The Sun. — London, England, 1845-07-22 00:00:00

iN V. arrived direct the King 9f )untry phta ,n it Was fullt have a rtIVO nd carriages in order to itor and re' e intimation s -...ssenger o'o beyond tile re for Bog: ould embark ext, and OA! Alovving (JO ds Minister, al times 00 Df dispatches the neees . for his lb' arse, has re• ke royal C 5 royal hour msal during the Que °ll ' (ding en IP ,° apt. Nelson his MajeslP AY. k MB R IDO S MAR. ime known he Nine* rd enera Lori. to the CO,: " wou YiS eparation ep yal he eztensg; , er m at iestY aelve o &A lt ' oss, K. C.P'' arious other :ation width' nt the nearest f o rtificatio n, >diet practicl .xeellent, an d be effected ill of the PY $l , of C,oloeel target, v ibe .: ,atteries t il ge, and ee !Bs, and Coll f ajor Strait ( t w o salvos t:' rant Boxer 6 3 visitors sP' th e mars he t, h ridas's 8- 10 aril s 1,200 Y „ r Lieutenaw v ' s Arn . bEs the visitoi.f Arsenal , , and visit of the ar!'') for foreig l ap ;, packs r cases 0 0 :A t s , addresP" was visite d ' ;olonet ti instrumee t attentioe' d the l e r v a t rd invert n caps, w' dr zhly P lease I to theta. shed visito r ; rison,_ wh et ;an t doitigel Royal it: le -ground exercisiq d Mut° 31Alf) . JuLY 17. counts ha le new • ch an an° The R e s t mbarked a college " le repubber It Is e 3. is first 1,716. 17 6,545. 4 --- 5,170.7 5 increag' 2,673. 51 7,50.76 ixmude, to Flanderg. ,rs. Me tte ' t broke 00, ght fire O r the urr e hem ',l ied. SO°, urrounde° nost pier c : y Sto h 1 7 e loin ; t . ores, )ss is e 5" I.). i 'r" e e Pi°l' Y K 0,, C:olonel one(' de' ) cmba r kation men or ,hlandefl, 'I Ewe of, Bosef The' te ;don the( sisting ° Beers tt, vll Vlr " These iOO tong, on the he 'i t ' ll' lovrbrei 40 ta n " to em' w hole , I .vious t° I " ) AL 'SIT To THE ISLE OF IGHT. PoitTsmouTii, SATURDA W Y.—Her Majesty, Prince Albert, suite, with their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, 4 2 1 ,0ce Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, .'nteti at Gosport this afternoon, at a quarter-past four, per !pecial train from Vauxhall (which left at five minutes past i ), en route to the new royal marine residence, Osborne, Isle of Wight. ,i.Her Majesty was received on alighting kith the train by V:tjor-General Pakenham and star,', and Colonel Hendertere 'llire• Sheddon, Mr. M ar ti n , Mr. B eatt i e, and M r. W at k ins, of oft ~B"uth-Western Railway Coeval-I, and a guard o f h onour ne 76th Regiment, under the com man d o f M a j or G ru bb e. At sixteen minutes past four the ro'— jd i party left, in two ear -1 "'Psi ter th e Clarence vict”..;tittig establishment, escorted by „.1-heral Pak e Vic e . A , where i.hey were received on alighting by --u viral Si r W. P ar k er , B art . (Si r C. R ow l ey ' s h ea l t h ncot permitting him t o lea ve th e Ad m i ra lty-h ouse ), C a ptain 1111:er:ter, superintendent of the e s tabli,h men t ; Fl ag -Li e ut ena nt Yiltnot, Caetniu Moubray, Colonel Malet, of the Bth Regi- Majors Martin, Longfield, Hartley, and Skelly; Cap tain Pakenham, Mr. Town, Master-Attendant ; and Mr. Grant, Storekeeper of the Establishment ; and a guard of honour of the 37th Regiment, under the command of Major Prancklyn. ,At twenty-live minutes past two o'clock the royal party em barked i n t h e new state barge, steered by Lord Adolphus Fitz ,learetter and proceeded o n boa r d the royal yacht. The at infants followed in another barge. At the time of the embarkation it was dead low water with a !,,ring title title (when the water runs lowest), consequently it was 'we:considered safe to venture out of harbour until the tide had Rotnewhat. The men upon the yards of the Victory were I Pbsl desire and the yacht remained at her moorings forty clninutes. At ten mi n ut e s pa s t fi ve o ' c l oc k sufficient water had lued, and the y ac ht got un d er. we i g h. Th e ro3a l party Were "1 . 1 deck, an d on near i ng t h e Vi ctory h er M a j esty an d P r i nce lbert held the royal children up on the port side of the vessel lo the view of the seamen, who responded to the gratifying act 1) 7 a thu n d er i ng cheer, during which time Prince Albert re brained uncovered. The usual royal salutes were fired by the !hies in harbour and the platform battery. The Fairy screw tender followed the royal yacht, which, on passing the Hibernia at Spithead, made signal to her small consort to " get up her steam —full power," and try her rate of speed with the Victoria ktul Albert, which was accordingly done, and a trial of speed betwee n the two vessels commenced, but the Fairy did not draw !PM her lamer consort, and from the time the signal was made ulltti the end of the voyage the Fairy had lost full a mile. the Hibernia manned her yards, and dressed in colours and aluted as t h e roya l vesse l approached. Vice-Admiral Parker t t tPected h er M a j esty to v i s i t hi s s hi p , an d h a d prepare d h er f or "e royal inspection ; the companion was handsomely decor aced, d every other feature connected with the decoration of the '.uip attended to, but the yacht steamed on. At 25 minutes past 6 the royal visitors landed at the Medina- Pier, Cowes harbour, and proceeded in the royal equipages in t a iting dir ec t t o O s b orne H ouse , un d er the usual salutes from e yacht squadron and battery and West Cowes Castle. Her Majesty has signified her intention of remaining at Os borne 14 days. The r s o l y r j e l s y ty acht and Fairy tender remain in attendance. g r e l a d i T nearly t ,aml thc! I=rince continued on the paddle-box ; whole of the voyage, and looked in excellent spirits, as did the royal children. We are sorry to be compelled to mention an act of gross Impertinence and breach of faith committed by a numerous 48se n'blege, who, by the kindness of Mr. Watkins, were per tititted to witn ess th e arr i va l o f th e roya l t ra i n on cne s id e o f the Gosport terminus. These persons, immediately on the stop n,lk of the t ra i n , an d b e f ore t h e ro y a l p ar ty were sea t e d i n th e 1 .7 1% 1•te carriages, rushed pell melt across the rails to the ar ,ide of the station, and thrust themselves most rudely the royal children and attendants, and on their de l: hire turned their attention to the royal state carriage, which ae q ,l climbeil about, scratched, ar.d otherwise most imperti y interfered with. d The arrangements made by Mr. Watkins, the superinten „ent of the Gosport terminus, were upon this, as upon every r r evious occasion, most admirable, not only for her Majesty's !otnfort and convenience, hut also for the accommodation of a 'ultnerous class of applicants for his courtesy, of which the rlrtice ixboVe alluded to formed an unwrrthy portion. We 4 1 4 ' 1 '1 how ever , th e k now l e d ge th a t t h e i r con d uc t was of rved and not e d will d e t er th em f rom th e exerc i se f uture impertinent curi os ity. Th e resu lt, f ur the p r e s e n t, . 5 the suspension of the privilege of entering the station on occasions of royal visits. bESTRUCTION OF TULLOCH CAS rrLE, Ross-sin RE, b) Ifilti..—LOSS of JEWELS, &c. Abridged from the Edinburgh Advertiser of Friday. ) Wo regret to state that almost the whole of the fine mansion quttst Of Tulloch Castle, near Dingwall, with a large portion of ‘, l B ,, P leh and valuable furniture, some family portraits and pic '„es, the library, and other effects, have been destroyed by fire. "Ts lamentable catastrophe occurred early on Monday b c "ing last. The fire was first discovered by the proprietor, ✓Davidson, Esq., of 'Fulloch, who, going to his with q' about two o'clock, found the apartment filled with ' 4 'l : 'l k e and flame, and presenting a most alarming appear 'e• The family were all from home, with the exception „ the youngest child, and no man-servant being on the :remises, Mr. Davidson ran to the square to rouse the gar tenaser and farm servants. A messenger was also dispatched h u „ ",ingwall, when the town bell was rung and a great CMoer of eons flocked to the spot. By this time the fire "kd Spread to r n small parlour adjoining the bed-room, and com e unwated to the attics, which, with the roof, were soon all in a „ alne s• Water was procured from a well in the flower-garden, ~‘; was also c o n veye d b y means o f h orses f rom a spo t h a lf a r t e distant ; b u t i t was o b v i ous t h at no e ff orts o f thi s ki n d ,'lid ave r t d estruct i on. The f i re sprea d to t h e western divi -11" of the 'a building, and the attention of all parties was turned shre tome o f the most valuable of the furniture, and cut off e • co mmunication with the back part of the castle. The dining • and drawi ng - room (the latter a rich and splendid apart ent) were both destroyed, but a few of the paintings were --/e Ti• Fortunately some valuable pictures, by the Italian I " Dutch rep had been sent to Edinburgh to be cleaned and aired, and the family plate had been sic t3'ited a short time before in the safe of the Caledonian • _ l ' la ttlis at Dingwall. The chartulary, containing the title fs of the property and family, was saved. The wines 1 : the cella r were remove d , and the crystals and choice articles !, 1 ! , e 0 preserved. Whil e M r. D av i dson (the propr i etor ) an d hi s nds were attempting to carry off some of the paintings from The drawi ng - room the ceiling f e ll i n , an d th ey narrow l y es caped w i t h their lives. The billiard-room and library were con , umed, and the old tower (occupied only by bed-rooms), was also destroyed. By nine o'clock in the morning nothing remained of the interior of Tulloch Castle but the bare walls and smouldering ruins. By means of axes, hammers, &c., a larg e gip was cut across the building, and the communication of the fire being thus arrested, the back wings, containing the servants' apartments, remained uninjured. We are happy to liottt that no accident occurred. Many persons, in their eager hess to render assistance placed themselv e s i n s ituations of im minent danger, and nothing could exceed the coolness and in trepidity with which the tradesmen and workpeople endea voured, though ineffectually, to stop the progress of the flames. kr. Davidson himself wrought manfully by the side of his , YmPathising and warm-hearted neighbours, and was mainly Instremental in saving the remnant of his effects. The house and f urniture, we understand, were only partially insured. The u n f ortunate acc id ent wou ld appear to h ave or i g i nated from a lighted candle left in the bed-room. Our reporter, "mo we sent to the spot, was informed that no fire had been 1 . 