The Sun. — London, England, 1868-09-01 00:00:00

OF THE 'UBLIC JOURNALS, • The Times publishes a letter from General Peel on the Exchequer. Criticising it, the leading journal notes that the want of anything to counterbalance the tendency to increase in the army estimates is the defect of General Peel's letter, as it is of all the apologies that have been put forth for the present Government. There is no compensation to be discovered anywhere for the [new sources of expenditure which are sprung upon us. Under the previous Administration the transforma tion of our army had begun. New experiments in gunnery were ccnstantly tried. The principles of war fare were in process of change. As the Times wrote last week-and General Peel quotes the statement in his letter to confirm it—" the work of conversion was begun before General Peel entered upon office, and generally the Increased efficiency of the army is but the development of changes inherited by the present Ministry." But under Lord Russell's Government and the later years of Lord Palmerston's Administration the introduction of new arms an;: the development of new ideas had bean accom panied a reduction of the generhl —r-iarl'tuhe. As soon a 3 ord Derby succeeded to power course of diminution in the estimates was turned backwards. General Peel talks of Lord Derby's Government as abso lutely responsible for the expenditure of the year 1866-7, and in the same way he says, in the earlier part of his letter, that the total military expenditure for the year 18158-9, for which Lord Derby was responsible, was 213,528,776, but the expenditure rose in the next year under the Whig Government to £15,312,675. The Times thinks these statements misleading. When a change of Ministry happens in the middle of a year, so that one Government proposes the estimates and another Adminis tration balances the accounts at the close of the twelve months, the responsibility for the financial policy of the year rests, as a ganeral rule, more upon the first Govern ment than on the second. Supposing—no improbable hypothesis—that Mr. Disraeli be ousted from place in December, in spite of his unparalleled tenacity of seat, upon whose Government—upon hie or upon the Government that succeeds him—will rest the respon sibility for the expenditure of the year ending next March ? It is too plain to be doubted that the blame or praise must lie with Mr. Disraeli's Administration. In the same way such relics of economy as were perceptible in 1866-7 were due to Lord Russell's Ministry. Stiltmore to the point, the statement that the military expenditure rose from £13,528,776 in the year 1858-9, under Lord Derby, to £15,312,675 in 1859-60, under a Whig Government, must be received with the greatest qualification. The change of Ministry in 1859 did not occur till June, and, though the estimates were not voted at the time of the change, the nature of the charge for the army for the year had been previously determined. The Herald remarks that the drift of Mr. Horsman's proposals is plainly to make of the Upper House an inferior assembly, small in point of numbers And unin fluential in the sense of politics. But does anyone believe that Mr. Horsman really contemplates such a revolution? Yet he affects to assume that, the British principle having failed, the Scottish and Irish should be substituted throughout the kingdom, Notwithstanding, it is admitted even by him, that "we must proceed gradually." How " gradually ?" By " eliminating the inert elements," whatever that may mean. It is only at the conclusion of this astonishing electioneering letter that we get at its true signification. We must " warm to the work," and not desist " until it has wiped off those arrears which now provoke a contrast between the inefficiency of the here ditary and the popularity and vigour of the representative Chamber." In what sense is the House of Lords not repre sentative ? Mr. Horsman wishes to make it more so, but even he, with the free audacity which belongs to him, cannot originate a plan. The Tally News rejoices greatly over the proposal made by Mr 'lorsman to reform the House of Lords. Our contemporary recently thought that it should never again witness him coming to the front as a champion of pro gress. His determined resistance to Reform at a time when his services in aid of the good cause would have been invaluable almost cancelled the obligations he had laid the Liberal party under by the zeal -and ability he expended in its service. But, threatened with a for midable opposition in the- borough he represents, Mr. Horsman has certainly made a high bid for the support and countenance of those with whom he once worked so heartily, and whose good opinion he still professes to value so highly. If other Adullamites should prove to be as thorough. going Radicals as Mr. Horsman has become, and as Mr. Lowe promises to be, we shall see the advanced section of the Liberal party receive such an accession of strength in the Reformed Parliament as will render its victory easy as well as complete over the party of reaction. With regard to the proposals of Mr. Horsmait themselves. the Daily Naas observes that if Mr. Horsman would effect his purpose he must aim at getting rid of the mere stop- gaps, as well as endeavour to elect for life those who w,,uld add dignity to their order. The whole question, however, is better fitted for discussion than for legislation. There is none which should be dealt with more cautiously. The Standard, commenting on Mr. Brand's and Lord Hartington's speeches on the Irish Church, becomes sati rical over the denunciations uttered by those hon. mem bers of the iniquity of the Irish Church. Why, it says, addressing the Liberals, since you have thought so strongly upon this question, have you done nothing towards the abatement of the evil? Why have you per mitted this scandal to remain, having the power and being in the place to remove it? For the last quarter of a cen tury, continues the Standard, with rare and short inter vals, the Liberals have had the fashioning of the Irish policy in their own hands. Whatever has been done for Ireland was done in accordance with their theories. For whatever was left undone they alone are responsible. They have boasted of their large majorities. They have had Mr. Brand him self to drill them, and to shew them the way. The Irish Church, if it is an evil at all, is no more an evil now than when Lord Palmerston was at the height of his power, with Mr. Brand as the compeller of the Liberal votes. The cheeks of the honest Englishman, if they should be blushing now with shame because of the Irish Establish ment, ought to have been burning the whole time that Mr. Gladstone was in power, with Mr. Brand still as Liberal whipper-in. Is the burden more intolerable now than it was three years ago? Or is it only now that the discovery has been made that to maintain a Protestant Church in Ireland is a sin and a scandal? The Telegraph, dealing with the Irish Church, apropos vi Mr. Bright's address, and speaking on behalf of the Liberal party, says : " We do not touch religion at all" that is one fact. We strike down an infamous political institution—that is another fact. In striking it down, not only do we inflict no injury on Protestantism, but we confer on it a signal service, by breaking the unhallowed bond which unites the Protestantism of Ireland with systematic injustice—that is a third fact. These three facts sum up the creed of the Liberal party with respect to the disestablishment of the Irish Church." The Times fears that, in thinking of the most horrible part of the Abergele accident, the public will overlook the real causes of it. Happily, it cannot be an ordinary or frequent occurrence that waggon-loads of paraffin should be travelling about the railways in the path of express trains. But it does appear to be a very ordi nary occurrence, and part of the daily routine of a railway, that goods trains are performing complex and difficult evolutions and undergoing manipulations requiring at least one pair of rails on the main line, if not both. If it