r Y übe !:41\rhfai "ight I ; et appears clear and die . - i : • il:4, 4t 41 , , eCooles bright and brilliant, is brough o t t r e . iiti thi,„,itor,,ell and original state. The Invisiblefor relief th a i r ge daafllea all kind s of acoustic instruments ... 0 __ o _ .t a 41 qt 0: . 39, Alb emarle -street, Piccadilly, PP itt4,,tett,\V„l„..l. l i: g° li j °a iti`ll44.rElt. 11 0IJSE OF CORRECTI o O r N on .- er, 1),,,' tit:!St, ,f(ll,,eet was held by Mr. Bedford, the i c )ody of tiittltl'lwtilti,lll4ge‘cillrjcvitlltei, W e e s t t o m i nst e d r e , i her death under the f e o e l : iat t (l 4 fi,„the Pri,4Ulees:--Sh:ahrlad not been long in corifina. Niii, ttl i;: r i e r , W:rtld'eart (iir.on,Yrid,ay night , g t ay sn e e the w u s s a u te a d t signal geo l ttl i•ii, tt uitd,.', and that " attendance that t, iti. t „ e\.‘, ner, To ge t person let her out of herweaesll,aantt ladder,e tib e g ulat 4 :4 f t , t :,'',' ,get into the yard there at 4 4 14 11 4 ,? sort "o'rt!.s.inilar to those seen the ladder 1.,, i ' , 4 % i 7,l' slip ped rail While descending o __ s of t h e arm, stable-lofts, Natrit liiiiiiered 01,,,eirratItured onetetwheasbne taken to th e e .u i r n e: Ittl ' , 4 tii , et 1 4 ,44 1,t :11 1 1 4 , r. Lnvi:s,tYthe surgeon, set the ofrfawhich lltiO 4, 1 Paettr well until erysipelas set ine,ni__ked in lit - "tl , 1,4411 4 Y. The Coroner and in jury r n i metropolitan th, 'he •Dn kteh a , • • a h ' tt io .- sk,,i, ,pa r , ~..., 83 stern existing a_ , vi t t ti, i 1 5,41 if ,-Lurned a verdict of "Accidental de t 4„1it4,3 ‘Ongeeb:xprussing their opinion that tli N e rer l i a l d er de e r i Ylitg 4 , !Nab lbsed. Mr. Crae, the deputy-go WW I ilttanr would take care their recounmend •ii,itel to, £9ll 19 1 701 0 10 T ¢ E SPORTING NOTES. CLIII. 8U TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—The Worcester Autumn Meeting embraces two days' fair sport, commencing this afternoon, at half-past one, with a Handicap Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, which I need not attempt to select the winner of, as the result will, in all probability, be known about the same time as this appears iu print. There are four other stakes on to-day's bill of fare, which altogether will make the card look well. I will now attempt to select the winners of the Cup and Steeplechases marked fur to-morrow. The Grand Annual Steeplechase of 20 sovs. each, h ft, sad 5 if declared, with 100 added, four miles, twenty seven subs., ten of whom declared, boast of a strong list of great names; but as I cannot fancy that the British Yeoman will be found at the seat of action, I must look somewhere else for the winner. From the top weights, should they run, I select Abd-el-Bader and Sir Peter Laurie. Bedford, Fugitive, and Half-and- Halt I have no tancy for whatever. Verax has lately shown that ho is falling off in his racing capabilities. St. Helier and the Young-un will have to succumb t o RAT -TRAP, who, with Hardwick and Sate Hood, I shall select as the leading trio. The City of Worcester Steeplechase of 10 soya, each, &c , I should look to the GENERAL or M'IAN, Gehenna and the Outcast being well up. " Arioste is informed that Nowminstar beat Moun tain Deer in their places for the Cambridgeshire, Moun tain Deer being last but one, and Newminster in the body of the ruck. The statement which appeared in The Sun was an error committed in the hurry of the moment, another horse having been meant. I am, Sir, yours, &c., THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. Nor. 6, 1851. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. EPSOM AUTUMN STEEPLECHASES. :.`WEDNESDAY. These events came off yesterday; but, like the flat racing of the previous day, drew but a thin company; the affair excited no interest except amongst those imme diately concerned, and, like all others of the same kind that have taken place in this neighbourhood, proved a failure. The sport was not of a character to require more than a brief return. The Walton Free Handicap Steeplechase of 5 sovs. each, with 50 added; the winner to pay 10 soya. towards expenses; the winner of any steeplechase, after the publication of the weights, to carry slb extra. About three miles. Mr. B. Land's The General, aged, lOst 41b (Owner) 1 Mr. C. Higgins's Forest Lad, 6 yrs, lOst (C Planner) 2 Mr. W. May's Sir Charles, aged, lOst (Fri iddsby) 3 Mr. T. Goldby's Auctioneer, lOst Mr. Carew's Victress, lOst (C. Boyce) 0 Mr. B. Land's Frank, aged, Ost 12Ih (Maxe) 0 Mr. C. Higgins's Loddington, 4 yrs, 9st 6lb (Weaver) 0 Betting-3 to 1 agat Victress, 4to 1 each agst Auc tioneer, The General, and Frank, and 5 to 1 agst Forest Lad. The General made nearly all the running, and, after a very close race with Fores t Lad, won b y a head; Sir Charles a bad third. A good deal of dissatisfaction on Forest Lad's number being telegraphed, in the first instance, as the winner, and atterwards taken down, to be replaced by the General's. Free Handicap Hurdle race of 5 soya. each, with 50 added; the winner to pay 10 sove. towards expenses. Twice round and a diatance—about , two miles. Mr. C. Higgins's Maria Monk, lOst 71b (Planner) 1 Mr. Jamss's Malmesbury, 10st 81b (Hornsby) 2 Mr. Russell's Decility, 10st 10lb (Thick) 0 Mr. Barling's Gimcrack, 9st 121 b (Archer) 0 Mr. Buchoak's Torpor, 9st (Armill) 0 Bettiug-2 to 1 agst Gimcrack, 3 to 1 agst Docility, 4 to 1 agst Malmesbury, and 5 to 1 agst Torpor. Maria Monk made the running, but was so closely press ed by Malmesbury up the distance, that she won only by a neck. Docility slipped up at the last hurdle, fell on his rider, and broke his thigh. The Scramble Steeplechase of three soya. each, with 20 added, llst, 71b each. The winner to be sold for 100 sovs., and allowances if to be sold for less. Once round and a distance. Mr. Mason's Gulnare, 9st 111 b (Archer) 1 Mr. Beamau's Liukboy, aged, lOst 4:b (Hill) 2 Mr. J. Fleming's Jack Abel, lOst 41b (Bale) 0 Mr. Land's Frank, 10st 41b (Owner) 0 Mr. Shirley's Whitlsy, llst Owner) 0 Betting-6 to 4 agst Gulnare, 3to 1 agat Frank, and 5 to 1 egst Whitley. Her competitors having refused the fences out of the course, Gulnare cantered in alone. The Eps sus Autumn Steeplecase (Handicap) of 10 sovs. each, 5 ft, and 3 only if declared, with 100 added. The second to save his stake, and the winner to pay 20 sovs. towards expenses; winners extra. ,About four LON DON, fresh outbreak in that country, especially in the present combustible state of public feeling in Germany, would instantaneously light up the insurrectionary flame at their own doors. They have had—the latter two at least—a sufficient taste of the insurrectionary dish already, to wish to have it served up anew. The only hope of security which they can have for their own thrones, is in the preservation of public order in France. Self-interest is a curious thing; it is the most powerful influence to which the human mind is accessible. But the part of the Presidential Message which will excite the deepest attention, not only in France, but through out Europe, is that which relates to universal suffrage. The address accords, on this point, with what was universally anticipated. It was expected that he would announce the determination of his Government to repeal the law of May 31, restricting the franchise. It was expected he would re store universal suffrage. The event proves that the ex pectation rested en solid grounds. The law of May, limiting the franchise, is proposed to be repealed, and a recurrence to the krineiple of a universal qualification, is announced as part of the Presidential policy, from which no consideration will divert Louis Napoleon. But while the principle of a universal right to the posses sion of the franchise is thus broadly avowed, it is at the same time intimated that such regulations and precautions will be adopted, with regard to the exer cise of the franchise, as will purge universal suffrage from the evils which have hitherto been incidental to it. The great question which all aro now anxious to sce solved is this—Will Louis Napoleon be able to carry out his views in the face of a hostile As sembly? We have no doubt on the subject; we never had any. From the moment that he and the Assembly came Thj A iu ss to em ee b i l l y ision, we predicted his eventual triumph. dignation at th e lima of universal suffrage , b ut the y must, may affect, end may fe el the deepest M in the end, succumb to the Govermeent of Louis Napo leon. They are divided among themselves. The Oppo sition aro separated i n t o f our or fivv... sections. They are agreed on no one point among themselves, except in their hostility to the President. In a contest with such a body he possesses peculiar advantages. And having, as he has, the masses on his sid e , not only can no question be entertained of the issue, but the conflict cannot be protracted. There are, doubtless, many persons who will be of opinion that the inauguration, in the Assembly, of the President's proposal to restore universal suffrage was uforrg et nh not cey f made um lfia ldme u e n bn de r yt of Louis o ur Napoleon's predictions.po circumstances ieo which n e w The auspicious Ministry an d osf was rejected by the Assembly. Still that fact does not shake issue our faith in the soundness cf our notions as to the of the conflict between the President and the Assembly. We await with confidence, notwithstanding that unto ward event, the close of thecontest, in the firm porous sion that Louis Napoleon will come off victorious. THURSDA Y E V 14., NIN G, NOVEMBER 6, I.Bbl. miles. Mr. Carew's The British Yeoman, llst 71b...