The Sun. — London, England, 1850-05-18 00:00:00

'rr ption and jobb'vg. re of Lord•Lieutenso4 really ;he interestaot thin the lest few years l on this aide the water, the Marquis of Nor of persecution. ll' existence of the office ny way be beneficial ;tions to centralisation did net apply to tl' ,o 'peen surrounded oaf tilitary establisbniestf a vast expenditure. ha is; but all these e . ha • the administratiA d not really Sc, the vgave office of Lord' amen with regard to t was supposed ICI pr. exaggerated d be t h e expenditure al three-fourthufsetures s wen t to oglish man a d Glasgow, a nd st% o h empty psgesattf, a g et , l ad a pro fspect fad the eeling of t he Bill, the table of tbe ith petitions; an d the d ow n with a rff to mpulation of 300,0 m ti-ey wished to ebaog. 3 and win tbeir eon' at by abolisbiog t" ev i c tion wos that Oil e land, and would pro' [ e ar, hear.) f 14°ble ie 00 t made by 0 0 her Majesty to psl e lieved that one forur, t Phoenix Pa resideol rk le .t cause d by could vote ag e d°l representstive of anl yen as an Irish ge°l; rial Parliameat, tin" terest. Vilsreheo he could dojos° °posed. Were be gird it as offeriogb7 rid of the tegor'",; Ireland. They people of Ireland lei tg in existence solont mild not be preatial; Tted with Irelsok', resent questioo. ire the extra bar t he lion. Mersber) a of the Noble )rd Mayor of Debi., had made one of 1 . ',1 'pearl. ' With reg.vo t lay,. in his opinL, question b e S flbe'md d was to goverld *wally incorporo4 w the question 04,u;, could not view .rj, regarded the piper as a question oi 0 , 0 r it could be ' ll° 4o Lord • Lieuteosnt ":41 rejudioes of tbe not to ti thendelen.7 te. On e contrail,: ; cheap a ogeatil,:„., er could desire, the corria3nOicstlr'e, no necessity fa t o f hat the retention,. on an Wore; the Irish el°eP,,, lifferent ancl Ovredlio. the duty of reland. Ile belie elid e/ en caused by - Rations upoebe deterred Ofit ° Proposed toe .04v c or charitsbY:wot pa Mend the Lora Efe should he 4 :eeding. The To -Lieutenant. $ 9 t o l itics as in nata do e substaace b adfir Irish sv hen 1 13° o f of its being 0 Pilot l s opinion, 0 rde' no office that top do o sveaken 930,110 ',laved that frelol n 1633, nothiosoo ctions of t he 0 1r 1 son had done,,eo,o, all the Lord'l4le in the last to°, tai for Meath 115`',0 tion, Tess deo r ' isb was coeuected Ile .0 it history, . ;0 0 1- on less Irish Le t objects. rst Lord-Dep,o4 that Ilenr) /01 ask thew. frul later, had P e , o c all 1711 to ISubeir) ond—Olcar, DIJ y Jrisbevti a said of their ,ie4, ✓ Chief .6ecre:c4 ry or the Coo' itionalitY of 1 e ., 4 0° , urged that l a nd And fßijjr/ tha t sr. What '?' Y gototjoi by oford, Lord-DePuth'ool hm eat wilb ley .11 koefilii, 0 d, ahhouib 0,01 the Crolin sbeo if t bad eel jo fbo -Lieuteeso: ord bart°;, 0001 and the al tetrOe! sou tf,41:1 :Jib• ed the d fOl y into Dublui ic credulity Ootti !oleo:ionsA.olP Tressurf oia d minister, or i;iQ, in tbe lelor of porlt Sonci of the OP • At a °l4 ;he Castle o f 0 3, of iniquitiii woe igeraen an° of see the foil,' d of 0! onvooo goo pe gember for aiete otisce of I ) i o r el 01 Townsbeeu .iie r who h'cl3relefi. and be 135 .ft r e ' • Penn il;# e fe r of ,ng s lOW e absent —eottit • 41 se ststew flaps cy being oae e, end f!?;',!';i3eths )use. W P o nfe , isle the roily s of the 11recolle; Perrot fo_,,s sejcallede 10';; f :io . tholico. "A V, OStraCile:olie led to reeob.ooool Jr. In Pt ever pirs°° i" 1 Ss the 04030 u t 10 ife`„iiiorj asildea roci if he ettere„, I a traitor t 70.0; Lord-Irisa Olt ejoiciog 114004, bted on thebectial changed' odd,: that Abe eo" ence to ills o tee:l y of their:l)o re the On "1011 bit door ti° Whig --r.0,011'0 er r In an t-brriO s;;`,,eiet. rch wee lo (cie'j 00, and at poPell;r T g ° , P r • the pull' OP isugater./_ igooeci t°, grel asked th A 0 the Castle; dill )r Cork, h°o oaf, but tot 0 1 oa t° be o thlt •%fli° roe irat I nt. (fl e ./ e!i; 40 Plitt; Dot be ich the Ili" OV4' nd iO/4 ilsr csedo V"' cat© of ,-"t 0001 • eaore °foe Oil provision! tidbt: adopt; 0' ',obi' is sent fifil,ieo' beef fAr" ef`o Loy did po t 40 0 tln el( ‘trse,flCo 0 the St- 61',1t0 an then re ocei P gootrooph, ere 110. ot, ieeCaellt jot) be prof' iiter., !sr, and innit raring in .tiPA it 1 , 11 quorP-opor in that °12., tbot TH E SUN, t t old 4 to-ei g h t was connected with the nationa'ty of v i . l d l el• What was th e t rea t men t w hi c h t h e Merquis of wc,id les leT, ciarunt et venerabile nomen, received—he who e raised the first volunteer corps in Ireland in / h Roman Catholics were permitted to serve. 1812 the Noble Marquis had refused the nlahest rank in the Cabinet because he would and g iv e up the ques ti on o f R oman C at h o li c re li e f, it was said of that distinguished nobleman by cu l .'• Wyse that he had left Ireland without having con ;tided the one party and disliked by the other. What I l!ts the treatment of another Lord-Lieutenant, whose .. ill'souled intentions, public spirit, and great abilities, , ten d el to render everything ' that was good or great p - . 3 l ll° nYmous with the name of Anglesea? Was he not ut with obloquy and abuse; and did it not come cost eveord Cloncurry's memoirs that so far from being 's'eroi, he was disposed to make every pro _lip!: to the people? And, to come down to later rimes, per conces ;lb t had been the treatment given to Lord Clarendo s_ ln ao, he would be bold to say, in spite•of what bad h d stated by the Hon. Member for Meath, who Pursued the I t ea e even tenor of his way" without looking "o or English interests, but to the common weal f sa w e genetally—what, he asked, was the treatment ()fared to t o c ll . that Noble Earl? He would not be surprise ci t urn attacked and ridiculed by those whose revo :watery schemes he had batiled; but when he found him hills by persons of high station and known respec p s 4 3' in the country, f having, in the discharge of his resaell.h.ao.ded justicedi j s r missed three magistrates from the ` 4ls 'l° ll of the peace, he (Mr. Bernal Osborne) felt r'• wa s high time that such an office as that of Lord- Isteutetiant of Ireland should be abolished.—(Hear.) A Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, be he ever so pure, impar t. a or disinterested in his conduct, could not escape deis di•lplen* Ile could only hope, by the frequency of his hie l tillers, the excellence of his wines, and the extent and foi•h °s P it 'lltY, to maintain a character for talent an d °Lour Pashas" o f • amongst the favoured classes who were ma e Artl h his generosity. It was an office where t ur P . ytrion ranked before Solon, Beau Nash before bee "' and the practical experience of a French cook leu'le the exalted wisdom of a Wellesley.—(Hear, and miter f glite r) Ile would ask who was e1822.b Mi ls, or Ireland in that House? In the Lord th nteoant was in favour of Catholic Emancidation; but enke,etieltnlie,f Secretary, the Home Secretary, and the Lord reSp n lor were opposed to it. There was no really titea e s s -' lO Minister for Ireland then in the House. The sp an anowever, were altered now. We now saw a re st Minister in that House. The Right Hon r sa - a "mee who n ow h e ld th at o ffi ce was un d ou bt e dly a ta;,°l.Thigh hono ur an d a b i lity, But what was the pith any lion. Member asked a question connected 41eti, Ire land of th e I r i s h S o li c it or -G enera l b e was im bli'telY ref erre d to the English Solicitor-Genera l , an d ilea i ap n he Was again referred to the Right Hon. Gen- in ss a , a . f act "le Home Secretary.—(Laughter.) It was, in coul d ' one by a kind of Cesarean operation the querist a ers , °Dates any information from the Solicitor-Cs - chifor st n any There was the office of o 01:etel.:Staecursettery for Ireland. Although that was said t ; B „ er t of preparatory school for English states . men, be viewed as a very high and distiaguished Would' for if a man but looked into the estimates, he Fail bpd el that the fortunate occupant of that office r was camel ulgher salary than any of the Cabinet Ministe s— assq,ai3'B! 5 ,500/. a year, two houses besides, with the usual cerisira lte g• - -(liear, hear, and laughter.) After as- W r " l hg this fact, would any person tell him that the e' Secretary fo;lreland was an irresponsible officer? Pointe!l e lion • Baronet the Member fur Drogheda was d • --- Chief Secretary for Ireland, he (Mr. Osborne) ler';.reat hope s t h at t h e great I r i s h difficulty would be hurrigkth solved. H e t h oug h t t h at t h e H on . B aronet k t e!a u ' r u e nl'e prop ose d a ser i es o f goo d an d su b stan t ia l o i s , 5 for Ireland. The Hon. Baronet was well known Political partisan, who was selected in 1846 to fill lissi()dwee because he had moved the amendment which Cal al ; l tr eYed the late Government. He was the politi laita a '° that had rent the oak, but was now to be seen lie 7; ,1 hands fettered in consequence of the opera- St a ll' t hen, like Milo, he could do no more, ho might, to see: f ie ts, palliate his weakness by pleading a desire torasa-1, e 'rerybody.—(Laughter.) But was it not n01e,h,%,. le,h,%,. a he was asked a question in reference to the eiee s ktiei sat etle would say he would be obliged to com it not with the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ? Was . /lowa not orious that Bills were introduced into this reapecting Ireland which they never heard more les s 'erryards ? These Bills were often revived by the titneecloent suggestions of the Irish Members. Some- Lord -Lieutenant controlled the Chief Secre lessTiu 2 olnetimes th e Chief Secretary the Lord-Lieu nth.°,,,,%?_ci sometimes the Under Secretary controlled hea r There was another mysterious personage to be °her off in these performances—namely, the law ad -4lltl the Castle, who remained behind the scenes, Pulled the strings by which the decrepid wisdo h m as t i ° faultering mandates of the ntoecini o . f h t e teniehWere called into operation. He heard somee 444 t as to the great majority of the Irish people being ht for the retention of the office. He, however, r berth 1 n his band an extract from a high 1- th is , f r Pa Per, called tno Nation, which was to ode e'" ee t The appeal made from Dublin to : 5 ! ji,l4,°'rinces in favour of the Lord-Lieutenancy tt t Sl'"ad has met with no support, except 'go• le st, • Kilkenny, Drogheda, and . Limerick refuse to 21 a li l t ning to do with it. In the city of Dublin only ofsin s the Post-office Ward had declared sis3tl;isrthe G s ovrnment Bill, and one meeting of the a rds at which only 12 persons attended." . Some lo s 4: were influenced by pecuniary motives in wishing L ther e continuance of this office in Ireland, and some "te e t wer e who looked at the Castle of Dublin as Ma -I)esee,;;wos said to look at Mecca—full of hope and ex l'oe's'rj'en."--(Lau hter.) This question, however, nar ths itself to a g Dubln question.