must be so, and if race-horses and broad-wheel waggons are to run the same course and fit in as well as they can with one another, it is evident the remedy is to be found in larger sidings and a larger staff of servants to expedite these hazardous pro cesses. Nothing will ever persuade the public that the break-van behind these two waggon-loads of paraffin should have been left for a single instant with neither a man upon it nor a break fixed. One or the other there ought to have been ; and if it be maintained that rail ways cannot afford the staff of men sufficient for such precautions, Parliament will have to interfere and assert the claims of public safety over the profits of private enterprise. After telling the engine -driver's story over again, tne Telegraph says that evidently the goods train was so long that it embarrassed the men at the siding ,• it is not abso lutely certain that, even by " squeezing," the whole of it could have been accommodated there. In any case, on the very spot where a clumsy manoeuvring of a train 600 feet long was going forward, the Irish mail was duo in three minutes ; and it seems imp oss ibl e t h at the goods train could have been got out o f th e way until the mail had been at least delayed for some time at the distance signal—which warned the mail of danger at the siding, but could not secure it against collision with the runaway trucks. Could anything more plainly prove that the arrangements for the security of the mail did not exclude the possibility of preventible disaster, than Alfred &Ara's account of the doings at Llandnlas siding ? And, if the goods train had not been too long to go into the siding easily and at once, would it have been necessary to leave the paraffin trucks, or any others, standing even for a moment in the direct path of the express ? • Everything, the Post declares, seems to pOint to toe eventual assumption by the State of the whole railway system, and in the event of its doing so the appointment of a staff of Government inspectors would be a very desirable preliminary, for these officers would soon become intimately acquainted with the working of the whole system, and - 90 be prepared to take up any part of its manage ment when the transfer was effected. It certainly seems very odd that the w or ki ng o f m i nes s h ou ld b e su bjected to continuous Government inspection, while that of railways, in which there is very nearly, if not quite, as much risk, should be under the control alone of men whose great aim and object is to scrape together the largest dividend they can. Clearly, however, something must be done to remedy the now generally admitted evils of the existing system. The Daily News lays down th a t w hil e th e ques ti on o f " privilege" is being fought out between the cabowners and the railw a y com p an i es a t th e expense of the travelling public, it would be well to consider whether the whole system and management of street cabs might not be re arranged with advantage whenever the Chancellor of the Exchequer will permit Parliament to deal with the revenues produced by this branch of traffic. A reduction of taxation would be a boon to the intereot which they would appreciate. —. . THE IgOIIEASE:D ARMY EXPENTDITMT General Peel has written a long letter to the Times upon the army expenditure. He wonders that it did not occur to any gentleman at St. Helen's to ask Mr. Gladstone how it was that he (whose duty it was as leader of the Oppo sition and of a majority in. the House of Commons) had not demanded information of the cause of increased expenditure from the Ministers who were responsible for the estimates, and capable of explaining them, and, if not satisfied with the answers given, had not proposed to reduce the amount of the votes, instead of leaving it to voters to ask an explanation from candidates who could know nothing of the details of the estimates. The General, in allusion to Lord Hartington's address to his constituency, gives the following figures :—" Lord Palmerston's Government succeeded Lord Derby's in 1859. The total military expenditure for the year ending March 31, 1859, for which Lord Derby's Government was responsible, was £13,528,776. The expenditure rose in the next year under the Whig Government to £15,312,675, in 1861 to £15,883,160, and in 1862 to £16.060,350. A portion of this incra—e was owing +he Chinese war, but :t also .de 1 the following sums for the purchase and manufacture of warlike and miscellaneous stores—in 1860-4, £2,830,625 ; and in 1861-2, £3,006,049—a great portion of which was for the 110-pounder Armstrong guns which had been adopted into the service without any sufficient trial of them, although Lord Derby had recorded his opinion that it would not be wise to order guns of a larger calibre than those intended for field service (the 12-pounders) without further experiments. From the expenditure of 1862 there was a gradual decrease, arising from three causes,—first, the termination of the Chinese war; secondly, that after the failure of the Armstrong guns no pattern had been decided upon to replace them ; and, thirdly, that the army was gradually reducing itself, and at the end of each year it was found that the number of men required had not been raised by several thousands ; and this brings me to the last year of the Whig Administration and the expenditure of 1865-6, of which Lord Ilartington appears so proud. The number of men voted was 142,471, and the estimates amounted to £14,348,447. Now, although the average number of men raised during the year was only 140,578, or 1,900 men short of the number provided for, there was an excess of expenditure over the estimates on Vote 1 for pay and allowances of £43,197 ; on Vote 2, for the Commissariat, of £213,473 ; on Vote 3, for clothing, of £27,875 ; and on Vote 7, for medical establishments, of £25,101; and the total amount of excesses over the esti mates was £358,765, which would have raised the expenditure of this pattern year to upwards of £14,700,000, if there had not been a so-called saving upon Votes 12 and 13 for the manufacturing departments and warlike stores, amounting to £515,000, the causes of which saving are thus stated in par. 7 of 'Receipt and Expenditure for Army Services for the year ending March 31, 1868 e— ' Suspension of Manufacture in the Carriage Department, the pattern not having been determined upon ; non-comple tion of 50 wrought-iron guns, method of rifling and sighting not having been decided upon ; and the pattern for small arms, percussion caps, cartridges, fuses, rockets, and projectiles being in abeyance.' That is to say, that these guns, gun-carriages, and warlike stores were not provided in the year in which they ought to have been, and the ex pense of them was thrown upon the following year's esti mates, but it reduced the actual expenditure for the year 1865-6 to £14,114,733. The estimates for 1866.7 were brought in by Lord Hartington, and were originally £14,095,000; but on being appointed Secretary of State for War in July 1866, I immediately obtained a supplemental vote to the amount of £245,000 for the purpose of pro viding 200,000 breechloaders and ammunition instead of the 40,000 provided for by Lord Hartington. There was a further addition of £48,000 arising from the inadequacy of the original estimate for the votes depending upon tFe num ber of men (there was an excess of more than £lOO 000 on the Commissariat vote). This raised the absolute expenditure of 1806-67 (the first year for which Lord Derby's Government was responsible) to £14,388,479, or an excess of £273,737 over the previous year ; but that expenditure included £1,569,629 spent on the production of guns, gun-carriages, Spiders, ammunition, Sze., against £943,707 spent on the same service the previous year, or upwards of £625,000 for which there was valuable war material to show, includ ing 180,000 breechloaders." The General probeeds to say that he was obliged to provide for the first time for all the military expenditure in the Straits Settle meats and allowances to the troops in Ceylon and the Mauritius, which