The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, Rho might say, that even in that case the Government f (Meat Britain should not have interfered, that the ! ,ws of the country must be obeyed implicitly and cell ,entedly by those who dwell in it. Such, however, Voas not his opinion. In the case of Venezuela redress was demanded for the British subjects whose r i g ht s were unjustly interfer ed with by the Government of that cou ntr y . There had rot been any blockade, but a firm, temperate. and just representation was made by the Nobie Lord the Scse t tary fsr Foreign Affairs to the Venezuela Governusete, and his representation was attended with the success it deserved. If there was one point more than another on which the middle classes of this country should support the Government it Wass upcn their foreign policy, cod if Ilon. Members of the party on the other side of the House were anxious to vote against the motion, on the idea that it would be productive of a dissolution of Pal - liament, he could tell them that it was not the path that would lead them to the bed of roses they wished to re cline upon. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he must confess that the speech which had just been addressed to the House was one which he could not have much difficulty in answering, if he were to apply himself to the sr veral topics discussed. The Honourable Member had certainly ventured to express his apprehension of a defection of some of their Liberal Members, but with great discrimination and good sense he had abstained from pushing his regrets on that head very far. Whether or not the case of Venezuela, which be had quoted, was a precedent for that of Greece, was a point which he was not in a sittiation to combat; but he thought that, allowing his argument the greatest weight, it did not much assist his views. The Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in his speech of the night before last—a speech to which every one had done homage—(Cheers)—in that speech the Noble Lord ob jected to the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon, inasmuch as in the reading of the dispatch, on which he founded his strictures, and Reenact the Noble Lord of interfering, and that too in an unbecoming tone, in the domestic and internal concerns of another country, he complained of his not having read the concluding paragraph of that dispatch to Mr. Bulwer. Now, he must do justice to his Right Hon. Friend, and say that that dispatch was one in which it was not intended to communicate, in the sense in which he used the word. The Noble Lord, however, took care that the dispatch should appear, and the French also took care that it should appear, because it appeared in print. The Noble Lord had himself been careful to suppress a sentence in which he could not apply a less severe ex pression to General Narvaez, than that of his being a " reckless adventurer." The dispatch to which the Noble Lord had referred in particular, exemplified suffi ciently the system of non-interference. The Noble Lord, referring to it, said be was accused of having shown a want of temper in his attempts at reconciliation with the Spanish Government. In this respect the Spanish Government, as he (Mr. S. Herbert) thought, could afford to be generous; for although the Noble Lord said that the dispatch had been shown to both Governments before it was treated as authentic, yet he omitted to mention that that was taken out of several drafts which were submitted, as being the least offensive of any. If that were not so, would the Noble Lord produce the other drafts that the house might be set right upon it? With regard to Italian politics, the House would remember that in August, 1847, there was the greatest discontent resulting from the conduct of the Govern ment of many of the Italian states. Genoa vas governed by the Jesuits, through whom only any favour or employment at Court could be obtained. Tus cany was ill governed, though it had great resources and an industrious population. In the States of the 'Church the misapplication of the law was so glaring that the inhabitants were frequently flogged and tor tured at the discretion of the gaoler, and then told there Was no charge against them. In its financial affairs there w as t h e greatest corruption, so much so, that a small article of revenue, yieldiug 3001. per annum, was colle.ctsd at an expense of about 700/. for stationery, and tt, f 00(.4. for sal ar i es . At that time the accession of the ) po had inspired the Italians with the greatest hopes of reform, but it was probable that he had played a part which he never intended. His ambition was to raise the citizens of Rome to the level of the people of Tus cany, but the disputes of other states was too power ful for his Holiness to contend against. In the affairs of the Italians every Englishman at this time kook the greatest interest, and when the reform o began the greatest alarm was felt lest there should be a collision between Austria and the other states. It was then that th e liberal party used the name of' _Austria as a bugbear, with great success. towards the :accomplishment of the views of Young Italy.—(Hear, hear.) At a time of great excitement the Nob le Lord circulated a document, intimating an intention of the in• "'alien of Sardinia, but he did not at the same time cir culate the dir ec t con tradiction made by the Austrian G o vernment. That document was designedly sup li'locbssled, and that act defended, on the ground t hat the e Lord had no reliance on the disclaimer of the Austrian G overnment . H e a sked them, was that a m ode sas of transacting business which the House of Com 'wcna would sanction?—(Cheers.) The miss ion of Lord Minto was regarded by the people of Italy as under taken to push forward constitu tional g overnments in Italy It was misunderstood, and produced fatal effects. When the Noble Lord (Lord Minto) addressed the p e ople from the balcony at Rome, he c ould not have chosen more objectionable words tha n those he used on that occasion—" Live the independence o f Ital y !" lie knew not whether the Noble Lord was an Italian scholar, but throughout the whole of Italy there was but one meanin g attached to these words , which was the expul sion of the foreigner from the Peninsula.—(Cheers.) The N oble Lor d t h en wen t to Naples, and there they found hi m suppor ti ng the repeal of the union between Sicily and Naples. They sa w their fleet saluting a now flag in that island, and subsequently the revolutionists were armed with muskets from this country by the Go vernment, which also supported the nomination of the Duke of Genoa as the sovereign of that island. What had been the effect of all this interference in S icil y , Rome, and Lombardy? It began in anarchy, and was no w ground down by a military despotism. He would t enter upon the affairs of Greece, after the detailed discussion which had already taken place. Ile thought this country could not boast of the result of t he dif ference between this country and France. He found that in all the cases in which the Noble Lord interfered he had failed, and in those which ho had not, freedom had been established. Let them contrast the case of Sicily and Lombardy, and Rome, with Prussia, where liberty had been established without his assistance-- (seer, hear)—and he hoped that in Austria matters were in the course of a satisfactory arrangement. - Upon a view of the entire course of these events, he called upon them not to sanction the policy of the Noble Lord. Sir G. GREY said it would be almost unpardonable in him if he were to occupy the attention of the House for any length of time in a further vindication of the prin ciples of that policy which had been pursued by his Noble Frie n d the Foreign Minister of this country, as the organ of the Government of which he is so distin guished a member.—(Cheers.) The speech which his Noble Friend addressed to the House at the close of the previous evening's debate—the most lucid, able, com prehensive, and temperate speech, in which he stated and vindicated the principles upon which the foreign policy of the Government had been conducted and guided, and in which he met and refuted, one by one, the many charges and imputations which. from various quarters, and from every possible source, had been brought against bins for a length of time.—(Loud cheering.) That speech had left little, if anything, to be added by those who had to follow him on the same side.—(Hear, hear.) When he alluded to the temperate tone of the speech of his Noble Friend, containing not one word which could give pain or offence to any man—(Cheers) —not even the bitterest of his opponents—he must express his regret at the tone of some of the remarks which he trusted had inadvertently fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House, and he thought the Right Hon. Gentleman himself re gretted that he had charged his Noble Friend with con duct incompatible with honour and integrity—(Cheers) —conduct, which be understood the Right lion. Gentle man to say, would be held to be disgraceful between man and man. The House had extorted from the Right lion. Gentleman an admission that he had gone too far, and he believed the Right Hon. Gentleman was glad of an opportunity of expressing his sense, in accordance with the unanimous feeling of the HoTubis se, is of a his Noble Friend's unimpeachable int e g rit y . question of principle. The Hon. Member for Sheffield stated the issue truly, when he said the House was called on to de cide whether the principles on which the foreign policy of this country is conducted are such as, looking to th it policy as a whole, to command the approval, or merit the censure, of that House. lie must for a moment notice two charges which had that evening been pre ferred against his Noble Friend. The first was only a repetition of one made the other night—he alluded to what the Right Hon. Gentleman termed the wilful suppression of a dispatch from the Austrian Government; the other re ferred to the production of a dispatch from Mr. , Wyse, vindicating himself with the honest indignation of an Englishman against an unfounded charge reflectin on his official conduct.