The Sun. — London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

t° state, I not on l y d i d not tender, but I expressed my dis- ! t h: _,"" . 9 opinio n that, at the present time, a dissolution was im- ; r ",'T'ble- I h ave already stated the circumstances under theich , letter I now h o ld i n my hand was written. Her I t 9eo3ta said th a t s h e presumed I should have no o bj ect i on to . hat had taken place between her Majesty and myself nn; stated to Lord John Russell, to whom she was about 1 0.. ,10eavean audience ; and shortly after I arrived at my own in compliance with her Majesty's desire, I sent this ta ' m eat of what h a d t a k en p l ace to h er M a j es ty, i n order ia Prevent the p oss ibili ty of any misconcept i on. N ow reports , are industriously circulated, that before I had sent stit_lrhat was assumed to he my resignation, namely, this , ( r . enlent of facts, her Majesty had either sent for other i sers, or that Lord John Russell had, wholly uncalled for, _erest himself upon her Majesty's attention. The facts ; a ll; that at half-past four o'clock I communicated to her IJ e3 tY my desire to be relieved from taking office; at half nt!at d ye o'clock Lord J. Russell was sent for to the palace ; 3at half-past six this statement of what had taken s h ee Wasp by her Majesty's desire, communicatel to Lord . a Russell I mention these facts, in order that it may h eot b • 5 supposed by any portion of the public that tl e t r er Majesty Communicated with one Minister, while ano e„ Person who had been charged with the responsibility at ,_ "LuPtlng to form a Govrnmet had not resigned that ty t a 4l w and that, on the other hand n , L ird John Russell had t eriti n ili t i be Presumptuous step of forcing himself upon the at wit, of the S overe i gn w h i l e negot i at i ons were go i ng . on oleo., another pers on w h om h er .Majosty had intrusted with duty of forming an Administration. I might here stop, are --r as the personal explanations which I am able to melee St ce e ! n ,cerned ; but I cannot do so in the present strange to so °I political affairs, without adverting r a few moments orr e ,'" of those leading topics which appear at this time to il ;Zn l t an insuperable obstacle to . the union of public men. lh am mortified—that I feel it as a mortification—that enavesloyen unable to form a Government which could carry to tactorily the affairs of the country, I will not pretend ent ", e nY; but I trust your Lordships will not suppose that I ward s to hostility, apart from political differences, to ev‘e ds those to whom lam politically opposed. I may, how hetrt'ibe permitted to express my regret, not upon personal ie 1)41 Public grounds, that I was unsuccessful' in form g broti a which ;right, I think, have Pe na to Administration to a sati s f ac to r y i•sue two or three im blo,-kiltrluestions which appear to be the great stumbling re, to at the present moment. It may be presumptive in lay sloe "Y so I might, perhaps, have been deceived in andcta.tions; but, having no object in concealment, tim e f inking that a frank declaration of opinion at this to tittleublic men—(Hear, hear)—may not be injurious i it l? country . or to the possible successors of one who th e "ed in framing an Administration, I will step out of theZdinary course, which, under other circumstances, I had Pursue, and will frankly state the course which, if I ale,,,Tn enabled to form a Ministry, I should have felt it q uetti uoesirable to a d o pt w ith resp e ct to these important eOaatr ns•—with reference to the financial conditionof the oti eriv i• With re f erence — as com bi ne d wi th th e financial ard 4 - to the relief of agricultural distress, and with re 'o that all-imo Noble question which has been stated I t o Poin t oble Friend above me to have been the main Nei etruationpon which he found it impossible to form an Ad how. I begin, then, by saying, that financially I on e to be an obj ec t not only of vital importance but Pled ged 'which the faith cf successive Ministries has been teng. , that the income-tax should not be permitted to de peel into a permanent tax.--(Hear, hear.) In 1842 Sir per i ntroducer In troduceo that tax. He introduced it for a limited Le to ' W ith the express declaration that it was to enable eote it " ra tlal With other portions of the financial system of the asill a mode which he hoped would raise the revenue to that qtl , 4l itY with the expenditure, and he pledged himself cote:" the expiration of that period the income-tax should soar Hear, hear.) Without that pledge there is not a lA42 , '"lng who believes that the House of Commons, in a ttx w ,°tlld have consented to the imposition for an hour of or w ar Wn ith has always been held to be the resource in time tire s hear)—which has always been deprecated in Alt ar Peace, and which, take it as you will, levy it as you `No on ' ;nun be full of anomalies and inconvenience . , pressing s Orti o l i s r ,'Y upon different classes of the community with a t erai e Z a ted injustice that no modification can altogether tlie t Sir Robert Peel anticipated, when he proposed 1.1 : 14, that it would be continued for five years; but, fort dr at instance, he asked Parliament to sanction it Woakf e e years, expressing his assurance that Parliament the tt n ot refuse to continue it for the remainder of stiook ele dttring which he believed it would be necessary, leek cir cumstances prove that the system was working • was T he Sear 1848, when the renewal of the income-tax th r e r° Posed, was a period, as your Lordships will recollect, tt.( ) de ePeat distress, following immediately upon the (Us ' It 1 ,4 4 Year 1847 ; and, to maintain the credit of the country, aRi absolutely necessary to continne it. But we have now a ebt M ti,,, at a very different state of things. We have, in the ,wit• h i— se ,' a nce, a surplus of two millions and a-half to deal gr3o we have a state of general prosperity in the coun ttlab d T ° not wish to deny the existence of that prosperity, ba th fear I see indications in some quarters that it is " Perm ..rdshi, anent or as fully established as some of your gen ' 8 may imagine. But, when the country is in a state 4•500,„,;5rat Prosperity, when we have a surplus revenue of !Ike and at the expiration of nine years from the 4 er a th e uen the income-tax was imposed, I hold that a eith er ' renewal of that tax, without any security taken tir tn - , for it, modification or abolition, would be tioeriatiklY declaring that the income-tax shall be saddled loco, t rl country for ever.—(Hear.) When I remember, ow, a t the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared in his s ityf that there were various other classes of the commu- Wipe° w ell entitled to relief as the class which paid the hallo th ' 47 duties and that he stated that when he had disposed PaPer dt;ties the tea duties, and the tobacco duties, and preparalized the system ' of taxation generally, he would be v e tto deal wito the income-tax, I think it is not as wedL'ion' """.„ much to suppose, that if Parliament had again "eing tA ,`" renewal of the income-tax without any steps tBe;ed ti;,, 811 for its limitation, they would virtually have im ore ta x upon the country permanently. A short time t 'ood t o h " i ntroduction of the Budget it was generally tinder alc h a - L t be intention of Ministers to renew the income opth -" alteration, and there was a very general feeling their 8 Part e of many persons in favour of an opposition to th e ne.tax, while they demanded the total abolition cf that j i r , nd . °4 ' duties. I took the liberty of stating at that time rusiti a v er would be a party to any step or measure in op toeet.4l Which, if I were charged with the responsibility of rea4tnent, did not sea my way towards being able to ac eot;',4—(Hear, hear)—and, believing that the credit of i he Of th:7 would not at this moment bear the entire abolition te r .' Income tax, I stated that I would not support a mea the' which would leave a deficiency of at least 2,500,0001. in sbo u r i e venue. I was, however, of opinion that a course te tt e be taken declaratory of the determination of Perna of I , to de a l w i t h the iticon:e-tax as rapidly as the state shonle., n ational finances w ou ld allow, and that its reduction so ) , ° not be r en d ere d a matter o f i m p oss ibility by f r itt ering t erfeo ev erY surplus as it arose. I believe that, without in soisting with the credit of the country, dealing with the ISo es , surplus, without attempting to alter or reduce other • „ r ‘TI we understood), in the course of this year a reduc -lotea-Lu'oni one-third to one-half in the amount of the d ie„.„--t4x might safely and beneficially be effected. I was '44" that Parliament should, by some resolution, pledge it ▪ e t: ' the gradual reduction of the income-tax, with a view 4 %3.0 5 1 abolition, and I should have been prepared, if the oil -"'d devolved upon,me, to recommend Parliament to grant ° YO 4 • I . llt i b a rene wa l o f th a t t ax as wou ld re d uce i ts amoun t to P▪ leV u ird or one-half, and I should have been prepared 'stile myself that any surplus revenue that might arise lila 44411 the.first instance be applied towards the reduction .41e ) , .. extinction of that tax. But I may go further, for ▪ le, e rilte now that which I was not justified in stating -1,41111t4l"I did not feel called upon to state—in answer to an -oto,nlade to me a few nights ago by a Noble Lord who is Present. I will take this opportunity, therefore, of -1 1 „3' vi e - a , in g to your Lordships, fairly and frankly, what are - 4 ‘ ess, - , 4 ,and intentions on the subject of agricultural (lis t-me la n ai bold it to be an admitted and undisputed fact that it-fa i s at thi s momen t th e only suffering interest, and otreriptiolaisuouring under an amount of taxation of various tar exceeding the amount which falls upon .. 40 t o a t 'asoes of th Inanity. I believe also - and it will t he - hs ont radiete e d o rt i bink, - by any one - that the result 1 1 1 1 4 ,,1 th - a " s are of 1546 for the total repeal of the corn-laws, an - o . ll nrestricted introduction of foreign corn, has ra.ted e " e et upon prices tar more extensive than was e.x -anthll'o_e ex, - tensive than was d . es . and more extensive 44 41. "nssibly have been anticipated ba , he framers of ern e When the corn-laws were repealed, it was asserted sta nce s eltvoured to be proved, that, under ordinary circum ' e i ° 7 ll 4l4 ir °4l the state of foreign markets, the price of corn of:* or ep; ° 4 an average, fall below 48s. We now see it at t0441114 e • c. 1 and, with n . o desire to check the free exercise .1 3s , •-• with no desire to reverse the general policy of o or,o toierei a i a system introduced by Sir R. Peel, I say that, : 1 0 4 e.o r si n - g a Moderate duty upon the importation of fo •8 eo You miitht raise a very considerable revenue for la t Intr‘• While y o Pe lee - f • you would not materially raise the exist lealt W ow ?, Produce to the consumer—(Hear, hear)—but th at kir ., y the acquisition of a duty of 1,500,(410/ or t o ` t t , obj ect enable the referredGovernnientmore rapidly to effect ▪ e orn _to which I have .as . of great advantage inunity at large—the extinction of ,rae t • not hesitate, therefore, to say that if itwere found . 