had been hitherto defrayed by the colonial Governments, who now paid instead a sum of £120,000 into the Treasury ; and that he proposed to spend 2160,000 more on guns and war material than Lord Hartington had done the previous year ; and that the whole difference between the estimates of 1867-8 and the actual expenditure of 1865-6 was very nearly accounted for on these two items, as they amounted to £612,000. Although the late Govern ment had adopted Mr. Snider's patent and had employed him personally for some months, they had made no provi sion for any remuneration to him whatever, and £16,000 for this purpose was included in the sum obtained from Parliament for the increased number of Sniders. The operation of the Contagious Diseases Act caused an increase of expenditure; the adoption of the suggestions of the Royal Commissioners, that an additional quarter of a pound of meat should be given to the soldier, and that he should no longer pay for his shell jacket, cost more than an additional td. a day to his pay. General Peel cannot comprehend how the very men who in the course of the last few years forced upon the country the gigantic system of fortifications arising around us, and who boast of having encouraged and fostered the great Volunteer movement, which is perfectly useless if we can never be in danger, can object to our supplying the fortifications and the Volun teers with the arms necessary to render them of any use. " Are we to build iron-plated and turret-ships constructed to carry the heaviest guns without providing them? Did the late Government commence these great undertakings without calculating the cost of finishing them, and propose to leave them in a state that ' all who look upon them shall mock us ? " He concludes : "I write this letter for no party objects, for I belong to no party, and am not a candidate for a seat in the next Parliament. Still less do I write it as a de fence or apology for my conduct as Minister of War, for I do not consider it requires either the one or the other, and I shall always look back with pleasure to having supplied the army in the shortest possible time with breachloaders, and having recommended an addition to the pay of the soldier. My only object is te point out to the country that reduced expenditure arising only from a failure to provide what is necessary to insure efficiency is not only not economy, but is neither wise, statesmanlike, nor safe." LAW AND POLICE. SURETIES' LIABILITIES.—At the Liverpool Assizes an action was brought by Messrs. Symonds, wine merchants, London, to recover damages from a Mr. Harris, who had become surety for the good behaviour of a traveller employed by them. It seemed that the traveller in ques tion bad embezzled certain sums of money, but the defendant denied having signed . the bond, and a person ribose signature was attached to the docu- went as attesting witness denied having signed it. The defendant wrote to the plaintiff's attorney, denying that he had signed the bond, but he said that his brother-in-law, William Camm, had written it at his request, and that he (the defendant) had signed it. This William Camm denied in the box, and said that he (William Ceram) had written the whole letter, and signed it also. The learned counsel contended that, as the hand writing of the signature in the bond and the letter was the same, the bond had been signed with the full consent of the defendant by William Camm. The learned judge directed the jury to find a verdict for the defendant. DAMAGES FOR TEE FALL OF A LADDER.—At the same assizes the case of White v, Davies was decided. The action was brought by the plaintiffs, poor people, who, it appeared, made most of their income from a coffee-stall kept by the wife in the early hours of the morning, against the defendant, a painter, for injuries inflicted upon the wife by the falling of a ladder of the defendant's upon her from the side of a house. £2O had been paid into court, but it appearing from the medical evidence that the woman had been very seriously injured both in the head and shoulder, and would not be restored to her full health or relieved from pain for a considerable time to come, the jury awarded her £5O in addition. BREACH OF PROMISE.—SMALL DAMAGES.—At the same assizes, a person named Booth, a cook, brought an action for a breach of promise to marry against a coachman named Hudson. It seemed that the courtship began in 1862, when the parties were living at service in the same house, and after leaving, the defendant frequently wrote letters to the plaintiff, and on one occasion sent an engage ment ring, and on another a gold watch. For the defence it was argued that the plaintiff was better off as a cook than if she had married the defendant. The jury gave 0 damages. MASTERS AND MEN. —An action of considerable importance has just been decided at the Liverpool County Court. Messrs. J. G. and Robert Martin, builders. com plained by information that two hod-carriers, named Stephen Wood and James Dignan, whom they had em ployed at 225. per week, had struck work about one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th Aug - ast, at some' houses in course of erection in Edge-lane, and so brought to a stand the bricklayers engaged in building the houses. The bench oraiied the prisoners to pay respectively Ss. and 7s, as their share of the loss thus sustained by their employers in having to pay men who were standing idle —trade rules not allowing any one but recognised hod-carriers to carry bricks to the "setters "—and to forfeit half their w;ok'q wages, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 1, 1868. RIVALRY OF ITALIAN GENERALS. It is not often that great crimes expose the perpetrator to ridicule as well as to disgrace. Revolutionary Italy has not only made itself infamous by its breach of international laws, by its perfidy, by its spoliation of Church property, by its irreligious laws and proscrip tions ; but it has made itself the laughing stock of Europe. General La Marmora, whose name for Italy's sake ought never to be men tioned by Italians, is fighting over again in pamphlets and in the newspapers the disgrace ful campaign of 1866. The secret history of that war is now by the rival factions, into which revolutionary Italy is torn, being made public. Anything more simply discreditable to the Italian Government and army can scarcely be conceived than their conduct dur ing, and their dissensions and trickery after, Napoleon had' made them a present of Venice. The disputes between La Marmora and Cialdini show how utterly the Italian army was disorganized ; but not content with being defeated, for the sake of keeping up appear ances in Italy La Marmora incurred the addi tional disgrace, of enacting a public farce by ordering Cialdini, after the terrible rout which the Italian army, under La Marmora, had suffered at Custozza, to cross the Po after the Austrians had left, and Venice had been ceded by the intervention of France. Cialdini, un willing to take part in such a rediculous farce, demurred to such a proceeding, but was over ruled, and so the play of pursuing the Aus trians was played out for the avowed purpose of keeping up appearances in Italy. Austria at the time complained of this act. " Italy," it says, " took advantage of the absence of the Austrian army to enter South Tyrol, in opposi tion to the terms of the cession, one of the principal conditions of which was that the Aus trian troops should not be pursued beyond the Venetian territory, or in order to obtain pos session of that of Gorizia." From the disclosures made in this dispute between rival and jealous generals, it further more appears that Napoleon showed himself a hard taskmaster, and insisted that revolu tionary Italy should suspend hostilities, and leave its Prussian ally in the lurch. La Marmora supplicated in vain. He protested that while he could well understand that Napo leon should desire to stay the victorious pro gress of Prussia, he saw no reason why France should inflict upon Italy the public humiliation of deserting an ally. All that was permitted