—(Bear, hear.) All d 8 0s 4 s s ," f ntages of a port, a healthy situation, an inhabit an t s , an d th e cour t s o f l a w, were .° Pac`he dep e ndent upon the retention of er•• Ile however, felt confident that a s el- °fflsta tion on the west coast of Ireland, and fic ii °c 1 ksauld . Y ' r ui at Cork, would prove much more bone- Ireland than the best ,Lord-Lieutenant they , r4 ,tlea a ,` L vei and ho was sure that Dublin would . prosper ''tae s , - " n re Under such circumstances than in . the o co .... n- Cil s „le of a mock court and a party-coloured veer y. he Nile s ' Ile had looked into the Act of Union and l'et e4t . 4 3' that there was not one word in it about the /vas alae!lt of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. Council There W4ll ' ltid of obligation in it that the Privy Wtia 4lt to be extinguished. In his mind, that proviso 'atip„, stl , f fioient to show that Mr. Pitt had intended flat di sh the office of Lord-Lieutenant. He thought d 'or sv.4 grievances of Ireland must be redressed, an pa s 444 healed by a series of remedial measures. — ' 4 a') the '•ri They [MIS t revise the system of poor- Y, r 3 f they wished to have a people and a coun "eel, 4ere was another thing which they should do th e P ut the slightest hesitation. So long as they left not hrctestant Church in its present state, they could l'aellevesspeace, proserity, or justice in Ireland.—(Hear, flat t ie was happy to hear from the Noble Lord f c`citi l e t el 4 ; Majesty's intention to visit Ireland more the future. He hoped that this wa d t r h an i s e not merel confined to this House. He wishe littlest; would take up her residence there m "re 6 S -er al Months. He for one would occas . lonally !log -0 O bjection to this Parliament holding its sa ver: nth Ele hear from the Irish Mem ae o nou ( rabl a e r' Members must not talk of Ire - sthey would of the Isle of Wight. They it of peonri e e collect th a t s h e was a nation of 8,000,000 t ett y and therefore should not he treated as f PreYince. The Roman Catholicof Dblin could ti stie l :Fet that the hateful phrase "Protestant asce c ollar first originated in tee Castle of Dublin. .H st e . Ince p e f ° n,neet no one national sentiment with the exi He " 43 se tn ° office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. ileac ere e „ that the spirit of nationality would burn with a Ne a ''ght when t ceased to draw its inspirations from a• ,i 4 fla me of Castle influence.—(Hear, hear.) ; b e (Y BRIEN,who was occasionally inaudible in s- —ere • as a 6 said, ho thought that the loss of this office lift would be a very serious one indeed. The ariatilso t h e Queen for a week or two would prove but . 'oted eor apensation for the injury that would be in :or j ; 41 the countr • if this Bill passed. The Secretary Fir r e s e44 , 44 would then be obliged to depend for all his ,•Iltsc-.llt'erl from ersons coming to his office upon t`ot eonnectedpwith Ireland. He thought that the e'orh-nlent would incur a great risk by proceeding in " a 4 rop - a r , 3e which they had that night proposed. The . Hon. 'atasp i - r a• Concluded by saying that he would give the eyery opposition in his power. , of lEI'NOLDS trusted, as representative for e th x e . Ilse f ar ' Al bin), he might be permitted to plead an thro winghimself upon the indulgence of the th, 4 e• It Ctln k was the habit of the 'se I X, height of his political glory, when addressing . lit e— ulY of his fellow-countrymen, and exulting n D eal rao,latrirto..soef some po , p ul a r p ilege, to say " Thls f tOr 'ay tor Ireland. ' His Hon. Friend the Mem might exclaim, " This is a great night f Il i ."' beca use, although the Noble Lord at the head 14 :qit e n Ge a 'eroment had now introduced this Bill, any tr oie : ettats-r. uetaerit it was entitled to must be brought t he credit, or debit of the lion. Member for Mon- Id a teeideeintention to deprive the people of Ireland viceroy, was clearly trace , able to the Hon. thtilbe r r Montrose. In May, 1833H0n0 urable submitted a s i m il ar motion to the one before a ' t etir 1 118 , but receiving no great support he . with nd el' i a i a In May, 1830, he repeated the experiment, ,`,lhe i "e t ti the House on his motion for an address. ~Nat (47,nuers were -115 for and 229 against it.. In t - ts tic 'agh -t : I ko there were only four Irishmen patriotic 'at i „,`? 'rote with his Honourable Friend ; but now "'ett I,netisna of his (Mr. Reynold's) 4 13 n () la c'', it would seem,. increased very much in fellow-country a'llreiclarestte direction ; for he found that the most BPeeches in favour of the motion were made by Ivith 811 bresh re th th e i r v n, and that they not only supported it atentes, but with their cheers. His Hun. Friend n oes ° leer for Cork, for instance, had followed that nesl , o 0141 I) • tit he ground, as he alleged, of the people of Ire tsvourable to the measure . ; and he had the bold- PhQ,l°,4,Bl)le.",,efll7llll,ll.niatterea it . temer o ity fle to assert that the k" • e 'er h were especially s (Mr. Reynolds) s t leoe ' new the 'note s • a tti he • • to give the flattest People of Dublin better than his Hon. li B , o 4h etion . aS ILI a pobiiion rlt woi,u to that statement which the forms of Par s v 4 Olic "``' p e rmit , Not more than two months ago -op - ttleet . tl tY I nn' was held by the high sheriff . of the 41 ° °f I) ubli • the Pted . as - on the subject and a petition was - ge teat meeting condemning' the proposition of ti 'able Lord kgctet sines h in the strongest terms; and not a fort (Mr. Reynolds), in his capacity of Lord lae 37l3l '' eall e a e a eta% a meeting also, more numerous, more re "en held' a nd raore tit ian i n publ* influential than had ever . . before ta w 's-that ws , 111 under a roof, when a similar pe ltataasin, "lola he had presented in the course of the w as k ened by 10,000 inhabitants, was the result. i t '', , fell aw. '_tta. answer to the calumnies uttered against ttie urzeo,itiaens by the Hon. Member for Cork. But th e ore. I,,t,hat petitions had not been sent against the and Peopl e h e at wall true. But why?—simply because bw.„ lin nfidence in the House of Commons, *silo 'they were tleginuivg to tbiu4 4 a waste of time and paper therefore to petition. Tbey were satisfied that it was the result of a foregone con clusion, and they knew that Whigs and Tories always coalesced when Ireland was to be sacrificed to the princi ple of centralisation. In May, 1844, the Hon. Member for Montrose tried the experiment again; and now the Prime Minister adopted the Hon. Member's plan, and in May, 1830, brought it forward. On the last occasion of the Hon. Member for Montrose's motion, Mr. Gout burn, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, made a speech ‘lhich was one of the " curiosities of literature "against the motion. He also voted against it. So did the Noble Lord at the head of the Government; so did the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth. Where were the Right Hon. Gentlemen at that moment? Where was Mr. Goulburn? Were they absent lest they should embar rass the Prime Minister? Was their absence the re sult of a foregone conclusion? But though absent from the Housetheir,opinions still lived in" Hansard," and he would read a few extracts from them for the House. He might be told that they changed as they did on the corn-laws—(Hear, hear)—and that there was no more rascally principle than consistency. It might be so, and his own view was that it sometimes meant a perseverance in error. Mr. Hume had argued the question on the ground of economy; but Mr. Goulburn said that the proposition was derogatory to the character of Ireland, and fatal to the best interests of that country. Sir Robert Peel said also the rebellions cf 1798 and 1803 proved the necessity of a superior direc tion to the vigilance of the executive. Richard Martin, the late Member for Galway, who had himself voted for the union, v said it was positively understood at that period that there should be a permanent Lord-Lieute• cant always resident in Ireland ; and in 1844 Lord J. Russell said that such a change would be unsatisfactory to the people of Ireland, and that having had to' consider the question on a previous occasion he had come to the conclusion that it was not expedient at that time to carry that project into effect.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) The Noble Lord had said, in the course of his observations that night, that the Lord-Lieutenant had pacified Ireland, that Ireland was now perfectly tranquil, and that the state of that country was quite satisfactory ; but was not that a reason for retaining rather than abolishing the office ? The Honourable Members for Cork and Middlesex had quoted the his tory of the Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland—but to what purpose ? Was it not a waste of time and trouble to refer to Strafford and his successors an the present question ? The Honourable Member for Middlesex had the advantage, however, of ha►ing graduated at the Castle of Dublin ; he had spent four years of his mili tary life within its walls. The House was told that the Castle should be abolished because it was a jobbing es tablishment ; but the Government of this country had already taken good care that there should be no more jobbing there, for they had removed the Boards of Cus toms and Excise, and the head administration of the Post-office to London, so that even a letter. carrier could not get appointed except through St. Martin's-le- Grand, nor a distiller recover a wrongfully-seized pun cheon of spirits except through the board in Broad street. It was asked—Why wish a Lord-Lieutenant? Is not Ireland an integral portion of the British empire? It was; but that was all it was. And if it was not bet ter treated than it had been, and than it was now pro posed to be treated, far better would it be that it were an integral portion of th• Russian empire. Ireland was deprived of her Parliament in 1800, and consigned to poverty as well as loaded with debt. The national debt of that country at the union was not more than thirty millions, which would have since bee❑ paid off if Ireland was left to her own resources. In 1826, how ever, the two Exchequers wets amalgamated, and the in cumbrances of England divided with Ireland; and Ire• land was saddled with 130 millions of the public debt. That was what this country paid for being an integral portion of the British empire.