1 1 1 0 4 tati a i n e4b r ie• as I think it would be, to effect such a corn- Ir ea ll e. ` the system of taxation as to place all classes e ro 7tred. Perfect level, then, according to the best • ' 5 -4 authorities, 't is not adverse to the principle of J e tted et le to • lee ' -to aa Impose, in favour of the class . which is sub. I kt atno tint " undue share of burdens, counter% etling duties d to i te „_ t eve tb..aufficient to meet those burdens—(Hear)— an I it ib vurt o f' by the imposition of a moderate duty upon the W -°l4l t ne e°r4 and provisions you might raise such an °Ohl so taxation as, at the close of the year after this, h en4 le th e 8 th e • the country altogether, and I trust for ever, to a i ncome-tax I venture say that that relief of 4:1 t x tt -nee s of the con try, and theremOval of that pressure Z t e: l l)l 4 e ti " ;..• would infinitely n and immeasurably exceed any " e erl it -r " li ng alteration in the price of food--and trifling tr ot aratt-must be —which could touch the consumer. I do tai 't° enter u the general question. I express my is ?It, ()Pinion tha t Pon th e the question of Protection, or, if you on t nie sell . question of the unrestricted import of provisions, 5 e "11 mustsettled by the country—(Cheers)— theN and for be is Inv ever —(Renewed cheering)—whenever an ap eit,, Pre sent " to the country for its decision. I cannot take li n ': ch eers , Policy as more than an experiment—(Hear, h in ,nex t . 1 1? the course of being carried out. S oul . d 1 „ .. ..nt0 0n oieLtion prove that the sense of the country is a sion rof the perfectly unrestricted import of all pro t°ll4trei' Unac companied by those duties which in other kt tiel e a are V eit es, an , imposed for purposes of revenue upon all ai o ex tent " which in this country are imposed, and to a tli t ard' ulx , !n articles of prime necessity for that be Opi, i Y ulterior to that of bread itself, I say, if that be 11lie ae ,' of the country at the next election, I for one, and res,„e`ue majority of your Lordships and of Parliament, 41 0 11 : 1 41 ....... c tM e 1y bow to that expression of the sense of the etn", of tb e V± l .; ar, and cheers) But until I see that expres vrayete.2!eling of the country, when I find that the than 4t, working an amount of evil far greater than 4t , icip et _ilated by its opponents—certainly greater than I milt _urinyEelt; I cannot as an honest man abandon the h, re .t i er_ ielieve the exisitng distress Weave the imposition of tab oor Meort duty upon corn. h been told that t h !f. i o 8 I 3 classes in the agricultural districts are well off. itn°l•toolartlMe tounties and districts tiistress has not reached al a t'essial e ' r e ao soon as it has touched his employer ; but it is teti e li the eior labourers to continue in a state of prosperity et e t i t hi, e m P. lo Yer of labour is daily, weekly, and hourly c lit t nnoe s i ta a Paal diminish anti his means dwindle away, itna oti . as it is for a river to continue to flow if you k i ,Polog a o. e o sPrings by whi c h it i s supplied. I f ee l th a t dopeulle to y our L ords hi ps, part i cu l ar l y upon suc h do r o e b tratiat,7l l bis,for vent ur i ng to s t a t e i nci d en t a lly, b u t I a„ te tedl views I ente r t a i n , and the p o licy which un- Whi44 of si r i o tt pursue. have . no . desire to reverse the lo modify it in th . os! t c t ases r i e n . :41einve.e1.11:141(itifitilatieornt P w e o e u l id I think, largely rec , rui er re ;ttter o to "lu2 you : to take . off unjust taxes, as I con collet': the aro ro_ might not injure the consumer, and might se eni oß t sCsa of . that ruin which I foresee rapidly ost important class of this country. O . ne Illittit,,gl44ienvporierintahin important question of Papal aggression. has stated his strong conviction that no Itr est mess should be adopted now, or at any time, for roo o l i ng reli • eri e gY th en fr l s opinion. No man can feel that more ti nctiO" sboulcia'borrnore entirely concur with my Noble tt of an _ e e the last man to consent to the intro teutrot.4‘ll.._ azure which deprive any portion of tree d d full 'zero* of their THE religious opinioe., and the free and full performance of their I religious duties. But I must draw a distinction between penal laws directed against religious opinions and Parliamen- I tary legisia!ion directed against foreign .usurpation.—(Hear, hear.) I know not whether the Pope and his emissaries have violated the law or not, but Lord John Ruesell, in his celebrated letter, declared his intention to ascertain from the law officers of the Crown whether the law had been violated, and stated that if it had not been violated he would propose no amendment of the law. I think the act of the Pope, in itself of minor importance, was rendered infinitely more im portant by the insulting tone and offensive manner in which it was, in the first instance, introduced—announced as the act of an authority claiming jurisdiction over the realm of England, and assuming to interfere with the undoubted rights and prerogatives of the Crown and with the indepen dence of Parliament. I think that was a proceeding which it was impossible, consistently with the dignity of the Crown and of Parliament, to pass over—( War, hear)—but I cannot say I approve of the mode in which it has been sought to meet that insult. I cannot but think that the measure which has been introduced by the Government bears upon the face of it the marks of passion and of haste rather than of mature and calm consideration ; and for my own part I con fess, if that were to be the extent of the legislation contem plated by the advisers of the Crown, I think with my Noble Friend above me that it would be better not to legislate at all than to legislate ineffectually. A string feeling of indig nation has been raised on the part of the Protestant portion of the community, vast indignation has been excited among the Roman Catholics, and after all a measure is introduced which will, I fear, be practically altogetlltr inoperative. If the law had not been violated, I think the offence would have been more aptly met by a resolution of both Houses of Par• liament, declaring in the first instance the unconstitutional character of the aggression, not recognizing the validity of titles which were assumed to be conferred, and declaring that in virtue of those titles the holders or assumed holders of them had neither precedence nor authority of any kind within this realm. My Noble Friend above me may not feel disposed to go so tar as this. I think the Bill of the Government does not touch the real danger. I think it touches the insult, and it touches it ineffectually; but the real danger is this—the gradual growth and encroachment of the power of the Pope, and of the prelates acting under his authority, in interfering with matters not purely and strictly religious—( Hear hear) —and in assuming to themselves powers which, if not in violation of the law of the land, are at variance with that law. While I contend that religious freedom ought to be strictly guaranteed, I say, on the other hand, that Papal aggression ought to be as strenuously resisted now as it was resisted in the days of our ancestors—( Hear, hear)—but I frankly say that lam not prepared to legislate upon this subject at the present moment. I do not think the amount of information before us as to the facts of the case justifies us in legislating, and this is a question of all ottvrs upon which, if you do legislate, you must legislate deliberately, upon full information, and in such a manner as to make your legislation effective. I believe the law is in a most anomalous state on this subject. The re cent amendments of the law have left, in this case, the ab surdity that it is declared high treason to introduce a bull or rescript from Rome, yet, though the offence is declared to be treason, the penalty is altogether taken away, and the law is thus rendered wholly inoperative. There are various assumptions of power in this country on the part of Roman Catholics with which it is right that Parliament and the country should be acquainted. For example, what effect will the fact of the Roman Catholics bishops being enabled to meet in synod have upon the binding character of their enactments? Do they, by acting in an organized body, ob tain an authority recognised by all Roman Catholics as a legislative authority, which when they are not so acting they do not possess? If so, the question becomes of im• portance, not whether there shall be a Roman Catholic Bishop of Birmingham, but whether there shall be in this country an imperium in imperio, a body of men acting in synod, and passing laws which, enforced by the most awful of all penalties—the spiritual censures of the Church, have a power over a vast portion of the Roman Catholic popu lation superior to that of the law of the land? In 1829 the Roman Catholic Relief Act introduced various restric tions which were called at the time securities for Pro testants. That measure required that registers should be kept of the members of all religious communities, and sub jected to banishment persons who were nut so registered. Is that a power which it is necessary to possess ? If it is necessary to possess it, why is it not exercised ? If it is not intended to be exercised, why does it remain upon your statute-book? We must, since 1829, have connived at the gradual encroachments of the Roman Catholic Church. We have shut our eyes to her encroachments on the law, but we have shut our et' es intentionally. We should take care that there shall be no connivance at such encroachments, — that there shall be no alternative between that which we prohibit and that which we distinctly allow. I think it un just and unwise to prohibit by law that which you mean to permit in practice. I conceive that there are grave questions depending upon the position of Roman Catholics in this country with regard to the rights of their own Church, to the disposition of property, and the manner in which trust property is held for Roman Catholic purposes. I think it is a subject for inquiry how religious houses of va rious descriptions are carried on in this country; and it is a grave question whether all religious houses should not be subjected to the power of visitation, in order that it may be ascertained that no persons are retained within them con trary to the law of the land. But upon the whole of this question relative to the position of the Roman Catholic popu lation, with regard to this