to La Marmora, it appears, was to keep up appearances—to act a farce at which he seems to be so apt a hand. Italy, therefore, was allowed to gasconade to its heart's content ; to pursue an enemy who was already beyond their reach ; but the part of the buffoon is sometimes liable to misadventures, beyond even the ridicule incurred. And so it happened with Italy. Austria, on making peace with Prussia after Sadowa, had an army again at its disposal, and the boastful Italian generals had again to seek safety by falling back from Austrian ground. The worst misadventure, however, which has befallen revolutionary Italy, is not the battle of Custozza, is not the terrible defeat of Lissa, but the contempt and ridicule which it has brought down upon itself by its empty gasconading, by the buffoonery of its leaders, and by its military disorganization, as exhi bited by its generals and commanders in chief. It was thought that after the ridiculous col lapse of Garibaldi and his volunteers at the battle of Mentana, and the rapid dispersion and flight of the gasconading general and his followers from Roman territory, that revo lutionary Italy would have sought in silence to obliterate from the memory of its friends and enemies, the disgrace which it had so deservedly incurred. But the fierce rivalry of its miserable factions, the old disputes and jealousies of its generals, have ripped up again the old sore, and have exposed the new king dom to fresh contempt and ridicule. Italian journals addicted to the Revolution csnnot forbear from deploring the imprudence of the publication of despatches and telegrams by La Marmora, which, while they do not remove the disgrace from his own shoulders, put Italy and its Government in a contemptible light before the world. Italy, for its own advantage, has sought to make and keep friends with Prussia and with France, and has been treated by both as a catspaw, and all the while it gave itself the airs of a great Power ; but now the disputes of La Marmora and Cialdini have withdrawn the veil to a great extent, and shown to the Italians themselves, as well as to the world at large, how petty and farcical was the part their country played when Prussia and Austria were fighting, and their Government was receiving in fear and trembling its orders from Paris. From its present state of disorganization, from the riN airy of its factions, and the jealousy of its generals, anarchy and Mazzini have everything to expect from Italy.—Westminster Gazette. ing on his estate to accept the lease of which a copy has been published, we can only say with grief and indignation that, though not justified, all is accounted for. From this thoroughly lawless and anti-social document, it appears not only that strict covenants were sought to be imposed as to tillage, buildings, wood, and game, but that the tenants were required to enter into a compact to waive the abatement of half the poor rate, specifically guaranteed them by statute, thereby defeating the public policy of the law ; and further, that upon a notice to quit of twenty-one days (Sundays being counted), they should surren der their farms, without attempting to sell or remove any crops that might be unharvested thereon. The like of this, we venture to say, has never been heard of in any country bearing the name of " civilized "or free" It were a farce to dwell upon its inhumanity. It is far more to the purpose to brand, as it deserves, its thorough barbarism. Could a people be bullied into such a state of serfhood as bargains of this kind contemplate the possibility of agri cultural progress or improvement must die ; for progress or improvement in this age of the world are only possible by civilized and self respecting men. The planters of Carolina and Georgia were not all bad-hearted men ; and some of them were humane and gentle masters; but the law which authorised them absolutely to think and act for the cultivators of the soil, and which forbade the latter to assume the right of thinking or acting for themselves, ate the marrow out of the bones of agricultural indus try, and substituted nothing therefor but the overseer's whip. The law in Ireland is inter preted by planters of the Scully type to autho rise a different sort of subju g ation, through the agency of an armed police. But the results as regards physical and moral civilisation would be the same. A three-weekly tenure of land is palpably incompatible alike with the exist ence of tenant security and of decent culti vation. It has often been contended that no shorter tenancy than one for a year, should in any case be recognised by law, for merely agri cultural reasons ; and men of all parties who have studied the social and political difficulties of Ireland., concur in the desirableness of en couraging long leases and fee-farms, could sub letting be only prevented. But here is a man who seeks to avail himself of the terror of eject ment, on the expiry of an old lease, where with the law invests him, to reduce his tenants to a condition incomparably worse than that of Russian serfs before emancipation: for these were adscn:pti glebtr, and by virtue of their bondage they had a right to be supported out of the produce of the land, from which, without their own consent, they could not be removed. The law of landlordism in Ireland sanctions the claim of the proprietor to use up the intelligence and industry of the occupier, and then at three weeks' notice to send him and his wife and his little ones into the ditch or the emigrant ship, if he does not prefer the risk of a felon's cell. It will not do to palter or quibble over the bleeding corpses of the innocent men done to death in resisting this iniquity, about the case being exceptional, and the general practice being different. Mr. William Scully has made plain to every tenant farmer in Ireland that he can never again lie down in peace or safety, until a fundamental change is made in the laws regarding land He has chucked the linch-pin out of the wheel of public order; aftd, for the present, the hope of agrarian tranquility, with all that is pre cious dependent thereon, has broken down.— Examiner. we are confident that such an examination would go far, even in the eyes of the most con fiding Ritualists, to justify the exclusion of such men, claiming to be bishops, and claim ing to hold the Catholic faith, from a seat in the General Council. It is in no party or hostile spirit we make these remarks; on the contrary, we, as Catho lics, holding fast to Rome, long to stretch out a friendly hand to those still entangled in the meshes of Anglicanism, and to draw them on to our side ; we appreciate too highly the un worldly and self-denying spirit which so many zealous Anglicans exhibit under often the most trying circumstances ; we can understand the sorrow which they feel at seeing their com panions moving on, one by one, to the Church of Rome, and can forgive the reproaches, sometimes ungenerous and unfair, which, in their irritation, they launch against those whom they yesterday revered, and whom, we trust, they will, following themselves their example to-morrow, learn again doubly to revere.—Westniiitster Gazette. PRESENT PROSPECTS. - If to old women be given the gift of prophecy, few will hesitate to accept the Standard's predictions on the Presidential election ; and if to old women only, then the Standard is justified in its statement that the Times has no right to predict. When the Tammany ticket and platform were known iu England, the Times cast the Democratic horoscope, seeing defeat, and even annihilation, looming not far off. A well-informed correspondent of the leading journal estimated the electoral votes of the States, and we transferred that to our columns, as the opinion of a neutral. At the same time we gave the Nation's estimate as that from the Republican stand point, and we now extract the calculation of the Standard's correspondent as the Conservative view : As Congress has declared that Virginia, Texas, and Mississippi, not being reconstructed, shall not to any pur pose take part in the election, the number of voters in the Electoral College is reduced to 294. Mr. Seymour's suc cess depends upon his ability to obtain 143 electoral votes. 