The Sun. — London, England, 1850-05-24 00:00:00

BILL. A public meeting was held yesterday afternoon, at the Freemasons' Tavern, to consider the Government Interments Bill. It was generally understood that the meeting had been convened by the undertakers of London who were opposed to the Bill. On the motion of Mr. STEVEN 3, seconded by Mr. C. COCHRANE, it was unanimously agreed that Mr. Mackinnon, M.P., should take the chair. Mr. MACKINNON said as he was a Member of Parliament, and anxious that the Bill should pass— (Loud cheers)—he did not think it would be prudent to take the chair, and therefore, though conscious of the honour they had done him, he would respectfully decline presiding over the meeting. Mr. NICHOLAY, of Oxford-street, was then called to the chair, and, in opening the proceedings, said that though he was a friend to sanitary measures, yet he was anxious they should take care that the Legislature should not, under the colour of public benefit, thrust additional abuses upon them. — (Cheers.) It had been said that all who opposed the Bill were undertakers, but he was not an undertaker, nor had any interest whatever in the trade, and simply made his appearance at that meeting on public grounds. Many clauses of the Bill were of a very arbitrary na ture, and it had been hinted, with perhaps equal justice, that the originators of the Bill were parsons and jobbers.—(Cheers, and cries of "Oh.) He trusted that no disturbance would take place at the meeting, but that an impartial hearing would be givers to every speaker, whatever opinion he might take with respect to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Could any measure be considered impartial which overlooked a most important class of the community ? —(Oh, oh.) People might entertain a different opinion, but he looked upon the Bill of the Govern ment as nothing but a huge job.—(Cheers.) Ac cording to it the Government were to have the right of buying up all the grave-yards and cemeteries in London, and to have one universal place of sepulture for the benefit of all classes in the metropolis.— (Hear, bear.) This was interfering in a most un warrantable way with the rights and privileges of a mmmunity, and he hoped such a measure would not •eceive the public sanction. The Chairman concluded ..)y reading letters of apology from Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart, M.P., T. Duncombe, Esq., M.P., and several other persons who had promised to attend. The following is a copy of Mr. Duncombe's letter : " 5, Palace Chambers, St. James's, May 22. " Sir.—l regret that it will not be in my power to at• tend the meeting at the Freemasons' Tavern to-morrow, having previous engagements at the hour for which that meeting is fixed. But as I have for some time past en tertained very strong objections to the Metropolitan In terments Bill, I purpose giving notice, to-morrow or on Friday, of my intention of moving in Committee the omission of the greatest portion of the Government Bill, and of the insertion of new clauses, which will, in my opinion, render the measure more efficient in its opera tion, without being injurious to any party. My amend ments will of course be printed previously with the votes, and I trust will meet with the views of those whom you represent.—l have, &0.., " THO 9. S. DIINCOMBE. " D. 13. Shaw, Esq., &c." Mr. J. COOK EVANS proposed the first resolution : " That this meeting is deeply sensible of the necessity for a general le;:zislative enactment, providing effectual control over the interment of the dead, and preventinsc the abuses at present connected with intramural sepul ture; but is of opinion that the Metropolitan Interments Bill now before Parliament is throughout fundamentally objectionable, and wholly fails to secure the object for which it has been professedly introduced." He said he was in no way interested in the Bill, ex cept as one of the public, and, being one of the public, he thought it his duty to oppose the measure of the GovernmOnt. It was said that enormous charges were made by undertakers for the burial of the dead. (Hear.) He was not there to defend them, but no doubt they liked to get as much as they could out of a good job.—(Laughter.) But that was not peculiar to undertakers ; it was equally applicable to paid members, secretaries, and commissioners of public boards.—(Laud cheers.) The Bill, as the chairman had observed, was nothing but a Government job.-- (Cheers.) There was no more respectable class than the undertakers; and having had the misfor tune to employ them, he would, so far from complaining of them, say that he was much obliged to them for the services they had ren dered. No case had been shown for Go • veritment interference in the burial of the dead. —(Hear.) Government might undertake to bury them cheap, but they had much better try to keep them cheaP.--(Claeers.) Why, it did not cost more to take a person out of the world than to bring him into it. The fees charged for an accouchement, together with the visits after the delivery, and the powders, pills, and draughts which were supplied to the patient for no earthly purpose, amounted to a large sum, and what reason was there why Government should not pass a legislative enact ment to regulate accouchements ?—(Laughter.) Malt was now much cheaper than it had been, vet the price of beer was not less, and why should Go vernment, on the same principle of interference, not establish a larg3 and gigantic metropolitan brewery? —(Llud cheers.) The Bill involved a system of centralization or bureauocracy which, though it might suit some countries less free than ours, yet was quite unsuited to the spirit and habits of the English people.—(Cheers.) No doubt the bishops and pirsons had taken an important part in framing the Bill, for on looking over the clauses, he found that they had taken good care of themselves. The speaker then referred to various parts of the Bill, and expressed a hope that the public feeling against the Bill would be so strongly expressed as to prevent its passing into law.—((sheers.) Mr. ROGERS, of St. Anne's parish, briefly seconded the motion, observing that with the exception of doing away with intramural interments, he was wholly opoosed to the principle of the Bill. • Sir DE LACY EVANS said there could be no doubt that this was a question of great practical and personal importance to every individual in the metropolis, but he would abstain from entering into th e d eta il s of the Bill, and confine himself to stating the general view which he took of the measure. He was certainly op posed to the Government becoming a great under taking company, because he thought that local management was preferable to centralization or Go vernment management.—(Hear, hear.) The Go vernment had no right to interfere with private enterprise, hut, independently of that, he could not see the propriety of Government undertaking what they proposed by this 13,11.—(Hear.) Much abuse had been heaped upon the undertakers, but the clergy for years past had opposed extramural interments, and that was not the only instance in which they retarded great measures of improvement, fur they Inid set their fsce against the education of the people.—(Hear.) The public were determined that intramural interments should henceforth cease, but the present Bill was extremely objectionable, and he should feel it his duty to oppose it in the House of eammons in anything like its present shape. Mr. M kCKIN NON M.P., said the question was one of g rea t difficulty, and he found it so when he introduced a Bill into Parliament on the sub ject five years oa , He was the chairman of a Parli amen t a ''ry . Committee which was appointed to consider the subject, and he drew up the report of that Committee, which was to the effect that intramural ta interments elepuu should c ease a lt oge th e r in large town s and populous places.— suence of th at (Cheers.) In conse report he brought a Bill into the House, in which he proposed that the object should be car ried out by parishes and unions of parishes, in stead of by a syste m of ce n t ra li zat i on, which he thought was extremel y That Bill, how ever , was thrown approbation out in consequence t objectionable.—(Cheers.) h of its not meeting with t clbation of th e var i ous i i bringing in the House of COM conflicting interests represe nted Com mons. Sir George Grey, ie24-eifand upright gin th e present honest Bill, he believed was actuated b y principles, and he should be sorr y ss'Tghg through of it had a any opp os i t i on to itsetails should endanger its the use.—(Hear, bear, and cheers!) been read a secon d time and the principle therefore, adopted by the Le g islat ure , so that the wes ' details bad only now to be considered in Committ ee , He was afraid if m uch o pp osition was offered to t h e Bill in the House that the Government would, lik e Pontius Pilate, wash their hands of the matter alto gether, and thus a most important mean ? , for the sanitary improvement of the metropolis would be delayed to an indefinite period. He was told by a well- known professional man that there was a great probability of the cholera visiting this country again, and the dreadful scourge would be aggravated if the Bill were lost.