1 "le in the bed-room that day. Mr. Davidson, it was be- Tieved, had entered d, the apartment in the course of the evening, 6.14 returned to his study to finish the writing of some letters, on which he had been engaged. Whilst thus employed, he t iroe aware of the presence of fire in some part of the house, a nd rushing to his bed-room discovered, but too late, the fatal Progress of destruction. ,„„ 4 _, T oongst other things, a carved oak table, which had for -1,7,,Y belo nge d to t h e F owl i s f am il y, known as t h e " spea k er ' s „hov e with the furniture, clothes, wardrotes—in short, all the d raw i ng -room was entirely destroyed. Unfortunately „ late Mrs. Davidson's jewels, watches, trinkets, &c., in a t 'elrobe co n t a i n i ng va l ua bl e dresses and ot h er t hi ngs , were i n the roo fire,up stairs, to which no access could be obtained during and have perished. ACCIDENT ON THE GREAT WES, TERN RAILWAY. tarsvot, SATURDAY MORNING.—An accident occurred on are Great Western Railway yeAerday, to the two o'clock down ~lin, whi c h i t i s marvellous d i d not l ea d to t h e most fatal re i,f'• Th e t ra i n, w hi c h was d r i ven b y t h e M azeppa eng i ne , London at the ordinary time, and arrived at Bath without le e !,'"arrence of anything of an unusual character. After :°'og Bath, it proceeded - onwards towards Bristol, till on its vdi near Salford, when it ran into a timber waggon, which overturned on the down rail. The shock, as may be in3a :&fled, vvas a very severe one, and the passengers were thrown gainst each other violently. The utmost confusion and alarm a ° ' a while prevailed. We are happy, however, in being able I :::tate that, with the exception of a gentleman named Ken t"lio was slightly cut over one of his temples, none of the riltstengers experienced any injury. The stoker was less fortu qa as, in attempting to escape by jumping off the train, he eadeashed with such violence against the 41 ()and to occasion lure of his shoulder. Ile was immediately picked up, and assistance promptly sent for. k ee llo cause of the accident is thus stated by the Company's w rs at the Bristol station: —A number of trucks, laden tim'tn timber, were sent up the line, as is the case two or three of (s ,' a week ' , when, on their reaching Salford, a wheel of one turned clt,bieefe.arreriages broke, by which means it ran off the rail, and over upon the down line. Almost upon the instant, any notice could be given, the two o'cicck down : 11 approached the spot at its usual speed. All possible a : s ' , s were used to arrest the notice of the engine -driver, who, hey what was a-head, signalled the guards, and put Pr ii breaks. It wag, however, too late to avoid the accident. :tProgress of the train could not be stopped, and the engine z h e l to ran into the overturned timber truck. With the th e e P ti "n of a second-class, which was much broken, none of carriages in the train were damaged or overturned. In t"heruation of the occurrence was forwarded on to Bristol, and Wi:P ot Y - superintendent, Mr. Martin, proceeded to the spot len ea train of empty carriages, and brought down the pas re rs, who arrived in this city at about nine o'clock, to the ‘t, comfort and relief of numerous friends and relatives. tai- "r 4olsert and Lady Peel gave an elegant en.ter b_nent on Saturday last, at the Right Hon. Baront's privote sidence in Whiteha l l -gardews when her Royal Highness the nehess of Gloucester honoured Sir Robert by her company '. dinner. Th e Royal Duchess, attended by the Hon. Captain ..!(- 1 1 dell and L a d y Georgiana Bathurst, arrived at eight o ' cloc k . Tire e P. were present t o meet h er Royal Highness his Serene 11 were Pri nce Ed ward of Saxe Weimar, the Duke of Buck his Excellency the American Minister and Mrs. and ss. Everett, the Marquis of Granby, the Earl and Countess u "In, Viscount Cantalupe Lord John Manners, Hon. r , a l Plain Jam es M urray, Hon. Henry and Mrs. Fitzroy, Gene- A'Court and Miss A'Court, and Colonel and Mrs. Wynd aT• Cover s were laid for twenty-four persons. REVISING BARRISTERS.—A. return, extending to S tn ete ! Ng", has been printed, by order of the House of Corn .. 1, showing the operations of the revising barristers of last dr. I, contains the names of the barristers with the days were employed. They are now paid 2001 . each, including :::ieptenlouenst,ryand the revision which, on its commencement, cost 31,000/, has been reduced to about one-half of that .sour‘rrt.he Last year, the Court of Common Pleas &Tided seven irPcala from counties; two were for the appellants, and five respondents. From cities and boroughs, there were 23 Phials; 1 7 were in favour of tl e respondenfs, and the re thanlder f or the appellants. Last year, costs were ordered for e first time —the highest amount was 22/. 2s. ; and the anial!est, 71. 15e. Bd. AN OTIIER FATAL ACCTDENT ON THE LANCASTER 0,1 4 , to ,ARLISI.F. RAILIVAV.—K ENDA!, JULY 18.—We regret w.lnnotince that another aceidert has taken place on this line, i77,Toled with fatal consequences. Ycs'erday morning the fop " i .atstant, a b oy named Savage, about 15 years of age, whilst his employment as a drt ver, on the Lancaster and Car rieh?rse attached t Rai lwaY, in antrate neighbourhood of Burton, was driving a ,o nof wavons, laden with earth, when I . l _ l s foot tr i pped upon a stone, and he fell across the rails ; he 7 . " athhud along the line by the trait:, for a distance of foi ty arpads after he fell, in the course of which two of the waygons over the lower part of his body and killed him. This t,e).0611 an inquest was held on the body. The verdict was, 4‘.illed a c c identally, by being run over by the wh ee l o f a rail waggo IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 21. (OVAL ASSENT, The Royal Assent was given to-day, at a quarter before five o'clock, by Commission, to no less than ninety , :htee Bills, among Whieh were—the Assessed Taxes Composition Bill, Sir Henry Pottinger's Annuity Bill, the Timber Ships Bill, the Oaths Dispnsatien Bill, `Vest India Islands Relief Bill, Seal=nfliee Abolition Bill, Museums of Art Bill, Public Mu .. ieums Bill, Canal Companies Carriers Bill, Dog Stealing Bill, the Infeftment (Scotland) Bill, Banking (Scotland) Bill, Statute Labour (Scotland) Bill, Arrewment of Wages (Scot land) Bill. Schoolmasters (Scotland) Bill, Banking (Ireland) 811, Cons'aUes Public Works (Ireland) Bill, Gl,sop Gas Bill, the Glasgow Bridges Bill, the Totnes Markets 1110 Waterworks Bill, the Wolverhampton Waterworks Bill, the Lyme RPgis Improvement Market and Waterworks Bill, the Dundee Waterworks Btll, the Blackburn Waterwo-ks Bill, the Hartlepool Pier and Port Bill, the Kendal Reservoirs Bill, the Manchester Improvement Bill, the Chelsea Improvement Bill, the Belfast Improve ment Bill, the Agricultural and Commercial Bank of Ireland Bill, the Queen-borough Boroughs Bill, the Forth and Clyde Navigation and Canal Bill, the Manchester Court of Record Bill, the Reversionary Interest Society Bill, the Keyningham Drainage BM, the Shipley Lane Head and Branches Road Bill, the Hansvell and Streatly Road Bill, the Winwick Rectory Bill, Lady Sandys' (Turner's) Estate Bill, the Kidwelly Inclosure Bill, and the following Railway Bills: Railway Clauses Consolidation (Scotland), London and Greenwich, Belfast and Ballymena, North British, Lancaster and Carlisle, York and North Midland ( Harrogate Branch), North Wool ich, Guildford Junction, Waterford and Kilkenny, Exeter and Crediton, Bridgewater Navigation and Railway, Sheffield and Rotherham, Edinburgh and Glasgow, Newcastle and Darlington (Frandling Junction), Southamt t tn and Dorchester, Eastern Union, Glati ;ow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr ( Cumnock Branch), Dundalk and Enniskillen, Eastern Union ( Bury St. Edmunds), Londonderry and Enniskillin, Chester and Birkenhead, Whitehaven and Furness, Manchester, Bury, and Rossendale, Great North of England and Richmond, Blackburn and Preston, Leeds and Thirsk, Huddersfield and Manchester, North Wales, Taw Vale Railway and Dock, Manchester and Birmingham ( Ashton branch), Ashton, Staleybridge, and Liverpool Junction, Eastern Counties ( Ely and Whittlesea Deviation), Manchester South Junction and Altrincham, Trent Valley, London andlßrighton (Horsham Branch), Ulster Extension, North Wales Mineral, North Union and Ribble Navigation St. Helen's Canal and Railway, Great North of England (Hartlepool Branch), Great Western ( Ireland) (Dublin to Mullingar and Athlone) Cockermouth and Workington, Richmond (Surrey), _ _ Cork and liandon, Liverpool and Manchester, Great Southern and Western (Ireland), Preston and Wyre, L 3 nn and Der ham, Middlesborough and Redear, Dubin and Drogheda, Newry and Enniskillen, Dublin and Belfast, Waterford and Limerick. The Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Buctleuch, and Lord Wharneliffe. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills. THE PENINSULAR ARMY. The Duke of RICHMOND begged leave to present a peti tion from the veteran officers in the Peninsular campaign, request ing their Lordships to recommend to her Majesty such rewords as they might think proper. The petitioners said they would not trouble them with the details of their services—the thanks of both Houses had been often voted to the army in which th e y served, and which was the best proof of the high nature of their services. The walls of Parliament had often echoed with most melancholy forebodings that the British army would be obliged to fly to their ships for refuge, and that they would be forced to return to their native land, defeated and disgracrd. But the transcendant abilities of his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) had averted that great calamity, and the Penin sula was freed and the flag of England was planted on the sod of France. Every man must admit the claim of those brave officers. How gallantly they opposed the victorious legions of Napoleon—men brought up and educated in war. He did not say that even the refusal of the prayer of the petition would have any effect on the British army, for they would ever feel bound to maintain the honour of their Sovereign. The natural bravery of the soldiers, their enthusiasm, and the esprit du corps which existed among them—the feeling that each in dividual had, that upon the success of his own personal exer tions depended the fate of the day —would always make the soldiers do their duty. But he asked, as an act of duty—as the payment of a debt of gratitude—the granting of the claim which the petitioners sought. He concurred with those petitioners ; but, at the same time, be must say that be had no wish to impute blame to any one, still less to his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) whom he had always regarded with feelings of admiration and respect. He blamed not those who had conf e rred medals on the brave men of Waterloo. nor on those who had fought in China and India, hut he asked was it right that these brave men whom he repre sented should .be left with no other marks of glory than their wounds ? Why should not these soldiers receive equal com pensation? He felt personally complimented by those brave men having placed their petition in his hands, and hoped their Lordships would think fit to grant its prayer. The Duke of