—(Hear, hear.) If Ire land had not been dragged into a war, with which England alone had no concern, she would have been now free from debt, and her people would not be taunted with being beggars at the doors of the British Parlia ment. In 1826, also, the currency of the two countries was assimilated, and Ireland by that single Act robbed of one-twelfth of her circulating medium, amounting in round numbers to a million of money. That also was what she paid for being an integral portion of the British empire. The next year the pro tecting duties between the countries were repealed. The ten per cent. protection on the linen trade was with drawn, and that branch of occupation was swamped at once by English calicoes. The woollen manufacture followed. But still Ireland had the consolation of being an integral portion of the British empire! The Noble Lord said it was inconvenient to have the Executive of Ireland so distant as Dublin from the seat of Govern ment, but surely the Irish Secretary would have to hold oral communication with other persons on the subject of Irish affairs, and, after all, did it not amount to the same thing in reality? He (Mr. Reynolds)doubted very much whether there were better men of business in Londo❑ than in Dublin ; at all events, he knew that they never meddled with Irish affairs that they did not mismanage them. He could prefer a bill of indictment against the Government in England, with as many counts as would make it reach from that House to Westminster Abbey, if he had time , but he would mention one item— that of savings banks. What bal been done in respect of these institutions in Ireland? They had passed an Act establishing savings banks all over the United Kingdom, and then they passed another law relieving the trustees from all personal liability.—(Question.) It was the question. They insisted on managing their affairs in Downing-street. They insisted on having the custody of the money, and what had they done as to manage ment? Government were informed in 1821 that one bank was insolvent, and instead of telling the depositors of the feet, they kept the bank going on for 20 years, and entailed a loss of 60,000/. on the depositors. This was a specimen of British management of Irish affairs. —(Olean) He was told that if the office of Lord-Lieu tenant were abolished everything, would go on smart smooth in London. He believed it would only be trans ferring the scene of jobbing from Dublin to Downing street. Mr. Stephenson was the great benefactor of Ireland. He had invented a tube—suppose that tube broke one fine morning, why all he should say was, may the Lord have mercy ou a country that depended for its security on a metal tube.—(ol3.) It was a sub ject too serious for him to joke upon—(Laughter)—and yet it had been made a joke of that night. The Hon. Member for Montrose had cracked sundry jokes on the subject, and had caused much merriment in the House, and from that he inferred the House really treated the measure as a joke. If the measure was carried, he be lieved his Hon. Colleague would have to resign his seat, for he was going against the opinions of those who sent him into that House, or turn Repealer. He had been asked, why have a chief governor for Ireland when Scotland had no governor? The cases were not paral lel. In the case of Scotland, it was taking a small popu lation and a very poor country into partnership with a rich country. But in the case of Ireland you took a country with a large population and filled with all the elements of wealth. It was said the inhabitants of Dub lin were idle, but he believed the Dublin inhabitants would bear a comparison with the citizens of Cork. It they abolished the office of Lord-Lieutenant he would make them a present of the Privy Council. But the Noble Lord said the poor laws should be maintained. With respect to the visits of her Majesty, he hosed they would be frequent; but would the Noble Lord put that in the Bill 2 He paused for an answer.—(Laughter.) He might be told that it would be trammelling her Ma jesty, as it might not always be convenient to go. But then, he said, let her Majesty send her excuse, and it would bo received kindly. He believed the Noble Lord meant well to Ireland, but he was badly advised. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord was inflicting this wound on the country at a period of unparalleled dis tress. There bad been a period of famine, and half the population had been lost by forced emigration. While the best and hardiest of her sons were sent to the swamps of America, only the helpless and the feeble were left to till the Irish soil. Where was the difference between this state of things and that which existed in the time of Lord Mountjoy ? Then, again, Scotland had her own religion, and he,rejoiced at it. But in Ireland they had forced a religion down the throats of the Irish people. They had reversed the system with respect to Ireland, and then they were told they had no reason to be dis contented. Nothinc , would do until they had abolished the temporalities of the Church.—(Hear, and cheers.) He had given notice to Irish Members to this effect :—lf the people of Ireland had a voice in the election of Members, Irish Members would not vote in favour of the question. If the people were polled nine- tenths of the population, male and female, would be found to vote against it. Those Honourable Members who supported the Bill were loudly cheered; he was not cheered—he was glad of it. He hoped the House would hear him in solemn and sepul chral silence.—(Laughter.) If he were a Republican, he would go down on his knees and say a pater and ave for the Noble Lord for bringing in this Bill.— (Laughter.) They might as well call a collision be tween a wheelbarrow and an omnibus an earthquake as to call the affair at Ballingarry a rebellion.—(Laughter.) Thanking the House for the patience with which they had heard him, if he bad any influence with the Noble Lord he would implore him to withdraw the Bill for the present, and to give the Irish people time to recover from their prostration. It was not the time to attack them when they were weak. He believed the Noble Lord would regret to the latest moment of his life that in this case be had listened to the advice of the Hon. Member for Montrose. Instead of abolishing the office of Lord-Lieutenant, he thought it would be more ad visable to bestow larger powers on him, to strengthen his hands, so that he might exercise his position and powers for the benefit of the Irish people.—(Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI said the motion before the House was for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the aboli tion of the office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State. He had been surprised that during the interesting and prolonged discussion that had taken place no observations had been made upon the second object of the Bill. It was unnecessary for him to refer ut any length to the first object of the proposed measure, because the subject had received a great deal of attention from Honourable Members connected with the sister kingdom, who were a ell qualified to give an opinion upon it. He would have been prepared, so far as his vote was concerned, to have deferred to the feelings of the Irish Members with respect to the office of Lurd - Lieutenant—(Hear)—but he regretted to say that upon this, as on every occasion, nothing was more difficult to ascertain than what was the feeling of the Irish Members. It he had been an Irish Member himself, ho confessed that he would not have he sitated as to the line of conduct he should take. Il e . thought that, as a measure merely of high policy, it would at all times have been very doubtful whether the course now proposed by the Government with re gard to this office should bo adopted; but he consi dered that at the present moment it was unnecessarily unhappy.—(Hear.) [le could not pretend to say that he had given any deep consideration to this ques tion; but he had an idea from what he had heard that there were great political and economical reasons for the abolition of the office, and until he heard the speech of the drat 1914 of the Wr ow) , ho had ouppond that to be the case.—(Hear, hear.) . That impression, however, had been removed by the Noble Lord's address. It ap peared to him that no one could more successfully have demolished the proposition presented to the House than the Noble Lord had himself done.—(A laugh.) The Noble Lord said that great political considerations influ enced him in proposing to abolish the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. " Ireland," said the Noble Lord, "is ex tremely tranquil, particularly well governed by an indi vidual who fills the office of Lord-Lieutenant, and who is universally acknowledged to be one of the most skil ful governors who have occupied that post; and there fore I mean to remove the individual and to abolish the office."—(Laughter.) That was the great political rea son assigned by the Noble Lord, who then proceeded to give some moral reasons for the course he proposed to take. The Noble Lord said that the expenditure of pri vate families in Ireland was much more considerable than was desirable in a moral sense; that they spent a great deal of money in going to Dublin to pay their court; and he therefore proposed that in future they should not go to Dublin to pay their court, but that they should come to London.—( A laugh.) That was the moral and economical reason. The Noble Lord gave a third reason, which was neither a political nor moral reason, but a loyal reason. The Noble Lord said that nothing could be more gratifying to her Majesty than her visit to Ireland last year, and that nothing . could be more remarkable than the loyalty of her .Majesty s subjects in that country, and therefore the Noble Lord said, "I will put an end to all the circumstances and causes of this satisfactory conclusion, and because her Majesty was gratified and the people were loyal, I will take care that when the Queen visits Ireland again she shall not visit it under the same circumstances."—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had been most ably supported by several Hon. Gentleman who had followed him. The lion. Member for Cork had called attention to the Lord Deputies of the time of the Plantagenets, and had formed an argument from their conduct against the possible conduct of Lords-Lieutenant in the present day. The Hon. Gentleman said that the Lurd Deputies were strangers to Ireland, that they were of a different race from the people, and that there was no sympathy be tween them and the great mass of the population. But the Plantagenet Kings of England were of a different race from the people, and possibly there could be no great community of feeling between them and the na tion ; yet every one knew that the reigns of the Plan tagenet Kings, although they were foreigners, were ex tremely conducive to the glory and prosperity of this realm.