(Oliver) 1 Mr. Anson's Spring Buck , lOst 51b (Jones) 2 Mr. C. Higgins's Maria Monk, I Ost 51b (C. Planner) 0 Mr. B. Land's The General, lOst 31b (Owner) 0 Mr. Tilbury's Tho Briar, 9st 91b (C. Boyce) 0 Betting-2 to lon British Yeoman and sto 1 agat Spring Buck. This race was all one way; the favourite taking the lead from the post, making all the running, and winning in a canter by ten lengths. The Briar re fused two of his fences, sad Maria Monk stopped at the brook in the last round. WARWICK AND LEAMINGTON STEEPLE CHASES, &e. Weights for the Grand Open Steeplechase (Free Han dicap); to accept on the 12th inst. Lord George, 12st 41b—Sir John, list 91b—Duc-an- Darras, I 1 st 61b—British Yeoman, list 41b—Lucy Neal, list 21b—Abd-el-Tinder, list—Peter Simple, list —Vainhope, lOst 121b—The Hero, 10st 121b—Sir Peter Laurie, lost 111b—Fanny Eisler, 10at 91b—St. Helier, lOst 810—Maria Day, lOst 81b—half-and-ball, lost 71b —Miss Mowbray, 10st bib—Peter, 103 t 41b —Rattrap, lOst 41b—Little Queen, lOst 41b—Lamienne, lOst 21b— Thurgarton, lOst—Maria Monk, lOst—Velos, lOst— Isaac, lOst—The Young'un, lOst—Forest Lad, 9st 121 b —Recruit, 9st 121b —Vengeance, 9st 121b—Hardwick, 9st 121b—Defaulter, 9st 101b—Victress, Oat 81b—Car dinal Wiseman' Oat 71b—Ringdove, Ost 71b—Oscar, 9st 41b—Sam Hood, 9 st 41b—The Screw, 9st 21b—The Briar, 9at Loddington, Ost —Maurice Daly, 9st— Joan of Arc, Bst 101b—The Cripple Cote Jerry, Bst 81b. Weights for the Free Handicap Hurdle Race—to accept by the 12th inst. Lord George, 12s1 21b—Due-an-Durram, list 71b— Cogia, list 210—Combatant, list—Half- and-Half, lOst 101b—Little Queen, lOst 101b—Fugitive, lOst 10 Ib — Ormsby, lOst Sib—Tom Bowling, lOst 81b— T er, lOst Ge neral, 103 t 7 1 b — Default er, lOst Gib —Fanny Elsl 61b—Cosachia, lOst 51b — Sir Robert, lOst 413—The Count, lOst 31b—Maria Monk, lost 21b—Ballet Girl, lOst 21b—Sir Alexander, 10A—Perjury, lOst—Cock crow, Oat 121b—Rembrandt, 9st 121b—Dove, 9st 111b — Pay-your-Debts, Ost 111b—Flirt, Oat 101b—Forest Lad, 9st 101b—Sister to Legislator, 9st 101b—Bedford, Ost 91b —Carlow, Oat 81b—Bulltinch, 9st Sib—Forrest, at Sib Loddiugton, 9 st 61 b — C h g b y Safeguard, Ost 311) Labyrinth, Sat 101b—Secret, Sat 71b. Weights for the Warwick Free Handicap, to accept on the llth instant. Miss Ann, 5 yrs, Bst 71b—Lord George, 6 yra, Sat 51b —Backbiter, 6 yrs, Bst 31h—Duc-au-Durras, 6 yrs, 7st 121b—Mrs. Taft, aged, 7st 111b—Truth, 3 )rs,7at 101 b —.Fornhill, 61y rs, ist 71b—Rhesus, 5 yrs, 7st 31b—Italian, 4 yrs, Tat 21b—Sauter-la -Coupe, 5 yrs, 7st—Mark Tap ley 4 yrs, 7st—Cockcrow, 3 yrs, ist—Alp, 5 yrs, 7st — Goldfinder, 3 yrs, 6st 1210—Doubt, 5 yrs, Est 1116— Achyranthes, 4 yrs, Est 111b—Trickstress , 3 yrs, bat 1 01 b — Agis , 6 y rs, 6st 101b—Tophana, 6 yrs, 6st 91b-Ilarquis, 3 yrs, 6st 91b —lassathe, 3 yrs, 6st 81b—Chief Justice, 4 yrs, 6st 81b — Tonic, 3 yrs, 6st 71b—Lough Bawn, 3 yrs, Est 61b — Bushranger, 4 yrs, 6st 51b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, 6st 5113 ' The Lily, 3 yrs, 6st 41b—Warwick, 4 yrs, 6st 31b— Snowstorm, 5 yrs, fist 31b—Little George, 4 yra, fist 21b Julia, 5 yrs, bat 21b—Master Friday, 4 yrs, 6st 21b— rhe Heriot, 3 yrs, 6st llb—John of Berwick, 4 yrs, 6st 11b —Perjury, 4 yrs, 6st—Tightvvaist, 3 yrs, 6st— Harp, 3 yrs, 6st—Paquetta, 3 yrs, sst 101b—Stafford, 3 yrs, sst 31b—Britannia, 3 yrs, sst lib—lschia, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b —Avis, 3 yrs, 4st 12ib—Macaw, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b. Weights for the Welter Cup, forfeit to be declared on or before the 12th instant. Miss Ann, 5 yrs, Ilst 101b—Duc-an-Durras, 6 yrs, list 41b—Fernhill , 6 y rs, lOst 121b—Agis, 6 yrs, lOst 61b—Mark Tapley, 4 yrs, lOst 61b—Sir Robert, 4 yrs, lOst 61b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, 10st 21b—Cockcrow, 3 yrs, Kist—Chief Justice, 4 yrs, lOst—Ormsby, 5 yrs, lOst— Fugitive, aged, Oat 121b—Firstrate, 4 yrs, Ost 121 b Little Queen, 5 yrs, 9st 121b —Gay Lad, 5 yrs, 9st 101 b —Gartorth, 4 yrs, Ost 101b—John of Berwick, 4 yrs, 9st 101b—The Heriot, 3 yrs, Oat 71b—Jack- s i t b n 4 - i th_e- Corner, 4 yrs, Oat 71b—New Forest Deer, aged, 9st 61b —Harp, 3 yrs, Ost 61b—Ringdove (h b), aged, , Maurice Daly, aged, Bst 121b —Captain Parry, 5 yrs, Bst 71b. THE GRAND POLISH AND HUNGARIAN BALL AND CONCERT AT GUILDHALL,. f4;34/ to hurbnse nable x t E o lEL, n z ou ti n E ce l3 t r at INSTANT. — It is most grat i fying h only h se p b r e o h v a e l f a i t i s s o u g r o c t e u p o f; this benevolent undertaking will relief to the unfortunate persons . 2etad every but also one of the most ma r t , lately in this metropolis. hnelaCcoennatmeinttteeerthaainvme f lin h the cause of the exertion to promote the comfort of sewnt umerous company which is expected to testify its the floor will this time oppressed. The hall will prese e r e ve g all the splendid fittings used on the Lord Mayor's-day, and A long iof be covered with cloth, to obviate the i wh o m will ost if the dust arising from the chalk form erl y the patrons and patronesses, ma n y ra iseworthy object. .of will attend, shows the interest of all classes in t his p To vary the attractions of the ball a very se leet many Con cert will take place in the Council Chamber , to which distin guished artistes have generously proffered their a ssistance: The Concert will be under the direction o f Mr. Lindsay Sloper, supported by Mrs. Weiss, Mademoiselle T herese Magner, Miss Amelia Edwards, n f rd, Miss Dolby, Hr. W. H. Harrison, Mr. Benson, Mr. Frank Bodda, and Mr. Weiss. Owing to a positive intimation of the illustrious Hungarian patriot, M. Kossuth, to be present at the Ball (for which purpose he has delayed his departure till the 14th instant) the applications for tickets aro incessant, and the Committee, with regard to the comfort of the visitors, have properly limited their issue. UNIVERSITY COLL EGE HOSPITAL.—The committee, at their meeting yesterday, received from Messrs. Chapman, Coningbarn, and Dento n , th e executors o f th e will of the late Hrs. Bentham, of Gower -street, who died in the month of August last, the sum of 3001., the amount of the legaT free of duty, bequeathed to the ho s pit a l b y th a t lady. hanks were returned to the execut ors f or t h e ear l y se ttl e ment of the bequest, and a vote was passed to place them on the list of vice-governors. The committee resolved that the 30 01 • should be added to the vested funds of the hospital ; and for the liquidating of the remainder of the debt, and for the future maintenance of the charity, they would trust to the benevolence and exertions of its surviving friends. Kossuth called yesterday (Wednesday) at Mor ley's Hotel, Trafalgar-sqnare, to return the visit of Mr. Foldsom, Minister of the United States at the Hague (Holland). He was met there by several American gen- Lielnell _kamong whom was the Honourable Mr. Rhett, of . South Carolina, a member of the United States' Senate), who had been invited to be present at the interview, f•Il iwurt f which lasted SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.! FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF TIIIS DAY. TIMES.—The annual Message of the President of the French Republic was read by the Minister of the Interior on Tees lay afternoon to the National Assembly, in presence of a very full attendance of the representatives of France. Whatever may have been the original intentions of the author of this docu ment, which were imprudently, and perhaps inaccu rately, disclosed by one of the chief organs of the Elyter, subsequent reflection and the effect produced on the country by the changes of the last fortnight have re duced the Message, in form at least, to a very temperate strain of language. Its real significance is altogether confined to one fact, which was already known—namely, the proposal for the repeal of the electoral law of the 31st of May. That proposal is made without any qua lification or substitute. The measure brought forward by the Government is a simple abrogation of the law re quiring three consecutive years of domicile in electors and a return to the wider condition of six months' resi dence, which was the basis of universal suffrage in France from the spring of 1843 to that of 1850. The National Assembly is plainly called upon to reverse a statutory enactment carried about eighteen months ago by the united efforts of the friends of order, and all other qualifi cations or conditions, such as those of property or intel ligence, are equally disclaimed and abandoned. If this Bill passes universal suffrage is henceforth and for ever the absolute law of France. In the mouth of the advo cates of pure and absolute democracy we perfectly un derstand this adherence to the fundamental principle of their system of government; but when Louis Napoleon pledges himself by fresh assurances, and by the general spirit of his address, to combat under every form the anarchical tendencies of the democratic party, it is obvious that his assent to a fresh extension of the suffrage can