WELLINGTON said the petitioners had done him but justice in stating that he had never mentioned the war in the Peninsula except in praise of the conduct of the officers who served in it ; but, with all respeet, he did not think either House of Parliament could properly interfere in a case of this description. Some years had now elapsed since these same petitioners had made an application to him—it was in the year 1840, and upon precisely similar grounds. He then stated to these officers the position in which he stood towards them and towards the Government fora considerable number of years. He stated to them, that for several years he had reported to the Government their conduct as members of the Peninsular army, and that their conduct had been brought under the notice of their Sovereign. He further stated on that occasion that rewards to the army was not a subject in which he could interfere. These were acts for the Sovereign and for the advisers of the Sovereign, and did not come into his province. lie recommended to these gentlemen at that time to make their application at the proper quarter, but upon inquiry upon the present occasion he found they had not done so. Nearly the whole British army served in that war. The two Houses of Parliament returned their thanks to that army, as it had served in no less than sixteen distinct engagements. Medals were struck in commemoration of distinguished actions in the Peninsula on no less than nineteen different occasions,and were distributed to no fewer than 1,300 officers. A new system of promotion was now instituted by means of special brevets, as a reward to those officers who had particularly distinguished themselves. Officers of inferior brevet rank were allowed to retire on superior rank, and to re• ceive the pay and allowances attached to those ranks. These were solid boons conferred by the public on these individuals. There were among the Noble Lords present, no less than seven Noble Lords who had been promoted to the Peerage for distin guished military services, rendered either by themselves or their fathers, or grandfathers, and not less than 400 Orders of the Bath had been conferred on officers serving in the Penin sular army, being very neatly one-half of the whole num ber. The late Sovereign hail been pleased to confer a medal on every individual who served in the battle of Waterloo, which honour had not been conferred before. The battle of Lord ELDON presented a petition from the University of Oxford against the Colleges ',lreland Bill). f Lord STANLEY presented four petitions, one from 13 pro. fessors of the Belfast Academical Institution ; one from the managers of the same institution, signed by the secretary on their behalf; one from the Literary and Scientific Institution, aril another from th- inhabitants of the same city, genera'ly. Lord STANLEY, in rising to move the second reading of the 13111 for the establishment of provincial colleges in Ireland, said, that he need not remind their Lordships that her Ma jesty, on delivering her speech at the opening of Parliament this session, recommended that the promotion and encourage ment of education in Ireland should form a prominent feature of their consideration. In accordance with 'that gracious re quest he now had to lay before the House a bill founded on principles of liberality towards Ireland, and with prospects of leading to infinite benefits. It was a measure which, brought forward with the best intentions of her Majesty's Government, had been received in the Lower House with support, if not cordiality, and if not passed with unanimity was at least agreed to by a great majority. In the course that had been pursued by Governments for the last half century in granting a liberal education to the country one great omission had been made. While the means of instruction were liberally accorded to the highest and the very lowest ranks, that class which re• quired it chiefly had been overlooked—he alluded to the middle class. In using that term " middle class," he meant that class just below the highest, and just above the lowest class. But while the opportunities for education had been but tardily and narrowly extended to the middling classes of the entire kingdom, if there were one part where such education was more necessary than in another, it was in Ireland. There the discordant elements of conflicting creeds national prejudices, and political acerbities, rendered a system of united education more especially necessary, and yet, with the exception of the Belfast Institution, there was no esta blishment whatever but Trinity College, Dublin, where mem bers of bath religions, Catholic and Protestant, could be edu cated together. And although in Trinity College there were at present, he was happy to say, more than one hundred Roman Catholics receiving education on the kindliest terms with their fellow students of the antagonistic creed, yet the establishment was an exclusive—he would not use the term " sectarian" institution. It was for the pur pose of supplying this deficiency, of remedying the evil thus likely to increase,that the present measure had been introduced. And he was sorry to observe that a petition had been just pre sented by a Noble Lord near him—(Lord Eldon )—from several members of the University of Oxford, deprecatory of the pro posed measure, and urging that the old system, as originally adopted in the English Universities, should be applied to all academical institutions, and never departed from.—( Hear, hear.) Such a proposition might be very suitable to a country . where no religious institutions existed, but was wholly incompatible with a policy for conciliating animosities and cementing religious differences. He was aware that a sys tem involving the principle of endowing the Roman Catholic Church ( ft,r he was ready fully and frankly to declare his adop tion of that alternative) he was aware that such a system met the disapprobation of many whwe opinions and even prejudices should be respected. He (Lord Stanley) was willing to admit that science should be the handmaid of relig'on, and while he deprecated the extension of that apothegm to every instance, such as of followers ofdistinctive religionsassembled for instruc tion in one institution, he was not favourable to the proposition of some, that the doors of an exclusive establishment should be thrown open alike for all persuasions. Thus, it had been suggested as a remedy for the present deficiency in educational opportuni ties in Ireland, that Trinity College, Dublin, should be free to all denominations, even to the admission to its corporate rights. And here he wished to do an act of justice to an Honourable and Leareed Gentleman, from whose political principles he almost invariably dissented. In the year 1825, Mr. O'Connell stated, in evidence before a Committee of that House, that he deprecated, as an act of gross injustice, the diversion of the funds of Trinity College, Dublin, to the Roman Catholics? The effect of such a system would be, not only acerbity between the three novel and the one existing college, but a spirit of individeality, if he might so expresshim self, would spring up and induce the Presbyterians to fre quent the Presbyterian College, the Protestant the Pro testant, and the Roman Catholic the Roman Catho lic, for the purposes of the Roman Catholic religion, or other extraneous requirements. In that opinion he (Lord Stanley) cordially concurred, but, on the rejection of such a proposition, how could they devise a satisfactory substi tute? Would they establish in Dublin three colleges, one for Presbyterians, one for the Church of England, or Episcopalians, and another for the Roman Catholics. At the period when the Irish Education scheme was first mooted, in 1821, there was a proviso that all persons should be compelled to attend the services of their respective churches every Sunday. That clause was, however, sub-equently struck out, because the Members of the Church of England and of the Presbjterian denomination said it would be a sin to recom mend persons of the Roman Catholic persuasion to attend their church. Would that tend to do away with the charge of pro selytism and of unsettling the minds of the young men in their colleges? Would it be likely to tend to reconcile the good feel ings of persons of different religious persuasions, by introduc ing a system which would have a tendency to proselytism ? He would never consent that such a system should be introduced. He wished to speak with all respect of the memorial presented by a Noble Lnrd from the Roman Catholic prelates of Ireland. He agreed with the Noble Lord that the House was bound to look to the weight of argument contained in the objections of the memorial. He did not think that the House was bound to yield to them. Was the faith of the Roman Catholic student in danger when he should be. called upon to attend a lecture on anatomy ? Some more stringent objection was necessary. It seemed perfectly reasonable to him that the State should pos sess the power of appointing the president and vice-president of these colleges, and should also have the power of appointing the professors. Nor did he believe that there would be the smallest danger that thr Crown would abstain from ap pointing persons to hold the office of professors who, whatever creed they might belong to, if competent to fulfil their duties, would be passed over on account of their religious persuasion. He should regret to see the ap pointment of professors other than those whom the Crown should provide. He thought, also, that the Crown should possess the power of discharging them from their situations. He did not think it would be wise to establish any religious distinctions within the walls, or to insist on the establishment of zny theological institutions. He considered, however, that it was the bounden duty of the State to afford every possible facility for the religious education of youth. The system of education which would be promoted in these colleges would be the Tutorian system. He had heard it urged against this system of education, that the young men would be taken from under the eye of their parents, and scattered over the town where the college was situated, and taken from the care of their tutors. It was not wise policy, however, to bring up young men in monastic seclusion for several years, and then to turn them loose at once, exposed to all the temptations of the world. Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Belfast, and Dublin were all populous towns. He did not think that there was such an absolute security for that purity of morals, which showed either Oxf .rd or Cambridge a model for imitation. The proposed colleges were to be placed in great towns, and there existed many reasons for so doing, and whether the young men were confined, as at Oxford and Cambridge, or were let loose, as at other colleges, rely upon it no greater controul would be obtained over the morals of the young men. Those institutions were intended merely for the middle classes of the state—a very large portion of those who would send their sons to these institutions were residents within the town. The advantage of an academical education, with the blessing of parental superintendence, would be simul taneously obtained. None of the professors within the colleges were to reside within the walls. He would inquire, then, what would be more natural than that the professors living 'in the town should open houses, where the pupils from the country might be sent to reside. The professors would afford them all the advantages of domestic supervision. The religious educa tion of the young men would be amply provided for by the ap pointment of persons duly qualified to instruct them in their dif ferent religious principles. When the different feelings of the community, with respect to the Protestant and Roman Catholic religion, was roused, within a short time the means for the en dowment of religious teachers would be amply provided, without in the slightest degree interfering with the duties of the students. Every facility, consistent with sound policy, had been provided for the establishment of religious education. The parties who endowed the religious establishments might make their own provisions, to a certain extent, and the students although possessing diversified religious opinions would have the same opportunities as others of earning the rewards and competing for the honours as the other students.—( Hear, hear.) Ho had stated the grounds on which it was objectionable to have religious institutions in colleges. Every facility had been afforded for the religious education of the youth. In a country in which it was impossible to educate according to the principles of many religious creeds, divided into a number of religious denominations, he entreated the House to take the only course by which they could ensure the advantages of secular education. He had that faith' in the feelings of both Protestants and Catholics, that he was sure they, from their private sources, would not fail to provide for the instruction of their youth in tnose different religions for which it was impossible the State could provide. He was satisfied that if the Bill were re jected, their refusal would operate with the most disastrous consequences. The advantages which would be provided for generations yet unborn, by institutions liberally endowed from the funds of the nation at large, were incalculable. The inesti mable advantage of an education at once literary, scientific, moral, and religious he might also add, would by the proposed measure be secured to all Ireland. The Earl of SHREWSBURY was of opinion that the measure before the House had been properly descrilscd, when , it had been termed " a gigantic scheme of Godles s education.' They had gained a victory once over fanaticism and blind pre judice, yet by some strange fatality they were now about to abandon the principle for which they so long contended. The people of Ireland asked why were they Christians to be edu cated like heathens, without the knowledge of God, and the Government answered them, because we are the vassals of the Protestants of En_ land, who declare that your religion is super stitious, and your worship idolatrous. Was this a safe answer to give to the people of Ireland, and was this the way to treat people whom they were so anxious to conciliate? Surely the Government would not argue thus. But yet the Government, the strong Government, which, in spite of prejudice and fanaticism had carried the Maynooth Bill, now yielded to this unworthy opposition, and forced this Godless educa tional system on the people of Ireland. It was a mere mockery to talk of the Irish being able to provide religious instruction for the pupils in those colleges. The poor Irish had already so many calls upon them, that they were not at all able to meet any new ones; they had to main tain their priests, and to build suitable edifices for the celebra tion of their religious worship, and, considering their poverty, and all the claims upon them, it was wonderful how they did so much. In short, it was impossible they could supply the large resources necessary to carry out the scheme. Before they were in a condition to furnish those funds, generation after genera tion would have passed away, and they would have experienced all the evils of this most miserable and defective system of edu cation. The Government had thought proper to provide a re. ligions education for early youth, was it less necessary for early manhood, when the passions were getting strong and required the restraint of religion—when the reason was beginning to develop itself, and was most inquisitive and frequently most sceptical in faith, and if not instructed would readily yield to scep ticism ? It had been said that this measure was devised to pro testantise Ireland—he disbelieved the allegation, and thought the Government was actuated by more unworthy motives. The t w h h o i l c i r p e r l g v i a o i n l d w a h m i c o h n g t htehye designatedp pl e of i g d i t aT a d t o against t v h i o C u a s - . Noble Earl then alluded to the s t rong an d unjus t p re j u di ces c E as n And how could this be otherwise, when their ministers, their spiritual teachers, their guardians. preached such canting non sense as was spoken by the Rev. Mr. Alford, the incumbent of a report of ? The Noble Earl th en rea d passages from of the sermon of this person at the Church of St. Alatthew the Evangelist before a large, congregation, just previous to the third reading of the Maynooth Bill. The preacher described th e Catholic religion as idolatrous, as vicious in morals, and politically wicked ; h e sa id, murder was sanc tioned by its tenets ; that perjury was countenanced, and that idolatry was enjoined • and, in order t o p rove th e t rut h o f w h at he said, he q uo ted the creed of Pope Pius the Fourth. But what did lie do? He interpolated the text in the moat gross and shameful manner, and added many words, upon which his argument depended, and without which his argument would have no foundation. He would not trouble the House with these things, but the Roman Cath o li cs b a d b een so often accused of crimes and misdemeanors, arising from their creed, that he thought it right to rebut them. The Noble Earl then read again from the sermon of Mr. Alford, which the cot e tion, in admiration of its ability, begged might be congrega tion, and published. He there quoted the creed of Pope Piusshow ing clearly that the word worship had been interpolated. The Waterloo was attended with circumstances of a peculiar nature. Its issue was peace, after a war that had been waged for upwards of a quarter of a century, and the natural expecta tion was that war would henceforward be at an end. The distinction of the Order of the Bath was originally con ferred on the Peninsular army, but lately it had been extended to other armies and especially to the last Indian armies. This was the history of the grant of this medal—it was for the good conduct of the troops, and granted in order to induce activity and good soldiership in the army. Its benefits had been found in the Indian campaigns and also in the late war in China. The British army had been engaged in fortified rivers and against fortified forts in operation against a numerous and in telligent people. They suffered greatly, not only from the dangers of actual warfare, but also from the fatigues of march ing and the scorching heat of the climate. The troops were suc cessful—successful at all points, and the result had been the en tering into a negotiation which would lay the foundation of a lasting peace with that great and important country. The be nefits that might be expected to arise from the treaty between this country and China were incalculable. He spoke to their Lordships of the army in the Peninsula, not as an unfavoured, but a distinguished and well-rewarded army. But while they remembered the deeds performed in the Peninsula they must remember that other expeditions were equally renowned ; let them but call to mind Egypt and Calabria, and say, were not the officers engaged in those glorious campaigns equally deserving of rewards f And they must not forget the fleet, while entertaining the question of the merits of the army : the fleet of Great Britain had maintained its glory fully as emi nently as the army, and yet a general medal was never dissemi nated among the fleet. Yet, there had been great naval vic tories—there were the actions of the First of June, of Cape St. Vincent, and the Nile, but did ever any one hear of medals being granted for those illustrious a ff airs? While, therefore, such obstacles presented themselves to the prayer of the present petition, he should feel it his duty to oppose it. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that the House and the entire country must feel that the admirable speech of the Noble Duke who had preceded him, was an unanswerable reply to the petition laid on the table by the Noble Lord opposite ; anything, therefore, he could add would be only superfluous. Nevertheless, he was desirous of expressing,his opinion of the practice of officers asking for decorations by peti tion—in one word, he would say that he considered it unworthy the character of British officers.—(Hear, hear.) Officers ought to trust to the Croon for their rewards, the House ought never to interfere. He looked upon the decora tions worn by officers with far greater respect when they were conferred by the Sovereign, on the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief. British officers did themselves little honour by supplicating for honours to which they considered they were entitled. Would any of the officers engaged in the victories in the Peninsula have petitioned for such a boon as that now sought? He never regretted anything so much as when he heard that these officers were going to petition that House to award them medals for their services—the more so when the petition came from the hands of the Noble Duke. He maintained that it would be unconstitational to grant the prayer of the petition ; and if it were granted, the officers, when they grew old, and sat by their fire-sides, could not but look upon them as not spontaneously granted by their country, but at their supplication. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM held that the petition was most respectfully worded. All these individuals, who had shed their blood in the service of their country, asked for, was some memorial that they bad done their country service in the six teen en.avments in question. He demanded nothing more than that the decoration which they sought might be awarded them ; they sought no other reward. Their Lordships must surely think that many of these officers felt cause for not re maining in the station in which they now were. He was sure aat there was not one of those who signed the petition who would not wish that every officer who fought in Egypt should have a decoration. He felt that he had a right to ex press his opinion with respect to the petition, and would conclude by moving that it should lie on the table. DERRY AND COLRAINE RAILWAY. The Earl of WICKLOW presented six petitions in favour of the Derry and Coleraine Railway Bill. IRISH COLLEGES BILL. Lord CREMORNE presented a petition, signed by 9,000 of the Roman Catholic inhabitants of (Jerk, against the Irish Col leges Bill. He would at the same time take the opportunity of stating to their Lordships that his opinion was entirely in favour of that measure. SUN, LONDON-, TUIL I S*DAY MORNING, JETI,V _1845. Noble Lord also read from the CatechiSm of the Council of Trent, shoeing that, so far from Roman Catholics bring enjoined to warship Oiok, they were enjoined riottle reltreirair 'mature the honour which only belonged to God';- and -fasters were commanded by the Council to instruct their flicks to this effect. Images were only countenanced because they created a more lively impression on the mind, and that the sufferings of Christ, and the exemplary conduct of the saints might t e brought more vividly before the understanding By this Council it was expressly commanded that Faints were only to be invoked so that they might intercede wilt the Almighty by their prayers, and sorely no Christian could feel dissatisfied at the practice of bringing the exemplary lives of the saints and fathers of the Cathoic Church constantly under the notice of the faithful ? Lard KENYON interfered, and said it was irregular, and contrary to the rules of their Lordships' House to read a sermon there which had been delivered elsewhere. The LORD CHANCELLOR desired the Noble. Earl to proceed. The Earl of SHREWSBURY proceeded. There was not one point of evidence to bear out the assertion of the Noble Duke. The Noble Marquis was proceeding to address their Lordships with respect to the question of superstition and ido latry, when , Lord BROUGHAM interrupted him by saying, Really I begin to agree with the Noble Lord on the cross benches. There must be some limit to our debates. The Noble Earl is going into questions which have no reference to the debate before us. The Earl of SHREWSBURY said when he heard the Noble Lord opposite speak as he did with respect to the mea sure, he could not avoid occupying their time at the length he had done. But would the Noble Lord (Lord Brougham) promise never to introduce anything that was irrelevant.--( Laughter. ) Lord BROUGHAM would promise not to go into that which had no relation to the subject before their Lordships, namely, a defence of the Roman Catholics, in a debate having reference simply to education. - The LORD CHANCELLOR slid, the Noble Lord had better proceed. The Earl of SHREWSBURY then resumed, and promised that he should not detain their Lordships at much greater length. He held that he was simply giving utterance to the opinions which prevailed in Ireland. He hoped that they would make a careful and searching inquiry, and not allow them selves to be carried away by popular declamation into measures which could not fail to lead to the injury of the country to which the measure before them referred. He called upon the Government not to act as a vacillating Government, but as anxious to serve and_promote the interest of the country in every way in their power. As a proof of their sincerity, lie wished they would withdraw the Bill intended to be applied to an unfortunate country, and bring forward in its place a mea sure which would meet with the wants, and which would not outrage the feelings of the majority of the people of Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM had no intention of treating the Noble Earl with disrespect, but he conceived that he had tallen into error with respect to the views he had taken. There was no thing so vexatious, and he often heard arguments carried out to a great length, as a speech of the greatest ability where the talents of the excellent speaker only win him on his Way away from the question. It was the greatest of afflictions to have an able speaker turning his back upon the question, and dragging on his arguments far away from the question wider consideration. It was under that impression that be • n ( e L x o i r o d n Brougham)could there b e interrupted betw ee n th e the N No e at r tr t rd m . er W i ts h a o t f c o t n h - , Catholic religion and the question before them ? It looked as if there were to be professors against the Roman Catholic religion to discountenance Popery and to denounce the religion. The. Noble Earl (the Earl of Shrewsbury) took occasion to pass very high eulogiums upon the Roman Catholic religion, forgetting that either this or the other House of Parliament were the very last places where one should enter into a h e i r s dis fcourssiownhicuhpona manthe Maker. A discussion b etween Catholicism and m h e a r d its on o l f y a to any answerr religion for a to matter Pro testantism was very far beside the question before them. They were, however, to have a discussion on this mea sure, to night, because there was a protest on the minutes, which the Noble Earl thought it his duty to answer, and to try to prove that this measure was quite distinct from the May nooth question, which many supported'who thought fit to oppose this measure. The Noble Earl said that he spoke against the Roman Catholic religioe ; he (Lord Brougham) had supported the Maynooth question—but was be at the same time to set aside any portion of his own religious belief? He rejected the Roman Catholic religion on account of its immoral tendency, he would not say its immoral results. Ile held this to be one of the greatest measures in its apparently beneficial cense qiences, that ever had been brought before the Parliament of the United Kingdom. To be told that the Roman Catholic clergy were against it was absurd. If all the Roman Catholic clergy and laity, and all the Protestant clergy and laity were gainst it, he would not the less support the views which were taken by those who introduce I this measure. He did not support this mea sure a bit the more, because the Roman Catholic clergy had thought fit unfortunately to withdraw their support from it. He was not one of those who thought that they were never to promulgate education, without connecting religion with it. He not only supported this doctrine in Ireland, but also in England.—( Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that the children ought to be taught their ciphering or what was necessary at the school, but that the clergymen, belonging to the religion to which the parents adhered, ought to teach religion to the children. He was not one of those who said that this was a triumph of his principles, because the Government had decided in favour of the principles adopted in the University College and against the doctrine upheld in King's College. Ne, he thought that that did not apply to Ireland where circumstances were quite different. Was it excluding religion to say that there was a school where natural philosophy and mathematics were to he taught to the children from ten o'clock till four, and that then these children, were to go home to their parents, who would have an oppor tunity of teaching, either themselves or through their clergymen, the:religion which they professed, to their children. They who cared for no religion would provide for all creeds in discriminately, they would not be anxious far the observance or distinction of any religion, Protestant, Roman Catholic, Pres byterian, Mahometan, Hindoo, Baptist, Anabaptist, and all and every persuasion, would be allowed to be followed indiscri minately and evasively. Secular knowledge could be taught without religion. Could any man doubt it? What did custom, what did precedent prove ? When a French master, a dancing mistress, a fencing master, or other such teachers of useful or ornamental accomplishments were engaged, did the parents require a man capable also of imparting religious know ledge ? Surely if dancing and fencing could be harmlessly taught apart from religion, Greek and Latin could es satisfactorily be im parted. Another objection to the Bill was that propounded by the Noble Lord opposite in presenting some pstitions that evening, oequiring and urging that no religion should be adopted that was not founded on the system pursued at Oxford and Cam bridge. The promoters of such an argument evinced the most profound ignorance, for at Oxford and at Cambridge the most opposite systems were pursued. Thus in Oxford he ad mitted the principle of exclusive high Protestant teaching was adopted, and the Gov ernmen t mea sure was in direct contra distinction to it ; hut in Cambridge the system was the very I n b g a l c e r r i , p re verse—men of all cr ee d s cou ld pas s any examination except that of graduatin g , ad nand stoppingta take onlyany at hon th ou a r t honours, even ev a entotltat of fellowship, tion to th e artittlesof our Church was required. But He must go a step f art h er an d sa y, that the prospect of danger was exaggerat e d, an d, i n deed, unfounded ; and the longer he lived the more h e re gretted that at the time of car rying the Union the Em anc ip a ti o n was not conceded also. '1 he endoment of the Colle ge o f M aynoo th was not included in the when a the r Emancipation of 1829, and hence he was convinced had arisen all the grievances in Ireland. It had been said the Roman Catholic prelates and priests were obnoxious to the measure, and would appose it with all their vigour as well as use all their endeavours to thwart it. To such a statement he replied Credat Judceus:Apella 1" " Credat lay, quill credal 1" --(Loud laughter. ) In 1825 Lord Francis Egerton proposed that an annual grant should be conceded of 250,000/. to pay the Catholic clergy. Between 1,200/. and 1,500 e for the archbishops, 400/. t o 800,. to bishops, 5001. to deacons, and 150/. to the parish priests. Here was a great scheme, endow ing the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church. And yet it was now urged that the present measure was a novelty, and that th it Nubie Lord to whom he had referred had departed from his original principles. When that accusation was urged he took occasion to inquire into the circumstances, and he found, on reference to the votes, the facts he had just Stated, Ile would quote the tes'imony of tse dead as well as the living on this subject. He might, perhaps, be permitted to pause for an instant, and to cast an eye over the memory of that illustri ous man who had just departed from among them ; and it had never fallen to his lot to know of any man of a more unsullied honour and spotless integrity conjoined with such great excel