—(Cheers.) Under these circumstances no other course could be adopted than to sanction the principle of the measure, and to allo w th e c l auses t o b e m odified in Commit tee ; but the resolution which had been pro posed in effect stated that the Bill was altogether 10 M1 b oh j cec le. He felt it his duty, there fore to , propose an amendment, that the words from "fundamentally objectionable " to the end of the re solution should be omitt e d , e cluansl, the words " objec th se tionable in some of be inserted in their place. Mr. C. CocnnaNn supported the amendment amidst much disorder and confusion. After a few observations from M r. CONDOR, the editor of the Patriot, who supported the original motion, Toe am , ndment and resolution were then put seria tim, and the number of hands held up for each were about equal, but The CHAIRMAN declared, however, that the amend ment was lost, an announcement which was receiv e d ith loud cheers, interspersed with hisses. Mr. J. BELL proposed the next resolution— " That this meeting m ore especially protests against the centralising principle of administration contained in t h e nil], whereby:thn Mini-ters of the Crown assume the duties of local government, by appointing commiasioners, •• • HE GOVERNMENT INTERMENTS THE SUN, LONDON, LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF EXCHEQOER, May 23. (Sittings in Banco.) DIMES V. LORD COTTENHAM. Mr. MARTIN moved in this case for a rule to show cause why the defendant, who bad procured a rule for a special jury, should not be directed to attend with out delay. and strike the special jury, in order that the case may be tried at the last sitting in the present term. The aotion was brought by Mr. Dimes against the Lord Chancellor for assault and false imprison ment, and the only plea on the record was " not guilty by statute." The question which it was intended to raise by this action lay within a very narrow corn psss, and there was no reason to suppose that the trial would occupy any considerable time. The ques tion was, whether the Lord Chancellor, being a large shareholder in the Grand Junction Canal Company, was legally authorised to make an order in a case in which the shareholders in that company were parties, the effect of which order was to deprive Mr. Dimes of his liberty. There were affidavits , from various me dical men stating that Mr. Dimes's health was rapidly failing under his imprisonment, and the ob , ject of the present application was to prevent the delay which must arise if the cause stood over to the sittings after term, as it was well kno wn th a t th ere was a considerable arrear of special juries in this court. The LORD CHIEF BARON did not understand that the question, as suggested by the Learned Counsel, could be disposed of at Nisi Prius, although it might be raised there. It would ultimately be determined by the court. Mr. MARTIN said it was intended to raise the ques tion by tendering a bill of exceptions. Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Then it will have to go to a court of error, and there is no chance of its being disposed of by that court at the sittings after the pre sent term. Mr. MARTIN—If the case is set down for trial in its order at the sittings after term there is no proba- bility of its trial before December next, from the number of special jury causes standing before it in the paper. The . CHIEF BARON—I suppose the order, the vali dity of which you seek to impeach, was made by Lord Cottenham, as the head of the Court of Chan cery only. kr. MARTIN-Oh, no, my Lord, he heard the mat ter, and determined it upon appeal from the Mister of the Rolls. Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Then the matter must have been brought before Lord Cottenham upon appeal by Mr. Dimes himself, and one can scarcely think it lies with him to dispute the jurisdiction he has appealed to upon the ground that the judge was interested. Mr. MARTIN said that the Learned Baron antici pated one of the questions the Court would have to decide after the trial, and no doubt an important question. _ Mr. Baron ALDERSON—There seems no reason why we should depart from the ordinary course in this case. It is not usual to try special jury cases in term. Mr. MARTIN reminded the Court that the plaintiff was in prison, and, as appeared by the affidavits, in a most precarious state of health, his disease being ag gravated by imprisonment. Baron ALDERSON —Surely some arrangemement might be come to by which the plaintiff might be let out of prison pending the trial of this action. Has any application been made to the Lord Chancellor or the Court of Chancery for that purpose? Mr. MARTIN was understood to reply that no such application had been made, but that he should recom mend the adoption of the course suggested to his client. Meanwhile he asked leave to withdraw his application for the present, reserving leave, which the Court granted, to renew the motion, if necessary, on Saturday next. Au driverßO R namedoU G H. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. 'S RobertsT R E w E a r• s summoned An omnibus for having by wilful misconduct damaged the carriage of Sir Frederic Thesiger. The carriage of Sir Frederic Thesiger, an open one, containing Lady Thesiger, was in Cockspur street on Tuesday afternoon, and about to draw up at the door of an engraver's shop, when the omnibus, driven by the defendant, run into the carriage and did damage to the extent of Si. Witnesses were called to substantiate the complaint against the defendant, wh o deposed that the carriage was going at a very mo. derate and the omnibus at a rapid pace. The coach man made the usual signal to the omnibus driver, which was either not seen or disregarded, consequently the collision occurred. Lady Thesiger was examined, and stated that, being in an open carriage she had a complete view of the occurrence. She saw ber coachman, who was driving at a very steady pace, about to cross over to Strongi'th'arm's shop, in Cockspur-street. She saw the omnibus coming along very fast, and her impres sion at the moment was that the omnibus would run into the carriage. In an instant afterwards she found the pole of the omnibus across her chest, and the head of one of the horses in her lap. It was a miracle she escaped serious injury. She said to the defendant " You were determined to do this," but made no other observation to him. She did not notice whether her coachman made a signal to the defendant. Con T t h ra e hr d yil e ,l fence was, first—that the omnibus was going P a r t o a ce m ed o i d n era a t t e pac e, and the carriage, on the was on his right sid g e of down - a th s e w ar a p y, pa e c n e d . the The ear d ri e n fendant mg over to its wrong side, and the coachmgaan was t a h v e o id omnibus collision . ,v cross' to prevent mischief , .Thuesual signal it was impossible to having made the as broeand defendant, however, did his best in his exertions the pole of Witnesses were called to establish these points, but their eviden ce was chie e fi ffeet yremarkable for th e c h ange effected in the r e l a ti ve paces at wwhhiicchh the e yvehic l es a l vi l hour, thlattwtahse s e t a a t r e r d i a b g y e and e t to the witnesses for t he complaina n t pre e eding. was going about five miles an at least nine miles an hour. IThe defendant's witnesses, hoouwrev , contrived he reverse the position of the vehicles, and th e wit ness, a baker, declared that it was the om n i bus *l b a u s p t a er t we b e a n was going about five miles, and the carriage about nine miles. It was also contended that when a d r i v ing wished to cross over to his wrong sid e , it no t enough to make a signal to that effect to carriagesas on their right side, but that instead of making such a signal, it was the driver's duty to drive on until he found an opportunity of turning round, and driving with the stream of carriages on the side he wished to set down. Mr. BINGHAM said, there were two points in this case which required consideration —a point of law and a point of fact. The point of law concerned the rule of road, and the law with respect to vehicles about to cross over the road to their wrong side. The question of fact bad relation to the circumstances in which each carriage was placed, and whether the omnibus driver, having reap seen the coaclaman's sig na l, could have attended t o it, but refused to do so because he had more weight of metal with him. He 4 with corporate powers, to purchase and acquire lands, buildings, and other properties; to nominate and appoint numerous paid officers; to grant annuities for life and in perpetuity, and other compensations; to levy compulsory rates on the inhabitants of all the metropolitan parishes —virtually, to monopolise the trades connected with sepulture, and in other ways to deprive the inhabitant ratepayers of the metropolis of the right of managing their own affairs, and of controlling their own ex penditure." Mr. JAMES WYLD, M.P., seconded the resolution, and expressed his determination to resist the Govern ment scheme as propounded in the Bill.—(Cheers.) They all agreed, he presumed, in that portion of the Bill which affirmed that all interments in towns should cease ; but at the same time they were unan mous in condemning the machinery by which it proposed to carry that principle into effec (Loud cheers.) Allusion had been made to the repeal of the corn-laws as a proof that Government had a right to interfere with private interests where the good of the public was concerned, but the Legis lature did not prescribe that foreign corn should only come through certain houses.—(Hear, hear.) Nor did it in the case of baths and washhouses assume all control to the Government, for the management of them was confided to local commissioners, who were chosen by the parish.—(Hear, hear.) They. therefore, demanded that the principle of local management which had worked so well in this coun try should be fairly and properly carried out in regard to the burial of the dead.—(Cheers.) It had been said, in justification of the present Bill, that the parish authorities had been guilty of laches in the manage ment of parish affairs; but if they had acted badly, the Government Commissioners had acted worse.— (Cheers.) Had, for instance, the Commissioners of Woods and Forests shown such great skill and financial ability in the management of Crown lands as to induce them to trust a body, similarly constituted, with large administrative powers ?—(Hear.) In the management of dock yards also, Government Commissioners had shown their incapacity to control satisfactorily any great public undertaking. He believed Sir George Grey and all her Majesty's Ministers were anxious to deal fairly and properly by the people, but the fact was that the opinion of the country bad . never been fairly tested on the subject —(Hear)—arid it was only by such meetings as this that the Government could be influenced.