State and to a foreign power, I believe that Parliament and the country are equally ill informed. If it be necessary that Roman Catholics should have communications upon purely spiritual questions with Rome, I say, do not shut your eyes to the fact that these communications take place; permit such communications as may be necessary for purely religious purposes, but at the same time effectually prevent any proceedings which interfere with the civil rights of her Majesty's subjects. This is a subject which ought to be dealt with upon a great scale, temperately, deliberately, and upon full information; and the loss of one, or even of two years, if it were necessary, would be an evil of little magnitude compared with the evil of dealing hastily and ineffectually, passionately, and in an irritating manner, with this great and important question, the chief evils and dangers of which you leave wholly untouched by your legislation. I have recommended that, in-both Houses of Parliament inquiries should take place as to the actual relation in which the Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen stand towards foreign powers and their own prelacy. I would advise that this subject should be fully investigated, the present anomalies of the law really exposed, and amend ments of the law suggested for the consideration of Parlia • ment ; and, though I know the difficulties of dealing with such a subject, 1 believe it would not be impracticable to in troduce measures which should secure this country from the interference and usurpation of a foreign power, and at the same time should not take from, but add to. the religious freedom of our Roman Catholic fellow-snbjects, and place the Roman Catholic laity in a condition far more satisfac tory to themselves than that in which they are at present— under the uncontrolled domination of the bishops and clergy of their Church. I feel, my Lords, how greatly 1 ought to apologize for having detained you at this length. I have failed in the task which the favour of my Sovereign assigned me; but I have been placed in a position of great difficulty, as, indeed, difficulties exist on all sides, arising out of the three or four complicated questions to which I have alluded, that keep apart men between whom, upon other ques tions, there may be comparatively little difference of opinion. However little authority I may pretend to, I was anxious that my views should not be misinterpreted, and I trust your Lordships will not think that I have unduly trespassed upon your time in making a full and frank declaration of the course of policy which, if I had been called to office, I should have ventured to recommend. I trust you will be of opinion that on the one hand I have not been unduly ambi tious of rower, and that, on the other hand, you will think that I have neither unduly shrunk from responsibility nor pertinaciously persevered in attempting to form a Govern ment when I saw it was impracticable. And I hope, above all, that you will not see in any part of the course I have pursued anything which would be discreditable to my mo tives, or derogatory from that fair cha rac t er w hi c h I h o ld t o be the most inestimable possession of any statesman. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE.—I will not follow the Noble Lord through the various topics to which he has alluded in the course uf his speech, but I am desirous of cor recting some misapprehension with respect to my description of what pa-acd between the Noble Lord and her Majesty. What I said was, that the Noble Lord having been sent for by her Majes' y, and having been supposed to have been sent for to undertake the task of forming an Administration, the Noble Lord had left her Majesty, stating that he was not then prepared to undertake that task ; and, if I am not much mistaken, I laid a cousiderable emphasis on the word " then," being aware that that did not apply to the impossibility of undertaking the task under other circum stances. That was the state of things—the Noble Lord was not then prepared ; T and, in conse quence o f hi s not being then prepared, my Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) was sent for, who would not have bn sent for if the Nobl e L or d h a d been so prepared; and, my ee Lords, upon that I thought it would have been travelling out of my part if I attempted to do that for the Noble Lord which he would soon after wards have the opportunity of doing for himself, namely— on behalf of the Noble Lord, to develop and explain what were the particular circumstances which then prevented him from undertaking the task of forming an Administration. I am extremely glad he has bad the opportunity now. I was aware that opportunity would soon afterwards present itself; but I am bound to say the Noble Lord has availed himself of it in a manner and in a spirit, and with a manliness of purpose, that does honour to him in the explanation he has made.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, having set that matter right, I must refer for one moment to one most important topic of the speech of the Noble Earl who spoke immediately after me. In the course of the explanation by that Noble Earl he has thought it necessary to advert, at more length than I should have expected he would have done on this occasion, not only to the circumstance— which is quite correct—of the difference of opinion on the subject of the Roman Catholic Bull having been the chief, if not the only difference, which has occurred between him and my Noble Friend Lord J. Russell ; but, in stating that difference, he bas proceeded at some length to characterize the measure proposed by my Noble Friend in the other House of Parliament. I could not sit still in this place and hear that measure so characterized without protesting against the justice of the character he has given to that measure. I am distinctly anxious to state, that whereas the Noble Earl has described that measure as one of a penal character against the Roman Catholic religion,—l am not sure be did not introduced the word "persecution," a word which I hope was uttered in an ueguarded moment, but I have only to state it was as far from the thought of my Noble Friend,--I am sure it was as far from my thought as it was from that of the Noble Earl,--to introduce or to carry any measure the effect of which should be to direct penal consequences against the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion. I feel, and those who have thought with me feel, that such a measure might be necessary under the circumstances of that insult which has been offered to the Crown and to the people of this country—to pass some enactment vindicating the honour of the Crown and the in dependence of the country. I nevertheless think we ought to continue and tolerate the Roman Catholic religion, and that to interfdre with its exercise by enactment would be a gross injustice and absurdity, and attended with the worst of consequences.—(Hear. hear.) I will not now enter into the provisions of that Bill, but I will say that the graund upon which it was introduced was simply that of protectina this country against foreign influence (Hear, hear)-- that foreign influence making use of the Roman Catholic ' religion as an instrument - (Hear, hear)—and the intention with which—l an not saying whether properly executed or not—but the intention with which the measure was intro duced was to protect the Protestants and Roman Catholics— (Hear)—the Protestan': laity and Roman Catholic laity_ against intervention on the part of the Pope which had been shown to be mischievous and dangerous before, and might be mischievous and dangerous again. - (Hear.) That is the distinction I wish to make ; far from having at any time wished to debar persons professing the Roman Catholic re ligion in England or in Ireland from any of their privileges, or any of those powers which are necessary to that exercise, I shall feel it my duty at all times to facilitate that exercise, and to protect that religion.—(Hear.) But, at the same time that I do this, I feel it a duty incumbent en the Crown and Parliament to defend the prerogative of the Crown when that is openly attacked, and to maintain the independence of the country from foreign authority, dominion, or influence whatever,—(Hear, hear.) whenever a dizmaion on that subject shall take place, I wish it should take place with that protest on my part of what I am sure was the object of the late Government, and of a great majority of both Houses of Parliament to resent an insuq, on the Crown, and in no way to interfere with the exercise of religion—(Hear, hear) — and I may state here, that independently of that disposition which my Noble Friend late at the head of the Govern ment naturally felt in his intercourse with the Noble Earl and his Right Honourable Friend on this subject, he was pre;:ared, independently of that wish, to make such altera tion in that Bill which, while it attained its object of a distinct declaration against that foreign invasion, should at the same time remove any misapprehension which might possibly be entertained in this country or in Ireland, as to its possible effect. on the exercise of the Roman Catholic re ligion and the full enjoyment of every Roman Catholic pri vilege by those authorities by whom alone the Roman Ca. tholic religion can be carried on. Ido not wish to go into the various topics to which the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) has referred, but my Noble Friend near me re• minds me of one point upon which it is necessary to cornet a misapprehension, a misbelief rather, on the part of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord said there was strong reason to suppose that, independently of the want of support of the other House of Parliament, other considerations had pre vailed with the late advisers of her Majesty in the course they had taken of resigning. I beg to say it was entirely owing to that want of support, as evinced, not upon one occasion, or of an accidental vote which took place at an early hour in another House—it was a general absence of that support in the other House, and no difference of opinion amongst our selves, which induced us to take that course.—(Hear.) Lord STANLEY—What I said was, I could n it divest myself of the opinion that, independently of the two circum stances referred to, namely,—the smallness of the majority on Mr. Disraeli's motion, and the subsequent defeat on Mr. Locke King's motion, there were other questions upon which the difficulties were so great,—the fear of opposition from their own supporters was so great that, independently of those two questions of Papal aggression and the Budget, it had largely entered into their consideration in inducing the Noble Lord to resign,—an event that took place so suddenly that, if I am not mistaken)) the Noble Marquis was out of town at the time; the Noble Earl near him, if I am not mis taken, received the information while he was in the City that the Cabinet of which he was a member no longer existed— (A laugh)—and the Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal, al though a near relative of the Noble Lord, was as little ac quainted with the intention of the Cabinet as he was with the Pope's intention—(Great laughter)—••and that the Noble Lord, when he wrote to the Qaeen announcing his intention to resign, had not consulted his Noble Relative.