only be attributed to the personal interest which he con ceives to be connected with it. So that, on the one hand, he is opposed by the great majority of the party of order, who retuse to surrender what thy regard as the barrier of the commonwealth only to increase the chances of re election for a candidate who is still legally ineligible; and, on the other hand, ho is as yet unsupported by the democratic party, which regards this pro - pesal as no genuine concession to its own prin ciples, but as an attempt to prolong the existence of a power altogether hostile to the revolutionary Cause, without having any solid claims to perpetuity. The announcement of this change in the President's policy, accompanied as it was by the abrupt dismissal of a competent and respectable Administration, produced, we believe, less effect than he anticipated in his favour among the Republican party, and a far more injurious effect than he had anticipated among their opponents — the party of order, or, to speak more plainly, of monarchy. In the provinces and in the Assembly this effect has been deep and disastrous. It has powerfully shaken the con fidence of the country; and, however skilfully the lan guage of the Message may be adapted to allay this ap prehension and diminish this unfavourable impression, it cannot alter the facts of the case. The Ministry has fallen. It is succeeded by men utterly wanting in public confidence, for they are unknown in the capa city of statesmen, and are probably no less deficient in the ability required to conduct the French nation through a passage and a crisis of unequalled diffi culty. The executive power is thus reduced to the person of Louis Napoleon, surrounded by a dangerous and unpopular knot of secret advisers, while his osten sible Ministers are notoriously inadequate to the per formance of such a task as they have undertaken; and in this predicament the President enters upon a session which must be decisive as to his own future career, and way involve the dearest interests of the nation. In spite of the strong language in which the Message speaks of the existence of a vast revolutio nar y conspiracy prepar ing all its resources for a general outbreak in 1852, and in spite of the assurances given by the President of his determination to resist and attack those elements of disturbance and evil, it was at once clear, from the aspect and conduct of parties at this first meeting of the Assembly, that the repeal of the electoral law and the restoration of unlimited universal suffrage overpowers every other consideration. The Govern ment found no support but from the benches of the Extreme Left, and the first vote of the House on the question of taking the Ministerial mea sure into immediate consideration was decidedly adverse to the executive power. M. Berryer's proposi tion fur a committee en the state of the nation was evi dently received with favour by the majority, though op posed by M. Girt:m(l on behalf t f the Government, but the further consideration of this measure was deferred till the following day. We shall have occasion to revert more fully to the arguments employed by Louis Napo leon in favour of a return to unlimited suffrage when that question is debated in the Assembly; but we re mark with surprise his declaration that he has always expected that it would be his duty to propose a repeal of the law which he himself sanctioned. The importance of such a law, regulating the suffrage, lies altogether in its application to the great electoral acts of the nation, namely, the choice of a President and the choice of an Assembly. Except to supply a few casual vacancies, which can, of course, produce no important effect on the balance of parties, the law has necessarily been inoperative, and will remain so until the period of the eneral election returns. That perio d coincides with the President's expiration of office, so that when Louis Napoleon declares that he always intended to de mand the abrogation of this law, it amounts to a declara tion that he never intended it to be put in force at all, and that it was a mere concession to the panic of last spring, or, as he describes it, " a political act, not an electoral law." If such were his private reflections, they were certainly not shared by the large majotity which voted for the Bill, or by the Ministers who have since carried on his government, amongst whom the reporter of the Bill occupied a prominent place. Whatever may be the advantages anticipated from the repeal of such a measure, and although some inconveniences and incon sistencies might perhaps thus be obviated, two difficul ties remain, which are, in fact, created and aggravated to the highest degree by the present attitude of the Executive Government. The first is, that the intro duction of such a proposal by such a Ministry and for such purposes renders the dissension between the Presi dent and the majority of the Assembly infinitely more violent and direct than it has been yet; the second is, that while Louis Napoleon proposes to restore the un limited suffrage, he by no means testifies any increase of deference for the Assembly which that suffrage has called, and will again call, into existence. On the con trary, he has foun means to separate himself from both its parties, and, according to the principle on which he is acting, the Assembly is to be armed with all the au thority of a universal suffrage, but is to exercise no positive control over the acts of the executive power. The Assembly has, indeed, on several former occasions placed itself altogether in the wrong, by ridiculous ap prehensions and by shameful coalitions against the Ministerial adherents of the President. But the more serious the aspect of affairs has grown, and the more nearly the decisive moment approaches that will termi nate the existence of both the powers of state, the more temperate and firm its conduct has seemed to become. We sincerely hope that at this trying moment it will persevere in the same moderate course; for at the first act dictated by passion or by violence its cause is lost. The Government of a Some great e conditionn no t s be o f carried ag ree on m e n b t y mu a y perpetualthe co ntest. rties in this conflict will only found, or both t he p achieve their mutual destruction; for no attempt to place the constitution and the government of France on a se curesuccessful ant d lasting in t 1 g e which n c eo id theoe s not combifoundationne the politicalstrength the people or by the hereditary rights of the monarchy. The latter contingency is still so improbable or so re mote, that we have yet to learn that any other combina tion presents at the present time as good a chance for the maintenance of order as the re-election of the President, provided it be accomp lished by legal means, and pro vided he retain or regain the confidence of some class of statesmen in the country. if not the only portion DAILY NEWS.—The chief , of the Message of the French P res ident, which com mands universal interest and attention, is that in which he proposes to abrogate the law of the 31st of May, 1850. That law is neither more nor less than the Con servative charter. The revolut ion of 1848 opened the sluices of power to t he p o p ular torrent. The artisans and the working classes composed the indubitable ma jority of electors, both for the Legislature and the Exe cutive, and with how little selfishness and astuteness they exercised it, stands on record in the composition of the National Assembly and in the choice of the Presi dent. Bat popular wisdom, it was feared, could not last; and it was considered safest to exclude from the franchise the very electors who had returned nt a Conservative Assembly and a princely Preside. The opportunity was taken immediately after the Paris election of 1850. The metropolitan voters then returned M. de Flotto and M. Sue. The ono was an insurgent of June, the other a philosophic Socialist. M. Tenors declared, that in consequence of the return of these two members, the Assembly was bound to revise the electoral law. This was precisely the same as if M. Ledru-Rollin had moved, that because M. Thiers avowed his aversion to the republican form of government, a law should be passed prohibiting all who had been func tionaries or ministers, from serving as members of the Legislature. One was just as legal as the other. The opportunity, however, was too good to be lost. And a project of law was got up, examined, repor ted and p assed, which, in fact, disinherited and disfranc hised the entire of the working classes, and handed over their electoral rights and influence into the hand of the Go- I vernment and of the middle class. In order fully to render this intelligible, let us con sider what was the nature, and is the result, of the obnoxious measure. The law of the 31st of May, 1850, is in fact a law of household or rating suffrage, substituted fur the law of universal suffrage, which formed the great basis of the republican constitution of 1848. It is much more restrictive than a rating suffrage would be with us. By the law of the 31st of May, no man is entitled to exercise the franchise unless he can prove himself to have had a domicile for three years in one given district. In the first place, this mere condition of a domicile for so