—(Cheers.) All they demanded was, that the ancient principle of parochial government should be carried into effect in an impartial-and fair manner.—(Cheers.) The resolutions were supported by other speakers, and ultimately carried. A petition embodying the two resolutions was then agreed to, and Mr. B. Osborne, M.P., was to be re quested to present it to Parliament. A vote of thanks having been passed to the Chair. man, the meeting separated. would consider these points, and give an early deci sion on them. OUTRAGE AND ROBBERY. The Huddersfield Chronicle says—" We regret to have to state that a circumstance occurred in this town on Thursday, calculated to throw the family of a respectable inhabitant into the deepest degree of distress. From what we can learn, a re spectable merchant of this town, whose name we withhold under the painful circumstances, has for some years had to lament a derangement of mind in one of his daughters, who was for a con siderable period the inmate of an asylum. Latterly, however, signs of amendment in her mental organiza tion had manifested themselves, and she has been consequently kept at home, and suffered occasionally to walk abroad in the neighbourhood of her father's residence. On Thursday afternoon, a little before three o'clock, she left home for that purpose, taking with her a child four years old. She in the first instance called at the house of some female rela tives, but these being out she extended her walk, and by some means or other she came into contact with a navvy,' who gives the name of John Ormrod, and who represents himself as coming from Holmes Chapel, in Lancashire. It would seem that the fellow was a perfect stranger to the young lady. They were observed to proceed down Greenhead lane together, having first called at the Bee Hive beer-house, at the top of West Parade, where the fellow called for a pint of beer, and inquired, Have you a side room ?' Being informed in the negative, the beer was partaken of by both out of the pint pot, and they then went away together in the direction above indicated. While in this house the female was not heard to speak but once, and that only faintly and inaudibly ; but on their departure, the inmates (to whom the young lady was unknown) remarked on the strangeness of so fine a dressed lady being in the company of so shabby a fellow. On reaching the end of Gledholt-lane, a secluded spot, the ruffian enticed the young female into a small wood, at the bottom of Gledholt bank, and there accomplished his purpose. During the whole time the little child was with them, and while in the wood its cries attracted the attention of a passer-by. This person also saw Ormrod subsequently take a gold watch and chain from the female, stripping them from her neck, and putting the chain round his own. He then put his hand in her pocket and took some thing out. All this, however, was done without any resistance being offered ; and as the parties proceeded to leave the ground in company, the watcher, while much surprised at these shameless proceedings, came to the conclusion that the female was a frail mortal, and that the parties knew each other. As they came on to the road they were also seen by a constable, who spoke to Ormrod, and asked about the gold chain hanging over his waistcoat front. Not know ing the transaction, the officer did not then take the fellow into custody. Both proceeded onwards as far as the Crown Tavern, in this town, when Ormrod left her, and the young lady turned up the New North-road. The constable, who had followed them to the town, then went up to the female and accosted her, and asked her where her gold watch was, and was informed, in reply, that the man had taken it to mend, but that he (the officer) was not to tell her father. Tee constable then made no further inquiry, but went home to prepare for bis night duty. On the return home of the poor creature it was soon seen, from her appearance, that something unusual had happened. She was, however, silent to all inquiries, or gave answers of which nothing could be made. It was clear, however, that her valuables were gone, and about seven in the evening, information of such facts as could be hastily collected together were communicated to the Huddersfield police, and in less than half an hour the villain was in custody. Before he was apprehended, Mr. Thomas, the superintendent of police, had obtained posses sion of the gold watch and chain, which had been sold to Mr. Hadfield, a pawnbroker, in Castlegate, for 1/. 10;. The two, when new, cost 261. It is only right to say that th e pawnbroker states that he believed they were not gold, and the appear ance of the watch, without glass, and with scratched face and ordinary-looking hands, would favour such a supposition. From the pawnbroker Ormrod had purchased a suit of fustian clothing—a portion of his other dress being blue woollen. On his person, when apprehended, which took place in the old Post.office-yard, in a few minutes afterwards, were found a purse, which belonged to the poor un fortunate female, and also her handkerchief. In the purse were 193. in money. In the course of Friday morning the ruffian brutally boasted of what he had done, and averred that ' it was only a bit of courting RAIL WAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, MAY 23. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market still continues in the same state, and the only variation we have to notice to-day is Great Western, Quarters, which closed at 13%. LIVERPOOL, MAY 23. STOCK EXCHANGE. —Prices were improved to-day, but the amount of business done was very limited. The transactions were as follow: London and North-Western, 103 1 A — Ditto, New Quarters, 36—Lancashire and Yorkshire, Consol. Fifths, 9 3 4 ( West Riding Union), 8 1 . 6s. 3d.— Midland, 34!4 c.— Dittoalalves, 27i. As. 9d. dis.—North Staffordshire, 10 1 4 c.dis.—Great Southern and Western, 31%. BIRMINGHAM, MAY 23. STOCK EXCHANGE.—Our share market, taking its tone, as it generally does, from the London Exchange, was inani mate to-day, bat prices generally were maintained. There is little probability of much business being done in the Bir mingham and Oxford Junction and the Birmingham, Wol verhampton, and Dudley lines until the directors of the Great Western have more clearly defined the course they intend to adopt after having obtained their 3,500,0001. Great interest is attached to this matter in these districts, and the intention of the directors looked for as of great importance. Their de cision, if able to carry it out, will materially affect the prices of shares in the Stour Valley and other local lines of railway. YORK, MAY 22. STOCK ExcnsArton.—The transactions to-day were as fol low :—Great Northern, 04—North British, 7 1 4—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (N ewcast l e Extension), SlA—York 'and North Midland, I 614. GLASGOW, MAY 22. Srocr EKC/lANOZ.—The transactions to-day were as fol low :—Dunbl.iue, Donne, and Callender, 20s.—Scottish Central, 131 A. BUILDINGS or THE NATIVES OF SIBERIA. Itt those waste regions, the convict colonies of Russia, the snowy wildernesses of Siberia, man, under the paternal sway of the Christian Czar, is as degraded and debased as under the des potism of W bang tee Fou, or any other imperial savage that ever sat on his proper seat, a throne. The Bashkirs that dw4ll in the wild deserts south of Yehaterinburgh, in Siber;.a, live half the year in portable tents, which they bear abolit from place to place, and during the other half inhabit s':nall snug wooden huts. There is nothing peculiar in their construction. They are just such structures as might be sup posed to be erected by instinct, by men having plenty of timber at hand, in want of houses, and without knowledge of the rules of art, even in its simplest rudiments. The Sosno vian yurts are square in shape, and built of heavy logs planed and laid one upon the other, with others from wall to wall forming the roof. Against each wall large quantities of earth are piled. The entrance is always on the south side, and only half the height of a man. Facing the east is a small square opening left between the logs for a window, and closed by a block of ice a foot thick, propped from without by a pole thrust into the ground. A supply of such heavy flakes of ice lies before each habitation. The fire on the earth thaws the interior surface of the ice -window, rendering it as smooth as a mirror. The outside is rough, yet a light, whiter and clearer, penetrates through this window, than those glazed by fish or dried fish-skins, which are commonly used. When one block is melted another supplies its place. As we penetrate still deeper in the interior of these remote and little known countries, we find the people dwelling in moveable habitations, composed of a tall peaked frame of wood, covered with layers of reindeer skins, laid in the manner of slates or tiles, with the edge of one overlapping the other, and so on, from the top to the ground. At the bottom the snow is thrown up and beaten hard all round this singular dwelling, while, at the su mm i t, a small opening is left for the exit o f smoke. The Yakuts inhabit one descrip tion of houses in winter, and another totally distinct in sum mer. The dwellings for the cold season are low clumsy huts, plastered thickly with cow-dung and earth. The doors are heavily curtained with coarse hairy hides, and the windows glazed with ice. The whale, covered with snow, is suffi ciently warm and comfortable. The summer habitations are composed of lofty conical frames, formed of slight poles, 20 feet high, woven together with broad bands of a beautiful shining yellow bark, which is perfectly flexible. Each strip of this singular and useful material is sown to the next with a strong horsehair thread. Seen from a distance these dwel lings appear like tall yellow bee-hives, embroidered in varie gated lines. There are innumerable little variations in the structure of the dwellings among these wild and strange triri tbes ti es.