—(llear, hear.) With respec g t to the first charge, that relating to the suppression of the Austrian dispatch, the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to have forgotten what was stated by his Noble Friend the other evening, namely, that if the production of that dispatch had been deemed by the Austrian Government or by its representative in this country essential to its honour and character, it might have been asked for at any period during six months. With respect to Nis. Wyse's dispatch. the Right flon.Gentleman seemed to be ignorant that General la Ilitte, in a dispatch addressed to M. Drouyn de l'Huys, distinctly stated—this at least is t h e generally received meaning of the words of the dispatch, and the meaning was adopted by the public press in t hi s country and m ade matter of comment —although Mr. Wyse knew that the basis of a convention was agreed upon between his Noble Friend and Drouyn de l'lluys, he re fused to delay his course of action until the arrival of the nex t steamer, which he was aware would bring him . in telligence of the settleme nt of the question. The Right reduction of the Hon. Gentleman com p lai ned of t he p dispatch which Mr. Wyse wrote in a nswer to the Hon un founded charge m ade a g ainst him, and the Right . Gentleman seemed to suppose that his Noble Friend ad mitted the other night that the accusation had never been made against Mr. Wyse, because it was physically impossible the basis of the convention could have been known in Athens at the time. His Noble Friend did not say that it was physically impossible the basis of the convention could have been known at Athens, but stated that Mr. Wyse was informed from a source on which he thought he could confidently rely, that the basis of the convention had arrived and been communicated to M. Gros, who had concealed them from him, and writing master that impression he penned the dispatch which had been laid before Parliament. Far from thinking that his Noble Friend was censurable for publiehingMr.Wyse's dispatch, under the circumstances, he waa of opinion tha , he wculd have acted a shabby and mom part town'' 4 Mi. Wyse, if he had not given to the would that gentleman's refutation of what he conceived to be an un just charge injuriously affecting his character.—( l, ar , hear.) To return fr , m this topic, the principles (i which the tuition hef ire the House was biss,,i were se• cu rately stated by tus 'le aloe..ha' Sh-ffiel ), rrinci - p!cs of policy which affeot two clisi,es of CASeS; tlrst, the ric•b:s behmiczitig to, ct•.d wroLg su+- feted by. British sitt,jec:s; eras,secolicily, the e nen I interests, tlignity, and honour of the country. The rt al 'ca , :stiou at issue was, whether the present or any future Gotßrnrneut of this c , :unti - y should hereafter, in the as• scrtion of the principle ::flatting the first class of cases, i;et in ace:valance will the limitation pineed on the i.p• tilicacion of the principle which is involved in the rest - lotion of the other House; or whether, on the other, it should afford protection in the wiriest sense to every British subject, let his situation in life be what it may — let his religious creed be what it may—who, having suffered wrong in a foreign state, was unable by the ordi nary prom.: of law, or the misgovernment of the coun try, to obtain justice.—(Loud cheers.) They were bound to give by treaty their advice to many countries, and they bad given that advice with a view to withstand despotism on the one hand and anarchy on the other. He did not believe that any person could come out of so many charges so un scathed as his Noble Friend. He asked the House whe ther every specific charge had not been satisfactorily and triumphantly answered.—(Loud cheers.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite had waited for results, and having been silent during the progress of events, when they ap peared not successful they came down to complain of their policy.—(Hear.) He would appeal to the House whether, two years ago, they had not had many predic tions of a European war? Were these predictions suc cessful?—(Cheers.) Had not their exertions averted what had been apprehended o n all hands?_( e) Was not the state of Europe now infinitely better than what had been apprehended? The principles of consti tutional government were making progress against des potism on the one hand, and anarchy on the other. — (Cheers.) Although under circumstances of unexampled difficulty, his Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs bad, by his policy, preserved this country in peace with all the world.—(Cheers.) He believed the principles upon which his policy was founded were more likely now to be successful than they had ever been before. But even peace might be pur chased at too dear a price. It was not to be purchased at the price of the national dignity and the national honour. His Noble Friend had stated the principles upon which he based his course of policy. He believed them to be the feelings and principles of the great body of his countrymen.—(Cheers.) This was not a narrow question—a question not of the removal of one Minister or of another Minister, but of great national interest and importance; and he trusted the House would weigh the matter apart from party questions, before they came to a decision upon it. He trusted that they would not lower the country in the eyes of foreign nations. It was a question involving serious results—a , question involving a total and entire change of policy in this country, which might be fatal to the chara cter and interests of the country. - He trusted they would not lead foreign countries to understand that they migh insult British subjects with impunity and with success, or by a vote of that House lead foreign nations to believe that Eng land would remove her Ministers if they attempted to defend them. He trusted that they would not lead foreign nations to believe that they were indifferent le; to the principles of constitutiona l government—princip which were essential to the progress of civilization, and to the happiness of mankind.—(Loud cheers.) There being loud calls of " Gladstone" from various parts of the House, Mr. GLADSTONE rose, and said that the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Gorge Grey) had little bearing upon the resolution they were to arrive at that night. They must deal closely with the question, if they were to deal with it at all. A vote had been passed in another place impugning the conduct of the Foreign Minister in regard to the affairs of Greece. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government (Lord John Rus sell). when at length drawn forth, boldly declared, the Government do not intend to resign. or change their policy, or take any specific course. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) was connected with 3 family histoii cally celebrated for its adherence to constitutional prin ciples. But were these constitutional principles? Lor He protested against the doctrine. The N oble Lord (d John Russell) and his coadjutors intended to continuo the advisers of the Crown, and yet to take no step to gain the confidence of that House.—(hear, bear.) The Noble Lord appealed to precedents. Hie first Freer dent had reference to a resolution passed in another place respecting tho Bourbon family. But was that a precedent? The House of Lords of that day passed a resolution in respect of a matter that had not taken place. But their resolution parsed the other day was its reference to what had already occurred. —(Hear.) Again in 1833 a vote of censure was passed in the House of Lords upon the Government, and imme diately that House was challenged as to whether it would change the Government. The course of the Noble' Lord, on the contrary, is, that he is to wait for the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire.—(Hear and cheers.) But the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire was not dissatisfied with that vote.—(Cbeers and cou nter cheers.) He was. not dissatisfied with that vote.—(Renewed cheering and counter cheering.) But the Minister who knew what constitutional government was, and who ' knew that no Minister should conduct the affairs of the country under such circumstance without an appeal to that House, did not come forward.—(Cheers from the, Opposition.) No, they preferred to leave it to an inde pendent Member—to the Honourable Member for Sheffield. And what had he done? Had he pro posed a reversal of the vote of the House of Lords? Had he not shifted the issue. —(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Had he done it without a reason? Why all this indisposition and hesitation to meet the affairs of Greece?—(Cheers ' and counter cheering.) Why were various motions which would have given them the issue withdrawn?—(Cheers and laughter amongst the Protectionists.) Why had the lion. Mem ber for Montrose withdrawn his motion?—(Cheers and laughter.) There was a reluctance to meet discussion upon the affairs of Greece.—(Protectionist cheers and ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches.) There was a purpose in avoiding discussions upon foreign policy. There was a feeling in that House and else where, that the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary had sources of peculiar weakness and of peculiar strength. There was a feeling that they were not very far usually from the verge of a war when our Foreign Affairs were in the hands of the Noble Lord; but, on the other hand, he bad a source of strength, because his policy was in favour of an extended party which wished to further their own particular views. It was his object to promote the spread of popular prejudices. Now, they had before them, in the first place, the particular question of Greek policy, which belonged to a subject-matter quite apart from any prin ciple connected with foreign despotism, or the progress i f popular government. The Noble Lord had been en gaged in getting what ho called protection for a British subject.