long a period excludes the young, the active, the adventurous, altogether from the electoral urn. The artisans who crowd from country to town never obtain a three years' fixed domicile till they marry, and that is late in life. Those who have not a domicile of their owu, but who, as workmen, servants, s ons, or clerks, inhabit the household or annexed build ings of a master, may enjoy the franchise, but only on their master or parent choosing to come forward to pro cure it for them. Here are two large classes eliminated from the suffrage. Still there would remain household suffrage for persons of three years' fixed residence, but for another quirk in the French law. According to it, there is but . o i n way of proving a domicile—that of having paid in t the personal or furniture tax. The mode in which this tax is levied is as follows: — The total amount being fixed, it is distributed between the different departments and communes, and a certain gaga of isod t 9 each, according t 9 Mit* posilotip and property. This quota is again distributed amongst the inhabitants able to pay the tax ; and the distribution is made by the mayor, a functionary completely in the hands of Government, and greedy for its honours. Louis Napoleon, in his Message, boasts of having dismissed soave 500 of them. The mayor may exclude from the list of ratepayers, and, of course, from the electoral lists whomsoever ho pleases. And, as a rule, if any citizen or artisan has ever received succour from a bureau de bien faisance in hard times, which is universally the case when a man has nothing but his earnings to depend on, and when he is seized with sickness, this man is always struck from the list of ratepayers. Thus, in the department du Nord, a manufacturing district, oae-half of the adult male population were excluded from the rate-paying lists, and would be, of course, deprived of the franchise. We have a somewhat similar case in our ten-pound householders, for so many of whom the lend lord undertakes to pay the rates, charging the poor tenant in the rent, but excluding him from the franchise. Supposing this done, not to save trouble and seek economy, but for an organized political purpose of nar rowing the franchise, and you have the French law of May in all its odium and its exclusiveness. It is well known that great numbers of the disfranchised class, amounting, according to Louis Napoleon, to three millions of men, but which we should say amount more nearly to five millions, have de'ermieed not to submit to the law, and that they purpose, on a general election, coming to the hustings, armed, if necessary, and prepared to defy, by their numbers, any force of military or police that Govern ment could bring to prohibit the exercise of what they deem their right. In coming forward to propose the repeal of the obnoxious law, Louis Napoleon has taken advantage of the rumour, which ho holds in terrorcm up to the Conservatives, adding to it the assurance ac quired by his police of a general insurrection being orgenized all over Europe. We must confess that upon hearing that Louis Napoleon had determined to repeal the law of the 31st of May, and that he had dismissed his Ministry in order to form another favourable to so popular a measure, we entertained hopes that he had at length awakened to the necessity of a more liberal policy, and that he was prepared to use concilia tory language towards the people. His Message, how ever, undeceives us. Its language is still that of the policeman, not the statesman; of the terrorist, not of the liberal. Even his proposal of abrogating the law of May does not strike us as sincere. It leaves the six months' domicile as a condition, the mode of proving the domicile remaining the same, which would not restore the disfranchised classes to their rights. Then he makes the distinction between the expediency of universal suf frage for electing the members of the Assembly and its necessity for choosing the head of the executive; all of which sounds as if, were the broader principle granted for his election, he would leave the Assembly to be re elected by the restricted franchise. To procure a more enlarged constituency for himself, and to obtain the re peal of the clause prohibiting his election seems, in fact, to be the sole selfish aim of the President. Ho is driv ing a bargain with the Assembly, cajoling and menacing its conservative majority almost in the same breath, and employing not even that outward respect for the popu lar and liberal side, which would be but decorous in him, were it not also politic. On the whole, Louis Na poleon's Message strikes U 3 as calculated neither to dis arm a foe nor to make a friend. CHRONICLE.—The majority of the French As sembly have lost no time in unmasking the breach which the late proceedings of the President had opened be tween himself and the members of the Legislature. The alacrity with which they have hastened to give the counter-check quarrelsome to the new Ministry of Louis Napoleon, is a pretty clear intimation of the spirit in which the present eventful session is to be conducted. By way of indemnification for the refusal of the Com mission of Permanence to accelerate tho meeting of the Assembly, they have taken care to use the first moments of their revived activity to declare their antagonism in the most unambiguous form. Since the time of Napo leon, no public manifesto has been looked for with more anxious interest than the Message of his nephew, which we published in our second edition of yesterday, and which appears also in our impression of this morning. It is justly felt that the destinies of France implicitly involve the interests of the whole continent of Europe. The central volcano has an unseen, but not unfelt, communication with all the craters of eruption which are smouldering around us. It is, therefore, a matter of no slight moment that one source of public anxiety—in which, however, we have never ourselves shared—has been removed by the mani festo in question. We never for an instant gave heed to the rumours that, by the dismissal of the Faucher Ad ministration, Louis Napoleon intended to adopt the policy of the Left; nor did we ima g ine that he meant even to conciliate their support any further than might bo indispensable for his own particular purposes. The terms of the Message have set this point definitively at rest; as that document is conceived in a tone evidently dictated by an anxiety to soothe the irritation of the great party by whom the President has hitherto been supported. Beyond a somewhat significant sop to the military—in the shape of a project for rewarding the old remnants of the armies of the Republic and the empire—and an allusion, unconsciously ironical, to the tardy organization of the Roman Government, the Message contains little of general interest, till we arrive at its chief proposition for the repeal of the law of the 31st of May. The pro posal of the President is the absolute abrogation of the existing Electoral Law, and a return to the law of the 15th March, 1849, which requires only a six months' residence in order to confer the franchise. The propriety of this course is maintained in an elaborate argument at the close of the Message. With that invincible love of epigram, which no Frenchman can resist even in a State paper, universal suffrage is said to have been the means of regenerating the social fabric, " by:substituting a right for a revolutionary fact." Is the basis of this right, it is asked, to ho narrowed? Is it not unwise to leave any pretext to the enemies of order for question ing the legitimacy of the new powers which will be called to preside over the destinies of the country ? The scheme of the 31st of May, we are told, was a political act rather than an electoral law. In its application, it effected a far eh more nyemi r si e s sweepingof authorss society i; e t ya exclusion hhdavthe h e ra i r i e e t s in h o u anl advantage lw adbl iae,n hasat as sg b ee contemplatede o n f appliedit r h s that s t o s t th h h iee fest injustice. If it is object election of the Assembly, it is still more so as regards that of the President. The Constitution decided that 2,000,000 votes should make the election of a President valid—on the hypothesis of a constituency of 10,000,000; but the present law, by reducing that constituency to 7,000,000, and consequently changing the requisite number from one-fifths to one-third of the whole number of votes, has actually and most materially altered the conditions of eligibility. Finally, it is asserted; the restoration of universal suffrage is the last chance of ob taining the revision of the Constitution. Such, con cisely, are the grounds on which Louis Napeleon de fends his proposal. The first and most obvious reflections suggested by them is, that they are none of them new; for they are precisely the arguments aianestopotfedtheilliontteu which wore urged by the most rational among the minority who voted against the law of May 31 ' For our own part, we have never concealed our opinicn that the existing law is a bad one; and even the organs of the party which clings most tenaciously to its principles, are now reduced to admit that its pro visions are faulty. A heavy responsibility no doubt at taches to the Bight for the rashness and violence