— of men, but they are gen era ll y alike in the main pecu aßuilder. The Government contract, for 50,000 gallons of rum for the navy, was taken yesterd ay b y Messrs. Lemon, Hart, and Son. THE SEVEN-MILE TUNNEL THROUG H TER ALP The following details are gathered from Dr. Granville's paper, as promised. To give at once some idea of the boldne ss of Chev. Mons' undertaking, we may, in the first place, state that in its progress the tunnel must pass under some of the most elevated crests of Mont Cenis—one, in particular, where there will be 4,850 feet of mountain, capped with eternal glaciers, over head, at the middle of the tunnel, so that not only will the workmen and machinery in construction; and the passengers and trains in transit, be buried to that depth in the heart of the mountain, but all idea of shafts, either to facilitate excavation, or to promote ventilation, must be out of the question. The breath of life itself must be respired from either extremity, with artificial aid, in shape of cur rents of fresh air transmitted, and of foul air withdrawn, by mechanical appar a t us ever a t' tion, which is als o it se lf t o b e e ff ec t e d b y mac and simple na t ure, worked b y water power of work, at least ding o e f x a ca newv a mountain ine " s t t u r n e n a e, m i s w w h h ieh ereasbycatuhdes, from m s are the also to or run S through ug i d h th e tunnel, he Dlodane, a lt t h e way to its exit at Bardonneche, with a gra atyst dient equal t o 1 9 i n 1,000. The machine, once presented to the rock, pro j ects into it simultaneously four horizontal series e , a e t of sixteen scalpels, working backwards and forwards, by means of springs cased in, and put in motion by the same water power. While these are at work, one vertical series on each side works simultaneously up and down, so that to gether they cut out four blocks, or rather insulate four blocks on all sides, except on the rock behind, from which they are tl.it t r ith a i : lei n ls bt e beuo d esnr teutilhme3wal tunnel, etlwi e ee a dti bi c iv re h t eihex o dna f eelt aa t btry h yhag e e.etyde t wwftehbooeoytitehhoi machi nes , e rged e hi afterwards detached by hand. It has been already ascer x:atavoattai of n t h 2l e v2il fla opposite bc teac odmaeypni deand f in four years. The gallery to be perforated by the machines this once t o c u 2 t s t through, g i h u , and ar ordinary t m h width and 19 feet in height, and a trouble line of rails laid. The estimated cost of this great tunnel i s on l y 13,804,9421. (552 , 1971 . ) It i s to be immediately commented at the north entrance.—,Builder. for tion put by the Right Hon. Gentleman the afertl at Manchester on Th u rsday last, I am not a ware :ti e ero a o a c tcs Noble Lord th e Fi rs t Minister has yet „ r erise i rile explain e d t o th e H o use the rema rkable, arid somewhat equivocal colouring wh ich eue's'(t Lissa h;s reply to th e interrogatories put to him. theren chit I take it for granted. I imag ine e l Member of thi s H ouse , and no man of sensolled country who supposes for a moment that wbstarete,tas the Greek cairns form anything else b ut 3 Pre moment (Hear, hear.) Nobody in a sane mind can for a I n origs ie suppose that the powerful armament of Gliedaea was brought sudd en ly into the waters of tile a wpi' ranean to advocate the somewhat ludicrous s e e c oots cious claims of Pacifico. There was of course 0 33 4 t ore — it is not stared—tor this demenstratioe ; 111 ,: oe sted appears in some of the diplomatic documents.eusloser wan these transactions that have t r a nspired l a us . 0 5 . country, some intimation of what that ea u- e rea of bir It seems to have beers necessary in the . ol'i nia v n - bee° Majest's Government that there should last year reat demonstration of the power of Englant'bosesi" in the Mediterranean Sea. Th ere were d ist° prote P a dependency of England—in a state under O r , the reii tkin—a Greek scat r. Now, I have obserred-ths`iitiaty'l one party of the unanimous supporters of ke r et c so Ministers oaposite —unanimous as su ministratisn, though opposers of a section of L i n e barre , nistration—there is one class of Gentlemen, te baste p porters , Le A pr' who teke every oppsrtunity of proving hat, t cs ster tary of State for he Colonies is an extrenniY lieionsa• tent and head,trong Minister, to quote tneirelee tier beer.) There is !soother section ei_loaoir tlemen who are unanimous in supeort- of ihe 04 t tration, who tak e i t i nt o their heads always t c C stat e I Q, another Secretary of State—the Secretaryol.o.ary ea r Foreign Aff a i rs , He is a very rash and orb' last !lister, they say. N ow , it so happened &he t , 010 f'e these two S ecre t ar i es o f State—the sateguaru fo r be the pernicious effects of whose temperanientethaf ttel always been led to believe and hope 5c01t ..... “ s e O: never agreed upon any subject—(Laughter). t'erfere pened that last year they were obliged to l c o v to 6 '; the same quarter of the globe, and c ortlio li ii tb! operate with each other. Tte moment I b e e ddliefa ° the Secretary of State for the Colonies was °3 O g be 1 , 13 ; lonia, and afterwards was in co-operation w l " f t boa" ; cretary of State for Foreign Affairs in Attics , e d d 0 0 0 doubt when we examine the something would occur of which the en tl i l Ole t be so speedy as the House would desire, one o ell e ! the discussion which may occur, we shall b e 5 r et it° eac h °W hoa dif o ; cover that these two stars, crossing same moment—(Laughter)—have produced I f all 13 ) astrous effects or consequences which we b c ,P sf e s st b e ‘ r i ;t be so disastrous as we fear they may warnbe.--ss-'ed The Noble Lord the Member for If ford eP t ' - .mber for ert tbe P against giving an opinion on this subject ant ecollecilos that the papers are in possession of the are before us. The Noble Lord might We r jeep ° question, and ialie b l e to far 110 0 ' 4 ye;r; say they are in my possession, for I ha le , o li e v s--1 04 ok ceived them—they came too fate. The) ? c s s " - eoeV f re Noble Lord's dispatches—too late far id t he laugh.) If the Noble Lord had only contriveh het should have had our papers as soon as the Fr e ° E stii; bly had theirs be would have listened with iner a e e c Oefli t t Lion to that masterly exposition which ge ll s ' si stitif i s say cannot be answered without the doce- j ol ted which documents the Noble Lord opposite , 11 ., a o s atsg s ae upon the table. With, ut having tha aw - f bot l' o f having read these documents, I have to observ e • tew esb. ot are some singular omissions in the masterlYtseiaber,te which we have heard so much. The 1 1 ° 13 ' t hat r a l- e . Canterbury has touched particularly ° 11 „ . a 0 0 4 1 1 3 0 Throughout that singular exposition we L ' e h - e r so):es: allusion to the convention of April.—ar ear ' cl could have supposed that while the Noble Le r f tering into all these details about the dOiDgs ° t t he rate diplomatist and of a fourth-rate state, tailor of 1 " b , reign Minister of England and the Arobasse"-taellko French Republic were negotiating togeth er ° a li c oe) ject in the capital of Great Britain.—(Bear' bea r,) chi t doubt it was a sore grievance to the French ' a te rd it should have permitted its Ambassador Of" negotiations with the Foreign blinister Ao f on the subject, and then to find, that instee". te 0 1 " ce great personages solving the knot, and ill pits t O 6 great personages solving the knot, and 10 0 f f a fa; that demonstration of good feeling on the PT and the powerful energies employed, the i v u s d, est ° a worl in a squabble in a remote corner of the on by obscure and subordinate individuals' lisself hear.) There are other points for some ,! P i ase u i ef o l upon which I listened in vain throughout V o ble ; 4 4 exposition of the Noble Lord. Did the ' o - rePi be make the slightest allusion to the p o sition We ;i v , 4 1 ° in with respect to R uss i a ? I did not exP ect s:neet / 1- Lord to enter into th e d e t a il s o f diplomatic t `l l ,.. e . ple tjle s; ties, or to give us an authentic reason ta bl e; tentiary of all the Russias was not at a b l a s o :lo e 'ia considering that, even in this book, whiela - f ens' ° t ill had an opportunity of reading, there a re se' z tbo d So patches from the Russian Minister—con s efi all these transactions with respect to Greece , s' hes e 13 : 0 1 a party which had a deep interest, it woul, d ; tarlPecl more satisfactory, I think, if the Foreign ° h s „ - d e itf-',,c remembered the existence of Russia, end P s , - , us that not only had he a prospect of re-es our Ce n t good understanding with France, but that understanding with Russia was not endangers(' trallto t t h h e ro c u o g n h v o e u n t tio th n e ofApril.a moat important hear.) But not one word was said on these 0110001;6 masterly statement—not oD ure t (ct Pia c l a u se —not the slightest intimation as to the „"t• doted by these transactions on the disposition ofeaa Secretary ear, hear.) The masterly tactics of the Os ° al have withheld from us the docuraaog re ld which he rested his statement ; but without lira l sli c ' 1 1) 0 0 the papers, I think there is a third point wh have been noticed—l mean that connected eree woo see about which we have heard so much. It satisfactory if the Noble Lord couldbavetoldujittros3l.o elements of future discord were dismiss', a sia ss a' question, and that hereafter, however anxi°°'" ; 0 0 ll the Government of Great Britain on the sq ' t orlc e ,'oo, portant felt; ever great the difficulty of contending with que s f l oi the other powers with respect to it—that ° l , l '„ - to I° lol had at least been settled. But not one allusi ° ,, - iotet ds - oi these three—in ray opinion important-13- beeoy,re' fallen from the Ministry. I say the afinistrloo cannot make any difference between the For that tary and the Ministry.