—(Hear, hear.) Now, there was no more im portant principle or important subject to consider. In the case of Greece, they had to inquire under what cir cumstances it had become necessary to coerce that coun• try. They had next to consider in what manner gua ranteed treaties were to be observed ; and, thirdly, they had to consider whether the conduct of the Noble Lord with respect to the great country of France had been calculated to preserve peace ? He disclaimed altogether the trial of the conduct of the Government of this coun try in Greece, by comparing it with what other countries had done. On coming to the case of Greece he wished to put aside all these minor claims which had been set up and enforced by the country, and con fine his observations principally to the most import ant ones. As regarded the case of the seizure of the men belonging to the Fantome, there could be no doubt that the Government was entitled to demand an apology, but certainly that could have been got without having recourse to reprisals or the employment of force. Why was not such an apology asked for? Suppose it had been asked for, and the Government of Greece refused to award it. then would reprisals or force have been jus tified, but it never was asked for, and therefore soul,' never have been refused. He also would pass the 201. claim of compensation to the lonians, which formed part of the demand against Greece, and in respect of which Baron Gros was against the Government, as he had doubts as to the matter of fact on which those claims wore founded. Then as to the case of M. Sumachi, he asked the House were they prepared to justify the act of the Foreign Office in respect to that case? An ex parte statement by a man of no character, who was accused of theft, complaining of having been severely tortured and maltreated by the Greeks, was sent to the Noble Lord at the head of foreign affairs, who without ever inquiring into the truth or falsehood of the s t at ement, immediately wrot e to Sir Edmund Lyons, at Athens, stating that her Majesty's Government had learned with regret the barbarous outrage committed on that individual, and instructing him to demand the missal of the officers who had been guilty of it, and com pensation to the man upon whom the outrage had been inflicted, and requesting to bo informed by the next packet as to whether those conditions had been complied with.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps the House on the trans action might have come to the conclusion which Barou Gros did, in his impartial position of mediator between the parties.— (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He repeated impartial position, and he would at the same time tell the Government that if they had any respect for their own reputation, or for the reputa tion of the country, they could take no more sure and effectual means of damaging either, than by first calling in the aid of a friendly power to help them out of their difficulties, and then, when the views of the individual appointed by such power to carry out its good offices towards them did not altogether tally with their own, to raise a taunt and a sneer against him. --(Loud cheers.) He asked again, then, if the House was satisfied with a system of foreign po licy, which, on the separate statement of a man of doubtful character, was to assume a hostile attitude to wards a weak state, and demand the dismissal of certain officers of that state, and compensation for wrongs in re spect of which no means had been taken to inquire as to whether or not t he y had been inflicted?—(Heer, hear.) In the month of August he made his demand for compensation, but in the month of January following he again wrote, demanding that the case should be investi gated, and nothing more was heard of it. It it was the case that the man was tortured, he had not got his com pensation in damages, nor had the officers who did so been dismissed, and it might be that here was a British subject who had been subject to the greatest outrage and violence, but whom the Noble Lord had failed to protect. Tho principal cases, however, were those of Pacifico and Mr. Finlay, and to these he wished mere particularly to call the attention of the House. Mr. Finlay was a respectable man, and there could be no doubt that he was entitled to have his claim investigated, nod to receive that compensation for his property to which the law entitled him. In his case, however, there arose the question, how was the law in respect of British subjects in for.-ign countries to te regulate I?—was there to be a special law in respect of t 1 eat, or were they to be sub jected to the operation of the laws cf the countries in which they were resident, with the power, in case of their being refused the benefit of these, of appealing to diplowalic interference. ThL.t was a Tiestioh which lay et the root of their relations with till for‘ign countries. The lion. Member for Cacubridge hr.:: said that British ~ , ü bkots abroad were entitled to be governe d b y as good laws as existed in their own country, but in that he thought the house would not coincide with the lion. Gentleman. He would, however, take the definition of the matter as given by the Noble Lord at the head of vor,ign Affairs, that when the law of the country in which 13iit!4h subjects were resident was applicable to their case such law ought to be taken the be hefit of by them, and upon that the question arose, was the law of Greece applicable to the case of Mr. Finlay?: He (Mr. Gladstone) maintained that it was. Mr. Finlay himself admitted that. he ought to have gone to the legal tribunals, and he gave his reasons for not doing so.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Finlay said as to carrying his claims before the legal tribunals, he would not get compensation for the arbitrary seizure of his property, ho would only be remunerated for the value of it. Now, he believed it was the fact, that previously to the property being seized, Mr. Finlay applied to the King to purchase it from him, and a sum was offered not far below what was now awarded him, but there now arose out of his case the two questions, the value of the land, and what damages he was entitled to for its arbi trary seizure. It was true the Greek tribunals could not award him anything for the arbitrary seizure of his property, but they could have fixed the value of it, and it was the duty of Mr. Finlay to have gone before those tribunals to have ascertained that value. That was the opinion expressed by Baron Gros. Mr. Finlay then said that the expense and delay which would be occasioned by going to those tribu nals, would be tantamount to a refusal of his claim, and a denial of justice to him. But he never was fortunate enough to hear of a case respecting landed property in the courts of law in this country, which could be decided without considerable expense and delay. Mr. Finlay next said that it was impossible to sue the Greek Go vernment in their own courts with any degree of suc cess so lung as the judges of those courts were liable to be dismissed from day to day. The reason then was that the judges were not appointed for life. What would be said in this country did a party refuse to go before the Lord Chancellor with a suit, because the Lord Chancellor held office at the pleasure of the Crown? or what would be said in the colonies where the judges held office from day to day, and were liable to bo dis missed by the petty head of a small community, subject to the revision of no ono except the Colonial Secretary, at the distance of some thousand miles from the spot? Then, again, were the tribunals of Greece so corrupt that they could not be entrusted with the case. That could not be alleged, but over and above that, there was a treaty between this country and Greece, and which every one who had spoken on the part of the Government would seem to have forgotten. In that treaty it was laid down, that throughout the whole ex tent of the Greek territory the subjects of this country should, in respect of the administration of justice, enjoy the privileges of natives of Greece. That treaty was entered into in 1837, and at the bottom of it, on the part of England, he found the name of Lord Palmerston.— (Hear, hear.) They must, therefore, show that the Greek tribunals were corrupt before they could agree to this being overlooked, as had been done in the present case. But Mr. Finlay himself admitted the efficiency of the Greek tribunals, for he stated that those tribunals had so nobly defended the rights of the press against Government, that be should feel every confidence in the judges were they appointed for life. In respect of Mr. Fin:ay's claim having been submitted to arbitration, and the reason why it had not been considered by those arbiters, he had to state, that the Government of Greece agreed to suspend the law in reference to such arbitration, only continuing for three months, and that Baron Gros himself had stated that the reason why the arbitrators had done nothing with it was, that Mr. Finlay had never submitted the papers respecting the case to them. For that, thee, the Greek Government were not to blame. In respect of M. Pacifico's claims, the same observations were applic able to it as to Mr. Finlay's. It never was submitted to the Greek tribunals, and it was wrong to have em ployed Franca in the obtaining of it without going through these tribunals. He did not inquire what was M. Pacifico's character, he only looked at his claim, but M. Pacifico himself dragged in his character in his claim, for on the very face of it there was the greatest exag geration apparent. lie contended that the Noble Lord was bound by the treaty of 1830 to consult the great powers of Europe with respect to the islands of Sapien za and Cervi, instead of sending out an armed force, and a dispatch to the Governor of the lonian Islands to take immediate possession of them, by which incautious act he risked the peace of Europe. The Right Honourable Gentleman complained, also, that the Noble Lord, instead of acting in a friendly spirit with other powers, had rushed, as was his cha racter, into a complicated mass of difficulties. His re cognition of the Duke of Genoa as king of Sicily, while Palermo was in the hands of the insurgents, was, in his opinion, a most unwarrantable act, which would reflect indelible disgrace on the British nation. He tbonght that when the Noble Lord anticipated a sepa ration of Sicily from Naples he was performing an act which showed a spirit of hostility such as no Minister could do without a violation of his duty. If it had happened in Canada, when it was for a time in the possession of the insurgents, what would be thought :if before any soldiers had been expelled, there was iudi cated to the insurgents by a foreign power a choice of a particular monarch?