with which this measure of restriction was framed. They acted like headlong politicians instead of sagacious states men, for panic-struck at the Socialist elections of Paris, they passed a measure, which they thought would suit their present purpose, without considering w hether it was one which they would have the power to maintain, or the opportunity to revise. It was, doubtless, their business to look well to the seaworthiness of the vessel before they launched it in waters which they knew to be so stormy. But conscious as the Conservative party have become of their remissness in this respect, and of the errors of the existing law, there is no reason to doubt that they are almost unanimous in their resolve to adhere to its principle ; for, in their view, it is not an isolated enactment, but the programme of a policy. They are precluded, therefore, from accepting the project Louis Napoleon has submitted to them, inasmuch as it as serts, in point of fact, not the law of May 31 is defective, but that it is absolutely unnecessary . and wrong. If, indeed, it were pretended that anti-social doctrines which are on the decline, it might be proposed with some show of reason to remove restrictions which were imposed under apprehension of their spread; but on what ground can a Government, which is daily declaring whole dis tricte in a state of siege, advise the abandonment of a which the edicts of the Presi dent are now directed? Rave the Party of Order less the anticipation of those very d w a i ng eh ers w a a g s 1850? The proclamations _, dangers t . l r• But a the same ate too significant an answe . r furms only to fear from the Socialists now than they had in May, o they to adopt the proposi tionremain, then the Right, and reverse their policy. but abandon their principles the Socialists now make If, as the Message alleges, suffrae as an aru use of the restriction of the for ima g ining of the President, wouldwor not only rescind their votes thatthextensioney went, as an instrument? will not make use of its with public eon on Louis Napoleon, as is usual protestations of his disinte restednesssuch occasions, makes loud ment, what ground is there for g f r thatshould we only we to accept these literally, we ea a ppearance of ambition. be able to compliment his p self-sacrific® has never his adroitness; for certainly _ in the course whaitcrhiohtiesmhaastputhrseueexd.penWseeroof stsken, if the announce- The world i so Prince de Joinville was ment of the candidature of the t _ o step which has led, at not the immediate cause of h o certainly g rossly much into th in e i this critical moment, to his fatal rupture with the majo e.sus Prince were notoriously Dietician, who has been of France, for the sole for so many years the evil r li resident; rpiotyt.forTwhaerdclhayimstboaftthioetrOigrout ps and they are now may not stand in the purpose of embarrassing the t' At the same time, way of a coalition to destroy h P with which there is no doubt that the d his former policy, at the Louis Napoleon abandoned withdrawn solely in order that thig. the confidence of that dangered, had seriouslyhe t little sympathy for the large middle party which, with'factions, has a very lively fear views of the contending moment when his individual vve baii_nethercst appeared to be observe that that an impor tant anarchy and insecurity. de Montalembert, do Broglie, Pyramids—of which MM. were named presidents, for the Dare, and Odilon Barret, he majority, and establishing purpose of reconstractingft calfth ua di Binh, the basis tant meeting was held on Monday, of the Club of the relations with the party o of the Electoral Law though not to the moditicatio r'obable that the Pro of May 31. Nor is it P assistance even from sident will derive much . . ,heir hostility has never of the agreement to be an opphion to the abrogation, the seal of the Left. Th hen rumours for an instan t, even were most rife of his disposition w 'd f h ' guPPert; and they have POW P , PP anted their rendesvous to lai or t eir at " Mother Redcap's," in May, 1852, and have no in clination to miss their appointment by loitering at the " Napoleon's Head" on the road. The gravity of the crisis is seriously complicated by the very injudicious language which has been addressed to the army by the Minister of War, and which we see M. Berryer intends tomake the subject of interpellations in the Assembly. Such phrases as " the true military spirit now more than ever is the assurance of the safety of society;" and al lusions to the probability of the " army being the re sort to which society will have recourse in the hour of peril," are exactly the topics calculated, in skilful hands, to inflame the jealousy of a Legislative Assembly already sufficiently insulted by a Ministry imposed upon it against the will of the majority, and almost entirely relieved, by its constitution, from its surveillance. Altogether, the aspect of affairs seems more than ever threatening, and a peaceable solution further than ever removed. HERALD. —It may be remembered that during the last three or four weeks—and since the commencement if what is called the Ministerial crisis in France—we waintaincd that the " interregnuu3," us it was called, gee by no means so serious as the Parliamentary chiefs wished to make it, and every day that has since passed has convinced us of the truth of these our first impres sions. The capital of France for now thirty days has presented an appearance of the profoundest tranquillity, indeed, coneiderint the circumstances, of the profoundes; aoathy and indifference. Even the Faubourg de Marceau, is times of former Ministerial crisis so instinct with life, motion, and physical and mental excitement, eas eminently passive; and the Bourse itself, generally so sensitive to political movements, has on this occasion only slightly fluctuated. The state of the departments in no respect differed frcm the condition of the capital. Everything betokened repose among t h e millions, though a certain agitation and nzalaice were visible among what are called the higher political circles. The reason of this was obvious enough. The great body of tee population felt that the announced policy of the President was one of justice and conci liation ; while political intriguers agreed to con sider it as ono not favourable to their diverse views, whether Legitimist, Orleanist, Fusionist, Regent ist, or Joinvilleist, To the last moment reports were industriously circulated that the head of the Executive would recede from his expressed intention of proposing a total repeal of the law of the 31st May, 1850 ; but they who circulated these misgivings must see how futile were the tactics to which they have had recourse. The Message, which appears at length in this day's Morning Herald, and of which we gave a summary yesterday, at once dissipates the allusions and disappoints the hopes of the enraged and perplexed Burgraves. The Presi dent, without qualification or circumlocution, proposes the restitution of universal suffrage on the broadest basis, but, nevertheless, winnowed from impure and irregular elements. He says, and he says truly, that the law of the 31st of May went beyond the object sought to be attained. That law was passed in a moment of overwhelming trepidation, if not of dismay, at the election of several Socialist candidates for Paris, and it has gone beyond, indeed we may say gone far beyond, the object intended by its framers, it men, then so operated upon by fear as the Parliamentary majority, had any very de . finite and precise objects in their hasty and timorous legislation. The result has been the utter extinction of upwards of three millions of electors, twos thirds of whom • were peaceful, small proprietors in the country—men I who, above all others, are the most interested in the • maintenance of tranquillity. The result of this exclusion has undoubtedly driven some of the excluded into the ranks of the anarchists, and has served as a pretext— " to use the tone and forcible language of the Message— to the leaders of a party who cloak their detestable, de signs beneath the appearance of a right withdrawn and to be re-conquered. These are the men who, in various parts of France, have made pessionato appeals to the ex cluded millions to join in Socialist, Communistic, and Babouef conspiracies, but we sincerely and firmly be lieve with far less success than the President and his Ministers suppose. Under, however, the responsi bility of his oath of office, and under their united responsibility as a Government—the President and his Ministers tell us a vast demagogical conspiracy is or ganizing in France and Europe. But though, judging on oar own opportunities of knowledge and observation, we consider this statement exaggerated, yet we admit that secret societies have been extended rapidly in France, more especially in some of the departments placed in a state of siege, although not, we contend, in such degree as is described in this vest demagocical organization, or anything at all like it. Indeed, even in one of the worst departments, that of the Nievre, and in the very worst portion of it, the military promenade—to use a Gallic phrase—of General Pellion and of the Prefect of the Nievre have served to produce a better understanding, if not to overawe the