—(Hear). After a few words from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, in which he merely stated that he was out of town et the time referred to by the Noble Lord, Their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 28. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The interior of the House presented the same appear ance as on Monday evening; the benches below and above the bar were crowded with Hon Members, as were also the side galleries. NEW MEMBERS. _ _ _ Col. GILPIN took the oaths and his seat for Bedford shire. Sir G. TYLER also took the oaths and his seat for Glamorgautlire. METROPOLITAN MARKETS BILL. Mr. CHILLERS moved the second reading of this Bill. Alderman SIDNEY moved that the Bill be read a second time this day six months. After a short conversation the House was cleared for a division, but subsequently the Bill was postponed until this thy week. PETITIONS. Colonel FREESTUN presented a petition from the Catholics ot Weymouth against the Papal Aggres sion Bill. Mr. FAGAN also presented several similar petitions. Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY presented 40 peti tions from the secular clergy of the Roman Catholic Church in this country, and several petitions from other parties, against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Mr. MONSELL presented several petitions to the same effect. Mr. SULLIVAN also presented similar petitions. Mr. STUART presented a petition praying that the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill might not be extended to Scotland. Mr. ROCHE presented a great number of petitions from the county of Cork against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Mr. HENLEY presented a petition from a place in Oxfordshire against the admission of Jews into Parlia ment. Mr. HASTIE presented a petition from Glasgow in favour of the abolition of the window•tax. Mr. REYNOLDS presented a large number of pe titions from places in Ireland against the Ecclesiastical Titles Btll, and several petitions from the Dublin news paper proprietors, praying for the repeal ot the duty on paper. Mr. KEOGH presented a petition from Meath against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Sir Joshua Walmaloy, from Bolton; by Sir E. Buxton, from Essex; Mr. Sadlier, from Carlow; and Mr. Scholefield, from Birmingham. Mr. W. WlLLrems and Mr. B. OsuoaNE presented petitions praying for the repeal of the paper duty. Mr. CHRISTOPHER and Colonel SIBTHORP presented petitions from places in Lincolnshire complaining of agricultural distress. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Seabam against the Mercantile Marine Bill; also seven petitions against the Bible monopoly. A great number of petitions were presented against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. MINISTERIAL CRISIS. STATEMENT OF LORD J. RUSSELL. Shortly after five o'clock, Hon. Members who had notices of motion having postponed them, the orders of .he day were then called on. On the motion for the second reading of the Ecclesi astical Titles Assumption Bill, Lord JOHN RUSSELL. amid the most profound silence, rose and said—Sir, in moving the postpone ment of this order of the day, I will take the opportunity of stating to the House what has occurred since I asked them on Monday to adjourn to this day. Before Ido so I think it necessary to notice a contradiction to a statement which I made on Monday last.—(Great cheering.) I then stet( d that Lord Stanley having been sent for by the Queen had stated to her Majesty that he was not then prepa•ed to form a Government, and that I was then required to repair to Buckingham Palace. I received a contradiction to that statement in terms very peremptory, and in a manner wit very courteous. I feel it due to my own honour to state, in the first place, that nothing was further from my intention than to misrepresent the conduct of Lord Stanley. For that Noble Lord I have the greatest possible respect. I have fought in Parliamentary matters side by side with him —(Cheers)—l have fought face to face against bim.—(Cheers) In all times and in every situation I have had occasion to admire his spirit, his courage, and his honour.—(Great cheering.) Therefore I should be sorry indeed if anything which fell from me did not give a correct representation of what that Noble Lord had stated.—(Cheers.) The House will recollect that it was not then my duty to go into detail, not to relate particular circumstances, and not, above all, to narrate what had come to my know ledge of conversation, but yet to state clearly what appeared to me to be the general result of all that had occurred.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite ne cessary that I should sate a reason why, after having once taken leave of my Sovereign, I was again required to repair to the palace ; that it was necessary is obvious from the various statements circulated—statements, some of them previously to the Hon. Gentleman's con tradiction, and some of them subsequent—(Cheers) —which represented that Noble Lord as anxious to form a Government, and myself as having endeavoured to force myself into the presence of my Sovereign, when that Noble Lord was engaged in that task.—(Cheers.) And what, Sir, then occurred? His Royal Highness Prince Albert wrote to me a letter on Saturday after noon, and by the permission of her Majesty, and also of his Royal Highness, I will now read it to the House.—(Hear, hear.) " Lord Stanley has, after a conversation with her Majesty, declined to undertake the formation of a Government at present, until it should be clear no other Government could be formed. The Queen has sent for Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and wishes to see you immediately." —(Hear.) I could, Sir, do no other, on receiving that letter, than conclude that Lord Stanley had declined for the present to form a Government—(Loud cheers) — until it was found that no other Government could be formed ; and I ask whether there was any misre presentation in stating, two days after receiving this letter, that Lord Stanley was not prepared at that time to form a Government—l used the words "not then prepared?"—(Loud cheers.) Sir, every ono who has been admitted to the presence of her Majesty is aware of the courtesy, of the memory and of the precise truth of everything which falls from her (Loud cheers) —but, Sir, though I received from her Majesty an account of what passed at her interview with Lord Stanley, I do not rest solely on her Majesty's statement, but I rest on the statement of the interview which Lord Stanley sent to her Majesty in the course of the same evening, and of which she has permitted me to read extracts which bear on the point in question. And let me ob serve, that if I state these particulars to the House, it is in consequence of the contradiction of the Honourable Gentleman opposite.—(Great cheering.) Now he asked whether those extratAi did not bear out his statement that Lord Stanley was not pre. pared to form a Government ? Lord Stanley thus reports to the Queen what he had stated in her pre- SOLCO " After stating to your Majesty the position of the three main parties into which the House of Commons is divided, Lord Stanley observed, that the policy of the present Administration had met with the general ap proval and support of the most distinguished men of the party which adhered to the late Sir R. Peel, and that they had never yet met with a defeat from Lord Stan ley'a political friends; that a very important member of that party, Sir J. Graham, had publicly deolared his opinion of the necessity of closing their ranks to resist the presumed policy of Lord Stanley's friends; and as your Majesty had been pleased to inform him that no communication had been made to any one previous to that with which your Majesty honoured him, he ven tured to suggest that, in the first instance, your Majesty should ascertain whether it were not -possible to strengthen the present Government, or partially to reconstruct it by a combination with those who, not now holding office, concurred in the opinions of those who do, and professed their opinion of the necessity of union; that, failing such a combination, a portion of that third party might be willing to combine with Lord Stanley, whose difficulties in such a case would be greatly diminished; that if it should ap pear that both of these arrangements were impracticable, and if personal considerations stood in the way of the formation of a Government of those whose opinions ap peared to prevail in the House of Commons, Lord Stan ley, not undertaking the extreme difficulties which he would have to encounter, would, if honoured with your Majesty's confidence, prefer any responsibility, and even the chance of failure and loss of reputation, to that of leaving your Majesty and the country without a Go vernment; and he added, that he believed an Adminis tration formed under such circumstances would be more likely to meet with support, even from moderate oppo nents of their views, than one which should be hasdlv formed without giving thee to show the practicability of a different arrangement." I ask the House whether these passages do not bear out my statement that Lord Stanley was not then prepared to form a Government?—(Hear, hear.) At the close of his letter Lord Stanley says:— " He feels highly honoured by being allowed to submit to your Majesty unreservedly his whole views, and while he would be sorry that this paper should fell into any other hands than those of your Majesty, he has that entire confidence in Lord John Russell'i honour, that he is sure no ungenerous use will to made of any portion of it which your Majesty may see fit to communicate to him." I have the gratification of being able to state, that after I made my statement in this House Lord Stanley, while he informs me that he does not agree in that statement, does not wish to qualify in the least degree the least portion of his letter. It is satisfactory to me to be able to make this statement to the House, and to say that the extracts I have read to the House have been read with the entire consent of Lord Stanley; indeed, Lord Stanley wished them to be read in any statement which I might make.