1 give to Mr. Seymour the States in the left-hand column. below, and to General Grant the States in the right-hand column, apportioning all "doubtful" States to Grant. Seymour. A rkansaa California Connecticut Delaware ... ... 5 ... ... 6 Grant. Kentucky Maryland Missouri Nevada ... 7 ... 33 ... ... 21 •.• ••• 3 ... ..• 26 I•• • . • 8 Alabama 8 Florida 3 Georgia ... 9 Illinois ... ... 16 Indiana ... 13 lowa ... ... 8 Kansas ... 3 Louisiana Maine ... ... 7 Massachusetts ... 12 Michigan ... ~, 8 Minnesota ~, 4 Nebraska New Hampshire North Carolina... .., 9 Rhode Island 4 South Carolina... ... 6 Tenness , 3e ... 10 Vermont ~. ... 5 West Virginia ... ... 5 I believe that Georgia, Alal Carolina w:ll vote for Seyn 145 bama, Louisiana, and North aour, but, their Legislatures the people, and fraudulently •ant. may take the election from cast the electoral votes for G Comparing these estimates, the whole question turns upon the forty-seven votes of Pennsylvania and Ohio, nearly a sixth of the total in the Elec toral College. Pennsylvania is the puzzle ; both parties think they can carry it, but the democrats with the more confidence. Ever since Ohio gave so smashing a vote against negro suffrage, the De mocrats have counted it as one of their States. They are pretty certain of New York, with its 33 votes, and could they but carry Ohio and the Keystone State, they would have in these little short of a third of the Electoral College. The Republicans count Ohio as theirs, but so do the Democrats, though with less confidence. Indeed, although as yet we have not reached the place in Granny's class which would entitle us to prophesy, we may safely predict that the main battle will be in Pennsylvania and Ohio. The Standard states that the tide has fairly set in against the Republican party, and that their jour nals, formerly so confident, have lately changed their tune. While we acknowledge that the De mocratic ticket appears to be steadily rising in favour, we are not a little amused at the reasons given for Democratic confidence by the correspondent of our Tory cmtetnporary. First, then, he says, because FRANK BLAIR declares Democratic success is "ordained of HEAvEN." This ought to settle the question. FRANK BLAIR, his allies, and his enemies, might knock off work ; but, strange inconsistency ! he is themost energetic of the four. Perhaps the General only accepts HEAvENasan ally ; or, he may hold with FREDERICK the GREAT that PROVIDENCE is on the side of big battalions, which he is doing his best to marshal ; or very likely he thinks thatHEAVEN helps those who help themselves. The correspondent's second reason is the above-mentioned altered tune of the Republican journals, whose refrain is now changed from " must" and " will," to " if " and " but ;"—and his third reason is the apathy in the Republican rank and file, which is happily coupled with his fourth reason, the unexampled enthusiasm of the Demo cratic masses. The Republicans have chosen a silent chief, and it would be inconsistent if they thus early commenced howling ; and though the corre spondent attaches value to a noise, we believe peo ple very often scream themselves hoarse before the conquering hero arrives. There is time enough for the shouting, and soon enough there will be a change in this deceptive apathy of the Re publican party. The " Singing Soldiers" have not as yet come on the stage . ; and their advent will be the signal for those who do the shouting to begin. It is very difficult to feel the American pulse. 'There are many quacks ready enough with unfee'd opinions about Uncle SAM, but there are few indeed who can do more than hazard conjectures. The farmer class throughout the Union, in whose hands the decision really is, are not given to the noisy demonstrations of a New York Irish mob. PAT'S voice is loud enough, and his brogue sufficiently distinct to tell who the crowd are and which way they go. But such gatherings are more noisy than effective, and we believe the mass of Americans know who they intend to vote for, and will vote as they intended, the Singing Republican Soldiers and the Shouting Democrats notwithstanding. Light will, however, immediately begin to illuminate the subject ; dim and distant rays at first, but rapidly becoming stronger. Tennessee has just voted, Vermont is to vote next Tuesday, California next Wednesday week, and Maine on the 14th Septem ber. During October, Nebraska, Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania, lowa, and West Virginia will vote, and on the 3J November New York, New Jersey, Dela . ware, Maryland, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Min nesota, Mis.souri,Kansas,Nevada, and Massachusetts. Thus in nine weeks there will be 23 elections, be sides the Presidential. Although we have little faith in indications, we are fully alive to the im portance of the New York, Herald's change of front ; for, if any thiug in the States has a faculty of getting into and swimming away in the midst of popular currents, it is that newspaper, which the cor respondent gives as his eighth reason. But this he contrasts with another, which he considers equally important, the decision of ANDREW JOHNSON to sus tain SEYMOUR and BLAIR. We know what a happy knack the PRESIDENT has of sustaining his friends, and it is probable that on reaching this determination he wrote the Message proposing a Constitutional Amendment, when he illustrated his argument by a hard hit at SEYMOUR'S government of New York. It is altogether too early for those without Granny's gifts to predict, and we believe, as we before stated, that the battle will be narrowed to the Key-Stone State, the indications being that the Republicans may win in spite of Pennsylvania, but not the Democrats. We allow the force of what our re spected contemporary says—for we do respect the Standard, and like it, notwithstanding its high Tory principles and our own " chaff "—that the state of affairs is too unsettled for any decided conclusion, but the Democrats have lately made most running. —Anglo-American Times. Col. Berdan, of sharpshooter fame, has been bre veted a major-general of volunteers—rather late in the day, one would suppose —for gallant and distinguished conduct at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. He was strongly recommended for this honour by Gena. Hooker and Sickles. A HARD MAN. The family of Scully has a bad name in Tipperary. The greater number of them are occupiers of land, only a few being owners. Of these more than one have earned an un happy notoriety for rigour in their mode of doing what they liked with their own. As a class, the landlords of Tipperary are not un popular. The old agrarian War has for some time been suspended ; the Assize dock has of late been almost empty, and rents have been well-paid. The soil is proverbially prolific ; cattle and corn have brought a good price ; the fumes of Fenianism have passed away, at least for a time ; and although the indomitable spirit of the peasantry has always been ready to flash out at market and fair on slight pro vocation, it has happily had little or none of late from the gentry, who, tired of strife and wiser grown in their generation, have, to dc them justice, been living more at home than formerly, and trying, if possible, to live peace fully with all men. It is truly shocking to find the truce between classes suddenly broken by the wrong-headedness of one selfish man. 