disaffected. But, admitting that the disease were to the full as bad as is represented in the Message of the President, and the symptoms as dan gerous as is represented in the State paper before us, we ourselves most potently believe that the best specific— the most sovereign remedy—indeed, the only antidote for the evil—is to be found in a healing and conciliatory policy, and in restoring the franchises for three mil lions of, for the most part, well-disposed and well-af fected men. At every period of the wildest and moat frenzied period of their revolutionary history, the French people have always been deeply influenced and affected by a policy of kindness and of justice; and such a policy is worth a trial now, after so many essays at re pression and coercion by both branches of the Bourbons. By satisfying the just demands of the well-intentioned the Government will have essureteran inexpugnable po sition—a position, from whose secure basis it may, if needful, stringently and severely operate against the wilfully disaffected and factious. Will, however, the Parliamentary chiefa of factions enable the President to re-enact the lase of the 15th of March, 1849, or any law resopening the franchises to three millions of electors, requiring only to be of ago, and to bo six months resi dent in the commune or city in which they vote? This is, indeed, doubtful ; and if we were to judge from present appearances, and from the attitude of M. Berryer, we should decidedly say No. But when, on the other hand, the majority find—as find they must—that they are wholly unsupported by public opinion out of doors—and that the President does not desire a better position than they would create for him by a factious opposition to the Ministry, and a perverse hostility to a popular measure—they may change their Parliamentary tactics and only seek to modify, or, perhaps, altogether to allow to pass a mea sure which they at first recklessly opposed. The latter supposition, indeed, is more likely to be the case, for the question is one in which the army as a body would be neutral, though a vast and overwhelming majority of its Members is known to be favourable to the repeal of the law of the 31st of May. The situation is, we ad mit, not without a certain gravity—but that it can lead to any extreme results wo deny, for army and people are in the main and majority agreed to the necessity for the repeal of a law, which is only supported as it now exists by an experi enced, though not a wise, able, or long-sighted party of Parliamentary chiefs. Irrespective altogether of its wise recommendations as to the electoral law, the Mes sage is a State paper of very great general interest, and more than average ability. Its tone is conciliatory and healing, but it is at the same time highly Conservative in the best and only proper sense of the word. It ex presses the philanthropic desire of the President to give an extension to railway labour, and to those great public works which afford efficient and useful means of em ployment, while they add to the means of public conve nience and to the sum of public wealth. There is abun dant opportunity in France for extending inter communications and advancing agriculture and commerce, of which the head of the Executive dexterously avails himself in his recommenda tions, not merely in reference to public buildings and to now streets, but to railways and canals, and in reference to the culture of flax as practised in Belgium and Holland. While the sum expended on public works in 1851 has greatly exceeded that disbursed in 1850, it is, satisfactory to know that the direct taxes are paid with promptness, and that the finances of the country are in such a position as that the deficiency will net ex ceed the provisions of the Budget. Under such circum stances, and notwithstanding the perverse and indefen sible conduct of certain political leaders, we are of opinion—the heart of the people being sound—that the nation will recover its energy and elasticity, and disap point the vaticinations of those prophets of evil who have predicted a year of disquiet—if not of anarchy, in 1852. POST,—The Message of Louis Napoleon to the French Assembly, which wo publish in detail this day, contains, as prescribed by the Constitution, a faithful exposition of the state of the country based on a review of what has been done during the past year in the se veral departments of the State. This, however, though in bulk and in substantial information the main part of the important document, evidently occupied a compara tively small space in the attention andinterest of those to whom it was addressed. It would seem that to face a political crisis, not to review the past, or consider the present, condition of the country, is the object for which the Assembly considers itself summoned. Of the hour and a half occupied in the delivery of the Message, proba bly the last fifteen or twenty minutes alone were generally received as comprising the real and stirring business of the occasion. In this short space was included the important proposal of the President for dealing with or midgets ing, the complicated dangers which surround the simul taneous close of his term of power, and of the present Assembly's existence. The character of the principal measure to be urged, that of a return to universal suf frage, by way of a road to constitutional revision, was indeed foreknown; but a strong and natural interest was attached to the manner in which it might be brought forward, and to the objects which it might be made to defend. The President, as we anticipated, repeated fully and firmly the enunciations of Conservative prin ciple, and of national policy as oppos ed toparty objects, by which he conquered the general approbation of the friends of order at the cpening of the session in Novem ber, 1850. Compelled, by the nature of the step which he proposes, to encounter the strong opposition of the Con servative majority, Louis Napoleon has not been tempted, for the sake of support in another quarter, to recede, by _word or act, one inch from his position as the defender of France against the dangers of anarchy. If the democratic or revolutionary character be gene his rally attributable with justice to the three millions lar. o ult whom it is supposed that the repeal of the law of the State with concession. The po sition May would add to the electoral body, it cannot, at Message or in his recent course tt o h f action, has h to as tbhied As sembly the principles of the avt a sß hl i e al t eimni Right. purchase ig t e y o . ren f c. h s s t b h : Tt ys e h b: hu t l l Chief sufficiently l u s i te o gee me s t : i l e t t et da h hys e ti t al ao yt S ttl l e e t n : t enough, the this of the n g a o tu ve r r a n lly on gislate in accordance with the wishes of the Left, yet to c h o a n s tin b u n e en t , o Ministry on their first proposition—the t the question of the electoral project of la ,w should he considered urgent. The grculacls which fire brought forword OS warranting the proposed abrogation of the present re• strietions on the suffrage are such a 3 might have been expected; and, in fact, do not differ from those suggested by us in some very recent remarks on the subject. It ie urgei that the law of the 31st May, 1850, was not an electoral provision, but a political expedient. The Demo cratic party was then iu full activity throughout the coun try, the Conservatives were divided, ill-organised, and, in the provinces especially, apathetic as to the exercise of the franchise. There was thus danger that the cause of order might be swamped by the revolutionary principle, not because the latter was really the stronger in the country, but because it was more ready for action, and more able to concentrate its force on a given point. But it is now alleged that, while the blow then struck crippled the electoral action of a dangerous party for the moment, it left them permanently a fertile source of strength and organisation, a telling pretext in the grievance and de clared injustice of the extensive disfranchisement. It it said that the measure nee possed its limit of useful ness, and that the votes or the three millions are less to be dreaded than the cry which the restric tion has raised, " refuse our votes and we will tender them with arms iu our hands. Beyond these arguments are the reasons for change offered by the coming Presidential election. Louis Napoleon shows that, the number of votes required by the Constitution to make au election valid being two millions, and the constituency being reduced to seven instead of ten millions, this now proportion unfairly and unconstitu tionally throne the eventual choice into the hands of the Assembly. Lastly comes the warning, that the greatest dangers in the spring of 1852 have been fully recog nised by the majority of the Assembly itself, by the Councils of Arrondissements, by the Councils-General, by two millions of petitioners, and that these impor tent bodies generally egreeing in the itrpossib.lity cf avert ing such dang as except by revising the Constitution, — an object which the President thinks may be gained, or of which at least an additional chance may be offered by the reiteration of an unlimited suffrage. It is impossible not to see, nor does Louis Napoleon himself