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Cork also complained of the practical inutility of the present sys tem, contending that so long as a Lord-Lieutenant was maintained in Ireland no spirit of self-reliance would be excited among the Irish people, because in any difficulty they could communicate with the Lord-Lieutenant and obtain his advice. But if, as had been suggested, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland was invested with some of the duties of the Lord-Lieutenant, might not the people communicate with him by every post ; and how, then, would the spirit of self-reliance be developed more suc cessfully by a Lord Chancellor than by a Lord-Lieute nant? The Hon. Member for Middlesex (Mr. Osborne), in a very able speech, bad supported the motion be fore the House on the assumption that the Government of Ireland, under the viceregal sys tem, had been a government of corruption and mis rule. He (Mr. Disraeli) could, however, refer to periods in the history of this country at which he could make out as good a case against the Parliament and the Government as the Hon. Gentleman could establish against the authorities of Dublin Castle. He (Mr. Disraeli) might refer to old stories about back stairs influence—(A laugh)—which, for so long a period, i and n so unconstitutional a manner, influenced the Administration, even in comparatively recent periods; but would this bear legitimately and fairly upon the question before them? They knew that the institutions of a country took their character from the spirit of the age in which they flourished, and, no doubt, the Castle of Dublin had been the seat of as much corruption as the spirit of the country would bear.—(A laugh.) The public spirit of Ireland, however, had greatly improved since that time; and, as they could not now have the illegitimate influences he had referred to acting upon the Government of England, so they might possibly have a Lord-Lieutenant governing Ireland with as much purity and as little corruption as any one could desire. If statements published in newspapers against the con duct of a court were to be received as evidence of its character, he might remind the House that even our own Court—the purest in the world—had not been free from libels ; and, before the accession of our present Sovereign, how disgraceful had been the libels upon Majesty itself, which yet did not for a moment shake the loyalty of the people. He (Mr. Disraeli) would not vote against the motion for leave to introduce this Bill, be cause he thought it would be an act of discourtesy to any Minister; but he wished, before he sat down, to say a few words upon the second object of the measure. That object was of extreme importance. It might or might not be necessary anti politic to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, but it was perfectly consistent to accede to the abolition of that office, and yet not to ac cede to the proposition for appointing a fourth Secretary, of State. He hoped the House would see how im portant it was, in discussing this question, to separate these two points. It was only within a recent period, comparatively speaking, that a third Secretary of State had been appointed in this country, and that secretary had had a province allotted to him the duties of which, by the legislation now passing through that House, and by the principles of government that appeared to be very popular in the House, would pro bably be very materially diminished—he alluded to the Colonial Secretary. Night after night they were told the colonies ought to govern themselves; and the result of such a policy would be that the duties of the Colonial Secretary must be proportionately decreased. The third Secretary of State was a comparative novelty in our ad ministrative system, and yet Parliament was now crudely and suddenly called upon to appoint' a fourth Secretary of State. This would give rise to an immense increase of patronage. Sir William Wyndham said of Secretaries of State, " These great officers never appear except with an equipage of clerks."—(Hear.) When the appoint ment of a third Secretary of State was proposed consi derable objection was made to the measure, which, it was argued by the advocates of the proposal, would not add materially, if at all, to the expenditure of the coun try. What had been the result? The annual expense in the office of the third Secretary of State now amounted to nearly 50,000/. per annum; and they were asked to consent to the appointment of a fourth Secretary, without any member of the Cabinet appearing to have a clear conception of what his ditties were to be.— (Cries of " Hoar, hear.") The Noble Lord had given them no very clear information upon that point. All he had told them was, that the Lord-Lieutenant had to fulfil a great many duties which the new Secretary of State would not be required to discharge.—(‘' Hear," and a laugh.) He (Mr. Disraeli) could not agree to the ap pointment of a fourth Secretary, with his equipage of clerks, unless they had much more precise and satisfac tory information on the subject from the Government. For his own part, he did not see why Ireland should not be placed under the control of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Scotland was under the Home Secretary; so was Wales. As there was so much anxiety that there should be a similarity between the two coun tries, why should not Ireland also be placed under the Home Secretary?—(Hear, hear.) It might be necessary for the administration of the office that he should have greater subordinate assistance; let him have it; hut let us hesitate and inquire before agreeing to the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State and a great increase of patronage, when it was very doubtful whether there was sufficient work for the existing three—when we were taking the administration of the colonies out of the hands of the Colonial Secretary.—(Hear, hear.) The ever-to-be-lamented Lord G. Bentinck, who was always very jealous of the increase of patronage, and who thought that a Whig Administration had a peculiar talent for multiplying offices—(Hear, hear)—once said —and the statement was never contradicted, and the ac curacy of his statements could seldom be impugned— (Hear, hear)—that the Irish famine was in one sense a godsend, for it had given the Whig Government 16,500 places.—(Hear. hear.) The House had now proposed to it what might not be very objectionable—he (Mr. Disraeli) would give no decided opinion that night—but it was at least a somewhat fantastical reform. No one doubted that Ireland might be as well governed as it had been—much better, in his opinion—without this operation—(Hear)—yet, under this shadow and colour, there was to be appointed another officer of State of the highest class and the greatest salary, whose appoint ment must lead to an equipage of clerks, whose malted salaries would probably in the first year quintuple that of their chief.—(Hear.) But he knew it was in vain in that House to expect to make any successful appeal. In a House of financial reformers economy was a subject that was never considered.—(" Hear," from the Opposi tion.) In good days—in the days of that good man whose words he had quoted, Sir W. Wyndham or Mr. Pulteney, if a Minister had brought forward a Bill like this, a place Bill might have been brought forward in answer, and perhaps carried. In old days, if the Go vernment was increasing places, and in a manner scarcely to excite public attention proposing to constitute an office which, if it followed the precedent of the last Se cretaryship of State, would entail upon the country probably an increased expenditure of not less than 100,000/. a year, those who called attention to the fact might have had some chance of sympathy out of doors, and success within; but in a liberal age it was impossi ble.—(Hear, hear.) In the present day, if one were to establish a case, however urgent, and her Majesty's Ministers were to appeal to those gentlemen who always opposed them, except when they were in danger, there would not be the slightest chance of carrying a motion. —(Hear, hear.) Why, the House had just listened to their earnest supporter, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, who came there in his paraphernalia—(Laughter)—to add weight and importance to the great authority he lent to the Government; and ho said , that i f he had time he really would impeach the Government; that they ought to be called over the coals on the savings banks question; but the Lord Mayor of Dublin, if their existence was at stake, would immediately vote for them.—(Hear.) But what was the real state of the country? Her Majesty's Ministers themselves, who took a favourable view of it, said that the country was not ruined, but only the middle classes. Was not that enough to make Parliament pause before appointing a most expensive, and, as far as any data had been placed before it, unnecessary officer, with a very great and necessarily increasing establishment? On that (the Opposition) side of the House, they knew that, as far as their constituents were concerned, they le were not justified in acceding to any proposition the ob ject of which was to increase p ublic expenditure.— (Hear, hear.) That great portion, .the greatest portion of the ruined middle class, which they represented, could not look upon the institution of a new office like this without very considerable alarm.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ministers might say that there would not be any great increase of expenditure, that an expensive office was being abolished and the funds transferred to the payment of the new officers; but, though the Noble Lord had not op ene d t h e su bj ec t w ith remarkable frank , uess—feanktiess had AO 041 night been the fate of the LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1850. Noble Lord—(Hear, hear)—yet he had told the House of pensions and superannuations to officers that could net be removed; and that was but a fraction of the expendi ture which the Noble Lord shadowed out. He offered to Ireland the gracious boon of an annual visit from a be loved Sovereign, but he reminded the House that there must necessarily be an annual vote in addition to the civil list. [Lord J. RUSSELL—" Not an annual visit, nor an annual vote."] [Oh then, already the visit was not an nual." [Lord J. RUSSELL—" I did not say it was to be an nual."] He had no intention to misrepresent the Noble Lord, but several gentlemen had so understood him. But an occasional visit, perhaps sudden, perhaps delayed, would be more expensive than an annual one, regularly pre pared for. It might be assumed that the whole expen diture of the office of the Secretary of State for Ireland would be an additional expenditure; was it justifiable in our present domestic state? Let those well consider it who represented the ruined middle class, whether they lived in those bold towns of the nor th that two or three years ago were to rule England—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches)—o r in those forlorn counties which they (the Opposition) represented.