—(Hear.) I reprobat°,-attoc't/e habit into which we have got in this 1101150 Dm i the chiet of a department instead of the G°,, v , ° v i e ) (Hear) I make no di s ti nct i on b e tween tn - bs tc:; I anything Ms from me that se e ms to viola ie ;bor e ;(b can only say it must be unintentional. I f . islet' 1,/ blunder, the chief criminal is the First It' u no vei l3 :;ie' laugh.) He is the chief, and let him be re s k',. - occ7 co (Hear, hear.) The Foreign Secretary re s "e, 0 0 ; 0 0 allusion has been made to the a subordinate position, Wh at I rer aark , I tp ° m' i ni ports ll f el' o o I have alluded to. If, after weeks !, ) fl tS o mit' ming—if, after withholding the doctle l L ' o - rd which he rests his case, the Noble 0 5 ,, r '11 0 , the important points of the case, r toriv o re C. it to the slightest issue, let us see how satis° l lo re,,der masterly exposition will be to the countrY 00 11 ":cis' to the narrowed issue as to the causes of our ece eil c l o sf standing with France arising from these P ; r a al ° t ac t , It appears, that in consequence of the err'clesire-os' fleet at Athens, the Fren c h Republic we e , f aio e s oc i mediating in the affair. W e m ust keali'% tr France is by treaty partic u l ar ly interestea toi°6o' tions affecting Greece. It o ff ere d medis ti°° „i tbe. a co Noble Lord studiously avoided, as the orgao;cift';oo vernment, mediation or arbitration on the lot r "„, oti, To do him justice, I admit that his expressic-fbe ac re` point—so far as I can form an opinion fr aca s ,. re is 6 oe ; merits laid before the French Chambers-- ,caon'a equivocal.—(ilear.) The French Governor 0,1;101 be deceived, far, from the first moment, sa - e„ collected from the languaee t ne anti oe -e / 10V the Noble Lord, that he ' wo o s extremely that they should interfere at all in ti` e ) , l3 o 1 01 " (Laughter.) The Noble Lord told &ben! . " t ° :0 0 no mediation—for no arbitration—but t U ; a ri - z firp-e lt called consent to the Republic of France exe a ce' s 'f t' r tbel " good offices.”—(flear, hear.) il ef ti l o , ' 130 ,0 0 " any t process in diplomacy more dangerous L' er cise ' l O O i consenting that a third power should eeticaitolo .offices, for having no authority under the eirpeePtrair it incurs no responsibility,—(Hear, hear.) d b e ( case were both parties look to a termination i s fr understanding, and where a golden hrid„ghilaonetoet quietly formed by which one may retire " - t hird P" fo r s think we ought never to consent to invest S i dice dos with the fulfilment of what we called gou ec i under no circumstances, except those of Da lionllse recollect an instance in which such de:ege t :pp-a - C a ;V end in disappointment or very often in doneooooa Government was in the beginning been hear. ) But one thing is clear—howe ver tot.al . i to 0 ,0 ex ercis ed e or , ce ri 1 0 . t n — F t r h a e nce pa h r a t vin o g f to t 0 mediation of France however imp fig ree de 4 offices, our Minister ought to hale t et eas ebi cei s s : and sincerely. However imperfect out e „t which the Republic had prepared for carrYn111011,800?'0,' mon object, it was not fur her Majesty s u, imp s id tlOl adGmoivaeerdninsoent te e h obo throw difficulties in the way, or to oonstr,neb ~) a re to prevent a satisfactory conclasion..."(""e‘.. rais" CO- Government do so or not? Did it act 111 se ptib DJ f care, and frank manner towards the Fresch. de d el e t oe' (Hear.) That is the question to be dee l te rly ° pa. those Hon. Members who received the intle 135. merit with such ready cheers, and who seecte,islencsool‘, T see e I ) 3 to prevent discussion on the subject. a he ahle te as fore us on this point without analysing t"nia c)6 m b 4 ` 3l In a passage which almost accidentally b ;, to , on, I find a dispatch from Lord Nore lirl hfeh, 6j „ e i reign Secretary, dated the 9th kW, 1 3 ,00 1 " rj fer' scribing the effect produced in Paris by to eenorol settlement of the Greek question, be re fe ,!' n owit4 1 0 ' De sation with General Lahitte, and to Clio °p olo . e a); gph—" That in case of Grosr° ° t i tle f ers o 7asli tweers Mr. Wyse and Baron to t ca eding s da f cr posed to the Greek Government, hostile Pr° bc ink p osed not be recommenced till further reference _ s o ro r e , The ter ms p Me instructions to London and Paris.' „sore° farii t , were rejected by Greece, and coercive an y stained, although Mr. Wyse had not receir'bL'y ga es we al s instructions from London. Lord Norma,aa,hitte coot s. state that he did not believe that General a if fie ter n have proffered the good offices of Froli ca e been t re tti have believed that the dispute woul d A l3 ; tVi giCh is , P sti° l { sated in the way it hal been. That w e P f aac tri• ko t conclusive as to the merits of that pa rt b .. ose j; oo f You may split hairs and explain awilY P cabso sa ra ci° en t °, ask you, do you think when the French st the gale - , r e , sent here to draw up a convention for by sn; b ee , the affairs of Greece, that he could iineginej at 14 ' 9 0 0 " sible circumstances, that they would be set s is e c orre e rd is and not at London?—(Hear.) niPl°Tablafions.iaaroble; donee may be susceptible of many "P b a e a onsi" s e iye one quarter and another the errors tiasY , to de l e allea e o tv e I do not say that the Howe is nova general an rice , opinion on that point, but from our of Faro or, of human nature—of the public n 3 ei i _ ul d b att oirl ask, does any one believe that they "' settl e the itle d t, aented to send their ambassador here to to be W e" of Greece if they had thought they were ° our Athens and uvt at 449udou?—(11 000 be" was FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 24 j 1850. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 23. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was set down for a third reading this day, but Mr. T. EGERTON moved that the third reading be postponed-until Monday next, in order to give"the House an opportunity of considerin g a c l ause i n t h e Bill w hi c h had been unanimously agreed to by one of its own Com mittees. Mr. MANGLES opposed the postponement of the third reading on the ground that the application was un reasonable and irregular. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL supported the motion for postponement, thinking it was but fair that the House should have an opportunity of considering the clause in question, which opportunity they would not have if the Bill passed the third reading at once. He must say tki hasty way in which the third reading was sought to be carried through the House was discreditable to the London and North-Western Railway Company, and savoured very much of sharp practice, the promoter: having given notice of the third reading one minute before six o'clock, the hour when the Private Bill Office closed, on the day of the adjournment of the House. After some further discussion in which Mr. A. Dun combo, Mr. Wilson Patten, and Mr. Glyn took part, Mr. MANGLES withdrew his opposition, and th* motion for postponing the third reading until Monde), next was agreed to. PRIVATE BILLS. The following private Billy were read a third time, and passed:— South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway (Amendment of Acts, Deviation at Doncaster, &c.) South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Rail wa y (Amendment of Acts, Deviation to Worsborougb, &c.) The following private Bills, as amended, were con sidered:— Dumfries and Maxwelltown Waterworks. Gorbals Gravitation Water Company. Newcastle•upon-Tyne Improvement, Amendment of Acts, and New Streets. New North Road. Swansea klunicip a l Corporation. Tyne Navigation. PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented against Sunday labour in the Post-office. Mr. G. DUNCAN presented a petition from a place in the Isle of Arran against the Marriage Affinity Bill. Mr. WNEILL presented a petition from Inverary to the same effect. Mr. ELLIOT presented a petition from factory ope ratives in Peebles against the Ten Hours Bill. Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from Bradford in favOur of the Bill for secular education. Mr. MITCHELL presented a petition from the Bloomsbury Savings Bank against the Savings Bank Bill. Sir J. TROLLOPE presented a petition from Lincoln in favour of protection to agriculture. Lord NAAS presented a petition from Queen's county in Ireland against the national system of edu cation in Ireland. Mr. BOUVERIE presented a petition from Kilmar nock against the Marriage Bill. Mr. GROGAN presented a similar petition from Dublin. Mr. HUDSON presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Sunderland against any alteration in the present system of revising the burgess list. COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that to-morrow he should move for a report of the number of commission: of inquiry issued since the year 1830, together with the expense of each. MILITARY KNIGHTS OF WINDSOR. Colonel SALWEY gave notice that on going into Com mittee of Supply, he should move that the sum to be voted for the maintenance of the Millitary Knights of Windsor be refused. RECALL OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR On the motion for going into Committee of Supply, Lord PALMERSTON rose, and said he felt, in con sequence of what had passed on a former occasion in that House, with regard especially to an answer which he had felt it his duty to make to a question put to him by his Right Honourable Friend the Member for Manchester, it was due to himself and the House to make some explanation.—(Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend on Thursday last asked him, if he rightly remembered his question, whether there was a perfectly good understanding then existing between the Government of France and her Majesty's Goverment in regard to the affairs of Greece.—(Hear, hear.) He stated, as far as he could recollect, that the French Ambassador had left London the day before—that he had been charged by her Majesty's Government with expla nations to the French Government—that the chief ob ject of his going was to give the explanation himself in person, and that ho also hoped nothing would arise out of the matter to disturb the friendly relation, which existed between the two Governments.—(Hear, hear.) Now about that time there was read in the French Chamber, by General Lahitte, a letter recalling —no, that was not the proper term to apply to it— ordering the French Ambassador's return.