—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Gladstone) was prepared, with distinguished men, to bear the abuse which would be poured upon him, and though it might be said he was in favour of foreign powers and influence, his reply would be, that he was for justice. The Noble Lord said the English man was to be like the Roman of whom he spoke, and he held him to that admission. The Roman citizen was a member of a privileged caste—the citizen of a nation that held all down by the strong arm of power—there was to be one law for him, and another for others. — (Hear, hear.) Was that the view of the Noble Lord with regard to the other nations of the world?—(Cheers.) It it really be the business of a foreign secretary to carry on war with all Europe; if, like the knights of old, he was to be armed at all points, ho admitted the Noble Lord to be the greatest master of his art. But his duty was to govern the country in its foreign rela tions by sound andjust principles; they ought not to set themselves up as superior to other nations. They abused all who were opposed to them, and if any portion of the nations of Europe ever differed from them they were called "foreign conspirators." They not only abused despotic Governments, but constitutional ones; and even went so far, when they bad nothing else to do, as to abuse republican Governments.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord had done so in the ease of the Oregon question, as regarded the United States; and when Lord Ashburton's; treaty was in progress of being settled the Noble Lord showed the spirit which actuated him. That spirit must be given up. It would be said, after that debate had concluded, that English interests would be neglected by those who opposed the Noble Lord—that they were actuated by personal interests; but if there was an appeal to the Houses of Parliament of that description, there was an appeal to the people of England thee a rearth. .a s l o n , p a u n r d s u f r a o n m e e them how e t v o t r h , e o f e i their e izr duty u n t y a t onn that of h t t House they were bound to give a verdict according t to their conscientious convictio ns, and protest agains a policy which must of necessity be in its results unfa vourable to British interests abroad, and p a rticularly un fourable to the sacred object o f maintainin g the peace of the world. Mr. H. DRUMMOND and Mr. BROTHERTON rose to gether amid counter-cries of " Adjourn !" and " Ge on 1" which rendered both Members inaudible. The latter Hon. Gentleman made a faint but despairing appeal to the clock, which indicated twenty minutes past one; but suffering himself to be overpersuaded, the Hon. Member for Salford resumed his seat without moving the adjournment of the House. Mr. H. DRUMMOND was quite willing to acoede to the wish of the House, whether it were to chat or to sleep.—(A laugh, and cry of "Go on.") Among the anomalies of the present debate the most extraordinary was that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) should have taken under his protection his (Mr. Drum mond's) Hon. Friend the Member for Bucks (Mr. Dis raeli)l—(Laughter and cheers.) He (Mr. Drummond) could not be supposed to have any great antipathy to seeing a personal run made upon au individual member of a Whig Administration for the purpose of destroying his Government—an individual not the most ig noble among his colleagues, an individual selected, not, as he (Mr. Drummond) maintained, for any dereliction of duty, but because the purpose of a faction might be served and became foreign whisperers had been at work.--(Hear.) It appeared that the Right Hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty, in conse quence of a requisition from the Foreign-office, hail selected the vessels that were to go to Greece—vessels with uncommonly appropriate names. Lovers some times made known their sentiments by the means of the language of flowers. It was natural that the First Lord should make known his sentiments in the choice of his ships, and he accordingly selected the Firebrand, the Dragon, the Spitfire, the Tartarus, the Bulldog, and the Spiteful.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord (Lord Pal merston) had considered the question under two heads —first, the claims more particularly in dispute, and secondly, the general policy of the country. Now, when lion. Gentlemen confined the policy of the country to these Greek claims they put the question upon a basis perfectly fatal to, them. The policy of Lord Pal merstan-was to asseee a claim for redress to British sub jects. To oppose that was to deny that they would ever support a claim of a British subject.—(Cheers.) If Hon. Gentlemen talked of overthrowing an Administration upon the ground of the Noble Lord's present policy, and adopting a contrary principle of action, it would be a declara'ion to the world that, let the subjects of this country be treated as they might, the Foreign Minister should not perform his duty.—(Cheers and " Oh.") Upon the nisi prius part of the question, as it had been called, he would not enter. But, from the speech of the Foreign Secretary, it was clear that from the beginning of this dispute the opposition to the demands made by Great Britain was fostered and encouraged by the Rus sian and Austrian Ambassadors. But was it a m atter of surprise that the present Administration of this country should be looked upon with suspicion and dis trust by all foreign Governments? Tho political fathers of the present Ministers were the panegyrists and apo logists of all the atrocities of the first French revolution, the peculiarity of which was tlett it esteblished a propa gandism, the spirit of which visas that every other country ought also to cut off its king's head. A cha racter was not gained in a day, and the successors of the apologists of the French revolution could never be the advocates of peace. 1 the iden >t her olicy. The .fairs L that ink= , as to " Oh espotic 'ate for luau to conclu should port of ver in •'•l am history?' zest' of lased to that if Inntries ?3, must in those > which ovin the in n' coup' n e ;.:neffield tish alv ~, Vt. a Med es )un' law field nu e: eon' lon. noloa Fl'o o her ° JO' • uteri been e hi e • • enlr.' • Of° iadi; 3 t ba o/ thal rs ti o iag arib' the • t, be sur .e tbe it blo p ro' wet ° .ord • dio , o 0 P or e reoq • ) 3° ° r 6r ; 1 1 *i f 0% 1 , 0 01, we eo r'', 3 le 0 %0 i • ,r 4 iia el j 0 0 ' e . 0 3 4 0 1 3 ,0 ° 1 so le pry lt e d O te i ll 0 0 11 ' 0 .0 O f f en, ' re. J o i d dif; 00 'l4 • t t or LONDON, FRIDAY "Fortes creat.tur firtihus et bonis; Est in juvericit , , est in equis pattern Virtus, nee imbellorn fo:oc.;s Progenerant aquim columbam." The proud eagle that fed upon carrion could not beget the harmiecs dove, aid thus it happened that when the Whig Governinttht came into pO.ver, they were the ob• jects of distrust anti suspicion to every nation in Eu ropn. The very great discretion and wisdom of the late L.)til Grey for a time kept this feeling in subjection, until ther:., came the Refirin Bill, which annihilated the power of the Crown, and until then came also that pro pagandism which avowed that it would carry out this principle of reform into every country in Europe. Too present Government Was founded upon agitation, it wai supported by Agitation, and did they believe that they could have such a Government at home, and that Eng land could be the friend of peace übroad?—(iiear, hear.) Ho could discover no practical difference b2tweeti the doctrines promulgated by the Noble Lord or those which he wished to see carried throughout Europe, and those which the Hon. Member for Manchester and his friends wished to see predominant in this country. These supporters of her Majesty's Government, how ever, wore beginning to suspect that revolutions were not very profitable for the sale of cotton, for their whole principle rested on the pric e of cotton.—(A laugh.) That faction, which ought, in his opinion, to be ex tirpate I like rats, would neverthel.ss be looked to by her Majesty's Ministers for support. His firm con viction was, that an Administration which was founded on agitation, and which gave the legacy to Ireland of " Agitation, agitation, agitation," could never hope to enjoy tranquillity at home or abroad. Their whole principle from beginning to end was to keep up political agitation, and in this they were well supported by Honourable Gentlemen opposite. He looked upon them as the stormy petrels, the har bingers of continual European convulsions.