—(Hear.) Mr. Disraeli continued :—I am not aware, from anything which has happened to-day, that our external circum stances are such as to justify increased expenditure. — (Hear.) I should say, as far as one can form an opinion, that we should treasure up all that we have ; rather curtail our domestic expenditure, rather prepare for coming storms, rather await the hour when increased ex penditure may be a necessity, but a necessity to maintain our national honour and our national safety.—(Hear.) Whether I look at our position at home or abroad, I cannot justify to myself a vote that will greatly increase the public expenditure of the country.—(Hear.) What will the Committee on Salaries say to this ? Does the Noble Lord mean to refer the fourth Secretary of State to it? Perhaps he thinks from experience that it is a safe tribunal; but " the galled jade may wince,"—even the patience of a Parliamentary Committee, managed by a Minister, may he exhausted in a moment of do mestic disaster and foreign peril.—(Hear, hear.) But I know it is almost presumptuous on our part to make these observations. I know it is impossible to induce this House by a vote to sanction the disapprobation which even they probably feel. We cannot endanger the exist ence of the present Government. That isisnpossible; we know it. We have numbers in this House not contemptible ; we have a party in the country, I believe tolerably numerous ; but "we have no practical men among us," and we feel it. Give us p rac tical men, and we could govern the country. Give us a Chancellor of the Exchequer who would break down four times before Easter in his budget, and we might form an Adminis tration—(Laughter)—give us a " practical man" like that, and even the defunct Tory party might subsist. —(Laughter.) Give us a " practical Secretary for the Colonies, that finds only three insurrections in her Majesty's dominions at the same time ; with such a " practical" Secretary of State we could do wonders.— (Renewed laughter.) But, above all, give us " a prac tical man" for our Secretary for Foreign Affairs ; let him deprive our Sovereign of all her allies—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—with such " a practical man" we might form a Ministry.—(Laughter and much cheering.) Mr. HUME considered that the Hon. Member bad not formed a corect impressson of the Bill. The House ought to be jealous of any appointment of a new depart ment, but the Hon. Member forgot there was a Secre tary for Ireland with a large establishment, which the Bill would materially lessen, and the only difference was, that the new Secretary would, with great propriety, have a seat in the Cabinet. If Ireland became in course of time as quiet as Scotland, her affairs might be ma naged by the Secretary for the Home Department. The great object he had in view when he desired the abolition of the Viceroyalty was, that Ireland should be better managed, and that justice should proceed di rect from the centre instead of being governed by a sort of indirect colonial authority. He thanked the Noble Lord for having introduced a measure which was a step towards redressing the grievances of Ireland, but he trusted all the institutions under which England bad become so prosperous would be extended to that un fortunate country also. Since he first sat in the House, one of the first objects to which he had directed his attention was the state of Ireland ; and he had never failed to urge her condition and to advise prac tical measures of relief.—(Hear, hear.) He was sorry that the great injustice which was at the bottom of all her evils was not removed. Till the dominancy of the Established Church, which had created two hostile classes in Ireland, had been put down justice would not bo done. The Castle of Dublin had been the means of encouraging discOrd and faction. He had often said, if he was an Irishman he would be a rebel.—(Laughter.) Certainly he would have never ceased in hi s endeavours to remove her oppressions. The unfor tunate state of Ireland for the last 50 years had been caused by the administration of which Dublin Castle was the centre, and he hailed this measure as the first step to remove a focus of faction, which, by promoting discord, had so long prevented the prosperity of the country.—(Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER cer tainly did not wish to follow the Hon. Member for Buck inghamshire into the very wide topics he had broached, tor if the House came to a general discussion on Irish questions they would not come to that practical con elusion to which his Noble Friend had invited them, of allowing the Bill to be introduced, so that it might be printed, and sending it to circulate in Ireland, that parties there might see its provisions, with which it was desirable to acquaint them as speedily as pos sible. He rose merely for the purpose of correcting any impression which the speech of the Hon. Member (Mr. Disraeli) might have made as to the expense of the proposal—which had not been in any way introduced by his Noble Friend on the ground of economy, but in the belief that it would tend to the good government of Ireland. The lively imagination of the Honourable Gentleman, which they all so much admired, had how ever led him into the strangest notions on the subject of economy, for, if he had paid the slightest attention to the estimates on the table, he would have seen that the result of the measure must tend to a great saving of money as well as to a great improvement in adminstration. The honourable Gentlemaa's position was, that the sustitu don of a Chief Secretary's office for that of Lord-Lien tenant would cost 100,0001. ; but in that assertion his imagination had soared beyond the limits within which he usually confined it. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) believed there would not be much difference between the expenses of the Secretary for the Colonies or of the Home Secretary, and those of the new Secre tary for Ireland. Now, the expenses of the Home Secre tary's office were in round numbers 26,000/., while the cost of the Colonial Secretary's office, including postage, which amounted to a considerable sum, was 37,000/. per annum. The expenses of the office of Lord-Lieute nant and of the present establishment were—salary of Lord-Lieutenant, 20,000/. per annum; salaries of house hold, 6,0001.; expenses of Irish-office, 22,5001.; in all, 48,500/. a year, not to speak of many incidental ex penses. So that even if the new office cost as much as that of the Colonial Secretary there would be a saving of 10,0001. a year; while if, as he believed, it would not exceed the expenses of the Home Secretaryship, they would effect a saving of 112 , 5 00/.—(Flear, hear.) He hoped that, as the question bad now been fully and fairly discussed, leave would be given to his Noble iace'and the people of Ireland Friend to introduce the Bill. Mr. LAWLESS denied that the question had be en folly discussed at al l . Neither the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth nor the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for the University of Camb r id ge (M r . G t o t a u c l h b e u d r n) the was utmost to their opinions on this question. He moved the adjournment of the d e b a t e . Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL belie ve d th a t th oug h th e in his sp importance I r i s h Members in favour of the Bill m i g ht not b e i n t h e a majority in the House, they had the immense mass of their fellow -countrymen with them. The Hon. -&lena ber for Buckingham had assailed the measure for the abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant, but it would be seen, by a reference to Hansard, that in 1844 he called the Irish Administratio n " the worst Executive in the world." He had always thought that the existence of such an office as that of Lord-Lieutenant brought great blame upon the adminstration of affairs in Ireland, and he thought that that blame had often been greatly aggravated by the semi-diplomatic character which that administration was made to bear. H e con ce i ve d th at the true principle for the government of Ireland was to proceed according to the mode of government estab lished for Great Britain. It had been justly observed by the lion. Member for Buckinghamshire, on a former occasion, that in modern times any civil system whiCh would not bear discussion was doomed. Now, adopting that opinion, • • he came to the conclusion that the Lord- Lieutenancy of Ireland was doomed. Colonel SIBTHORP said this was another job. The change, instead of lessening, would increase expense. It was another measure of dangerous reform, and he should therefore cordially support the Hon. Member for Meath; further, he felt convinced that the visits of the Queen to Ireland under the present system would be more advantageous than under the proposed plan. Colonel DUNNE observed that in the Speech from the Throne at the open i n g of the session there was no reference to this measure, which he thought extraordi nary. He could not help also observing that the Noble Lord in his speech had abandoned the argument of economy. The motion for the adjournment of the de bate he thought ought to be agreed to, in order to give every Irish Member an opportunity of being heard. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment. ................. :.• 19 Against it ..................... ........ ..• 213 Majority against the adjournment _ 194 Mr. M. O'CONNELL thereupon moved that the House do now adjourn. party to factious The (n O s 'wGeOulntMdeArsNtooMd)Atlr vote a ft l i t l l , l ii o n uf tu h te h hwtte e ruho was te n d pre paredo s i e scould not support the present . motion. u e l3s ld i pl ac e ll, 41 t o w p i p th o o si u t t i o v n ot t i o n voting , the int roduction h H t o ui n . under Friend the would necessitywithdraw of retiringt , r else o n f ot th b i e s Et a Mr. M. O'CONNELL reminded the House that there were several gentlemen whose opinions were valued in Ireland who had not yet had an opportunity of delivering them. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the opinion of the House had been very clearly expressed against the adjournment. be e wo ul d His object in proposing that the Bill should be brought to• night was that the Bill might go to Ireland in a printed shape, that time might be had for its considera tion, and then that the House should com e to the dis cussion of the Bill on the second reading , c g, af ter opportu nity had been given to the constituents of lion. Members to expre s s their opinions upon it. But if Hon. Gentle men persisted in their motions for adjournment he (Lord J. Russell) should not lose the opportunity which those Hon. Gentlemen, he thought, gave him of showing the nature of the opposition which was offered to the intro duction of the Bill.