fail to re mark, that, in bringing forward these arguments, he acts under a strong snd damaging suspicion of serving his own interests while appealing to others to sacrifice theirs. " Revision" is very generally interpreted to mean re-election; and the restoration of the three mil lions of voices might, in no small degree, swell the ex pression of the will of the people, which it is supposed may be set against the decisions of the Assembly and the necessities of existing constitutional law. In denial and refutation of such motives and of such a charge, the President appeals to his conduct for the last three years; and it must be admitted that his worst enemies would be puzzled to point out a single instance of a principle abandoned or an intrigue adopted to serve a selfish end. So much certainly cannot be said for either of the leaders of that restless opposition by which the course of the Executive has been so vexed and thwarted for the last twelve months. We have thus re capitulated the grounds on which the Assembly is in vited to adopt the somewhat startling means of preserv ing order in 1851, by a return to the very system which was considered its destruction in 1850. The reason which guided the authors of the restrictive measure in its original preparation, and which may have determined them in resistance to its proposed repeal, scarcely need repetition at the present moment. What may be the issue, or even the course of the discussion, it would be unsafe, if not idle to predict. It is nct for us, occupying, as we do, the position of mere spectators and impartial well-wishers, to suggest to either of the contending parties the decision to which they should come, or the possibilities of compromise which may present themselves. Should we do so, we do not know where we should look for a better or more just recommendation than that contained in the declara tion of the President himself, that his duty is " to pro pose every means of conciliation, to use every effort to bring about a pacific, regular, and legal solution, what ever may be its issue." In these remarks on the important state paper before us, we have confined ourselves to ono among the many subjects which it embraces. At any time but the present, in which this subject appears the key of so threatening a difficulty, wo should not have omitted to notice more fully than our space will now allow us the more general topics of which Louis Napoleon speaks in his Message._ In the treatment both of the domestic pro gress and foreign relations of the country, many points, however, will be found of very deep practical interest to all who wish well to the prosperity of France. The cor dial co-operation of our own Government with that of the President in many of the vexed questions of Europe, con tinues to be a subject of congratulation to both countries; and the well-placed acknowledgment of the treatment of French industry at the Great Exhibition is in good contrast to the unhandsome manner in which the same subject has been viewed by the press, though not, as we believe, by the public of France. ADVERTISER.—The Message of Louis Napoleon to the National Assembly is by this time known in all parts of France. Before the close of this day it will be in general circulation throughout England. It is, on the whole, an assuring document. Considering the state of matters which for the last three years and a half has prevailed among our neighbours, it might have been ex pected that the Presidential Message would have to tell a dolorous tale. Not that we mean to say, that there are no drawbacks to the gratification with which it will be read. That would be out of the question. No reasonable man could have expected that the picture would be with out its proportion of shade. The great wonder is, that it is so bright—that the preponderance of light, over colours of a darker hue, is so great. On home subjects, the Presidential Message is fall and explicit. It admits the prevalence of Socialist principles —principles utterly subversive of all order— which prevail in particular parts of the country, and avows the firm determination of the Exe cutive to deal with Socialism and Red Republicanism, with a rigorous hand, wherever they are found to exist. On the subject of the financial position and prospects of France, the Presidential document speaks a language which must surprise, while it gratifies, even the most sanguine. With one great revolution, preceded and fol lowed by a series of insurrections, in the short space of three years and a half, the ground for marvel is, that the financial position of France is not one of utter dis order, if not of irretrievable ruin. Had that great country been, with regard to its finances, engulphed in the abyss of bankruptcy, the fact could not have caused the least surprise. Time after time, financial difficulties of appalling magnitude environed the Executive, owing to the derangement caused by revolutions, insur rections and anarchy, and the sea of uncertainty as to the future, into which the French people were plunged. The past, the present, and the future, seemed to be leagued together, to crush the com mercial energies, and consequently to dry up the sources of financial prosperity in France. None but a great country—one possessing marvellous elasticity— could have survived the financial crisis through which France has passed. There are only two other countries in the world that could have passed through so severe an ordeal without being destroyed. Can it be necessary that we should name those two countries? There is not one of our readers to whom the names of the two countries will not at once occur. America and Great Britain will suggest themselves to every mind. It must be exceedingly consoling to France to feel a thorough and well-grounded conviction that were the political differences which now distract that unhappy country once satisfactorily settled, its financial prospects would not only be bright but brilliant. If France is in so favourable a pecuniary position, comparatively, with so many causes in operation to impair her financial pros pects, what may she not expect to become when these causes have ceased to operate and full scope is given to her resources? Louis Napoleon adverts, in emphatic terms, to the great progress which France has recently made, and is still making, in the construction of railways in all parts of the country. To the intersection of France by means of railway transit, he does not by any means attach too much importance. Much, very much, of the financial prosperity which Franco enjoys, and the still greater measure of prosperity which is iu reserve for her, is to be ascribed to the opening up, over so large a portion of the country, of railway intercommunication. The system is yet but in its infancy. When more fully developed ; when the whole of France is overspread with a net-work of railways, the commercial and financial prosperity of Franco will reach a point which would, at present, appear altogether visionary, even to the most sanguine. Louis Napoleon makes an allusion to the Great Exhibition, which must prove highly gratifying to all classes of her Majesty's subjects, from Prince Albert to the humblest peasant in the kingdom. It is due to him to say, that in thus alluding to the Great Exhibition, he does not do so with the view of paying us an idle compliment. He is not a man to deal in imaginary and unmeant compliments. Whatever other defects may attach to his character • whatever may be his other faults, insincerity is not one of the number. What he says, he feels. When he uses language, it is not to express principles which he never entertained, or emo tions which he never cherished. Language is, with him, a symbol of thought and feeling. We can therefore all the more appreciate the compliment which he pays us, because we know he thinks it is deserved. From that great gathering of the nations of the world, Louis Napo leon is known to anticipate the happiest results to huma nity. And ho is right. It is impossible it could be other wise. From so free, so full, so extensive an interchange of kindly offices, as then took place among the various nations into which the great family of man is divided, consequences of the most beneficial kind to the whole species must of necessity arise. The Presidential ad dress adverts, as was to be expected, to the political re lations of France with other countries. These are spoken of as being of an assuring kind. Louis Napoleon seems to have no apprehension of any unfriendly demonstra tion on the part of other European powers. He does not betray the slightest symptom of a notion that theyWe willevseany e ntertain a hostile feeling to France. nothing on the latter point. The despotic courts cannot see how any useful end may be ser ve d Uy showing teeth, when they cannot bite. We rather suspect that their neither Russia nor Prussia, has any very tion for Republican France—republican, ardent affec name. But let that pass. W e quite concur with lea Louis Napoleon, that France has not hi ng i n t h e meantime to fear from the northern Courts. They have each enough to do, just now, to look at , home; and they will have enough for some time: to come. They will find they have quite sufficient occupation in preserving their own countries from revolution, instead of intermed dling in the affairs of other lands. Bat Louis Napoleon f does more than allude in his address to the absences hostile purposes on the part of the despotic powetre. B re_ says they are desirous of seeing the cor e ple the establishment of confidence —of _allegianc e w e don doubt that Go vernment—and of social t. But why these absolu- Louis Napoleon i 3 so far rig tist aspirations after contentmtehast inasntdituqttueinestuodfethiant France ? Is it from any love . to country, that the feeling springs ? Louis Napoleon is too shrewd a man to be deceived by any pretensions of that kind, should any such be made. anxiousnussia, A fe us r t r t i h a e , Prussia, sev erall y and jointly, ate complete re-establishment of order and contentment iw i ce, p e quee they knew full we ll , ch it alay ST. ALBAN'S BRIBERY COMMISSION. En ALBAN'S WEDNESDAY.