—( Hear.) The Reform Bill, which bad been made the law of this country many years ago, had been the fruitful source of all those evils which were experienced abroad, as it had been of so many felt at home. He could not forgot, however, that Sir J. Graham and Lord Stanley were parties to that measure; and certainly to gratify them and carry out their views he was not prepared to vote against the motion now before the House. On the motion of Mr. COCKBURN, the debate was adjourned. The other business was disposed of, and the House adjourned at Two o'clock. DISCOVERY OF AN IMPORTAN _ NATIONAL RECORD. A few evenings ago a paper of unusual interest, by John Richard Walbran, Esq., a Ripon, the oath sworn by the Parliament of Scotland in 1641, was read before the Society of Antiquaries at Somer set House. T h is very important national record which was discovered in 1846 by Mr. Walbran, in the charter c h e st of a (bawl guished Scottish family, who were quite unconscious of its existence, was always supposed to have been destroyed at the Restoration of King Charles 11. After a preamble to the effect • that the " honor greatness, and happines of ye Kibgis Royall Matie, and the welfare of the Subiectis dependeth on the puritie of religioun, as it is now established in this kingdome, the Lawes, liberties, and peace thairof," the subscribers declare, that " in this present Parliament, they would faithfulhe and frielie spent answer and expres ouselfia" on all matters touching the glory of God, the peace and good of the church and state, and that they would maintain the royal estate as expressed in the covenant, the authority of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the subjects. According to an order of the house, made 10th August, 1641, this oath was to be taken by every member, peer or commoner, before they proceeded to any act, and it was so taken, with few exceptions, until 1648. The oath is engrossed in a small but neat band, in twelve lines, at the top of a sheet of parchment about 20 inches square, the whole of the space below being occupied by thR signatures, which are about 300 in number. They are arranged in three divisions. The uppermost series containing those of the peers, the next those of the commissioners for shires, and the lowest those of the burgesses—the lines of demarcation being ap parent even by the general character of the autographs. Mr. Walbran's paper, which was of considerable length, gave, after an introductory account of the circumstances which produced the oath, its history in each successive session, and a great mass of biographical information tending to identity the subscribers and the places which they re presented. We are glad to learn that the paper; accom panied by a facsimile of the record, is to be published. THE SCOTTISH FETE. The energy of a Scotchman is proverbial, he carries it with him into every convention, but in nothing does he display it more tbaa when he is engaged in pro moting some scheme for benefiting his fellow-country men. Witness some of the magnificent charities that now grace the great metropolis ; many of them can trace their origin, and not a few their success, to the in defatigability of a canny Scot. Everything he under takes is well done ; it may look gloomy at first, but, nevertheless, it is carried on with spirit, and ultimately triumphs. For instance, lust year some of the Scottish charities needed additional support, and the Scottish fete was projected. It was a noble effort, which sought to combine a work of charity with the revival of a na tion's sports and pastimes. It deserved to succeed, which it did, beyond all expectation, and this year it is renewed, with every prospect of its becoming an an nual event in future. It is unnecessary to revert to the pleasure and delight which the fete afforded the public last year, but having examined some of the admirable arrangements for the forthcoming entertainment, we can safely predict that the attractions this year will far ex ceed those of last. The file will take place in Holland Park, a spot grand in beauty and big with literary, classical, and historic associations. The grounds have been laid out by Mr. T. H. Brown, the architect to the Holland estate, with much taste and discretion, while the managing committee, in securing the erection in an amphitheatrical shape of three spacious and substantial grand stands, and pro viding handsomely fitted - up tent s for supplying the crea ture comforts, seem to be determined that there shall be no room for complaint on that score. The refreshments are to be supplied by Mr. Youughusband, of Gerrarsi's Hall, whose name is a sufficient guarantee that they will not only be good, but that the company will be catered for without pressing upon their purses beyond the bounds of moderation. Mr. Scobie, the bailiff of Lord Holland, appears to take great interest in the preparations, and he superintends the details of the general plan, so that in no respect is there likely to be anything wanted to insure either the comfort and convenience of visitors. - . Weather permitting,then, the meeting must certainly prove a most brilliant one, for already have her Majesty and Prince Albert, with the Nepauleso Ambassador and suite, ac cepted invitations, and promised to attend, while Lord Holland will be surrounded by a whole host of the aria tocr.icy. Still the splendour will net surpass the merits of the exhibition, and we confidently recommend all who can avail themselves of it not to lose the opportunity of being present on Monday or Tuesday next. POISON.—If a few slices of onion be placed in a room recently painted, they will shortly absorb sufficient of the vapour of the white lead as to become highly poisonous. A somewhat similar operation takes place upon the first entrance of a person into the apartment, the lungs taking up the noxious exhalations which float around. The enemy is not seen, and is therefore thought but little of, but to this cause, and to this cause alone, may be attributed many ap parently incomprehensible physical attacks, either commu nicated direct or from the domestics and children of the family, or even the furniture and hangings. By the new method of preparing the white paint, made from zinc, the secret of which has been entrusted exclusively to the Messrs. Hubbucks, opposite the London Docks, any injurious conse quences are rendered impossible—indeed, the very reverse is the case, as the white zinc paint exerts a positive sanitary influence upon the air, and disinfects all furniture to which it is applied.—Post. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Bell's Life in London.—ln consequence of the new postal arrangements, a portion of the publication of this journal will take place before 5 o'clock on Saturday mornings in time for the morniug mails and early railways. To insure the insertion of advertisements in Bell's Life, they should be sent to 170, Strand, early on Friday afternoon. The average sale of Bell's Life exceeds 28,000. [A.DVEUTISEMENT.]—THE FOUR REQUISITES FOR A COMPORTAIILE SHAVE!—Firstly, a good Razor—Secondly, a good Strop—Thirdly, good Soap—Fourthly, a good Shaving brush. And these are to be obtained, of the best quality, and newest construction, of Ross and Sons, who can strongly recommend their triple converted railway razor; their rail way strop, with hone attached ; their pearl shaving-paste, beautifully scented and making a durable lather; and their medium badgers' hair shaving-brush. They also recommend travellers to inspect their Rossiau dressing-case, which contains the largest number of conveniencesin the smallest space.—Ad dress,. Ross and Sons, 119 and 120,Bishopsgate street, London. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Complaints of the Stomach, Indigestion, and Sick Headaches, cured by Holloway's Pills. —This extraordinary medicine will effect cures after every other remedy has been tried in vain. Persons suffering in any way from general debility, sick headaches, bile, stomach or liver complaints, may rest assured that a course of these pills will effect a radical cure, however bad their cases may be, as it is confidently asserted that this medicine acts so directly upon the very mainsprings of life that no disease, however severe, can resist its influence ; every one. therefore, who is subject to any of the above mentioned disorders should have recourse to Holloway's Pills. —Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. THE NEw CHAPEL AT THE HOSPITAL FOR CON suatrrioN.—The newly-erected chapel, in connexion with the Hospital for Consumption at Brompton, has just been completed. It is both a neat and elegant building, decorated with elaborately stained-glass windows—the latter presented by various friends of the charity. Yesterday being the day fixed for the performance of the imposing ceremony of con secration by the Bishop of London, shortly after eleven o'clock his Lordship arrived at the sacred edifice, attended by his chaplain, registrar, &c., when, in the presence of the principal clergy of the district and a crowded congregation, the solemn ceremony of consecration was proceeded with, and was succeeded by the service of the day, after which his Lordship delivered an appropriate discourse. The corri dors and various portions of the hospital leading to the chapel were profusely decorated with tasteful floral emblems. INFANT ORPHAN ASYLUM', WANSTE4D.—Yester day the anniversary of this excellent charity was celebrated at the Asylum. Wanstead. The proceedings commenced by an examination of the youthful inmates by the Rev. Thomas Dale, M.A., canon residentiary of St. Paul's and vicar of St. Pancras. The answers to the many questions put to the children were, indeed, very satisfactory, and greatly pleased the ladies and gentlemen present. B B. Cabbell, Esq., M.P., presided. 'lhere was a very large mpany present on the interesting occasion. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, naving received an invitation from the Lord Provost of Edinburgh to honour that city by laying the foundation stone of its new intended National Gallery, has signified, through his private secretary, that he will be happy to comply on condition that he be not invited to attend any public banquet. The time has not been vet fixed for the ceremony, and must depend upon that fixed for the departure of the Court tior Balmoral. "EVENING, JUNE 28, 1850. POSTAL C NIUNIC ATION BE- ing in their disposal, which renders it not difficult to TWEEN LONDON AND PARIS. understand how this paper may have passed impro- The Select Committee appointed by the house of perly into the hands of persons for whom it was not Commons to ascertain the most expeditious and least intended; and, under all the circumstances of the expensive mode of postal communication between ease, your Committee do not consider that any fur- London and Paris and the Northern parts of Europe, tier notice of it is required. But they recommend have ore Hmted the following report:-- for the future re4ulations be made for limiting " Your Committee find that the postal communice- number of copies to ht printed, for the slfe distribu• tion between London and Paris ha; always passed torn of a portion, nnd the careful custody of the ie. through Dover and Calais, with the exception of moinder, and for fixing upon each person to whom n period of thirteen rnon:.hs, commencing on the Ist they are entrusted the responsibility of keeping them Jaoitary, 1843. The Boulogne Railway being then as confidential communications." nearly completed, that port was substituted for _ Calais on the establishment of an additional and accelerated daily mei! between the two capitals. The experiment was also then made for the first time of requiring packets to perform their voyages between tidal harbours at fixed hours, with out reference to the state of the tide. The journey from London to Paris, which bad hitherto taken 3U hours, was performed in 14k, the time being thus apportioned:—London to Dover in 2i hours, Dover to Boulogne in 5 hours, Boulogne to Paris in 7 hours ; total, 14f hours. " From Jan. 1, 1848, to Jan. 31, 1849, there were 46 occasions in which the night mails did not reach the Post-office at Boulogne within the period of five hours allowed from Dover, and on the return voyage, when about six hours were allowed, they reached the London Post-office too late 38 times. But it was also in evidence that during a portion of this period the boating service was extremely imper fect. From January 1, 1848, to January 31, 1849, the mails were obliged to be embarked by boat in Boulogne Roads 111 times ; and disembarked 102 times ; total, 213 times. And the cost of the boat service during the same period was 799/. 