—(flear, hear.) The people of Ire land would see that if a very considerable time were not given them before the second reading was moved for con sidering the details of the Bill, it was not the fault of the Government, but of those non. Members.—(Hear, hear.) With this declaration he would not object to the Adjournment 9( the House; but if Ho. Gentlemen moved the adjournment he (Lord J. Russell) would close with that motion, and would accept it.—(Hear.) Colonel DUNNE denied that the Noble Lord had any right to charge the Irish Members with offering a fac tious opposition to the Bill. lie had not given them time to consider the measure and express their senti ments upon it. The custom was, when organic changes were to be proposed, to give notice of them in the Queen's Speech. The details of the Bill were wholly indifferent to the Irish people. The question with them was not whether a fourth Secretary of State or any other officer was to be appointed, but whether the Lord-Lieu- tenancy was to be taken away from them. The Bill had been brought in by surprise —(A laugh)—and the mode in which the Noble Lord now proceeded had more the appearance of an order or mandate from a despot than anything else. After - a few words from Mr. REYNOLDS in support of the motion, and Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL against it, Lord NAAS put it to Hon. Members opposite whether the course they were pursuing was either creditable to themselves or likely to be beneficial to the public.— (Hear, hear.) He had intended to express his opinions to-night ; but, being anxious that the Bill should go to Ireland and be discussed during the Whitsuntide holidays, he should reserve what be bad to say respecting the Bill until the second reading.—(Hear, hear.) The motion for leave to bring in a Bill was never refused, except under very extraordinary circum stanoes.—(Hear.) It had been said that this Bill had been brought in by surprise, but the House would re member that almost before Easter. [Several Hon. Members—" Before Easter."]—yes, before Easter, the Noble Lord at the head of the Government gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill providing not only for the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, but also for the appointment of a fourth Secretary of State. —(Hear.) He had heard that proposal very much dis cussed in Ireland during the Easter recess, and it was therefore hardly fair to say that sufficient notice had not been given of the intention of the Government to pro pose this measure.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. TAYLOR was also anxious to address the House on the introduction of this Bill, and he should vote against the introduction of the Bill. But he could not support the motion for adjournment. After a few words from Mr. LAWLESS, Mr. M. O'CONNELL consented to withdraw his motion. The House then di►ided on th• motion that lea►e be gi►en to bring in the Bill, when the numbers were— For the motion ... 170 Against it ... ... 17 Majority —153 Lea►e was accordingly gi►en to bring in the Bill. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. On the motion that the House go into Committee of Supply, ➢ir. HUME objected to their doing so at that late hour (one o'clock). Lord J. RUSSELL hoped the House would not ob ject to going into Committee merely for the purpose of taking such votes as the exigencies of public business required. Sir L. O'BRIEN boped the Noble Lord would perse vere in going on with the public business, were it only out of consideration fur those gentlemen who came from a long distance, and who otherwise would be detained in town in consequence of the session being protracted until the summer was nearly over. Mr. HUME would always object to voting money after twelve o'clock. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was very desirable that a few votes should be taken that night, to enable them to carry on the public service. Colonel SIBTHORP would support the Hon. Mem ber for Montrose. Many things in the estimates re quired to be strictly looked after, and, among others, he wished for some information about the sum expended on royal palaces. He read in the Times—a paper which he much respected, though differing from it in many matters—that they should be satisfied with the statement given in a return, that no more than 22,000/. had been expended last year oa the palaces. Was, that, however, a true return? B• believed it was not.—(Hear, bear.) It was, no doubt, the sum expended in virtue of the votes of that House; but there had been -a large sum ex pended besides,—viz., the amount supplied by the Woods and Forests. This was not included; and therefore he denounced it as an underhand proceeding. The House then went into Committee, when the fol lowing votes were agreed to:-36,0001. (on account) for charges for civil contingencies; 50,000/. (on account) towards defraying the expenses of stationery, printing, Sce., and 50,0001. (on account) towards defraying the charges for works in the builing of the two Houses of Parliament. Mr. OSBORNE asked in what manner the latter sum was to be applied? The CIi.A.NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. said that certain charges were outstanding which it was de sirable should be paid forthwith. Ho ' had not the slightest wish to avoid a discussion on the subject, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman would put off the motion of which he had given notice relating to it till Friday next, when he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should be glad that the discussion should take place, as much misapprehension at present prevailed respecting this matter. The House then resumed. BRITISH NAVAL FORCE AT GREECE. Mr. COBDEN moved for a return of the British naval force in the Bay of Salamis and the other waters of Greece on the Ist day of March, Ist day of April, and Ist day of May, giving the names of the vessels, with the numbers of their crews and their complement of guns. As the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had told the House that the affairs with Greece were finished, and that the British fleet had been dis persed, he (Mr. Cobden) could not see why the First Lord of the Admiralty should make any objection to granting this return. It was a fair argument, on a ques tion of economy, to inquire what was the amount of force which had been put in requisition to settle that really trifling and contemptible dispute. Sir F. BARING said he had already stated to the Hon. Gentleman privately what he must state to the House if the Hon. Gentleman persisted in his motion-- that, consistently with his duty to the public service, he could not give the information which the Hon. Gentle man required. It was one of the questions hardly agree able to discuss in that House, and ho must take upon himself the responsibility he h adi never yet heard re fused to a public servant, to state that he did not think it consistent with the public service, and for other grave reasons, to give the information of the amount of force on a particular station at so late a period as was now moved for. Mr. BRIGHT said the Right Hon. Gentleman was making a great deal of a very little. The House had a right to know on this occasion where the ships were, what they were doing, and their number. It was be cause the House was allowed to know so little upon these matters connected with the foreig❑ policy of the country, which were managed by some hocus pocus at the Horse Guards, that the country was sometimes on the verge of great difficulties. Mr. HUME could not understand why the informa tion should be refused. Mr. COBDEN wanted the return as the record of a fact which had no reference to our relations with France, but to show what amount of force in these days diplo macy brought to bear to collect 70,000/. or 80,000/. It was of no use, however, to divide the House, as he be lieved there was a majority on the Treasury bench. The motion was then rejected without a division. Mr. HAYTER brought in the Lord-Lieutenant (Ire land) Bill, which was read a first time and ordered to be printed. The House then adjourned, at Two o'clock. THE ROYAL ACADEMY. (SECOND NOTICE.) Another visit to the galleries appropriated to the Members and Associates of the Royal Academy, with the - rest of the miscellaneous exhibitors, has enabled us to afford that attention to many of the productions not yet noticed by ourselves, which was impracticable on a first attendance and on its first commemoration. Several of the more remarkable paintings in the pre sent collection are from the hands of the younger competitors for popularity. Our previous allusions, therefore, having been almost exclusively directed to the works emanating from artists of matured reputa tion, several of the most striking pictures of the pre sent season have remained unnoticed. Hence we are the more solicitous to revert to a subject for the due estimation of which one inspection 'would be as inadequate as a single criticism would be for the purposes of a correct and judicious discrimination. How it has occurred that the more celebrated among the exhibitors are far from being the most successful is very easy of explanation. A variety of circumstances have this year conspired to abstract materially from the energetic endeavours, and consequently from the customary triumphs, of the principal Academicians. Several of these circum stances we have already enumerated. One of the most brilliant amongst the number of the Royal Aca demicians has, as we have already intimated, been re moved by death. Another has permitted his genius to assume more than ever a garb of extravagant ec centricities. And the demise of Mr. Etty appears to be not more lamentably irreparable than the extinction of Mr. Turner's common sense and the abdication of his sober judgment before the usurping influence of a diseased and prurient imagination. Vainly, more over, do we look for these inimitable bijoux of art in the composition of which Mr. Mulready seems to have allied the humorous exactitude of the Dutch school with the gorgeous colouring of the Venetian ; or for those masterly embodiments of the poetry of Revela tion is the execution of which Mr. Herbert combines a sympathy at once for the primitive and classic hardness of Masaccio and Cimabue, and for the emotional force and elevated sentiment of Da Vinci and Fra Bartolomeo. Other occupations, occupations of a more national character, have in this manner led to the impoverishment of the walls of the exhibition. In the labours, again, of Edwin Landseer and. of Daniel Maclise, we find additional cause for disappointment the former scarcely compensating by his two small pictures for the mal-success :of his large and crudely rendered " Dialogue at Waterloo"; the latter hardly empower • ing us to forgive his temporary