lence, as his illustrious friend who had now paid the debt to nature. Of all men he held the opinion most strongly and most consistently to give liberty to trppressed Ireland by eman cipating the Catholics —to give equal rights to all her subjects, so that there should not be one law for the rich and another for the poor. To take th e m i sc hi e f f rom t h e hands of the mischief maker—to endow th e C at h o li c re li g i on lib era lly, but prudently, was one of the d ar li ng objects of the life of the estimable man who was now departed— " Ut malignum ce'sare facrim otiosus reddam."; Nd e d tch m oen o a r i ed seconder r e e s d p e thatr c e te a d d iw t n h ah a e n no fE theat h r Grey. enob Bill,l noble No man had ever lived more respecte d f or his opinions and con asnadidLeitarnweads Lords i s t, e o n rw c d y h E , and Lm vo d e i o without any religious distinctions as to sects,' he would refer him to one of the last clauses of the act. According to his opinion, he had also in reading the petition mentioned the name of Cambridge, and it was not to be found in it. Lord BROUGHAM explained. The Earl of CA RNARVt)N felt it his painful duty to differ to-night from those Noble Lords with whom he was in the habit of voting. He felt sure that they had the welfare of the country at heart. He agreed with what fell from his Noble and Learned Friend, that it was impossible to overrate the importance of the measure before the House. He could not satisfy his mind, that whatever might be the intentions of her Majesty's Governmeut, that the proposed measure would not be a severe blow struck at religion. He would contend that, on public grounds they were bound to bring up the scholars in such a way as would render them to that good men and good citizens. It seemed him, as the state gave the best secular education that it could, so it should give to the youthsthe best religious education of which th e y might be sus ceptible. In every regulation the state was bound to advance the public good, and the popular interests could not be more effectually served than by training the youth up in religious feelings. The institutions ought to he founded on such a plan. His Noble Friend had presented a petition from certain res pectable men at Oxford, who opposed the measure on reli gious grounds. Th e y felt that their duty to God and their country compelled:them to come forward on that occasion. He complained that no greater r e li g i ous c h aracter had b een given to the Bill. The Noble Lord had alluded to tire sub ject of separate col gle es. He quite ag ree d w i t h him, that the harmony an d good feeling likely to result from such a union were very desirable. But he could not consider that a m i xe d ass emb'y of youths. holding different religious opinions, was likely to conduce much to harmony. Separate colleges did not involve unjust ascendancy. There was no likelihood of the Protestant or Catholic clergy men co-operating to carry it out. Th e C athol i c h i erarc h y denounced it, Mr. O'Connell denounced it, and there could be but little doubt that it would be ultimately a failure. The people of Ireland accepted tire Maynooth grant as a favour bet regarded this measure as a curse. When they saw such names as that of Bishop Murray enlisted in hostility against the Bill, could they doubt but that the measure was hurtful to the re- Itgious feelings of the people anti was considered as most in judicious? The professor of history would naturally give a colouring to facts according to his religion, and that colouring would be strongest where people'spre j ur ; I; eces were must sensit ivy. He did not much see the necessity of a Catholic or Protestant professor for geology or anatomy, but he would certainly wish to see a good Chr'stian fill the chair. He objected to the great patronage which the Bill conferred —and did trot think the power of n omination in the Crown afforded any guarantee • against the propagation of improper doctrines, 'lbis had been found to be the ease in foreign universities. The great objection he had to the • Bill was that there would no the any religious instruction at all, or any religious endowneeee, at least for several years, which would be a • reproach tee this country. Religious instruction should not he left " to the hazard of the die." , The State should, as respects these pupils, stand in loco parentis. This Bill gave the bishops no gee e nor any other power whatever over professors, however wick ed or infidel their principles. He was not insensible to the .s fficulties with which the question wa , surrounded, and gas to cr edit to the Government for their courage in bringing it for "wed ; but he could not help thinking that the provision ft 441 ,„: eeligioue instruction was wholly inadequate, and that some means thigh!' be devised which would remove this cardinal objection ftdrii the -11111.re;Liqvicalti2vi . f .rcsena L bled the giant in the airy tales; who - Ifrffed tOrdilts. F,docation was perniCimis if not uroiv , rly m-naged, but cot:ld be rendered most serviceable and c'flleierit by hi•ine - , well directed.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble Earl then alluded to the question of education in France, and 9141 he was haniy to see that religion waa reviving in that cittntry. On last Easter Monday there were 1,000 commu nicants in the church of Notre Dame ; and the provincial churches of France, which were some years ago deserted, were crowded. Ile could only repeat that he did not suspect that the Noble Duke and the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department had any other object in view in bringing forward the measure than to benefit the country. He should therefore move, and he did so with great pain, that the Bill be read that day six months. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE considered that the mea sere before the House was but an instalment of the measures which he hoped the Government intended to bestow upon Ire land. The great object of the Bill was to Secifte the education of the people of Ireland ; the second was the necessity of pro portioning that education to the different classes of which so ciety was composed; the third—and on which this question mainly hinged—of laying down this system in a mode that should make it acceptable to all classes, preventing the boon which they tendered from being loaded by regulations and laws which might turn conscientious men from receiving those benefits which it was intended to confer. Some people were of opinion that the education of the great mass of the people was neither proper nor covenient; but the contrary opinion now prevailed. The second point—that of providing education for the middle classes. Whilst they had provided the means of education for the poorer classes they had neglected the education of the middle classes by leaving its support to the class which it was intended to benefit. There was now a demand not only among the laity but among the clergy of Ireland, for some thing, no the part of the Government, which would afford the means of instruction in the practical sciences, by which men might earn their own livelihood ; and be permanently useful to society. This, then, was the object of the present measure, but let him tell the Noble Lord, that this desirable object would not be effected if that education was made in the slightest degree. If there were pro fesitr-s appointed to teach one religion, and in which one reli gion was taught, the worst results could not fail to ensue. With respect to the petition from some of the members of the University of Oxford, clauses had been inserted, making pro. vision for the religious instruction of the pupils, without making it exclusive. lie must admit that there was one part of the Bill upon which he looked with apprehension—he meant the appoirement of the %A hole of the professors by her Majesty's Government. He did not question the motives of the Govern ment ; lie had no doubt—nay, lie was sure it was their intention, it was to their interest to appoint men well qualified to perform • their duties ; but there was a disposition in Ireland, which I could not be well rooted out, to attribute every appointment, and especially appointments of this kind, to Government pa tronag•,. Ile hoped that a provision would be introduced into the Bill, now or at an early period, for concentrating all these colleges into the form of one national university, which, he was convinced, would effect the greatest good. Ti inity Dublin,' might be made the focus, but as there was an objection to that course, a college might be erected in the vicinity of Dublin, where the heads of the other colleges might meet at one common centre for the management of her affairs, and for conferring degrees on those who deserved them. It should be a college in itself, but th, rep'e•entation of the three colleges. The carrying out of this suggestion could not fail to have a concilia tory effect upon Ireland.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Before he concluded, he wished to express that a system of secular education would also be most desirable to that country. It should he in accordance with the feeling of the country to afford education to every class of her Majesty's subjects. If this Bill was carried out with care it would give to the people an Silence much wanted in that country. He cordially F u pprted this Bill, at the same time wishing that they should give it the utmost are in its ultimate operation. He thanked their Lordships for the attention which they had afforded him. Lord CLIFF() ill) wished to offer his unfeigned gratitude to the Noble Lord who had introduced this measure. He had no hesitation in giving his support to the second reading of this Bill. He thought it absolutely necessary, however, that they should disabuse the people of Ireland of the notion that the people of this country were their enemies. He wished that his Noble Friend opposite would consider before he should press his amendment that this Bill should be read this day six months. Lord BEAUMONT said that he did not intend to enter into the details of the questton, because the remarks which he wouht have made were more eloquently laid before them by the Noble Marquis near him. He could not, however, help distinctly stating his unqualified approval of the measure. His approval of it was not f:mnded on the narrow grounds taken by the Noble Lord who introduced it, that it was particularly suited to Ireland. He approved of it for the great principle which it contained, applicable equally to England and Ireland, namely, the abandonment of religious tests, and the removal, by mixed education, of those animosities which arose out of sectarian differences. That was the chief ground of his approval. His Noble Friend Lehind him had treated this question as a Roman Catholic question, but he ( Lord Beaumont) was of opinion that it should