17s. 5d., in clusive of 151/.165. for the construction of new boats. " During the following thirteen months, from February 1, 1849, to February 28, 1850, there were 25 occasions in which the night mails were landed from the packets at Calais after 230 AM. or in excess of 3f hours from the departure from Dover, and 41 on which they were landed after two A.m., or in excess of three hours from Dover, and there were 26 in which they reached the London Post-office too late. They were embarked in Calais Roads 65 times, and disembarked ditto 18 times ; total 83. The expense of the boat service during the same period was 1021. ls. ld. "In considering the route by which the greatest speed, combined with regularity, may be obtained for this postal communication, your Committee find the chief uncertainty to rest upon the amount of time which must necessarily be allowed to include the delays that may be expected from contrary wea ther and the detentions arising when the packets are prevented by the falling of the tide from entering or leaving the harbours. The witnesses examined upon this point, on whose opinion with regard to such mat ters reliance may be most safely placed, concur in stating, that punctuality cannot be reckoned upon, in regard to the Boulogne voyage, under 4 hours and 30 minutes. " The night mail is at present conveyed from London to Paris, by Calais, in 121 hours. From London to Dover in 2i hours, Dover to Calais 3 hours, Calais to Paris 7 hours : total 12. hours. Three hours may, therefore , be taken as a sufficient allowance of time from the railway station at Dover to the station at Calais, though one of the witnesses stated that 3f hours should be allowed to insure re gularity. "It appears, therefore, from the evidence your Committee have taken, that four and a half hours are required between the stations at Dover and Boulogne, and three hours between the stations at Dover and Calais, the difference being a tt r ibutable to the following circumstances : — The sea passage to Boulogne pier is on the average about twenty minutes longer than to Calais pier. In Boulogne harbour it is stated that there is depth of water sufficient for the packets about seven hours out of twelve, and in Calais generally with the exception of about one hour and forty minutes at spring tides. The boat service is more liable to delay and difficulty at Boulogne than at Calais. Boulogne is more exposed to the prevailing gales, and more difficult and dangerous of approach, particularly in the dark, in bad weather. The manager of the Bou logne and Amiens Railway stated five hours to be the shortest time in which the mail could be con veyed with regularity from Boulogne to Paris, assuming that the best arrangement could be made with the North of France Railway Company. A superintendent of the North of France Railway stated six hours and forty-five minutes to be the average time actually occupied in the transmission of the mails from Calais to Paris, though seven hours are allowed to cover delays, and he considered that rate of speed to be suscep tible of acceleration. The time, therefore, at which the mails may be conveyed by the two routes, assuming an acceleration on the Boulogne line, ap pears to be as follows : h. m.' h. m. London to Dover .. 2 30 London to Dover ... 2 30 Dover to Boulogne 4 30 Dover to Calais..... 3 0 Boulogne to Paris ... 4 45; Calais to Paris ..... 6 45 11 451 12 15 " The advantage of half an hour posssessed by the former route is, however, counterbalanced by the fol lowing considerations : "It is shown by experience to be exposed to more delay, even with the allowance of 4h. 30n3. from station to station, than the other route ; and it must be remembered that nine times the packets were unable to deliver their mails at Boulogne, and to avoid further delay, proceeded to Calais. The expense of the Boulogne line, for boat-service, coal, stores, wear and tear, is estimated at one-third more than the same service from Dover to Calais, and the risk of serious accident to the packets is greater. Your Committee have it also in evidence that the port of Calais could not well be superseded, but would re main the port for letters for the north of Europe, and that letters are sent twice a day at the present time to Belgium and the Rhine by this route. Your Committee are informed that the mail train from Dover to Lonion may be accelerated from fifteen to twenty minutes by diminishing the number of stoppages, and one cause of delay will be considerably removed as the works at Dover advance and the mails landed at the pier at all hours. And your Committee have been informed that the Minister who superintends the postal department in France has intimated his readiness to dispatch the night mail from Paris at seven e.se., as was the case in 1848. " Your Committee, therefore, having reference to general celerity, regularity, and economy, do not recommend any change of route. But they recom mend that the night mail from Paris be so accelerated as to reach London at such time in the morning as is requisite for the dispatch by the morning mails of the letters addressed to places beyond the metropolis, and in the event of this object not being attained by an improvement of the existing arrangements, your Committee are of opinion that the importance of that object is such as to render desirable an attempt to ac complish it by any other means which may furnish a prospect of success. " Your Committee find that the day mails conveyed under the terms of the convention in packets belong ing to the French Government, have been subject to much delay. In the year ending 31st Jan., 1849, the day mails from Paris failed to arrive in London in due course 92 times, and in the 13 months ending 28th Feb., 1850, 74 times ; and considering that 16} hours are allowed for the journey, your Committee have not discovered any sufficient excuse for this great irregularity. " Your Committee have been informed that the net cost, after deducting receipts, of the packet service to and from Calais, is 6,2441. per annum, and that by reductions consequent on the withdrawal of the Ostend line it might be decreased to 4,9811. The chairman of the South-Eastern Railway Company stated, on behalf of his company, that they would undertake the same service for 9,8251. per annum. "Though your Committee do not see grounds for expecting a reduction of expense from any transference of the packet service to other bands, yet as a great saving of expenditure would be effected by the aban donment of the Ostend line of packets, and as the letters they at present convey could be car ried by the Calais packets, and the greater portion reach their destination with at least as much speed and punctuality as at present, they ex press a hope that her Majesty's Government will take into consideration the means of effecting this reduc tion, provided it can be secured without a correspond ing increase in the rates of postage, and without breach of engagement with foreign powers. " Your Committee have farther directed their at tention to a circumstance which occurred during their deliberations, not only irregular in character, but materially affecting the privileges of the llouse. Some paragraphs of a draft report, printed for the purpose of aiding the members of the Committee in the consi deration of the subject before them, were published in an incomplete state in two newspapers, at a moment when your Committee were still deliberating, and be fore they had agreed to their report; this publication being followed by comments as premature as the document to which they adverted was incomplete. " Your Committee have thought it due to them selves and to the authority of the House, to endea vour to discover by whom this draft report was made public. They have examined the publishers of the two newspapers, and have traced the offence to the correspondent of one of them. He stated that he had not obtained the draft from any member of your Committee, or from any one belonging to the offices 1 of the House, but declined to give up the name of the person from whom he slid obtain it. He, how ever, expressed his contrition, and assured your Com mittee that he was not aware of the confidential character of the document. Your Committee having proceeded to examine the persons employed in the printing and distribution (if the minutes and proceed ings of Committees, found a laxity of practice exist- SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—It is with very sincere regret that we have read the report of the committee appointed to consider the best means of facilitating the postal communication between London and Paris. The committee have decided, not without a certain trepi dation, on recommending the maintenance of the route by way of Calais. In the sentence which fol lows this notable recommendation, they advise " that