withdrawal from the loftier regions of artistic emulation by his surprisingly ingenious realisation of a scene from the " Vicar of Wakefield." Other evidences of indifferent success on the part of the Royal Academicians themselves have been already particularised. In our present recurrence to the exhibition we shall endeavour to enumerate some of the more prominent works in the collection not yet specified. Foremost among all the pictures in the gallery, to our thinking, in point of genius, is the grand picture of " Aholibah" (486), by E. Armitage. In concep tion as well as in execution, in colouring as well as in sentiment, the painting is complete and characteristic. It is altogether real in conveying to us a sense of an tiquity. In every detail it speaks of the east. In every line and tint it breathes the warmth and the langour of voluptuousness. The artist has taxed his ability to the very uttermost to the production of a work typical of the infamous but beautiful Aholibah, the concubine in whose history Ezekiel dimly and darkly prophesied the sins and the ex piations of Jerusalem. Nor can we think with some who have made exceptions to the composition, that its prevailing/ suggestions are those of a disgusting sensuality—remembering that, with the crimes of the sister of Aholla, we associate their terrible and tremendous punishment ; the Deity crying aloud to her, towards the close of his anathemas, "And thou shalt be filled with drunken ness and sorrow, with the cup of grief and sadness, with the cup of thy sister Samaria." The picture is altogether an extraordinary indication of the genius of Mr. Armitage. Among the associates several have this season achieved great things, their works tending inevitably to the enhancement of their reputation. Of these perhaps the most remarkable is the representation of " The messenger announcing to Job the irruption of the Sabeans " (389), by P. F. Poole. The mere selection of this sublime incident from the most sublime poem ever penned is characteristic of the artist. It explains at once the sense of his own innate power for the re presentation of the tragic, the confidence felt by him in his capacities, and the height and the amplitude of his ambition. The effect of the whole picture is sombre and appalling—the interior of the dwelling being shaded with those ghastly hues of green and yellow for which Mr. Poole invariably betrays such an evident partiality. The first messenger is announcing the irruption of the Sa beans, and lo I while he is yet speaking, there comes also another. An awful and premonitory dread of the four calamities, the destruction of his herds, and of his flocks, and of his camels, and of his offspring, appears to have already descended upon the head of the patriarch. His whole aspect is that of horror ; and the suddenness of the announcement is indicated most adroitly by the serving boy in the foreground (a figure wonderfully painted), who is pouring wine from a atone jar into a flagon. Even through the first emotion of dismay depicted upon the countenance of Job we can yet recognize the dawn of that majestic resignation which is intimated in his affect ing history—" Then Job rose up and rent his gar • meats, and having shaven his head fell down upon the ground and worshipped, and said, Naked came I out of my mother's womb and naked shall I return thi ther; the Lord gave and the Lord hath taken away; as it bath pleased the Lord so it is done ; blessed be the name of the Lord." Without being of a kind calculated to acquire so large a popularity as his great picture of " Solomon Eagle," this noble painting of the messengers appearing to Job will nop fail to raise Mr. Poole's high repute still higher in the estima tion of all judicious and discerning critics. Like most of his previous productions, the composition of the picture appears to be somewhat too scattered ; yet, in spite of this blemish, and of Mr. Poole's mo notonous mannerism as a colourist, the work under consideration is one worthy of his strong and earnest genius. For the large promise afforded by his con tributions to the present collection F. R. Pickersgill deserves an early and, in many respects, a most eulo gistic notice, two of his productions being in their respective departments eminently meritorious one scriptural, the other mythological. The former, " Sampson Betrayed" (16), one of the largest works in the gallery, portrays the deception of Dalilah with great power, and with a sort of breathless animation. The group of females in the right-hand corner, though scarcely connected in any way with the occurrence depicted, is perhaps the most felicitous part of the composition. The other production alluded to, " Pluto carrying away Proserpine" (264), is altogether a most exquisite de lineation of the rape of Ceres' daughter. The golden chariot thundering across the meadows of Enna, the night-black steeds of Pluto, the tawny form of that divinity himself contrasted with the lovely fairness of Persephone, the panic of the attendant virgins, the half-repellant, half-supplicatory attitude of Cyane are all rendered with exceeding beauty of shape, contrast, and colouring. The abruptness of the abduction roganda non rapienda fait—is indicated most felici tously by the dropping of the flowers over the chariot of Dis. Mr. Pickersgill in this one effusion alone has revealed powers such as fill us in his regard with a multitude of brilliant anticipations. AlaY those anticipations be duly realised. Another associat e, almost unapproached as an illustrator of mythology, " _ W. E. Frost, contributes two exquisite works_of_ character to the exhibition. One suggested by a passage in Milton's Penserose, portrays An dromeda" (304), surrounded by the sea nymphs and prior to the approach of the sea monster. The other, a more elaborate composition as the story is told in depicts the " Disarming of Cupid (15), the last of the sonnets of Sha ks ere Without being blind to the numerous beauties t and merits the last mentioned production , we must acknowledge ge our pr e ference for the smaller of Mr. Frost's present con. tr ib u tions, "Andromeda," displaying, as it does, in the happiest manner, the more agreeable character istics of his genius. A recollection of his previous achievements alone precludes us from saying that Mr. Frost has surpassed even himself this season. Yet with a remembrance of his " Una," of his " Syrens," and of bis " Sabrina," we may say that he has at the least fully sustained his reputation. Mr. Cope's scene from " King Lear" (39) cannot fail to attract atten tion, although we are far tfrom thinking it a work worthy of an artist so highly distinguished. "Cross ing the Brook" (395), a title already, if we recollect rightly, imortalized by one of the masterpieces of Turner, has been selected this year as the name of one of the most charming landscapes ever painted by J. Linnell. The picture at once arrests no tice and extorts admiration. It is a pro duction worthy of a countryman of Gainsborough. A large painting, by T. Cross, represents " The Burial of the two Sons of Edward IV. in the Tower, 1483," and although abounding in a variety of ex pression, all tending to emphasise that dismal event in our nation's history, it will scarcely be regarded as satisfactory by those who had their hopes inspired by the picture of the death of the Lion-hearted Richea r vedr• One of the most painful productions we have gazed upon is that by J. E. Millais (518), inivhich, • h taking the suggestion from Zecharia n the shop of , th e artist has represented the youthful Saviour i Joseph the carpenter. The expression portrayed is to the on the face of the Virgin Mother Sundry grotesque and hu , last degree agonizing. were partici', morons contributions to the gallery larised in our previous notice or the Royal Academy. One other we must refe i r ,s to ,fioTortohelpruurtPhofuser of c0n ,(525) damning it—A. Solomo n's being in our estimation too gross to be pleasant. Another repulsive picture, though repulsive for a very different reason, is that of "Beatrice Cenci," seeking protection from the Count, her father. W. Maddox, the artist, could scarcely have chosen a subject more unutterably loathsome. From such productions it is truly delightful to turn to such themes of beauty and innocence as that embodied on canvass by R. Tait (538) ; or to the realisation of Alfred Tennyson's dream of the " Mermaids," by J. G. Neigh (191) ; or to Frank Stone's sketch (135) of the same poet'sjilovely creation, " The Gardener's . Daughter." Smaller e ff us i ons o f thi s same character, illustrating the late s t id eas con j ure d up b y the mind of gen iu s , find their pl ace i n th e co ll ect i on. Instance this " Little Emily" 4341), by Miss Clara Cause, and the " News of Battle" (490), by T. J. Barker, the first from Dickens's "David Copperfield," the second from Aytoun's "Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers." R. Redgrave, thou g h, as ever, eminently successful, is scarcely equal to himself in his picture of " Griselda, dressed by the Court Ladies in her bridal clothes, in her father's cottage" (233), the subject being scarcely in his peculiar department. Curiously enough, there is another embellishment of the same poem, by another Associate, " Griselde " being this time represented (312) as setting down her water pot on the threshold, and A. Elmore being the illus trator. Mr. Elmore has a less pretentious contribu tion, more to our liking (525), " The Queen of the Day," suggested by the "Decameron." It b reat h es the very spirit of Boccaccio. Much might be said, very much in commendation of several of tbe por traits scattered through the principal apartment, the collection for this season in that department of art being unusually fruitful, and here and there pecu liarly meritorious. Notwithstanding the amusement derived from Mr. Grant's portrait of the " Duke of Devonshire" (73), the picture in its present effect is most agreeable, and th e lik en e s s of his Grace deci dedly felicitous. The portrait of Mr. Brotherton, by P. Westcott (60), presents all, but the identity of the Hon. Member for Salford ; that of Sir Charles Trevelyan (86), by E. U. Eddie, is characterised by much intellectual force of expression, and that of Viscount Hardinge (188) by a most admirable truthfulness. Two other portraits, large and full length, are deserving of particular attention, representing as they do men eminently distin guished as citizens of the British metropolis. Mr. Knight, the Royal Academician, has .de picted " Sir James Duke, Bart., M.P., late Lad Mayor of the City of London" (182), and the por trait would doubtless have been more deserving of commendation had a less scrupulous and engrossing regard been paid to the depicting the official robes ' worn by him on the opening of the Coal Ex change. The