as much he considered a Protestant question. He thought that this Bill most properly took away from the priests that power of in terference with secular matters which they at present most im- . . properly po,sessed. He would not detain them. and he would only state that it was the only measure that could be applied to Ireland in its present state ; and, would to Heaven that it had been carried out in England. The Bisl.op of NORWICH said that from what he had heard all his scruples were gone, and he would not hesitate in giving this measure his most unqualified support. He thought that this measure would tend to create those bonds of amity which should exist between the people of this country and Ire land ; and he thought it would introduce into that country the spirit of Christianity, which should prevail there. • Lord LYTTELTON said that he wished to ask a question of the Noble Lord (Stanley). There was a clause in the Bill which provided that such students as were desirous of receiving religious instruction could attain it. One would think that they teed not a'tcnd any religious instruction if they did not think proper. In another clause it provided that the religion should be approved of by the parents or guardians of the pupils. He wished to know if the pupil should receive the san,tion of his parent or guardian, and whether the governing body then could compel the pupil ? Lord STANLEY said that facilities should be afforded for giving religious instruction. Compulsion did not rest with the governing body. The original motion for the second reading was then put and carh'd without a division, and their Lordships adjourned at we've o'clock. good. -26 TIOUSE OF COMMONS, .July 21. The Howe met at Twelve o'Clock. HIGHWAYS BILL. The report was agreed to. RAILWAYS SELLING OR LEA_ING BILL. This Bill passed through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday. GRAND JURY PRESENTMENT (DUBLIN) BILL. This Bill was read a third time, and passed. THIRD READINGS. The Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, and the Drainage of Lands Bill, were read a third time and passed ; as was also the Mas ters and Workmen's Bill. SCOTCH POOR-LAW BILL. On the order of the day for the third reading of the Bill, Mr. 11 AS'fIE said that the Bill, considering the importance of the measure, had been passed through the House with hide cent haste, considering the importance of the alterations intro duced into it, and he should, therefore, move that the Bill be read that (!ay week. The LORD ADVOCATE objected to any delay, on the ground that it had been largely discussed. Mr. W,A !:LEY felt that he bad reason to complain that the index to ti. , • vidence that had been promised had not been fur nished. It was necessary, for the mass of evidence was such that. it was impo,sible to wade through it, and the alterations were of so much importance that they ought not to be introduced with out kno - ,ving the evidence on which they were based. He had himself inquired that morning at the poorhouse of St. Pancras, and he found that an a'slebodied Scotchman if he applied for relief might come into the house, but whether he had a wife or whether be had not he was to be sent to Scotland, and there cast on its shores helpless and destitute, and where the poor law officers had no power to relieve him. He thought therefore th , .t it ought to be reconsidered. Mr. DUNDAS thought that the alterations were of such importance that he wished the Lord Advocate to postpone the Bill. Air. LOCKHART supported the Bill, as he thought it would be of advantage to Scotland. After a few words from Mr. 11. YORKE, who wished the postponement, and from Mr. HENLEY, who was anxious that there should not only be an unifc rm law of settlement, but also an uniform poor-law throughout the kingdom, The House divideci, when there appeared— For the motion • Against it Majority Th Bill was then read a third time and passed. EXCISE DUTIES ON SPIRITS (CHANNEL ISLANDS) BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. - COAL PORT (LONDON) DUTIES BILL. _ _ _ On the motion for the third reading of this Bill, The Earl of LINCOLN said that as some misapprehension had arisen respecting the third reading of this Bill, on the part of the lion. Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) who was not present, he should postpone the third reading ti l l t w elve o'clock to-morrow, when it would certainly come on. GAMES AND WAGERS BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this Bill, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that the object of this Bill was two-fold. Firstly, to regulate the entry of those houses avowedly kept open for gaming ; and, secondly, to amend the laws respecting wagers generally. As the law now stood, no house could be entered except on an information signed by two householders. It was proposed to transfer the power of laying the information from these parties to the inspectors of police, who, on evidence received, were to lay informa tion before a magistrate, and on such information the magistrate was empowered to grant a warrant, on which the police might act. With respect to the second por tion, its object was to define what were and what were not to be wagers recoverable by law. With so useful a purpose, he had no hesitation in proposing the second reading of this Bill. 111 r. HAWES said that the Bill did not confine itself to the recommemtation of the Commissioners, for it interfered with licensed victuallers in a manner that was not contemplated. There was an attempt in the Bill to define an unlawful game, but that definition was so extensive as to include any innocent game added to this they were going to do that by the Bill that would operate as a further heavy tax upon the licensed victuallers if they had a billiard table—a body, he thought, that was sufficiently taxed already. The Bill, in fact, went beyond the description of it given by the Right Hon. Baronet, and beyond what was contemplated by the Gaining Committee. Unless the Right Hon. Baronet would insert a clause exempt ing the licensed victuallers from the operation of the Bill, he thonl , l vote against its second reading. Mr. HENLEY would oppose the second reading, unless some alterations were made with respect to the powers of the in- spcc•turs 0: police. Mr. SPOONER l.ad strong objections to several clauses of the Bill, but be trusted the lion. :Member tor Lambeth would not object to the second reading of the Bill, as its principle was Sir JAMES GRAHAM denied that it was the ebjecs of the Government, in bringing in this Bill, to meet the case of certain individuals ; the measure had been brought forward for the purpose of putting an end to gambling in the metropolis, that had been productive of the worst of consequences.—( Hear, hear.) He denied also that - .the Bill was intended to operate only against the lower classes, and that it passed by the higher. The second clause was levied against play, not only by the lower, but the higher classes. That clause was most stringent against hazard, a game, he believed, rot much indulged in by the lower classes. A: to the licensed victuallers, the Bill would not operate bar,hiy against them. In conclusion, he trusted that the second reading of a Bill to prevent gaming would never be opposed in a British House of Commons. Mr. WARBURTON thought the Bill acted unfairly with respect to informers, in preventing them horn recovering any but taxed costs. Mr. B. ESCOTT said that the Committee that sat upon the question of qui tarn actions were clearly of opinion that ' l the statute of Anne was never intended to apply to betting Qn horse racing.: 14e trusted that the Bill would be allowed to go into Committee. I , lr. C. BERKELEY wotild gi*e his support to the Right Honottrabltf qemleman if he would strife out all the clauses fa the Bill, except 111 . 07 , e that related to qut tarn actions.—( A laugh.) He theug fit the Bill would act most un fairly towards the licensed vieittallers, and he should not In content unless all the clauses with respect to them were Btr u , :k out. Sir G. STRICKLAND considered the Bill as the foun dation of a good principle, and, although some of its clauses w,ere tlo stringent, he would vote for the second reading, in order that those clauses might be amended in Committee. Captain RODS would vote for the second reading. He was as anxious to put an end to gambling as any man ; he did not desire to protect the rich, and he trusted that the first information would be against Crockford's Club-house.— (A laugh.) Mr. WAKLEY considered that the Bill would operate most harshly on the licensed victuallers ; as to the informers, he looked upon them as pests to society, and as such they ought to be treated as strictly as possible in legislation. Sir J. GRAHAM did not wish to press harshly upon the licensed victuallers, further than to prevent the growing evil of gambling. When the House went into Committee, he would carefully consider what had fallen from the Hon. Members for Lambeth and Finsbury. After a few words from Mr. HAWES, the Bill was read a second time, arid it was arranged that it should be committed pro forma to-morrow, and another day appointed for its dis cussion. The business of the House was then suspended till half-past 1 four o'clock. The SrEAKErt resumed the Chair at half-past Four o'clock. ROYAL ASSENT—SUMMONS FROM THE LORDS. Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, summoned the House to attend the House of Lords to hear the Royal Assent given to several public and private Bills (for which see Lords' report). The SPEAKER, accompanied by several Hon. Members in obedience to the summons, immediately left House. The SPEAKER returned from the House of Lords at a quarter past five o'clock, having been absent about forty minwes, when the House resumed. DUDDESTOLS AND NECHELLS IMPROVEMENT BILL. The report of this Bill was taken into consideration and agreed to. GRIMSBY DOCKS BILL. rhe report of this Bill was also considered and agreed to. EPPING RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. MACAULAY presented a petition from persons re sidt nt in Edinburgh, and having friends and relations in New Zealand, praying for an inquiry into the state of that colony. Mr. SPOONER presented a similar petition from Bir mingham. Mr. DUNCAN presented 2: petition from Dundee com plaining of delay of the mails in Edinburgh. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from inhabitants of the county of Surrey, praying for the postponement of this Bill, and alleging that the petitioners had important Informa tion to communicate to the House on the subject, if time were allowed. SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY. Mr. HAWES begged leave to take that opportunity of putting a question to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite ( eir Robert Peel) on the subject of the matters which had transpired respecting the South-Eastern Railway. He wishes to ask whether the Government meant to act upon their own responsibility in reference to the report of the Com mittee of the House? His question was, whether they had taken into consideration the report of the Select Committee of the House respecting the conduct of Mr. Bonham, Captain Boldero, and Mr. Wray ?