—(Hear, hear.) It was thought by many persons, in and out of the House, that there was some inconsistency between that letter and his answer, with regard to the transaction itself— it was thought, indeed, that he was endeavouring to suppress something that the House and the public had a right to expect from him.—(Loud crier of " Hear, hear.") Now what passed in regard to the circumstances was this: A difference of opinion had arisen between the Government of France and the Go vernment of her Majesty as to the affairs of Greece. and the previous few days' proceedings which her Majesty's Government had taken in relation to that dis pute—in fact, the difference of opinion arose out of the manner in which the affair had been terminated be tween England and Greece.—(Hear, hear.) On the Saturday previous to this was the first opportunity he had had of receiving the dispatch from Greece and com municating it .to the French Ambassador. On the Monday morning the French Ambassador came to him for the purpose of entering into a discussion of the dispatch, but, in consequence of his being summoned that day to give evidence before a Committee of the House, he requested him to come the next morning.— (Hear, hear.) The French Ambassador did come the next morning, on the Tuesday, and they went at great length into the dispatch which had been received from Athens, which was read to him, and he explained to the French Ambassador the views of her Majesty's Government on the subject, and told him that her Majesty's Government did not think the course they had adopted ought justly to give any ground of offence to France.—(Hear, hear.) The conversation was long, and the French Ambassador left him at rather elate hour, stating that he would return the next day. At twelve o'clock on the Wednesday he accordingly came again, and in the course of the con versation which then ensued the French Ambassador read the letter which be had just received from General De Lahitte.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") That letter expressed the conditions on which the French Ambassador was to return to France. The French Am bassador said " to-morrow the papers will be presented to the Assembly, and to-morrow there may be a discus sion in that Assembly, and it is my duty to be at Paris before the Chambers meet in order to afford any explanations they might wish to hear from him." He (Lord Palmerston) said he concurred in the course the French Ambassador mean; to pursue. The next morning he (Lord Palmerston) begged M. Drouyn de l'Huys would communicate to his Government the substance of the explanations he had given him, and he furnished that gentleman with certain of Mr. Wyse's dispatches to lay before his Government, having previously marked certain passages which he deemed important. So stood , things on the Thursday, when he (Lord Palmerston) was questioned in this House. In the first place, he could not have ex. peered in the ordinary course of things that the letter of General Lahitte would be read to the Assembly— (Cheers) even before the Assembly was in ' pos session of the documents connected with the trans actions to which his letter related. It certainly never entered into his (Lord Palmerston's) mind, that such a course of proceeding would be in any case adopted ; but he was also justified in thinking that the explanations he had furnished would, if they did not remove any dissatisfaction the French Government felt, at all events tend greatly to modify their feelings and lead to fresh explanations. Now, at i rtohuaytn House d o e u 3 1: H w u hyos had N any w just appreciation of th e the very moment, he (Lord . Palmerston) was giving his answer, the F renc h M in i s t e r must have been assigning t o the French A ssem bly re asons for the return of M. D he would ask any man n interests o f hi s coun t ry , an d of the position of a Forei gn Minister in that House, whether he should not have been guilty of the greatest indiscretion if he had pro claimed to the House the contents of that letter when he had hoped the misunderstanding had ceased?— (Loud cheers.) He would give a further justifica tion of the course which he took ; it was dictated by an earnest desire to avoid and soften if possi ble anything like angry feelings on the part of the French Government, which mast seriously prejudice the character of the relations of the two Governments. Now, the letter itself required that he should make some observations, because that letter charged her Majesty's Government, and especially him (Lord Palmerston), as the organ of that Government, with having broken faith with the Government of France, inasmuch as it asserted that, contrary to the negotiations of Baron Gros, as controlled by the acts; of Mr. Wyse, coercive measures were resumed. The papers already in the hands of many Hon. Members showed that the functions of Baron Gros were not suspended by any act of Mr. Wyse. but by the act of Baron Gros himself ; and that Mr. Wyse, ao far from giving instruc tions to suspend him, had expressed a strong desire that he should be continued. He (Lord Palmerston) thought the papers would show that even after Baron Gros had communicated to Mr. Wyse that his functions were suspended, and his mission for the , moment was put an end to, Mr. Wyse, so far from taking advantage of the earliest opportunity to have recourse to coercive measures, made a proposition to Baron Gros, which, if it had been accepted, would have, satisfied those claims, the principle of which were not in dispute, and have left untouched, or subject to further discussion, any particular points on which differences of opinion had arisen. Baron Gros's request to Mr. Wyse was—" Refer to your Government instructions as to the point of difference which has taken place; retain in your possession the vessels_ which you have in posses sion, but abstain from taking any wore." After the function of Baron Gros had been susp-nded Nit.. Wyse said, if the Greek Government would seed him (Mr. Wyse) a sum which he thought was the just amount of compensation due for the losses of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifice,—if the Greek Government would send 180,000 drachmas, and would accompany that with a letter, stating that that sum was in full satisfaction of all the claims mentioned in his (Mr. Wyse's) note of the 17th January, with the exception of M. Pacificm'a losses resulting from the destruction of his documents, he would then—what ? Put the country in statu quo ? No. He (Mr. Wyse) would immediately release all the Greek mer chantmen. and give freedom to the commerce of Greece. That would have been a very just arrangement for the Greek Government. By that arrangement the terms of the letter of ap logy for the insult offered to the British, and also the arrangement for the settlement of Pecifico's other claims, would have been left to be settled at a future time. Baron Gros replied to Mr. Wyse that he was no longer the official mediator, but that he would recommend the adoption of th ose terms i n hi s private capacity. That was on the 24th, and on the morning of the next day Baron Gros informed Mr. Wyse, by a private letter, that it was prebable that the British Minister would before evening receive th it sum , f money and the desired hitter. On this understanding elr Wyse had suspended the resumption of coercive neasures, and it was not until five o'clock on the same /lay, when the money and the letter had not arrived. hat he again gave orders for the resumption of coercive ineesures. They were therefore j usti tied in saying that it was certainly not gr. Wyse who put an end to the mission of tiaron Gros, or that he had refused to allow coercive neasures to he suspended. Mr. Wyse considered that riaron Gros had voluntarily withdrawn himself from his fission. And he (Lord Palmerston) thought that the French Government were entirely mistaken in supposing that there was any departure from the clear understand mg that it rested with Baron Gros, and not with Mr. Wyse, to put an end to his functions as mediator. As o the second question, giving credit to Mr. Wyse for eaving judged right in his opinion that Baron Gros had withdrawn himself from the mission—and he (Lord Palmerston.) certainly thought he was right--as to the ,econd question, whether the point upon which they differed was one in which it was right for Mr. Wyse to refer to his own Goverment for further instructions. Ind in the mean time to allow matters to remain in statu quo, it was clearly understood that although the English Government accepted the good offices of France, it was for the purpose, and with the hope, of obtaining that satisfaction which it had already began to endea sour to obtain, and it was at the same time clearly understood that this Government could consent to abandon any one of its claims. And that there was no misunderstanding on this point was perfectly plain from the dispatches of M. Drouyn de l'Huys which were already published, he supposed, from authentic sources. In these dispatches M. Drouyn de l'Huys clearly laid down what he understood to be the limits of the media tion of Baron Gros. He was not to enter into any negotiations which at all touched upon the principle of the demands of this Government, nor to enter into the sums which had been fixed as a satisfactory compensation to be obtained. The good offices of Baron Gros were not to be employed on fixing the amount of hese sums in any case unless they were not expressly stated by this Government. The principle of our de mand was contained in six articles transmitted to the French Government, in which were advanced the claims for compensation for certain lonians who had been 111-treated at the hands of the Greeks; and also for .he claims of Mr. Finlay and Pacifico. On the 16th of February Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys wrote to say that the question to be settled was one which would not at all infringe upon the principle of the British claims. In a iispatch of the 