'Most of the descendants of the soldiers of for- tune whom Cromwell planted in the golden plains that lie between the Barrow and the Shannon, seemed wisely anxious to let the weapons of landlordism rust on the walls, provided they were not called on to surrender them; and their tenants, when let alone, in stinctively fond of making money, making love, and making fun, have recently given them selves no active concern in the alteration of the law regarding land. If asked from the altar in an electioneering sermon whether they would not vote for an advocate of tenant right, every man of them would undoubtedly mur mur assent ; but on Monday morning each of them was certain to be off at dawn to Clonmel, Thurles, or Roscrea, to open or close a bargain for stock; and Saturday night would be pretty sure to find him tired with an active week's work, in which not half-an-hour had probably been devoted to the pondering of agrarian anomalies, far less plotting how to put an end to them. Theoretically, the law remained unchanged ; but practically, the edge of in justice had ceased to be felt, and there was peace in the land. Suddenly an exceeding , bitter cry is heard, and once more all Tippe rary is astir. It is the curse of leaving a bad law unamended that any mad man or any bad man can take advantage of the right to pnt it in force, to the detriment of his own class and the distraction of a whole community. The kinsman of the owner of Ballycohey was some years ago stopped on the highway and slain by certain of his enraged tenants whom he had menaced with eviction ; and the story is told that when asked about the occurrence by an English traveller, the driver of the jaunting car on which he rode told him naively that " it was a mistake ; for the people had found out since that the man they shot was the best of the family." We have never, that we recol lect, been so unhappy as to hear the name of Mr. William Scully before and of his character and career we know nothing. But if it be true that he sought to compel tenants of old stand- New Jersey New York Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Wisconsin THE ffCUMENICAL COUNCIL. The assembling of the (Ecumenical Council, for which such great preparations are being made by learned theologians summoned to Rome from every part of the world, ought to awaken grave reflections in the " Catholic party" in the Anglican Church as to their position. What part are.they entitled to take in a General Council, or if they be not entitled to an invitation, why not ? There must be a sufficient reason for the exclusion of the re presentatives of a party in the Anglican Church who desire so earnestly for reunion with Rome. Why are they not summoned to a Council to which schismatic bishops may be invited ? What is the difference between their position and that of the schismatic Greeks ? Anglicans who desire the reunion of Christendom ought not simply to confinethem selves to denunciations of what they term the unreasonable policy of Rome. They must remember that this policy is dictated by the Supreme Head on earth of the Christian Church, without a single bishop in the Chris tian world, saving those affected, the Angli can bishops, raising a voice against such an exclusion. What is the reason of this unani mity ? It behoves Anglicans, leaving abuse of what they call " Ultramontanism aside, to set themselves seriously to work to account for the reason why the Universal Church, schis matic Greeks, as well as the Holy See, do not regard their bishops as entitled in any possible way to a seat in a Universal Council of the Church. At the first blush of the matter it is not too much to say that it would be the height of unreason and extremest presumption for a party in the Anglican Church to set its own opinion against the unanimous decision of Christendom ; but when we reflect on the interests at stake—the eternal interests, it may be, of souls innumerable —such contumelious disregard f the assembled Church seems an act of final despair. little of theless voicethan o But we cannot believe that Catholic-minded Ritualists, the men and women in the Angli can Church who believe in the efficacy of the Sacraments, in the Divine Presence, in the Holy Eucharist, in the Sacrifice of the Mass, and who so zealously act up to their faith, will turn a deaf ear to the voice of the Church, which, speaking through its accustomed organs, and in its wonted fashion, as in ancient times so now proclaims to all the world that union can only co :e through unity—unity of faith and unity of practice. The convocation of a General Council is to such Anglicans also a summons to be present—to come, not as Anglicans belonging to a separate fold, but as Catholics—believers, that is to say, not in one dogma or two, but in every dogma without exception proposed to their belief by the Church to which they desire to be united. Why do they not accept the summons individually ? why waste time in the hope of coming in com pany ? Let them come alone and make their submission. But if they present themselves as a body, and seek admission as members of ' an Anglican Church to the Council, what can they expect but to be asked to produce their title deeds, and to say by whom their bishops were consecrated, who gave them jurisdiction, what was the character of their orders ? To such questions there can be but one answer, for neither Greek nor Latin recognises Epis copal consecration, nor jurisdiction, nor valid orders, in the Anglican Church. For such comers and such claimants the doors of the General Council will be shut, but to those who, like so many of the Ritualists, seek the re-union of Christendom, such a shutting of the door of the assembled Church in their face, cannot fail, we should hope, to excite inquiry. It is neither wise nor charitable in the Ritual ists always to impute wrong to the Church of Rome in her dealings with themselves, and so continually, as so many of them do, to assume that the position which they themselves occupy, is not only not due to their own act, but is, though exceptional, safe and Catholic. Let them by way of spiritual exercise reverse the position. Let them believe that the Holy See, the Head of all the Churches, directed in its acts by the guidance of the Holy Ghost, is in the right, and then let them examine anew the whole position in which they stand in re gard to the dognias of faith and to practical devotions towards their own Church, and towards the Church of Rome. Let them ex amine, moreover, into the consecration and jurisdiction of their bishops, the habitual cha racter of their episcopal acts, the nature of their faith, their relations towards the Catholic Church and towards the Royal Supremacy; LAST DAYS OF 7HADDEUS STEVENS. TIC house where Mr. &evens died is one of the old-fashioned two-storey brick houses of former days in Washington. A small garden attached, filled with plants and flewerS, was his favourite sit ' ting place when he was in sufficient health. The bed-chamber in which he died is adorned with plain, useful, old style furniture, with nothing par ' ticularly odd or singular to make note of. His • household consisted of a housekeeper and servants, the former, a coloured woman, having been with him twenty years. Oa Monday he expressed anxiety in regard to the state of the country, in duced mainly by the current reports of appre hended troubles in Louisiana, trusted that Mr. Johnson might abstain from any measures calcu lated to disturb public tranquillity, and hoped no necessity might arise for reassembling Congress in September. Next day his condition was not much better, though it did not appear such an effort to talk. Once when his housekeeper came in, after a brief absence, and found him manifesting same little impatience, she begged him not to fret over his condition. 