the night mail from Paris be so accelerated as to reach London at such a time in the morning as is requisite for the dispatch by the morning mails of the letters to places beyond the metropolis, and in the event of this object not being attained by an improve ment of existing arrangements, your committee are of opinion that the importance of that object is such as to render desirable an attempt to accomplish it by any other means which may furnish a prospect of success." The committee, in other words, entertain shrewd doubts as to the value of their own recom mendation. They anticipate a time when the exi gencies of public service will no longer admit of maintaining arrangements based upon private in terests. They cannot attempt to invalidate the object for which the commercial public has been so long engaged in so arduous a struggle, and an ex pression of doubt creeps in by the side of their most positive conclusions. They attempt to disarm hostility by an ingenuous admission of the weakness of their case. At the very moment they have decided upon a desperate attempt to maintain " exisiting ar rangements" they keep an eye upon that inevitable moment when these " existing araangements" must entirely break down in the face of independent com petition and of the public impatience. In what way are the existing arrangements to be improved ? In any manner which would not apply equally to the Boulogne as to the Calais route ? A speedier con veyance of the mails between Dover and London would be an advantage participated in by both. To organize a system of letter sorting while the train was on its way from the outport to the capital would in the same way be a benefit common to the partisans of either system. Again, it might be so contrived that the letter bags should be dispatched from Paris at an earlier hour, but it must be remembered that even if in this way a timely delivery could be secured in London, this benefit must be gained by sacrificing a rateable portion of the time during which the Posts office at Paris would be open for the reception of let ters from the departments, from the south of Europe, or from India. It is a clumsy expedient at best, and adopted for no better reason than the maintenance of a route unnecessarily dilatory , and circuitous—a route which already stands con demned by the practice of travellers, of the public journals, and of all parties who are not absolutely bound to the Post-office arrangements. We are al most weary of repeating the figures upon which this question turns, but once more we will lay them be fore our readers as succinctly as possible. The ad vantage of the Boulogne route consists in this, that there is a difference of 66 miles in its favour upon the French soil. The distance from Calais to Amiens, where the two lines join, is precisely 1421 miles , the distance of Boulogne to Amiens is 76 miles ; ii is on that section of the route the saving of distance takes place. On the other hand there is a set off in favour of the Calais route of .5 miles en the water pas sage. Beta een London and Dover, and Amiens and Paris, the route followed by the trains is of course the same, so that we need only direct our inquiries to the singe point of the circumstances connected with the water passage, which are assumed as an equiva lent for the additional and monstrous circuit of 66 miles between Calais and Amiens. It is said there are difficulties connected with the entry of the port of Boulogne which necessitate a more frequent boat ser vice, at the same time that it is rendered hazardow during the prevalence of certain winds; and that thus when the balance comes to be struck, an advantage of only half an hour is left in favour of the Boulogne route. But in the teeth of these statements we have the ' fact of the actual performance of the journey by way of Boulogne in a period shorter by hours than it is accomplished by way of Calais in the ordinary transit of the mails—we have the direct evidence of pilots and of other persons connected with the port of Boulogne, who, in the most positive terms, deny or explain away the difficulties attributed to the entry of the port of Boulogne, or who at least show that there are corresponding difficulties connected with Calais—we find a public company—the South- Eastern Steam Packet Company—who are willing, by contract, and under heavy penalties, to convey the mails two hours sooner by way of Boulogne—we find the captains and commanders in charge of the com pany's ships who have been long and successfully engaged iu navigating the channel between the two countries coming forward to declare that they are prepared at once to make good the declarations of the company. Now, in the face of these facts and of this evidence, is it possible for a moment to sup pose that this report of the Select Committee of Com mons decides the question as to the best and shortest route from London to Paris ? Should the Boulogne route be adopted, it is cal culated that the postal communication between the capital of France and Great Britain would require 111 hours without any extraordinary strain. At present we find that the transmission of a letter from Paris to London requires between 14 and 15 hours—that is to say, a letter is forwarded from Paris at 8 o'clock P.M., and reaches London at, say as an average, 10 A.M. This is the time practically em ployed, and despite of the sanguine anticipations of the committee, we will venture to say that it will be much the same thing for the future. Now, a letter which reaches London at such an hour is too late for the first town delivery, or for the morning's dispatch northwards. We need not enlarge upon the amount of inconvenience caused to the commercial public by such an arrangement. Oa the other hand, a letter forwarded from Paris by way of Boulogne at 8 P.m. would reach London at 7} „Las, which is all that is required. If five hours be allowed between Bou logne and which is the time named by M. Amedee Gautray, the manager of the Boulogne and Amiens Railway, and 21 hours for the conveyance of the bags between London and Dover—and we name the time actually employed—these two period., taken together, give a total of 7 hours for the land journey. With regard to the remaining period of four hours 1 1 for the water transit, the proposal from the South- Eastern Steam Pocket Company to the committee stand as follows :—The company offer to convey the mails betweenFolkestone and Boulogne for 8,000/. a year, and between Dover and Boulogne for 9,5001. a-year. They offer, moreover, to pay a fine of 101 for each irregularity exceeding 25 minutes if the period allowed for the sea voyage be 3i hours, and 201. if it be 4 hours. Thus we. see placed before us in a distinct and tangible form a method of conduct ing the postal communication between London and Paris in 11 hours, or at the utmost in 14 hours. We see that even the Select Committee, in their report, set the run from Boulogne to Paris at 41 in place of 5 hours ; and Mr. J. Macgregor, the Chairman of the South-Eastern Railway, informed the committee that time distance between London and Dover might be performed in two hours if an increase of expense were not deemed an objection. Thus, three-quarters of an hours could be gained ; and if we allow 3} hours—the shorter period named by the company—for the water passage, the postal journey between the two capitals might be affected in 104 hours. The distance has been accomplished in 8} hours by this route, but for the present let that pass. We have not the will, if we had the power, in our limited space, to disentangle the truth from the conflicting statements of the witnesses examined be fore the Committee. We would wish rather to direct the attention of the public to one simple ar.d intelligi ble fact. The whole controversy turns upon the dif ficulties experienced in entering Boulogne-harbour. On this point there is a conflict of evidence between the witnesses examined before the Committee. But by the side of these jarring statements we find a public company coming forward, perfectly willing to bind itself to the public under heavy pecuniary pe nalties to accomplish the task which is pronounced o difficult of execution. Nor are the persons who make this offer mere novices or adventurers jumping at a hap-hasard speculation. Tbeir vessels have been in the habit for a long time of navigating the channel between the two countries, and of entering the port which is pronounced to be so difficult of access, at all times of the day and night, and under the most varying circumstances of tide and weather. Now, these persons, with all their long experience and with such heavy interests involved,tell us the thing can be done. L et us, at least, make the trial. rial A six months' experiment is after all no such grea risk when so important a result to the commeta world as the placing the postal communication be tween the capitals of France and Great Britain on the most satisfactory footing is at issue. There the rail ways are, and the trains, all ready for work to-mor row if need be. There, too, are the steamers of the South-Eastern Company, ready to get their steam up at a moment's notice. Let the two rival routes be fairly tried for six months or for cne month, and it' the hypothesis of the Committee be correct—namely, that there is only half-an-hour's difference in favour of the Boulogne route—we will abandon the question altogether. We will venture to add that the coin ' nerdsl public will then be satisfied that Parliament bas dealt fairly in the matter. Until such a trial as this takes place the report of the Select Committee is not worth the cost of the paplr on which it is printed. • CHRONICLE.