—(Hear, hear.) I have now to state, that having been desired by her Majesty to con struct an Administration, and at her Majesty's re quest I obtained interviews with both Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and I feel it right to say, that no personal consideration stood in the way of the formation of a Government com posed of those whose opinions appeared to prevail in the House of Commons. If Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham bad concurred in the formation of a Govern ment, I believe that no personal consideration would have stood in their way._(Hear.) With respect to the several points of public importance on which we de liberated, although there was net any perfect agreement, yet there did not seem to be such a diversity of opinion as might not by further commu nication have been removed. There was one question— the Papal aggression —on which it appeared impos sible that we could agree. I think it quite necessary to proceed with that Bill.— (Loud cheers.) Lord Aber deen told me that he thought respecting the late aggression on this country no legislation at all was ne cessary. Upon that point there was so wide a difference of opinion that it was evident that no Government could possibly be formed by the coalition of such parties.— (Hear, hear.) I again repaired to Buckingham Palace and informed her Majesty of the difficulty which bad oc3 cuffed, and laid before her a full statement of the state of affairs. The effect of that information to the Queen was that her Majesty's desire led to a communication with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member fur Ripon (Sir J. Graham), with the hope that I might be able, with his assistance, to reconstruct the Government by such an infusion of new strength as would give force and efficiency to the Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) I was led to this course by old associations, by the' recollection of the Political aptitude which the Right Hon. Baronet so emi nently possesses, and further still, if I may be permitted to state so much to the House, by the ties of old and long-continued friendship. We were agreed on most of the great topics of public affairs, and I did think that if an interview was fairly conducted we, might come to some general accord upon subjects On which a difference of feeling prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) The interview was abortive, and I was therefore again obliged to re sign the commission for the formation of a Government with which her Majesty hai been pleased to honour me.—(Hear, hear.) Yesterday evening I was informed that her Majesty had received from Lord Stanley the resignation of his commission, which I have read to the House. Placed under that difficulty, her Ma jesty has, most wisely, as I think, sent for an old friend of the Crown, who is not more eminent for his distinguished services abroad and for the glory of his military achievements—(Loud and long continued cheering) thin he is for his wisdom in civil affairs, and his respect for the constitution of the country (the Duke of Welling ton).—(Repeated cheers from all sides of the House.) I trust that I have said enough to assure the House that the representation of the Right Hononourable Gen tleman the Member for Bucks (fir. Disraeli), that Lord Stanley was prepared to form a Government WAS incorrect.—(Hear and cheers; and cries of " Oh.") With this statement I conclude the narrative of what has occurred within the last few days—(Cheers)—but I cannot omit this opportunity of refuting the assertion that I was ready to take the helm in a time of prosperity, and to resign the Ministry as soon as the Government was placed in a state of difficulty. To that assertion I respond that I should not have deemed the adverse division come to the other night any sufficient reason for a resignation of the Government if I had thought that it could be carried on successfully.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If I did not shrink from the difficulties of the country when 3,000,000 of people were in a state of distress, it was not likely that I should shrink from them now; but I sap it was useless to proceed when office could only be re tained at the risk of power which would bo useful to the country, and the loss of that character which was honourable to its possessor.—(Hear, hear.) When the directors of the Bank of England came to my Right Honourable Friend to ask us to suspend the law, and run the risk of an indemnity from Parliament, I might have shrunk from the difficulties of the time; when, at a later period, the whole of Europe was shaken with revolutions from oneeind to the other, and when there was every prospect of the treaties which bound Europe together, and preserved the peace of the world, being dissolved, we did not shrink from obr parts, nor did we do so even when in Ireland large bodies of people were preparing to organize a rebellion.—(oh, eh!) We might then have shrunk from the difficulties of the period; but to suppose that we should do so now, w h e n all those troubles have passed away, when commerce is flour Ashing, when the people are prosperous, and when the only difficulty at the Exchequer is, that it is rather more flourishing than is convenient to the Chancellor—(Ajlaugh) — is quite ridiculous.—(Hear.) But, Sir, I wish to state some of the opinions which hold now with regard to the three questions which have occupied the public mind, and engaged Parliamentary attention a good deal of late.—(Hear, hear.) One of the most important of those questions is free trade and the free import of corn. —(Hear and 'cheers.) Now, Sir, I take no credit whatever for the establish ment of thepresent law upon that subject, for the system which the Government of Lord Melbourne proposed was a system of a different kind. It was a system which was based upon a moderate duty on corn, and a differential duty on sugar and other articles. That plan was rejected by the House of Commons, and in 1845 the circumstances of the country having in the meantime undergone a great change and assumed a different aspect Sir Robert Peel pronouuced that at no dis tant period the corn-laws must be repealed, and at the same time—in the month of Novem ber—without any communication with my party, I published my opinions that the time was come when ea ß r the corn-laws could no lon g er be maintained. The only safe course then was to p roc eed to their abolition, and Sir Robert Peel g ave the honour Of the change which afterwards follo wed to the Hon. Member Noe,, Sir, I think for Is th d e ue in West Riding.— pa a Hon. Member for the West R idin g , but I can't altogether say that I claim no credit , but the smallest amount is due for the part I took in e ffe cting the change.— RgreiCt to r, Sir lihea. o ) ber N t o Peel and to the (Hear, hear.) That change was effected in 1846, and I believe its effects have been most beneficial to this country.—(Cheers.) I believe that the great mass of the people of this country are enjoying benefits from that change which they could not otherwise have obtained.--(Hear, hear.) When the reins of power fell into our hands it was our endeavour to proceed in that policy ; and on two very important questions, namely, in the case of foreign sugar and the navigation-laws, we succeeded in carrying measures in conformity with our present commercial policy. — (Hear, hear.) I rejoice that wo were able to carry these two changes into effect with the willing concurrence of the two Houses of Parliament, for it appears to me that while we are endeavouring to carry such changes into effect, we should, as far as possible, do so without disturbing the institutions of the country.—(Cheers.) I will now proceed to the next subject, and that is the Bill relating to the assumption of power in this country by a foreign eccle siastical power,—(Hear, hear.) T, a6ill °pour ID the SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1851. opinions which I entertained on the introduction of that ' Bill. Is is my opinion that the assumption of these titles was an assumption of po ecr on the part of a foreign prince which it was impos sible nor us to pass by unnoticed ; but, Sire I will say this, that I thought and still think that the main object to be attained. by that Bill was the vindication of our national iadependence and the assertion of the supremacy of the Crown and kingdom of England as against any foreign power what ever.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, with respect to the Bill we had introduced, looking to the past proceedings in the Irish courts of law, there are some of ;its clauses which ought not to be pressed to the fullest extent. It was not our intention so to interfere with anything which belongs to the regular order of RomaniCatholic worship. So far we were anxious to maintain the re ligious liberty which exists in this country. Therefore, if that Bill were proceeded with, I should be ready to make all such alterations as should prevent any of the inter ference which seems to be dreaded. I own that when I see a man of such moderation as Archbishop Murray ob jecting to the provisions of that Bill, I will say I am quite ready, to examine and go into the provisions of the Bill, and see whether the objections which have been stated really do exist.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) My persuasion was, and I was induced to believe so by information which I received from a very high authority, that on these two points which I have stated this Bill was not calculated to make any inter ference. Therefore I am quite ready to carry into effect the original intentions of the Bill, not to depart from them, and not to go beyond them, There is !mo l ter question of very great importance,"upon which, on the occasion of a late debate, on the 20th instant, I made a statement to the House on the subject of extending the franchise. It is fit that I should state to the House that :that subject has been under the consideration of the Cabinet during the late recess, but myself and my colleagues came to the unanimous determination that it would not be right to introduce a measure on that subject in the present session. As, howevers a general election must take place in 1853, we deter mined that 1552 would be the latest time that such a, measure could be introduced. With respect to the question itself. I have to say that having for ten years before the Reform Bill was introduced devoted my attention to the subject, and having made many motions between the years 1821 and 1831, having had a great share in framing the Reform Bill, I am perfectly satisfied with the general working of that Bill. I do not see that it has produced any of the consequences of overturning the Constitution which were prophecied of it. But in re spect, however, of any future measure which may be introduced upon the subject, I think you must proceed with the greatest caution. I think the general disposition of the Reform Parliament has produced a fair represen- Wien of the intelligence, the wishes, and the industry of the people. I should dread any change which might be introduced in the representation which deprived the House of Cpmmons of that conservative element which ought to belong to it. I cannot conceive that a House of Commons merely representing numbers would act in harmony with a monarchy, an hereditary House of Peers, and an Established Church. I think tt ought to be the object of any one who approaches this subject not to create a House of Commons, which should be a separate power, but it should be his object to do as we did in 1831, to endeavour to give to the people a greater interest in their institutions, and at the same time to improve the general representation. These are the views that I venture to bring before the House upon these three topics. It is at the present time a matter of doubt into whose hands the Government of the country may be committed, but I feel that on great subjects, like those I have referred of Parliamentary interference, it is not for Ministers alone to look to the solution of such great questions.