22d of the same month he again ex pressly repudiated anything that would seem to be a negation of the claims of the British Government; and he there remarked that it only remained to he settled what !should be the amount of the ndemnity to be granted to Pacifico and Finlay. On the 22d of March he also repeated the same, and laid down what he understood to be the extent of Mr. Wyse's powers It was distinctly understood by that dispatch, that the Portuguese claim should be a separate question, and should remain to be afterwards settled. There appeared, However, to be some misunderstanding at Athens on the subject, and on the Bth April M. D'Lhuys wrote another letter to General Lahitte, in which he explained to the French Government that if any difference of opinion should arise betweea Baron Gros and Mr. Wyse as to the compromise which the negotiator proposed relative to the only points they had to examine, then, and only then, would Mr. Wyse and Admiral Parker have :o consult with their own Governments. Some doubt 't appeared, then arose between Baron Gros and Mr. Wyse, and the former intimated that he would with traw from the negotiation. The question then came to this—did the matter upon which this doubt or difference of opinion arose, form one of the points which the nego tiator had to settle, or not? He thought he (Lord Pal merston) had clearly shown by the extracts he bad referred to that it was clearly understood between the two Governments that the only points which the nego tiator would have to examine were those having refer ence to the amount to be given to Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifico. Now it seemed that the negotiation broke off not on those points, but on the question whether the Greek Government was or was not to make an engagement with the view of not only examining into the losses of M. Pacifico, but of agreeing to pay him the amount of any loss which it might be proved he had sus tained by the instructions of his Government. Baron Gros had not only agreed on the 16th to the engagement, but had actually consented that there should he a deposit ref 150,000 drachmas, as security for the fulfilment of the negotiation. The only difference of opinion between him and Mr. Wyse, on that occasion, was that Baron Gros contended that the deposit should be held jointly by Greece and England, while Mr. Wyse, on the contrary, con tended that the security stionld be deposited in the Bank of England, or, if Baron Gros preferred it, in the Bank of France. Baron Gros, however, consented to take the matter into further consideration, but ho afterwards altered his opinion, and said he was not sa tisfied that the claims of Pacifico were deserving of any serious consideration. Mr. Wyse showed his instruc tions to Baron Gros, and said he could not deviate from them, but Baron Gros appeared to have acted on an er roneous impression produced by a dispatch of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, and a difference of opinion having arisen between the two negotiators, the negotiation was ac cordingly broken off. Baron Gros had originally proposed that the ships, with their cargoes, should be restored in the same condition as when captured. Baron Gros having withdrawn his proposal, Mr. Wyse withdrew his ; but Mr. Wyse having learnt in the meantime that the Greek Government was collecting a statement of its losses through Portu gal, with the view of setting them off against ,he claims that were made upon Greece, he thought it right at once to discountenance any such demand.— (Cheers.) Throughout the whole negotiation Mr. Wyse had insisted upon the principle being admitted that M. Pacifico had a claim upon the Greek Government, but he had never disputed the right of Greece to an inquiry into the validity of the amount claimed. It, however, had mattered not to her Majesty's Government what the amount was, whether it was 11.. 10/., or 201.; but were it ever so small her Majesty's Government felt it to be a point of principle to support the claims that wore madc—(Hear, hear.) From the very first it was established as a point of principle that the Greek Government was justly liable, and t h at principle throughout the whole negotiation was never disputed nor departed from.— (Hear, hear.) He had now stated generally, and he hoped explicitly, the circumstances which led Mr. Wyse to break off the negotiations.—(Heaa hear.) He need not say that every occurrence which was calculated to suspend the friendly relations which had hitherto subsisted between France and England must he a source of deep and painful regret to her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) He hoped he had said nothing —he was sure i t was not his wish or in ;ention to do so—that was at all calculated either to in crease the misunderstanding or to throw any obstacles in the way of its speedy settlement.—(Cheers.) He was not without hope that when this question came to be calmly, dispassionately, and clearly investi gated by the French Government, it would at once see that there was not the slightest ground for its seeking to interrupt its communication with a friendly power like England, and he therefore could not resist the hope that the discussion now going on between the two Governments might tend to a result satisfactory to both sides.— (Cheers.) He hstl already stated that he should be sorry to say anything that could stand in the way of a speedy settlement of this question, and he had only to add a hope that it would not be agitated in that House until it was known how the discussion going on between the two Governments would terminate, bat, however, should it he necessary now to speak upon the subject, he should hope that no Hon. Member would say anything or ex press himself in a manner that was at all calculated to affect the feelings of France or its Government. It was the anxious desire of her Majesty's Government to cultivate the most friendly relations with France— it was quite immaterial to them who were the men who composed the Government of France. They did business with the Government as it existed and was recognised by the country, and none other did they nego ti a t e or h o ld communication with.— (Cheers.) In conclusion, therefore, he could not help expressing a hope, that whatever the Govern ment of France might think of the real matter at issue, at least it would do her Ma jesty's Government the justice to admit that there intentions on no ground to comp l a i n of a want of goo d on the part of her Majesty's Government towards them, or any wish to withhold that respect which it was the duty of her Majesty's Government always to extend to wards them.—(Cheers.) Sir J. WALSH thought it right to remind the Noble Lord that when he answered the question of the Right llon. Member for Manchester, he must have been in possession of the contents of General Lahitte's letter, though it bad not been oflluiallv communicated to him. It was not his intention to fellow the Noble Lord iu his statements. Nu time had been given Members to read the bulky documents just laid on the table of the House. The great question at issue be tween the Noble Lords ant the French Government was whether Baron Gros's mission was at an end; or whether instructions should be received from Lon don and Paris? It was clear that Baro❑ Gros did nct think the negotiation was at an end, and there the British Government and the Baron were at issue. It was clear that the French Go vernment considered that the claims ought to be sub mitted to the discretion of their negotiator. It was most desirable that good relations should be kept up, not only with the French Government, but with other states *were the relations with this country were hanging on a slender tie. The policy of the Noble Lord seemed to be to suuder the tie of every country with England. h a d done so with almost every state in Europe, and he was now attempting it with Franc©. The course he had pursued with respect to Greece had placed Dig land in a most unenviable position.—(flear, hear.) He believed at present that the affairs of this country with France were not serious, but he warned the Noble Lord of the effects of the course he was pursuing. Lord MAHON deprecated the great delay that had taken place in the delivery and production of the docu ments that were so important to the discussion of the question. He thought time ought to be given to consider the documents before the question was fully discussed. Mr. SMYTHE believed that the Noble Lord was in error in stating that M. Gros had given up the negotiation, and read a letter of Monsieur Gros's in order to support that assertion. He agreed with the Noble Lord that the time had not arriseil properly to discuss this question, but he thought that the time had arrived when some course should be pursued to prevent the interruptions that were threatened of the good feelings be tween this country and France.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had taken every opportunity to endea vour t accomplish the severance of this country with France. The course that had been pursued by the Noble Lord in the whole f the present transaction had shown a pedantry unworthy of a great nation, and a jealousy and insult Cu France than• was easily uncalled tor. The Noble Lord had insulted France by entering into a convention on the lath April, which he was ( , b;iged to repudiate and reject on the loth slay. And why was be °Wig d to repudiate anti reject it? beeeuse on the 27 , 11 April, by the aid of the levia than fleet of Great Britain, he at last harpooned his miserable minnow—the in fieitessimal monarchy of Greece.—(L eighter.) What wonder, then, that an ardent and susceptible people like the French, in the pre: ence of such an outrage, from such a great power to so feeble a state—what wonder that a fiery and suscep tible people in the presence of so long a series of evil offices from the minister of July, 1840—what wonder that they should have arisen as one man, represented by seven-eighths of the Chamber representing universal suffrage, to applaud the recall of weir Ambassador. He had seen it stated that the recall was not sympathised in by the higher authorities of France. But this much he would venture to say, that the prince or governor, who ever hejmight be, who was at the head of ethics in France, would have a very good chance of sleeping at Vincennes if he had ❑ot exhibited that sympathy.