—We publishei yesterday morning the report of the Select Committee appointed by the House of Commons to investigate the subject of p tal communication between London and Peri., with especial reference to the vexed question of route. The result at which the Committee have arrived will disappoint those whose eager and one-sided z-al for the maximum of possible speed has led them, in dis cussing this matter, to disregard all other than merely geographical considerations. But persons who, like ourselves, deem regularity and certainty essential ele ments of " expeditious" transit, will, we think ? pro nounce the conclusion embodied in this document to be the only one which an unbiassed tribunal 'could deduce from the evidence. At all events, it cannot be said by the advocates of the rejected route that its advantages have been overlooked ; for not only are ' they of that obvious and palpable description which commands the first attention of the most cursory and superficial inquirer, but they have been practically tested by an experiment of thirteen months' dura tion. If, therefore, the Committee have erred in giving their judgment in favour of Dover and Calais versus Dover and Boulogne, it must, at least, be acknowledged that their mistake has arisen, not from inattention to considerations which no men could overlook, but simply from a miscalculation of the relative, values of conflicting expediences. It is certainly tantalizing. The fact is undisputed, that Paris is some sixty miles nearer to London via Boulogne than via Calais ; and nothing can be More provoking than to be positively assured, on the respectable authority of a grave Par liamentary tribunal, that we must resign the benefit of that superior geographical proximity for the sake of other and more important advantages which are in compatible with it. If steamers could always sail as the crow flies—if all tidal harbours were equally ac cessible at all hours of the day and night—if the best fair-weather route were necessarily the best for a mail-packet service which must be performed with unremitting punctuality at all times and seasons—if, in a word, a question of this sort could always be resolved into a mere arithmetical computation of " miles"—there could not be two opinions about the matter. But as it unfortunately happens that the triumphs of science over physical difficulties have their limits—as the question of the comparative accessibility of different harbours is one in which, even in this age of steam, nature still retains a voice--and as unfailing regula rity is a no less essential element of postal communi cation than rapidity—we must be prepared to content ourselves with the best compromise that circum stances permit. It is from this point of view that the Committee have considered the very important ques tion intrusted to them, and it appears to us that they have exercised a sound discretion in the decision at which they have arrived. The cardinal fact on the Ca lais side of the question is, that the port of Boulogne is a remarkably bad one. The entrance to it is usually difficult, often very dangerous, not unfrequently im possible, and always a matter of uncertainty. The exit likewise is impracticable at some states of the tide. Moreover, it is situated on an exposed and dangerous line of coast—so that, in stormy weather, the use of boats for the embarkation or disembarka tion of letter- bags or passengers is either impossible or extremely hazardous. Hence—not to speak of the extra expense of boat-service incurred on this route (which is nearly eight times as much as at Calais) —the greatest irregularities exist in the time re quired for transit; and as the mail trains on each side of the Channel must, of course, be so adjusted as to meet all except the most extreme cases of delay, the consequence is tbat a very wide margin, fur exceeding the actual average, has to be allowed for the passage of the steamer. During the thirteen mouths (from Jan. 1, 1848, to Jan. 31, 1849) that the Boulogne -xperiment was tried, five hours was the regulation al lowance for the out-voyage, and six hours for the return :rip. Yet there were no fewer than 46 occasions on which the night mails did not reach the Boulogne Post-office within the former period—and there were 38 instances in which the latter estimate proved in .ufficient. On the other band, Calais harbour is, by common consent, safely and conveniently approach able in all weathers ; and it affords a sufficient lepth of water for the packets at all hours, with the exception of about one hour and forty minutes out of the twelve at spring tides—whereas Boulogne is not accessible during more than about seven hours out of every twelve. The difference between the two ports, in point of safety of access, cannot be more tersely stated than in the words of one of the naval witnesses Examined before the Committee (Captain F.Bullock), who said—" In approaching Boulogne your dangers are multiplied in bad weather—in approaching Calais they are decreased." Another professional witness went more into particulars :—" Boulogne has a rocky coast, and from Cape Gris Nez down towards Boulogne there are reefs which extend out into the sea, and in the neighbourhood of those reefs you may have four or five fathoms at one cast and the next be on shore : that is not the case at Calais. I do not know a more clear coast than Calais has—one which you can more safely approach ; there is nothing to intercept a vessel in coming from the westward close along shore towards the port." But it is superfluous to discuss the rationale of a fact which no one questions. It may suffice to say, as regards the superior safety and accessibility of Calais harbour, that, on nine occasions during the thirteen months' trial of the Boulogne experiment, " the packets were unable to deliver their mails at Bou logne, and, to avoid further delay, proceeded to Calais." The question of comparative regularity of transit may also be very shortly disposed of. Al though the sea passage to Boulogne pier is, on the average, only about twenty minutes longer than that to Calais pier, the range of variation is so much greater in the former case than in the latter, that it is found necessary, in all Post-office calculations, to allow one hour and a half for the difference between the two. Thu', while five hours were allowed, during the recent experiment, for the Boulogne voyage, three and a half have hitherto been set down for the Calais passage—and during the thirteen months from February 1, 1849, to February 28, 1850, this latter estimate was exceeded only on twenty-five occasions. It will be seen that, while the Committee deem it practicable to reduce the limit in each case, they still maintain the same relative difference—the periods being respectively fixed at four hours and a half and three hours. Where railways are concerned, a gain of an hour and a half in time constitutes, we need scarcely say, a very considerable set off against a per contra item of sixty miles in distance. On summing up the account, as finally stated by the Committee, it ,tends as follows : h. as. h. m. Londcn to Dover... 2 30 London to Dover 2 30 Dover to Boulogne 4 30 Dover to Calais... 3 Boulcgne to Paris 4 45 Calais to Paris ... 6 45 11 45 1 12 15 Thus the " sixty mile?," of which so much has been said by the partisans of the Boulogne route, dwindle down, when fairly examined to half-an-hour; and rrom this not very overwhelming superiority which that route confessedly possesses, still further deductions must be made before we can be said to have got quite to the bottom of the question. The B mlogne line, say the Committee, "is shown by experience to be more exposed to delay, even with the allowance of 4h. 30m. from station to station, than the other route. The expense for boat-service, coal, stores, wear and tear, is estimated at one-third more than the same service from Dover to Calais, and the risk of serious accident to the packet is greater.' Your Committee have it also in evidence that the port of Calais could not well be superseded, but would remain the port for letters for the north of Europe, and that letters are sent twice a day at the preseat time to Belgium and the Rhine by this route." After this, few readers will be surprised to learn that the Committee " having reference to ge neral celerity, regularity, and economy, do not re commend any change of route." We shall wait with some curiosity to see what can be urged against the facts and conclusions of this very luminous and able report, which appears to us to be exhaustive of the en tire question. In the meanwhile we have only to protest, by anticipation, against any attempt to set aside the results of prolonged experience and deli herate investigation by parading the achievem'ents of " experimental tri . ps (as they are absurbly called), made unier special and exceptional circumstances. As it happens, by the way, Boulogne does not monopolize the laurels of these " experimental" ex ploits • for the exp ress of the 31st Januar y last, con veying the Queen 'a speech, reached Paris, via Calais, in 9 hours and 32 minutes. But we lay no stress whatever on such facts, whether on one side of the question or on the other. These " experiment*" prove nothing to our present purpose. They show, of course, what is physically possible under favour able conditions—when the experimenter can choose his tide, and can have special trains, on each side of the Channel, timed for the particular occasion ; but they do not show what is expedient and practicable under ordinary conditions—or rather under those un iavourable circumstances of tide, wind, and weather, which must be duly allowed and provided for in any system of postal communication that is meant for 'mai' every-day use. RESTORATION OP ST. STEPHEN'S CHURCH, WAL BROOK. —Yesterday forenoon, a numerously attended meeting of the ratepayers of the joint parishes of St. Stephen's, W al brook, and St. Benet's, Sherebog, was held in the vestry room of St. Stephen's Church, for the purpose of adopt ing measures fur the proper repair of that beautiful edifice. The Rev. Dr. Croly, the rector, having been called to the chair, a resolution was adopted, to the effect that a sum not exceeing 1,0001. should be expended for the purpose of putting into a state of decent repair the church, which is regarded as one of the most beautiful of the products of Sir C. Wren's genius. Previously to the termination of the pro ceedings Dr. Croly took occasion to congratulate the pa rishioners on the fact of their being at length free from debt, having liquidated all the claim s on them. The meeting I then broke up. [lon. D the ) Fo- vort peal , 'that peo- rests, af fo— epre- / I 1~ i