—(Hrar, hear.) They interest us and our own posterity.—(Hear, hear.) Sir I have consi dered, in the course of my Parliamentary conduct, whether on the day I was proposing reform to a small minority, and amidst the apathy of the country, or whether I was proposing a Bill that was receiving the enthusiasm of the nation—l felt that my great comfort was that I was acting with those on whom I had the greatest confidence, and on whose judgment I could rely - (Hear, hear) —and on whose integrity I could place the greatest faitb.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps the House will allow me to quote a few sentences from a great statesman, who used frequently to be quoted in this House, and who was often referred to as a guide to our deliberations. He is certainly much less referred to now, but his sentiments nevertheless are pregnant with much wisdom. I allude to Edmund Burke.—(Hear ) Burke says— " The only method which has ever been found effec tual to preserve any man against the corruption of na ture and example is a habit of life and communication of counsels with the most virtuous and public-spirited men of the age you live in. Such a society cannot be kept without advantage, or deserted without shame. For this rule of conduct I may be called in reproach a party man; but lam little affected with such aspersions. In the way which they call party, I worship the constitu tion of your fathers; an l I shall never blush for my p Han' company. All reverence to honour, all idea ( f what it is, will be lost out of the world, before it can be imputed as a fault to any man that he has been closely connected with those incomparable persons, living and dead, with whom for eleven years I have constantly thought and acted." Adopting these sentiments, I have to sly that I have acted for move than eleven years with such men as Remilly, Mackintosh, and homer, with Lord Grey and Lord Althorp, and with such men it has been my pride to act. I will not speak of the living, but I will say this, that as long as I am a public man I will act with those men and consort with such men as adopt my public views —(Hear, hear.) Some men may think that our standard of publio virtue is higher than in the times of Burke, others may think it lower, but as long as I take part in public affairs I shall ever follow the example of such public men as I think may best guide my publie life.—(The Noble Lord sat down amid much cheering.) Mr. DISRAELI wished to correct some of the mis takes into which the Noble Lord appeared to him to have fallen. It was the opinion of Lord Stanley, and certainly of ail parties, that no reference would have been made on Monday to what had occurred, and that the Noble Lord opposite would not have considered it necessary under the circumstances to have made the allusions he did.— (Hear.) He, however, bed been authorised by Lord Stanley to state that if it was said he was not prepared to form an Administration, that such really was not the case. He had stated the effect of that to the Noble Lord; he perhaps might have made that statement to the Noble Lord in phrase ology less appropriate than might have been adopted — (Hear, hesr)—but having reason to believe that the Noble Lord was then in possession of Lord Stanley's letter he thought it better not to let that opportunity slip to state what really was the fact.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") He never for one moment meant to state anything that was to be considered peremptory. After making this statement it would be unnecessary for him to make any further remark upon the course adopted by Lord Stanley, as he believed that Noble Lord was now in another place making his statement of what bad really occurred; and be believed that after that statement Lord Stanley would stand far higher in the estimation of the country than he had done before. The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cries for Sir J. Graham. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who evidently had not anticipated being so specially called upon, said that he would not have intruded upon the House had he not been so peremptorily called upon.—(Hear.) Some explanation would doubtless be expected from him, and he would endeavour to make it as succinctly as he could. Her Majesty had been most graciously pleased, on Saturday to send for his Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen and himself, and at an audience with which they were honoured her Majesty informed them that Lord Stanley had stated to her Majesty that he was not prepared to form a Government, and that she had empowered Lord John Russell to re construct; a Government. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty expressed her greatest anxie y to his Noble li Friend and himself that they would do all in their power to assist him in that undertaking. With that requisition Lord Aberdeen could not possibly comply. (Hear, hear, and shears.) As one who desired to serve her Majesty, and as a faithful servant of a Sovereign whose continual thought and greatest wish was for the happiness of her people— (Cbeers)—he would . truly say that he was anxious once more to join the Noble Lord in the formation of a Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord in the course of his statement had said that he and himself (Sir James Graham) had long held public office together, and that he had always regretted the dissslution of that connexion by which they had been bound together.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had overvalued that connexion in his (Sir J. Graham's) estimation. Sometimes he had been associated with, and other times he had been opposed to the Noble Lord in the conduct of the national affairs. Sometimes he had been the Noble Lord's willing fol lower in that House, and at others his strenuous oppo nent; but for many years ho had lived in the closest intimacy with the N(Ile Lord, and in the enjoyment, f might say, of the ties of affection.—(Hear, hear.) He must say that, for his own part, he was ready to express the same feeling, and he trusted he might be allowed, in speaking of the Noble Lord, once more to resume the expression which he had so often used in that House, and term him his Noble Friend.—(Loud and re— peated cheers from both sides of the House.) With re spect to what might happen to fall from him on that occasion he did not wish to say anything that might bring on a hostile discussion. Under the present circumstances such a proceeding would, in his opinion, be both unseemly and mischievous. There were, tl)how ever, three points to which he desired t o direct _ attention of the House, for when the history of the last thirty years came to be wr itten, it would b found that that epoch was marked by three great ques tions. The first of these was the repeal of the Tow and Corporation Acts, sled the emancipat ass ion of the the Reform Roman Catholics ; the second was the ping Act, by which a great, and extensive alteration , was made in the fran chise ; and the third I was Ik e f ilittaiiskasest tit Ow larger and more liberal commercial policy which for the sake of breiity was called free trade.—(Lord cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) The first question was that of free trade. On that matter between him and his Noble Friend there was a perfect accord.—(Hear., hear.) The odic} of free trade bad been demised to his Noble Friend by the late Sir Robert Peel, and nobly and well laud the present Government carried out the principle which Sir Robert Peel had moulded for their hands. With respect to the extension of the suffrage, he had to observe, that he believed that he and his Noble Friend were the only survivors of the Government of Lord Grey by whom the Reform Bill was planned.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He was ready to admit that so great had been the infusion of the democratic principle by the Re form Bill, that up to the present time he had been fearful of the addition of any new power from that quarter. He was now of a different opinion, and was quite pre pared to grant an extension of the franchise. The third point respected what had had been called the late Papal aggression. On this point he feared that he and his Noble Friend could never agree.—(Loud cries of "Hear.") He recommended his Noble Friend not to think of intro ducing such a measure; it would not only be inoperative, but it would practically undo the policy which the coun try had been pursuing for the lust thirty years.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") The opinion which he had formed with respect to the existing Bill was arrived at after long and deliberate consideration, and to his great joy and surprise ho afterwards found that the opinion and views of Lord Aberdeen on this subject coincided with his own.—(Hear, hear.) Until he came to London on the first day of the session ho had not seen or heard from the Noble Lord, but being upon terms of personal friendship with the Noble Lord he sought his advice on that day, and be discovered that the Noble Lord bad already arrived at his own conclusion. He need hardly say, after this, that the great obstacle which stood in the way of a junction between himself, Lord Aberdeen, and the Noble Lord opposite, was this very Bill. The Noble Lord opposite thought the wishes and interests of the country demanded a Bill of this nature, but neither he nor Lord Aberdeen took a similar view of affairs, and although he and Lord Aber deen might have agreed with the Noble Lord opposite on other subjects, this was the cardinal point upon which they differed.—(Cheers.) He hoped the House would do him the credit to believe that his ob jection to this Bill was not of recent origin, for so far back as November it did so happen that he wrote letters to many of his friends, stating that he thought the assumptions of the Pope and Dr. Wiseman were impudent and presumptuous, but he should deprecate any legislative interference on the subject.