'l'J this remark lie replied, " Yes, it is true, there can be no use in worrying over it." Mr. Stevens had long been expecting to be called away from this life, and had grown familiar with the thought of death ; so that he frequently indulged in a serious joke on the subject. While the High Court of Impeachment was in Session he was daily carried in an arm chair from his carriage to his seat in the Senate chamber. For this purpose two stal wart men were employed, to whom he became a good deal attached. On one occasion, as they were bearing him up the capitol steps, he looked over his shoulder at each of them, and remarked with a grim smile, " Boys ! what shall I do for some one to carry me when you are dead and gone ?" Mr. Stevens in his religious belief inclined towards the Baptist faith, in which he had been trained by his mother. He was never a regular • attendant on Divine worship, although he respected the public profession of religion. Being asked on one occasion as to his religious belief, he replied that he took for his guides his mother and St. Paul. 1 He strove to perform his duty towards his fellow ' man, and trusted the rest to God. Every Sunday during his illuess he was visited by Major-General Howard, with whom he became intimate. It was General Howard's custom to read to him from the Bible or some religious book, and talk to him con cerning the future of the soul. Mr. Stevens in variably listened . with reverence and marked at tention, but when these ceremonies were con cluded he nearly always manifested a feel ing of relief, for, as he often said, he dreaded 1 long sermons as much as he did long speeches. At four o'clock Tuesday evening Mr. Stevens's death was not expected by his friends, and least of all by himself. He was very weak, but no one sup posed that the end was so near. His active spirit never faltered to the last. His last hours were smooth and tranquil. A few days before, the phy sician had changed his medicine. Mr. Stevens at once noticed the change, and said " You have changed my medicine, have you not ?" Yea." " Well, this is a square fight ;" and as he said so his face was illuminated by a grim smile of mingled humour and determination. On Tuesday afternoon 1 Mr. Simon Stevens entered his room and told him that he had been to see Mr. Everts, and hal learned what would be the purport of his opi nion in the Rollins' case, which was that the re signation could not be accepted. Mr. Stevens responded, apparently much pleased, " I be lieve Mr. Evarts is not only a sound lawyer, but a statesman, who will advise the President sa to administer the laws as to render unnecessary a meeting of Congress in September. If he does," he continued " I shall feel prouder than ever that I urged his confirmation." Then he spoke of Mr. Seward and his position in the Cabinet. " He has laboured very well recently in relation to our foreign affairs. His purchase of Alaska was the biggest thing in his life, and if he could have purchased Samaria it would have been the crowning event of his career." Mr. Simon Stevens again remarked that lie had seen Gen. Rosecrans, who had spoken of Alanson Stevens, nephew of Thaddeus Stevens, killed at Chickamauga. He was the old man's favourite boy, and early iu the war Alanson, who had charge of the ironworks, took all the horses of the establishment and ten lered them to the Gover nor of Pennsylvania for the use of the Government, and then joined the army as a private, frequently re ceiving promotion, until he became captain of artil lery. Th:s probably flashed across the old man's mind, for he smiled at the mention of his nephew's name, and replied, " He was a brave boy; I like, Rosecrans. I hope that Mr. Seward's instructions to Rosecrans will be such aswill tend to build up and strengthen that tottering sister republic"—Mexico. As the evening wore on Mr. Stevens dropped into a quiet slumber, from which be occasionally started, and made some remark, probably on national affairs. Once he broke out to his relation, " Simon, the great questions of the day are reconstruction, the finances, and the railway system of this country." Then he turned and went to sleep, but soon awoke, and said, " I believe Grant will be elected, and that he will carry out the great reconstruction laws." His relative told him about Morrissey's betting on Seymour. He replied, " I like him for his pluck." He then conversed with the Rev. Dr. Emery, Mrs. Smith, his nephew, Thaddeus, and his body ser vant, Louis West. None of the remarks to these were specially noticeable, save one to his nephew, to whom he said, "We'll have a nice trip home; I'll visit the foundry with you, perhaps," and then he smiled, as if aware of the impossibility of the suggestion. About seven o'clock two coloured clergymen, the Rev. Mr. Hall and the Rev. Mr. Reed, both of the Israel Methodist Church, arrived and requested permission to see Mr. Stevens and pray with him. It is a curious coincidence that one of them stood by the bedside of John Quincy Adams and prayed with him in his last illness. Mr. Stevens was asked if they should be admitted. He replied (and these were probably the last connected words that he uttered) : " Certainly, certainly." They entered the room. He turned on his side and reached his hand to one of them. A hymn was sung and a few prayers offered; after which they departed at about eight o'clock. At nine o'clock Dr. Young again called. The doctor pronounced him dying, and so told him. Mr. Stevens looked at him and nodded his head, but made no reply. At eleven o'clock two Sisters of Charity of the Pro vidence Catholic hospital close by came in, having been daily visitors for many days. They proceeded to read the prayer for the departing soul. Mean time Mr. Stevens lay quietly on the bed, and when asked any questions by his relatives would say " Yes" or " No" quite distinctly. The sisters de sired to perform the baptismal rite, and no objec tion being made, one of them performed the ceremonies in an impressive manner. There were in the room at that time the two Sisters of Charity, Simon Stevens, Thaddeus Stevens, jun., Mrs. Smith, his housekeeper (coloured), and Mr. J. S. Patterson of the Interior Department, his body servant, Louis West, his coachman, J. C. Epheus, and several of the house servants. Simon Stevens sat upon the bed fan ning him. Young Thaddeus stood by the bedside holding his hand. Mrs. Smith knelt at the foot of the bed, while the sisters, also kneeling, continued to read the prayers fur a departing soul. The ser vants were kneeling in various parts of the room. About ten minutes before 12 o'clock it was evident that the time of dissolution was nigh. His breathing was hard. He took no more ice and his eyes were closed. By a timepiece in the room it was three minutes past 12 o'clock when Mr. Stevens exclaimed " He is dead." The Sisters of Charity at once com menced to recite the prayers for the dead. The next morning the body was embalmed and laid out, dressed in a suit of plain black, the same he wore in the House of Representatives. The body lay in state iu the Rotunda of the Capitol on Thursday, watched by a guard of coloured Zouaves. The funeral took place on Friday, and the remains afterwards borne to Lancaster. Senators Sumner and M'Donald, Secretaries Stanton and Seward, General Rawlins, Mayor Bowen, Mr. Everts, and Surgeon- General Barnes, were to act as pall-bearers. A special train took the funeral party to Lancaster, by the way of Ilarrisburg and York, and the inter rY.ent took place on Monday in the Gettysburg national cemetery. Some time ago Mr. Stevens re solved to purchase a burial lot, and he had nearly con' eluded the purchase in a cemetery at Lancaster, when, hearing accidentally that coloured people were not permitted to be buried in the cemetery, he withdrew from the purchase. Tie subsequently bought a large lot in the Gettysburg cemetery . Some persons asked him why he had provided him self with so large a tract of ground in a cemetery , being without a family. " Well," he answered, "I will not need much of it myself, but some PO; devils may want a last resting-place some time, an u they can turn in beside me." The cotlin which incloses the remains of Thati" dens Stevens is of rosewood, covered with a flu e black cloth, lined with white satin. Upon the /id is a large silver plate, bearing the following inscriP' tion c, Thaddeus Stevens, born April 4, 1792 ; died August 11, 1868, at midnight." The plate is in the form of a shield, handsomely chased, and around it is a row of silver tacks. Upon each side are three very heavy silver handles, the hinge portion bearing the national coat-of-arms' and an eagle is emblazoned on the handles. The coffin is heavily trimmed with silver, and upon the lid rests a beautiful chain of white rib bon. The features of the deceased changed but verf little, and he looked quite natural, though ems' ciated by his