—(Hear, hear.) It was stated that one-fourth of the Assembly did not entertain the same feeling of indignation to wards the conduct of the Noble Lord which was felt by the larger portion of that body. Now he (Mr. S.) was reading a work the other day, written by the most able leader, and most elo quent champion of the democratic party in France— Ledru Rollin, in which he spoke of England and its foreign policy as a worn-out vulture in its isolated eyrie; and he said there was no treaty into which this country had ever entered which had not been violated, and that the sea is not more full of ruin and wreak than the history of English diplomacy is of trickery and deceit. It appeared to him (Mr. S.) that there were only two solutions to this question, which would be satisfactory to the House One, perhaps, it would almost be too absurd to name —the retirement of the Noble Lord—(Laughter.) So:far as the balance of power was concerned, no man could doubt that Great Britain was a necessary party in the present condition of the world; that in the present state of Great Britain the Whigs were necessarily the Government, and that the Noble Lord was necessary to the Whig Government.—(Laughter.) It was, therefore, impossible to come to that solution. But there was another solution, and he would venture to implore the Noble Lord to give effect to that solution, by which ho would confer a great benefit on Greece, show duo cour tesy to France, and do justice to England, whose honour was in this matter so solemnly engaged.—(Hear.) Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND—I am of opinion that the statement made by the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs on a former evening, which has not been inter preted by some persons as it ought to have been, has now been satisfactorily explained.—(Hear.) It further appears to me that the Noble Lord did nothing but his duty in making that statement in the terms which he used. There is, however, much truth in the old saying, that when a man is determined either to marry or to fight, it is very difficult to prevent him.—(A laugh.) I wish I did not see such a pugnacious spirit—such a des perate desire to fight, on the part of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Hear.) It is true that many cases may arise in which it would be impossible to put up altoge ther with an insult from a weaker power; but I remem ber perfectly well the great Mr. Grattan observing, upon some occasion—l think it was when Sir F. Burdett was committed to the Tower—" Every ono sides with the weaker party. You may sometimes see a little (.1( formed dwarf kicking the shins of a great giant of a fellow, and when the giant, very properly, boxes his ears, all the bys antlers sympathise with the dwarf by calling out Well done, little one.' " (Laughter and cheers.) lam willing to admit, though only for the sake of argument, that it was necessary fur the British Government to send a fleet to exact a sum of money from Greece; but the moment a great power like France offered its mediatio❑ in the matter, Minis ters would have best consulted true policy and real dig nity by at once surrendering up the whole question, and putting it entirely out of their own hands.—(Loud cheers.) They ought to have given France a carte blanche to deal with the matter as she pleased.— (Cheering renewed.) It unfortunately happens that the documents which have been placed upon the table of the House contained evidence showing it to be the general opinion of foreign powers that the English Government have instigated every rebellion that has occurred throughout Europe.—(Cheers.) It is alio the opinion of the rebels themselves, who complain that England fomented their mischievous proceedings at . first, and left them in the lurch at last. The result is that now we have not a single friend in any part of Europe. It must be admitted that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs is not particularly nice as to giving offence to foreign Governments. Only that morning, on reading some papers lately presented to the House, rela tive to the renewal of terms of amity between this coun try and Spain, I observed that the Noble Lord had inge niously contrived to rub the old sore.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Noble Lord professed an anxiety to be upon terms of peace and amity with the Spanish Go vernment, and yet be went out of his way to parade be fore that Government in the most offensive and insulting manner a name which he knew was odious to it.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Now, suppose two private gentlemen had had a quarrel about one of their servants, and agreed to make peace with each other, would not every feeling of delicacy and honour prevent the name of the servant from being introduced into their conference? —(Cheers.) It is slesirable the House should clearly understand that it is not upon Ministers they are called upon to pronounce judgment in these matters. It is the honour of the Crown which is at stake—it is a question of peace or war.—(Hear, hear.) If the House of Commons do not decidedly say by a large majority that they will have peace with France—cost what it may cost. (Cries of " Oh!" from the benches usually oc cupied by the Financial Reformers and friends of peace.) Oh (continued the Hon. Member, turning to them), I am not a member of the Peace Society.—(Great cheering and laughter.) lam not one of those who say that there should be no war, but I have a great contempt for the pot valour which would rush into a war without counting tho cost—(Hear, hear)—and would then come back here whining and crying out for diminished armaments, to be followed again by compl tints of crippled commerce and starved manufactures.—(Hear, hear.) Let us under stand what we are about. We are going to war, not with Franco alone, but with Austria and Russia secretly backing her, and we must look very sharp if, arter the dispatches which have been received this day, America is not found behind them.—(Cheers.) Colonel DUNNE next addressed the House, but the hugs of conversation made him almost inaudible. He was understood to say that he was willing to preserve peace at any price save the sacrifice of national honour, which compelled us to protect thu persons and property of all her Majesty's subjects. Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I would recommend the House not to ratify, with too assenting a cheer, the position of the Noble Lord the Member for Hertford, that we should not presume to give an opinion upon any foreign transactions in this House, until the papers are laid be fore us. I remember last year, or the year before, with respect to certain transactions in Italy, that considerable excitement was felt even in the House of Commons, and, influenced by an equal delicacy, some slight discussion only took place upon the most important transactions in modern history. The House had made up their mind that they would not enter into the subject until the papers were laid before it. At the end of the session, or, I believe, after the prorogation of Parliament, those papers appeared in the shape of three folio volumes— (Hear, hear)—and I will venture to say that if the Gen tlemen who have read those three volumes, digested their contents, and made themselves masters of the subject, would walk into the old lobby, they would form one of the smallest minorities that ever went there.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I congratulate the Government upon the frankness with which to-day they have conde scended to enter into some explanation. I believe there is no popular assembly in Europe that less willingly ob trudes itself upon discussions connected with our diplo matic relations than the House of Commons, and cer tainly I believe there never was a Government, even in England, that has been treated more tenderly by the House of Commons than her Majesty's present Minis ters.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, exaetly as that wise re serve prevails amongst us, I think we have a right to ask and obtain any explanation from the Government of the day, when it is necessary, with becoming franknems. It is an understood condition and compact between both sides—between the Government and the Opposition —on these subjects, that, though unwilling to provoke discus lions which might interfere with important negotiations, yet when it is necessary that the House of Commons should be made acquainted with these transactions there should be evinced on the part of the Government a frankness proportionate to the reserve on this side of the House. Now to-night we have had a speech from a member of the Government, personally and peculiarly connected with the transaction of the.m affairs, which has been considered a very able and masterly statement. I listened to it, but for the life of me I cannot understand why is was not made a week ago.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said nothing to-night which he might not have said before the House adjourned; and if the moral effects of the statement of th'e Noble Lord will be as beneficial as some parties contemplate, it is a matter to be regretted that a week should have been lost in making a statement which might have been made a week ago as well as at the pre sent moment, and which, according to the expectations of [lon. Gentlemen opposite, is calculated to remove all those inconveniences which we foresee and lament.— (ll , iar.) Ido not myself intend on the . present occasi on —I see no necessity for it—to enter into any discussion whatever upon what aro called the affairs of Greece. I may, however, observe, that though I think th e N o b le Lord has explained satisfactorily his glamor to the ques-