—(Cheers.) (The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded to read the following letter which he had addressed to Mr. Howard of Greystoke, on this subject, in the month of No vember last : " Netherby, November 23, 1850. " It would give me cordial sstisfaction to co-operate with you on any public occasion in this county. But, although I am a sincere Protestant, and resent the haughty tone as sumed by the Pope in his bull, and by Cardinal Wiseman in his pastoral letter, yet I am unwilling to join in the No- Popery cry, or to ask for the revival of penal laws or for any new enactment which might fetter the Roman Catholics in the full and proper exercise of their religious discipline within the realm. When I supported emancipation I knew that the Roman Catholics acknowledged Papal supremacy, and would be guided in all spiritual matters by bulls from Rome. I knew, also, that their religion is episcopal ; and when I fought on their side for perfect equality of civil rights I was aware that the Pope might nominate in Eng land, as in Ireland, archbishops and bishops. I did not at tach much importance to the safeguard proposed by the Duke of Wellington, who did not himself place much reliance on it, that the Popish hierarchy so nominated should not assume the title of English or Irish sees occupied by Protestant prelates. I myself was a party to the recognition by statute of the dignity of Roman Catholic archbishops and bishops in Ireland; while I adhered, however, to the settle ment of 1829, that the enactment prohibiting the assumption of local episcopal titles identical with Protestant sees should be withheld, I proposed to the House of Commons, on behalf of Sir Robert Peel's Government, the remission of the pe nalties which attached to receiving bulls or other similar instruments from Rome; and out of office I supported Lord John Russell's measure, which authorizes the renewal of di plomatic intercourse with the Roman Pontiff. I took these steps deliberately, and Ido not regret them. I believe them to have been necessary fur the good government of Ireland, and I cannot believe that it will be possible to have one law for England and another for Ireland with respect to Roman Catholic discipline and worship. " I am offended, indeed, by the arrogance and folly of the language which the Pope and his Cardinal have thougiit fit to employ in announcing an ecclesiastical arrangement which I believe to be lawful, and which I do not consider dangerous. But my displeasure will not induce me to treat with disrespect the religion of 7,000,000 of my countrymen, or to contemplate for one moment the revision or the reversal of a policy which, in defiance of the No-Popery cry, I s have supported throughout my public life, which I still believe to be sound, and which is indispen sable, unless by a melancholy necessity the vast majority of the Irish people are still to be treated and considered as our national enemies. I have thus written to you without re serve my genuine sentiments. lam aware that they are not popular. Ido not wish to obtrude them on public attention. The subject will in some shape probably be brought under the notice of the House of Commons; and then, in my place in Parliament, it may be my duty to declare the feeling.+ and the opinions which I entertain. In the mean time I am desirous to avoid any premature or hasty pledge in a matter of such paramount importance. lam more anxious to ex tinguish them than to add fuel to the flame of religious strife and animosity.") Not that he blamed the Noble Lord opposite for the letter which be wrote some time ago, for the Nob'e Lord at that period must have been placed in a very difficult position; indeed, the country having just been aroused by the language of Dr. Wiseman and other representatives of the Pope, the Noble Lord's position demanded that he should at once offer some remonstrance to the proceedings of the Papal power.—(Hear, hear.) Much of that angry feeling and excitement, however, bad now passed away, and without desiring to say anything calculated to provoke discussi o n he was constrained to add this, that if Honourable Members would lock carefully into this much-vex. d question, they would see that there was no necessity fur returning to the days of Bills of pains and penalties, in matters of religious opinion and sectarian belief. He might have added in this letter that he was the author of the Bequests Act, brought forward by Sir R. Peel's Government. With these opinions on re cord, he could not consent to be a party to the further progress of this Bill, or form part of an Administration which had this measure of legislation for one of its chief cries. He knew the ground on which be stood, and though it was an unpo pular one he was quite ready to stand by it; and when the time came for the second reading of the Bill he should be quite ready to express his op.- nione on the measure at greater length. Mr. HUME expressed his satisfaction at the expla nation of the Right Honourable Gentleman. He was convinced that if they valued the peace of Ireland, they must give way on this important question. But still he was sorry to find that all the obstacles which had so lung prevented the formation of a Government had narrowed themselves to this basis, and he was sure that the people of England would ask with surprise why the real point, that of the financial proposal of the Government, bad never once been brought into question. He would go further and say that no Government coal.' hope to continue in power for the future which did not announce its intention of extending the franchise, and which would not express its firm intention to maintain the free-trade policy. The country did not care about this Catholic dispute; and ha deplored that England had been forced, like France, to remain so long without a Government. — (Cries of " Hear, hear.") He therefore blamed the Noble Lord for having resigned on so paltry a grcund on principle, and called upon him to throw the Papal aggression overboard, and turn his attention to Parliamentary and financial reform. Sir. R. H. INGLIS did not wish to prolong this dis cussion, because there was only a formal tech nical motion in the bands of the Speaker, but he could not allow the advice of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon about the Papal aggression to pass unnoticed.—(Hear, hear.) The events of the past few months, and the recent divi sion in that House, afforded tolerably con clusive evidence that no Administration could live who wished to allow the Papal aggres sion to pass unnoticed.—(Hear, hear.) 'That aggression was worse than anything that bad ever been attempted in the worst days of Innocent 1., or Gregory VII., and he was certain the sentence in the Noble Lord's manifesto which would be hailed with most de light by the country was that which declared- that his opinion on the subject was unchanged.—(Hear.) Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said the agitation on the Papal affair out of doors was got up by interested parties —by those, in fact, who had the control of the revenues of the Established Church, and who were alarmed for fear those revenues should be snatched from them.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in the course of his speech, made some al lusion to the periods when he had not shrunk from diffi culties and enumerated the Irish famine and the state of Ireland in 1848.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, with regard to the first of these, the Noble Lord showed himself unequal to the occasion, and thousands upon thousands died of starvation in consequence; while, with regard to the last, he denied the imputation of the Noble Lord, that a portion of the people of Ireland bad meditated a rebellion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. OSBORNE doubted much, whether it u w c ! the result of the motion of the Hon. Member'ssortßk.enkt, Buck inghamshire, or that of the Hon. Member !: that drove the Noble Lord from offiee.—(gea r, He, for one, thought, and he believed th e people agreed with him, that the attributable to the financial imbec ility of some of Was Noble Lo rd ' s downfall the more it would be his colleagues, and the sooner thtehreefomreorteheitNowboluehiLorred. separated himself from t hem dound to his credit , and t c e a a r r.) ry e if would they tell the any statesmen,an _ d h for e r wtohueldadderfla_ntage o f the choeuwnthroy.i7m(Higehaz, h that tax. payers o out the Bill of in England that th a t Bill to Irela nd the y must be p re p ared to add t h ree per c ent. to the income - tax, and to keep a stan di n g army. He rejoiced to hear the speech of the Bight Hon. Gentleman opposite, because it told the country that there was a man in the country who could be called to the head of aff.tirs who would conduct the Government in a fair and liberal spirit. Mr. NEWDEIIATE was grieved to hear the expla nation of the Right Hon. Member for Ripon, because it gave him to understand that ho himself must be more prepared to follow the .Noble Lord now at the head of the Executive than that Right Hon. Baronet. He considered his speech as likely to I make still wider the breach between the two great divi sions of the party on this side of the House. Colonel SIBTHORP thought that the Noble Lord represented a large sheet of sticking pleleter, and lied i got so many people sticking to him that he could not `separate them from him. He agreed with what the Hon. Member for Middlesex had said, that there was considerable excitement going on in the country, and fbr his own part he would continue to excite as long as he could, and as far as he could, constitutionally and legally. Mr. P. HOWARD said that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. NewsTegate) had said that the county which he re presented was unanimous on the question of the Papal aggression, and loudly condemned it; and yet at a great meeting at Birmingham those who were present came to a dead heat.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He was particularly grateful to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon for the observations which he had made respecting the case of the Roman Ca tholics. He was quite convinced that no Mi nistry could ever proceed prosperously without avoiding the craven policy of persecuang his co-religi onists. Equally was he convinced of the necessity of adhering to the great principle of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) No great commercial principles could be adopted for the benefit of she country unless the policy of free trade, which was now identifigsl with our mercantile arrangements, was strictly followed out. With respect to the franchise and the extension of the suffrage, to which reference had so frequently been made, he could not do otherwise than express his con viction that the granting it to their fellow -subjects the 101. holders of property in the country would be attended by no evil effect.