long illness. The mouth and eyes O f / closed, but the eyes are somewhat sunken, and the right temple is a little dark. The remains of Thad. Stevens were placed in the Rotunda of the Capitol at noon, the 13th Auguot• They were borne from his- residence by four whi te and four coloured pall-bearers, and the escort WO composed of one company of coloured Zouavea• The same company acted as a guard of honour• Large numbers of all classes passed through th e Rotunda, and the crowd increased towards even ing. The Rotunda was lighted throughout th e night, and next day the body was taken to its final resting place in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Spring field Republican. RECONCILIATION OF GENERALS GRA2O AND BUTLER. General Butler stated in his speech on the Bt h instant to his constituents at Gloucester, M a s s achw setts, that " the difference in social life with Gen' Grant, merely arising from misunderstanding, ho been the subject of mutually satisfactory explana' tions—no more, no less." Mr. Wilkes, in an edi torial, explains his share in bringing about this satisfactory result, which, he says, many others lo ci failed in accomplishing. " This undertaking was commenced in March last 11 an interview with General Grant, in which all the inatte o that had been currently reported as causing points of dif ference between him and G enera l B u tl er were f u lly sn a freely discussed. As wo h a d suppose d , G enera l Gran t , a frankly disavowed any i n t ent i on to refl 3 nt upon tP military conduct or position of General Butler at Be t ; niuda Hundreds, by the famous ph rase i n his roP° l s i about the army of th e J ames being bottled up ;' 31) t when the matter of General Butler's subseque. n rejection of General Grant's invitation to meet at his house came up, it fell from consequence, with K in : rapidity, ou due explanati on . Th ere was th en , in f 3° ' nothing left but the puny matter of decorum in relation t° the note of invitation ; and as General Butler had clo rb : sr ''' . acted under a misapprehension in regard to that, and ' therefore plainly in the wrong, we felt that all real n b ; stitches to a cordial reconciliation hal entirely vanish ° . 1 The only difficulty, from the first, had been to in duc a , - General Grant to talk upon the subject at all; and, lud ee we must admit, he evinced great reluctance to be led in ,„ ; it on this occasion ; but being in, h e w a s as frank as great nature always is, and left but little foe us to d° ar the end beyond the process of the report." Informed of the interview, Butler at once $ 3Vr that but one material point was left, and on t . , 115t he had been under a direct misapp re h ens ion. fi r ' Wilkes fully detailed in a letter he wro te to Bat aet s his conversation with Grant, to who m a copy shown. "Butler's answer recognized the fact that ' General Grant had not intended to reflect upon bl e, by his allusion to the situation of the Army at Be r ; muda Hundreds, as bei n g w ithi n his own ( th 0 writer's) knowledge ; and as to his note about tae evening party, General Butler frankly asked Pe; mission to withdraw it. Upon this correspondec e , being turned over to General Grant, he ' cordially consented to General Butler's wish, and deemi n g the remaining matters as of no real importance/ r e ; frained from touching them, anti stopped right ther e ' As the affair took time it was erroneously assum e, that there was difficulty in bringing the gentlere e ie together, the truth being that they saw how had to be adjusted, and desired to postpone it tt after the Impeachment trial. " The reason of t' r was, says George Wilkes, th a t it was cons tantly pected that the defence would put Grant upon t ee stand with the view of hetcheling him with a floral cross-examination ; and as, in that case, Gen vile Butler would be required to defend him " oet there from any improper assault, it was 3 1 thought advisable that any change of their pers °t : . ii relations should be effected at that time. This there is about the delay which caused so 1-oatl. rumours, except what there is about the delaY General Butler's final answer to General G ran .40 acceptance of his request. This last delay caused by our own personal absence from 11 ` ra j ington from the latter part of June until Gen a d Grant had set out for the West ; and as we er , made ourself the intermediary and pivot of the co respondence, General Butler had no authoritatitia medium of communication with General Graat ere i we called on him again. Subsequent to Ge rl , s o Grant's departure from Washington, however, of addressed General Butler a note, with the 'IO W re , closing the matter up before General Grant'So turn, and to this we received answer from Gl er to Butler that he intended soon to make a sPe ec h ic4 his constituents at Gloucester, Massachusetts, w ti o he thought would prove a satisfactory ternl lo3 to t of the whole correspondence." This account s that portion of the speech which Mr. Wilkes t tt * l ie r will give great relief to the loyal public, as part a fresh impulse to the Republican campaig of Mr. Sward promises to furnish informati °- : g, the capabilities of the various States for wino gr ° '::o3 o with a view to encourage French emigration. It °" 3 - to that many portions of the States are admirably ada'P t ,„ e e of this purpose, and some interesting facts point to 0 °"" ), it to the Southern States where labour is cheap, and wil ic lo likely to engage attention when the official inforrOt"- afforded. 7.1 PK [ADVERTISEMENT. I—Holloway's Ointment. --° by I ment without Health.—How sad to see the .wealt,pd worldly estate laid up by disease, far worse to P 0 tlio family's breadwinner incapable of work. An ulcer ° GI° , 0, 1 log, a sprained ankle, a gouty joint, a rheumatic ransEloct a swollen limb will not long disable any one if the j ail part be well fomented with warm water, and aft °r briskly rubbed with Holloway's cooling, heal lu Elus te lo detersive ointment. There aro few persons s° , 51 fq,1P 0 that they cannot procure this invaluable and l i zi o jea c . l remedy. There is no sufferer who with it, and 0 " - re /jl ' , to the directions accompanying it, can fail to ea 0 0 0 complaint however severe, inveterate, or ho re ver nately it resists other measures. f '~ f~ i~ ~' ',~ ~a * 44 ' BirthS. „, v ie ALEXANDER-On the 31st tilt. at at 14, Granyi,"WActir' Portman-square, the wife of . Captain J. U. Ao the C. 8., H.M.S. Forte, of a daughter. , troet' t' FESTING -On the 30th ult., at 69, Lower Mount -s r . - .r e" wife of Deputy-Assistant Commissary-Gr eue^-1 ing, of a daughter. ma; i o - 0) FERGUSON-0 n the 30th ult., at 16, Portland-Pe/sq.: don, the wife of G. H. H. Oliphant-Fergus on ' Broadfield House, of a daughter. ge Marriages. g t rte s ROAN-WOODBRIDGE -On the 29th ult., at - ;not' ft Church, Harrow-on-the-Hill, J nn Mlton 6 6- "Foa' il to p4'' of P. Egan, Esq., of 60, St. John's park, I s l. , youngest augher of the late John Woodbridge' of Harrow-on-the-Hill. el Ifil lj tio MARSH -CLARK-On the 29th ult. at at St. lina' s, tile,,,ot lane, Tottenham, Samuel Vincent, eldest sou e ' a el' i r, Marsh, Esq., of Norwood, to Elizabeth Catherir'rj,-10 daughter of the late Wm. Clark, Esq. , °f r ' Tottenham. Deaths. 1 4 ./34 BROWN-On the 20th ult., at Linkwood, near B 1 3'" ' Peter Brown, E:q., of Dunkinty, aged 76. itt . i . s . C COOK -On the 30th ult., at 47, Portland-place' ' t, aged 84. Viglit' I HARRIS-On the 30th ult., at Shanklin , Isle of o , oa 71' /el Harris, Esq., late of Stratford-green, E s-ex ' 355. SP. KYRLE -On the 27th ult., at Scarborough, W• u.. ~a a., A • . a r Esq, of Homo House, Herefordshire , age:, ° niov- RICHARDSON-On the 28th ult., a t Chiswick, T. e t, son, Esq., J.P , of St. Alban s, aged 79.p ° WARREN-On the 28th ult. , at Heathside, pile, Eliza, wife of Samuel Warren, WI ------- - ---- - /DO Ili' London : Printed and Published by WiLLIA.g I L ' . 1 40 O f of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Ta R sus 01°02011 Strand, in the Precinct of the S s voy, in t" Middlesex.-Tuesday, September 1, 1568,