other portrait (240) of a distinguished citizen is from the hand of Mr. Biagstocke, a meritorious and very promising artist, and represents the "Portrait of James Harmer, Esq., of Ingress Abbey, Kent : painted at tke request of his numerous friends." In all essential respects this noble picture is perhaps the finest portrait in the gallery. Those who ate qualified to express an opinion must pro nounce the likeness to be wonderfully successful, and the manner in which the various accessories are in troduced bespeaks the utmost good taste and skill on the part of the artist. The dogs are marvellously well painted, being in no way dis paraged in a room adorned by the brush of Landseer. It may be observed, moreover, that in drawing and in colour, the whole picture is admirable for its correctness. The piece of plate in the back ground, a present to Mr. Harmer from his fellow citizens and friends, forms a sumptuous and appro priate decoration. How far appropriate may be seen by a perusal of the inscription, which runs as fol lows : PRESENTHD TO JAMES HARMER, ESQ., With a Service of Plate, by numerous Citizens and Friends, on his retirement from the office of Alderman of London,—as a testimony of the high regard which his estimable qualities, both public and private, have acquired for him during a long and useful life, as ii able, just, and merciful magistrate ; a kind, sincere, and generous friend and neighbour ; a firm and dis- interested patriot,—the foe of every abuse, and the steady supporter of the rights of mankind. Before passing on to the consideration of other por traits, it may be observed, as a significant and cha racteristic addition to this very masterly production, that Mr. Harmer is represented as holding in his hand some papers, inscribed " Amendment of the Criminal Code, —a task in happy accordance with the marked benevolence of his countenance, and truly indicative of the pervading goodness of his heart. Mr. Sant's Portrait of the " Duchess of Marl borough" (297) assumes a melancholy interest in con sequence of her Grace's recent departure. The full length portrait of "H. H. H. the Duke d'Aumale" (282), by V. Mottez, portrays the Prince in a strange fantastic blue velvet hunting dress, that transforms him into one of the gauntest figures imaginable. " M. Guizot" (388), by F. R. Say, is the portrait of a great man, as might be recognized by a glance at that gland forehead and that thoughtful countenance. We say this with a full appreciation of M. Guizot's genius, but, at the same time, without one feeling of sym pathy with him as an European statesman. Although so many productions have been particularised in our present and in our previous notice of the Royal Academy, many others, pencil-noted in our catalogue, are still left unenumerated, and among these one or two in the octagon apartment. COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDNT.) COWES, MAY 17. ROYAL YACHT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE. ELECTION OF VICE-COMMODORE: At the annual meeting of the members of the Royal Yacht Squadron, o❑ Friday last, C. R. M. Talbot, Esq., M.P., was elected Vice-Commodore, in the place of Sir Bellingham Gra ham, Bart., who has resigned. The following gentlemen. were elected members: — Lord Londesborough schooner, Novice, 79 tons. Henry C. Godden, cutter Osprey, 44 tons. William Smith, schooner Dolphin, 217 tons. Colonel W. Markham, schooner Merlin, 104 tone. G. W. Bateson, cutter Nautilus, 40 tons. Major H. Brown, cutter Plover, 35 tons. Viscount Clifden, schooner-180 tons. Douglas Dickenson, schooner Hawk, 33 tons. The Royal Yacht Squadron Regatta was ordered to take place as follows: — Aug. 15. For the Royal Yacht Squadron cup, value 100 guineas, by yachts of the squadron; course, round the island. 17th. For her Majesty's cup. 20th. Prince Albert's cup. 21st. Royal Yacht Squadron dinner. 23d. Royal Yacht Squadron ball. The following yachts' are cruising at and about the station :—Schooner Claymore, A. Campbell, Esq.; cut ter Talisman, Captain Smith, R.E.; Osprey, Y. C. Godden, Esq.; Gondola, W. IL Woodhouse, Esq. YACHTS FITTING OUT.—Urania, Lord Rodney, and Constance, Marquis Conyngham. -- SOUTHAMPTON, FRIDAY MORNING.—The 'United States mail steamer Hermann, Captain Crabtree, arrived here this morning from Bremen en route to New York, for which place she is to sail on Monday next. She brings no news. The steamer Atalanta arrived this morning wi th _ a cargo of French merchandise for transhipment by the tier" mann. The cotton sales at the Havre market were yester day extremely dull, amounting to 224 bales, but without an y variation in prices from last quotations. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —A lady cured.of Asthma after twenty years' suffering by the use of Holloway's Pills.—The wholesale agent for the sale of Holloway's Pills in New South Wales alludes, in a letter to Professor Holloway, to several ex traordinary cures of asthma effected in that colony by the use of these invaluable pills, and to one case in particular, that of a lady residing near a hill named the "Razorback," who, after having for twenty years been affected with great difficulty of breathing, and unable in consequence to bear the slightest ex ertion, at last used this remedy, and is now, to use her own expression, able to run up to the top of that high hill.—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand London. THM NORTH LONDON SCHOOL OF DRAWING.— We have seen with great pleasure a letter from the Hon. Colonel Phipps, in reply to a communication soliciting Prince Albert's patronage of the suburban artisan schools of draw ing. Colonel Phipps says—" I have, by his Royal High ness's commands, made some inquiry into the working of these schools, and his Royal Highness was much pleased to hear that the attendance at them has already become larger than was expected at the time you wrote . your letter. His Royal Highness being convinced that such instruction will he highly beneficial to the artisans, has commanded me to state that he willingly grants his patronage to this artisan art school ; and I am further directed to enclose to you the accompanying cheque for 25/., as a donation from the Prince to the funds for its support. —T Builder. COURT CIRCULAR. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the Queen yesterday. The Princess de Joinville also paid a visit to her Majesty at Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode out on horseback yesterday, attended by Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Gordon. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, the Princess Helena, and the Princess Louise, took their accustomed exercise yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace. His 'Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningen visited his Royal Highness Prince Albert yesterday, at Buckingham Palace. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty the Queen of the Belgians yesterday at Buckingham Palace. The Countess de Neuilly, the Prince and Princess de Joinville and the Duke d'Aumale also visited the Queen of the Belgians yes terday. His Royal Highness tho Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester on Thursday, at Gloucester-house. A deputation from the promoters of the Governor and Company of Copper Mines Bill, consisting of Mr. William Gladstone, Mr. Josh. Hoare, Mr. Alex ander Beattie, Mr. W. Gilbertson, Mr. Young, soli citor, and Mr. Clabon, ag ent for the Bill, bad an in terview with the Right lion. H. Labouchere yeste,r day, at the office of the Board of Trade. A deputation respecting the Birkenhead Docks, headed by Mr. Ellis, had an interview with Lord Seymour yesterday, at the office of her Majesty's Commissioners of Woods and Forests. Mr. Higham and Mr. Tidd Pratt had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Re venue, Mr. Pressly, and Mr. Timm, had also an inter view yesterday .with the Right Hon. Baronet, at his official residence in D o w nin g - street. Colo nial-office Dispatches t were he sent Governors off last of the North American the Colo n Colonies. The Duke of Norfolk left town yesterday for Arundel. Th e Marchioness of Lansdowne left town yesterday for Richmond. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, MIT 17. Srocx EICIIMIGE.—The share market was firm to-day, but there was no material alteration in prices. The transac tions were as follow : Great Wester', Quarters, New 171. Shares, 8 1 4 dis.—York and North Midland, 16%. LIVERPOOL, MAT 17. f STOCK EXCHANGE.—The transactions to-day were aiol s ew low :—London an d N or th-W es t ern , 101% pl3%—Ditto, Quarters, 1/. bs. 9d.—Ditto, Fifths, % dis.—Ditto,i"4l (C), I,i i c. IL—Midland, 32%—Ditto, Halves, 2 11 . I'l it . South-Eastern and Dover, 13%—Ditto (No. 4 ), ize ° tered, 4%. .a o rt d e — rs MANCHESTER, MA 17. ra j firm been done. The to day, and a fair amount of business hi d .„ , ~.., STOCK EXCHAVGI.—Our share market transactions were as follow :—Loudon 102—Ditto, lO2—Ditto, New Quarters, 11-4 Pi ort a- n estern, Manchester and diBganchester, She ffi eld, not Birmingham, Quarters (C),Ai P. (s o . 1), 7%—Ditte, Lincolnshire, 13%—llitto, Quarters Preference, 6 15-16-- N 10 5-16 di 10% Northern shire and Yorkshire, Fif t h s, or th Staffordshirie, 10 . N dis.— , Luca and Dover, 13 4—Ditto, —Ditto, (, en d , ( 1 N 514 0. 4d)is,.-4 S7o-u16t:.....,__._._h-Eastern C B E/10104Z tr ---'"7is.—,ANDE This delightf u l su b ur b an place of amusement, which last season, from the multipli c ity of entertainments,its s un to open n o thd st ipe r n i s announced en ce of Mr. T. B. Simpson, of the Albion Hotel, Great Russell street. During the recess some striking improve ments have been made in the arrangement of the gardens, by the addition of a number of valuable paintings, groupings of statuary, and the public love of novelty provided for by the engagement of several leading artistes, both native and f o reign, amongst whom we may mention Herr DeWitt, with a powerful corps d' ball e t, an d an orchestra of 50 per f orme rs, conducted by Messrs. Borini and R. Hughes, of her Ma jesty's Theatre. SHANNON COMMISSION.—From a return made to an order of the Hous e o f C ommons by the Shannon Commis sioners, it appears that the total advances made as loans to certain counties in Ireland, in the years 1840 to 1849 inclu sive, amount to 313,8811. 12s. sd. 221,2721. 6s. 4d, principal and interest, has been repaid, and 92,6091. 6s. hi., which is repayable by instalments, remains outstanding. A return of the sums remitted by individas to the paymaster of civil services (Ireland) up to the 31st of December, 1849, in ris► payment of advances as loans, shows a total, principal and interest, of 9,05'3/. 2s. sd; of which 4,096/. 15s. sd. was a contribution from the Right Ilan. Lord lgonteagle ts) the works at roma Island. 'se. t