—(Hear, hear.) He was an advo cate for civil as well as fur religious liberty, and both he believed would be advanced by the passing of the measures for the promotion of both these objects. Hecould not conclude without thanking the House for he attention with which he had been heard. Mr. SPOONER said there was a decided majority ies favour of Protestantism in Birmingham, and he bad no doubt it was the same in most of the other parts of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Ho was exceedingly happy to hear that the Noble Lord had not changed his opinion on this subject; but he regretted to hear that the Noble Lord contemplated a modification of hi , . Bill, fo r a ver y gene r a l opinion prevailed ou t o f doors that the Bill did not go far enough.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WYLD thought a very important topic had been lost sight of in the course of this discussion ; for the subject of taxation had not even been mooted.-- (Hear, hear.) The vast majority of the people were highly dissatisfied with the present system of taxation, and the country would not be content until that system was reformed.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WAKLEY had listened attentively to the speech of the Noble Lord, but he was at a loss to understand him. His speech had bewildered him very much, but as far as he could make it out he was induced to under stand that the Queen was at present without a Ministry. Why had nothing been said about the Budget? Why had they heard of nothing about Parliamentary reform? Simply, he felt, because the old Whigs, who had abandoned the principles of the Reform Bill, *re anxious to join with the Tory end of The old Tory party, and rule the Palace after the old fashion. (Hear, hear.) No such Government, however, would have the confidence of the people.—(Hear, hear.) They would only be satisfied with a Ministry who would go to the fullest extent in carrying out Parliamentary and financial reform, and he therefore told the Noble Lord that it would be considered as an insult to the nation if he excluded the Hon. Member for Mont rose (Mr. Hume) from his Cabinet.—(Laughter.) Mr. HUME—Oh dear, no; pray don't.—(Renewed laughter.) Mr. WAKLEY said his Hon. Friend was by far too diffident. His modesty was proverbial ; but still if any man had a right to office it was his Honourable Friers', for no other Member had done so much fctr the country or saved it so much money, and he therefore called upon the Noble Lord to remember this fact when he came to re-construct his Government.—(Hear.) A few nights ago a motion was made in the House for the relief of the owners and occupiers of land, and- feeling that it was meant to mystify the country, he had given a hearty vote against the motion. The state doctors on the other ;aide of the House then described the patient as in a terrible state, but refused to prescribe tor, the patient themselves, and handed him over to the very doctors whom they had stated had formerly poisoned him. Well, then, when the Protectionist party had the chance of coming into power they bad refused to do so, and he was sure that no Government would Wee power which would not go in with a determination to govern the country on liberal principles.— (Hear, hear.) He complained that no mention had been made of the Budget, and he hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would take an early opportunity of stating what he intended to do on that point. Lord J. RUSSELL explained that there was no Ad minstration now existing, and that, therefore, be could not state the intentions of the Government with regard to matters of finance. After a few words from Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, Mr. Alderman SIDNEY only wished to say a very few words.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He, in common with other Members who had taken a part in the debate, felt great anxiety respecting the course which was likely to be pursued by the new Administration.—(Hear, hear.) He would only beg to observe that whatever had been the agitation respecting the Papal aggression there would be an equal agitation respecting the income-tax. He was quite assured that no Ministry could possibly exist for any length of time unless that most iniquitous and injurious tax should be much more righteouSly adjusted than it is at present. Another sub ject which they had to consider was the Papal Aggression Bill. The people of England would not tolerate anything like foreign interference in this country. The expenses of the country must be reduced. After a few words from Mr. SLANEY, the House ad journed at Eight o'clock till Monday. NAVAL INTELLICiENCE. PonTsmount, FntDAY.—The Powerful, 84, Captain the lion. Richard S. Dundas, was seen last evening rounding Bembridge Ledge, and she anchored at night inside the Nab, coming up this morning to tha anchorage at Spithead, salut ing the flag of Admiral the Hon. Sir Bladen Capel at ten o'clock. She has had a long passage from Lisbon, having left the Tagus (being towed out by the Encounter) on the 15th of February. For the first week she had fine weather, with light winds, and she got into the Channel on Sunday last, since which she has been boxing about against strong easterly gales. She has brought home from Malta ant Gibraltar a quantity of old ci , ndetnned naval siores,and about thirty invalids, who were brought on shore by the Sprightly steamer this afternoon. Mr. Paton Lardner, surgeon, late of the Superb, to join the Monarch, and Lieut. Ennis Chambers, late of the Encounter, to join the Blenheim, have come home passengers in the Superb. The powder hoy went out this afternoon, and two gun-lighters for her lower-deck guns, and she will tine into harbour to-morrow to pay off. Prince Regent, 92, acting Captain Fead, was paid off to day alongside the dockyard in the most orderly and decorous manner. From her having been lying alongside the yard jetty, the introduction of spirituous liquors into the ship has bean entirely prevented. Consequently, during the time the crew have been at work returning stores and clearing her holds, no drunkenness had eccurred, but the work has pro ceeded with the utmost regularity; and to-day tin 3 option of paying off and discharging the crew was performed as quietly as possible. Avon, Plymouth steamer, has been detained at PortemouVx for the purpose of taking down to that port any of the Rd_ gent's crew that may wish to go there. Ciptain Harris, her new captain, was on board to-day, but as yet we hear that few seamen have re-entered ; but so soon as they have had a fling on shore, no doubt, from the popularity of Captain Harris, many of the crew will return. The only commission down at Portsmouth is for Commander Henry Caldwell, just arrived in the Powerful. Fearless steamer, Lieutenant-Commander Turner, passed through Spithead on Wednesday from Plymouth, en route to Woolwich to pay off. Fairy, royal yach tender, Master-Commander Welsh, came on the graving slip to-day to ship a screw of two threads. Topaz, old hulk, has been towed up the harbour, and will be placed on Tuesday, at the height of the spring tide, as a target for the practice of distant range from the Excellent. We hear that no court-martial will take place on the com mander of the Inflexible for quitting Grey's Town ; that the Admiralty have approved of his removing the American people from that place, at so many dollars per man, to Day for the consumption of coals. Captain Heaslop intends showing his new-invented signal lights to-night, if it be not too hazy. They will be exhibited at Seaview, in the Isle of Wight, and answered from th• semaphore in the dockyard, a distance of about five miles. Essex Indiaman arrived from the river, to embark passen gers and stock, and will probably sail about Monday. PORTSMOUTH, FRIDAY.—The Cumberland, 70, flag of Vice- Admiral it George Seymour, K.C.8., was to leave Sheer ness this morning for Spithead. The Hon. Lady Capel, wife of the Commander-in -Chief at this port, gave a grand ball at the Admiralty-house this evening. The melancholy news was this day received by Messrs. Garrett and Gibbon, the agents to Lloyd's at this port, of the wreck on the 26th instant, near Calais, of the schooner Liberty, of this port, and of the loss of all hands (fiv e i n number). The master (Weeks) has left a widow and fort children; the mate, a widow and nine children. The others were single men belonging to this port. BANK OF EN GLAND. (From last night's Gazette.) InAcconnt, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria, cap 32 fir the P ee k ending on Saturday. the 22 d day of February, 1851:. 001311 DI.PAILTBLENT. X. Notes issued • • ...... 27,762,085 Government debt .. 11,015,100 Other securities 2,9R4,900 Gold coin and bullion 13,732,418 Silver bullion ...... 29,6 tig 427,762,085 I M £ 27,762,081 t il. ARSHALL, Chief Cashier. 1851. ISPIOLTXXX T. Dated the 27th day of Februar: BANKING D] 1 Proprietorsicapital .. 14,553,000 I Rest •• •••••• • • • • • 3,273,872 Public deposits (in cluding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings -banks, and Di- Government securi ties (including Dead Weight Annuity) • • 14,145,696 Other securities • • • • 12,135,616 Notes •• •• • • • • • • • • • • 9,049,076 Gold and silver coin .. 643,02 vidend accoants).. 7,617,014 Other deposits ...... 9,497,519 Sewn day and other Bills.• •• .• •• .• •• 1,0'2,436 536,003,841 1 _... A 3603,541 711 . 1 i 1 5 1 . A BSITALL, Chief Cashier. 8 Dated the `l7th day of February, THE CANTAII BRAcE.—Anotber proof that little ratters are not beneath the notice of great minds, m a y b e found in the fact, that one of the most erudite mathemal liarity would clans at Cambridge has recently applied his talents to the perfection of a pair of suspenders for the nether garment of I t 33 t l i l r s Te, we confess man, the excellence of which conslsts in their novelty and simplicity, and the perfect comfort they ensure to the wearer. i 3 f: e b t .s s,o the additional aid of drawings, be eo nextgiv e to anything iln p impossible, ilbialkede:naainrddaebsicliyerirpe:tdi foronnp t o et f ab t l e I t ci oi r . ie. ,e b a : nen ,i d jot the wiser. The invention is, however, to make ourselves fairly puzzled, there being a object,so our readers would vool doubt d u e h d 1 its immediate appearance through h 0 Messrs. Welch and Morgetson DISMISSAL OF A MEDICAL OFFICER. — At the St. Magdalen yesterda y, weekly meeting of the directo rs dismissed from his , orche t ap e sid w e li ._ le a ssi lo h3 be inn of office for neglect of a female one of the medical offiee_rB was and guardians of the poor of patient nada WA care, 1 i' l re o el! 110.0