—To-day the Commis sioners re-assembled to resume their inquiry at half-pat t 10 o'clock in the Town-hall, which was crowded in the usual way, chiefly by men of the working class, and amongst whom were understood to be many of those who had received head m one y for their votes. There were also many of the gentry on the seats around the Com missioners, and several ladies, who appeared to take great interest in t he proceedings. It is stated that the counsel who applied, but unsuccessfully, to be permitted to represent a section of the elentors, who fear that the may deprive them of their eye. result of the inquiry torsi rights, and injure the trade of the town, received 100 guineas for his retainer. Mr. Blagg, the town clerk, w as examined at con siderable length relative to the part he took in the late electioneering transaction!. lie gave a historical state ment, already recapitulated in the ev idence of Edwards and others, relative to the corrupt practices that had prevailed in the borough at the past an d previous„elee tions. He admitted having given " head m one y , sup plied by Edwards, to voters for their votes; and what Edwards had stated in his evidence on that subject was perfectly correct. Ho (the witness) had given sums of from 51. to 71. to about 13 or 14 voters. This system had been more or less pursued in the borough for the last 20 years. As far as he himself was concerned, he had been a great loser by thes3 transactions. He had lost upwards of 2,0001. by it on the occasion of Mr. Turner's election in 1832; for Mr. Turner went out of the country, and witness never recovered a penny. He had never received more than three elec tion fees during the whole of the twenty years that this sort of thing was going on, and these three did not in the aggregate amount to more than 800/. Witness was a Conservative in politics, but wished what was known in St. Alban's as the compact adhered to, hut unfortunately some'of the party broke away from his lead, and opposed Bell, and joined the third, or contest party, who were always ready for a struggle and for ex pense, for the outlay of money without any regard to principle whatever. In consequence of a portion of his friends refusing to observe the compact, and determining to oppose Bell, witness felt it was but right that he should support Bell himself, and this he did throughout the last election. He had been accused of obtaining some per sonal advantage by remaining neuter and observing the compact, and he was so disgusted with this accusation that ho made a declaration on the hustings that he had determined to support Bell. Sir IL W. Carden was next examined. He gave a history of his introduction :to the borough, his canvass of tho constituents, and its unsuccessful issue. Origi nally, certain parties, professing that they were dis gusted with the impure practices :that bad so long pre vailed in the borough, and which they stated had cast a deep stigma on the constituency, came to him and re presented that they wished some one to come forward as a candidate on " purity principles;" and that if he (Sit H. W. Carden) did so they would give him every sup port. They told him at the samo time that the cost of acquiring the seat, and to defray the election expenses, would be 5001. At first he declined having anything to do with them, having heard that St. Alban's was so notoriously bad, aria thinking that he might get a better and purer place wherein to commence his Parlia mentary career; but at last be responded to the persua sion of the parties, entertaining the hope that he might be the first Member to be returned for a long time past upon purity principles, or that lie might to some extent give a tendency to redeem the disreputable character of the constituency. With these views, he consented to stand. lie believed that, with few excep tions, he had on his side of the poll all the respectable people of the place. Money, he found, was used by the other side to such an extent that he soon disco vered there was no chance of success unless the rival candidate did likewise; but, notwithstanding, he deter mined on adhering to his original intention of not offering money to influence voters. He entirely repu diated have given any authority for, or having had anything to do with, the payments to voters for their services mentioned by Mr. Law, the local agent con ducting the election. He knew nothing of it. Had paid about 4001. for the expense of his election, and 5001. for the expense of the proceedings on the peti tion complaining of Mr. Bell's return before the House of Commons. Mr. Law's bill has not been paid yet, and witness did not know what it was. After some further evidence, the Court adjourned to this day, when Mr. Law (of the firm of Vanderoom, Law, and Cree) the London agents for Sir H. W. Carden, will he examined, together with individual voters who were bribed. COURT CIRCULAR. WINDSOR, Nov. 5. The grand dinner party yesterday, in the Waterloo Chamber, consisted of her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, the Duchess of Norfolk, the Dukes of Norfolk, Wellington, Bedford, and Cleveland ; the Lady in Wait ing to the Duchess of Kent, the Baroness do Speth; the Marquises of Lansdowne, Salisbury, Hertford, and Camden; the Earls Fitzwilliam, de Grey, and Mulgrave; Lord Edward Howard, the Rev.LordWriothesleyßussell, the Bishops of Winchester and Oxford, Lady Adeliza Howard, the Ladies Charlotte and Dorothy Fitzwilliam, Lady Caroline and Miss Barrington, Colonel the Hon. Charles and Mrs. Grey, General and Lady Isabelle. Wemyes, Colonel and Mrs. Bouverie, Lady Emily Sey mour, Sir George Cowper, the Rev. Mr. Birch, Mr. Glover, and Mr. Becker. The band of the Royal Horse Gaards was in . attend ance during the dinner, and p erformed the following music:— Auber. Overture, " Masaniello" Waltz, " Roser d'Amour" Kcenig. Selection, " Le Favourite " Donizetti. Selection, " Antigoir' , Her Majesty's private band attended afterwards in the evening, and played the following selections:— Overture, " L'Entant Prodigue" Scene de Dance," La Bayadere" Auber. Krieges Marsch, " Athalie" Adagio g a ti n e d en Al w le a g i r k o e : i l: MendelsBollll. the ilus gorne Park a ll tid isaiger. Thethe Slopes this morning. The Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the younger members of the Royal Family, took their usual walking and pony exercise. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, accompanied by the Marquis of llertfort and the Earl of Mulgrave, went out shooting this forenoon, attended by Lord Charles Fitzroy and Colonel F. H. S e y mou r. The Duke of Norfolk, and Lady Adeliza Howard, the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Cleveland, the Marqu is of Salisbury, the Marquis of Hertford, the_.M.a r q u i r f Camden, Earl de Grey, Earl Muigrave , the .0 11n_oP ard incheeter, the Bishop of Oxford , and Lord noon. Howard, took their departure fro m the Castle this after- The Lords of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council will meet in tho Exchequer Cham , tber settle at West the miuster, on Wednesday, the 12th instanto roll of Sheriffs for the ensuing year. with A deputation, consisting of Mr. A. Anderson, M.p., Mr. Gregson, Mr. Briggs, and Mr. Larking, had an in terview on Tuesday with Lord John Russell, at hi s c C e o . namission had a meet ing official residence in Downing-street. Colonel Fancourt had an interview yesterday ffiy residenee of the First Lord the Bishop of Chester, Sir E a T r l yh ees Grey, te r daa3t,, Cambridget h at e t C hu o e Colonial-o ffice. D official v i c a rt - i o t and the Rev. W. IL John Herschel, Professor Sedgwiek, of the Treasury. Presen Bateman (secretary), _ _ Viscount Palmerston left town on Tuesday evening, for Brecket•hall, Herts, the seat of Viscount Melbourne It appears that the announcements of the appoint ment of Mr. Walker and Mr. James as Masters in Chan cery were premature. It is now reported in court that Lord 3. Russell, as.Premiedinsists onplis right to nominate, and:on the duty of the Lord Chancellor to appoint the nominees. Mr. Temple and Mr. Bellenden Kerr are said to be the persons fixed on by his Lordship as the successors of Sir R. Kindersley and Mr. Senior. A third vacancy . is spoken of in the retirement of Mr. Farrer, and the candidates are \numerous. The Ossovatore Romano states that upwards of 160 foreiguera arrived at lime from the 17th :9 $ll9 .