—( Hear, hear.) He wished to know whether the Ministers, in the case of those gentlemen, had acted upon their own responsibility, or were waiting for further proceedings in the House? Sir ROBERT PEEL begged to state to the House, in an swer to the question of the Hon. Member, that the course taken by her Majesty's Government was this : After the consideration of the report of the Committee ap pointed to inquire into the matter had been laid be fore them, a communication had been received from Mr. Bon ham and Captain I.3t,ldero, surrendering the offices which they respectively held. They stated that although they had been exonerated from any suspicion in this transaction; althoughtheir characters wet e completely cleared, and although in their official capacity they had not been influenced by any suggestions of self-interest, yet, at the same time, they felt that their efficiency as members of a pub lic body was likely to be impaired, and therefore they tendered their resignation. With respect to Mr. Wray, who held ine office of Receiver-General to the Police establishment, his Right Honourable Faiend beside him directed a communication to be forwarded to him, calling upon him for an explanation, and, as re garded Mr. Hignett, his Honourable and Gallant Friend the Master-General of the Ordnance had informed him (Sir R. Peel) that he had been formally dismissed her Majesty's service. Captain BOLDER() felt truly the painful situation in which he was placed before the House, and he would endeavour to inform them, in as few words as possible, of every circum stance connect trig his name in any way with these transactions. The House was, of course, aware that the South-Eastern Railway Company had presented a petition to the House, in which charges were brought against Mr. Bonham and himself. The matter had been referred to a Committee of the House for inquiry, and after mature deliberation and the strictest inquiry—after witnesses had been examined, and after the do cuments connected with the transaction had been received and perused, that Committee had presented a report to this House, to which he would briefly refer. The report stated " Your Committee, upon the evidence before them, cannot, entertain a doubt that the paragraphs in Mr. Hignett's letters of the 3d of February, 1815, which refer to Captain Boldero and Mr, Bonham are altogether false. But your Committee find that Capt. Boldero and Mr. Bonham have trafficked in the shares of a railway company, the progress of whose Bill depended upon the consent of a public board, of which, at the time, they were members ; and thoy are of opinion that such transactions are inconsistent with the maintenance of that strict impartiality of conduct upon all public questions which is to be expected from every servant of the Crown, and are calculated to impair the confidence of the public in the integrity of members of the Government departments." And then went on to say—" Your Committee entertain no doubt that the decisions of the Master-General and the acts of the Bonrd of Ordnance in re ference to these railway companies, were the result elone of a desire to p. otect public interests, and to efford consistently with them a reasonable and proper accommodation to the public in the districts through which it was proposed that these railways should pass " The Committee in that report stated that nothing had transpired which led them to suppose that the Mas'er-General or other of the higher officers of the Board of Ordnance had been influenced by other motives than those which depended solely on the mer:ts of the question of railways itself. When he ( Capt. Boldero) was examined before that Committee, he exposed every private transao tion of his connected with railways without any hesitation, and in the course of his evidence he stated that he had purchased some shares in the North Kent, but he was not in the slightest degree Implicated as a member of the Board, nor would any decision of the Beard be affected by that circumstance. After finishing his explanation he had not had an opportunity of hearing the short-hand writer read his notes, nor did he get a sight of them on the next day. The real facts which induced him to sell those shares were these. On Satur day the 7th June, after the business of the day was ever, he found by the Times newspaper that a military witness at tached to a powder establishment at Feversham (the pro perty of the Board of Ordnance) had been examined. It was evident to him that he might be called upon, in his character as a Member of that House, and as holding a special situation in the Board of Ordnance to explain the act of the Master- General (who had not a seat in that House), with respect to the passing of a railway line close to that work, and he decided on disposing of the shares he had in the rival line. On Mon day, then, the 9th of June, he disposed of them on the principle that if called upon to give an explanation to that House, or to take part in any debate on the subject he might do so, without being impressed in any wayl by the fact that he was interested in the matter. This was the impression made upon the minds of the Commit tee. He could assure the House that it was entirely inconsis tent with the mode in which the business was carried on in that department. There was no power whatever, either negative or affirmative, in his hands. The decision rested entirely in the hands of the Master-General.—( Hear.) If there should be a doubt about what he stated, he would undertake to say that both those gentlemen would corroborate the statements which he had made. There was the paragraph as it stood, and be would ask the House if such a paragraph were published to the world, what course there was open to him, except that dictated by an honourable mind ; and he put into the hands of the Right Hon. Beionet the First Lord of the Treasury his resignation as clerk to the Ordnance. In doing that he thought it his duty to read the letter which he communicated to state his only grounds for the course which he took. The words were to the effect that he acted under a clear conviction and perfect con sciousness of the utter groundlessness of any imputation which might be thrown on his character, either in his public or his private capacity. This was all he wished to put forward; and he would conclude by thanking the House for the patient manner in which they had heard him, at the same time hoping that the words uttered by him had given offence to nobody. Mr. HAWES wished to understand from the Secretary of the Home Department, whether Mr. Wray was still continued in office after the report was made? Sir J. GRAHAM said that as soon as the report which the, Hon. Gentleman referred to was presented to him he thought after mature reflection, that the transaction of 1836 had no connexion with the subject matter which gave rise to the in quiry. He thought that at was then his (Sir J. Graham's) duty to animadvert strongly on his (Mr. Wray's) conduct in 1836, and he was deserving of serious animativerson. His ap prehension up to that time was that he (Mr. Wray) had no right to employ himself in any other business than that connected with his office.—(Cries of " Hear.") Since that period the official labour which had devolved on Mr. Wray had considerably increased, and there had, in conse quence, been an augmentation of his salary. Mr. Wray hail, therefore, been called upon to give his time exclusively to the business of his office, and he had been informed that any employment that he might enter into not immediately connected with his office, would be considered as a ground for his immediate removal from the situation which he held. He (Sir James Graham) had looked at this matter dispassionately, and, in his humble judgment, the course which he had adopted was the proper one. Mr. HAWES—Has the Right Hon. Gentleman any ob jection to lay the letter to which he has alluded on the table of the House? Sir JAMES GRAHAM—Under the peculiar circumstances of this case—although I have before refused in such cases to produce the terms in which the Secretary of State has thought fit to discharge his duty—yet, in this case, I am prepared to lay thr letter on the table of the House. Mr. ROEBUCK —lf I understood the Right Hon. Gentleman rightly, he said that in the appointment of Mr. Wray, that gen tleman was not restricted from applying himself to other busi ness. Was it understood that he was to employ himself in the character of a barrister—that was, that he was not to withdraw himself from Westminster-hall? 1 want to know whether it was considered that this was a palliation of the proeedingsoflf Mr. \'dray, and whether he way justified in employing in the business of ca the South-Eastern ttnaviz.saiyngcvoorzifioyr? the private purpuses of circumstance which ihe would li( be s a ir p . . ' il . liti t ( t !i l f A tL i— pa i r e tieu iel:rivteratnlisaatetloon Gentleman refers. hoatnso the aibikeee whole, hoinde fensibleplace,lew . di ; og I t hi t l u eor t t t h e . s p.se of am considering I hich I have s ta p ti e t e t i o fie( ko an act of justice, I have WARD begged to say a few words on this subject. considerationsoact withundue d " ti . thought i‘tr. it b:'st to take the course I have stated. He did conceive that a great deal of misapprehension existed in regard to Mr. Wray, and if anything could be said in extenua tion of his conduct it was the disgraceful mode of forming the Committees that existed in the year 1836. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had heard that explanation with considerable surprise, and that such a state of things as the Hon. Member had described as existing in 1836 was no excuse whatever for the conduct that had been spoken of here this evening. Mr. WARD said a few wo r d s i n exp l ana tion. Sir .T. GR Ail VI said he had never had any communication with Mr. Wray on this subject, but he hail weighedtheevidence that had been elicited very carefully, and had, upon his own reQporsibility, and without consulting anybody, written it lett.r of severe animadversion to Mr. Wray upon the subject. Colonel SIBTHORP said, that this discussion only con tinced him of the necessity that existed for having every Member or this House called up and examined.—(Laughter.) He could take his oath that he never had had any connexion with any railway schemes ; but these transactions only con vloctd him the more of this fact, that though this was called the reformed House of Commons, he conceived they were more in the mud and dirt than ever.—(Laughter.) Mr. F. FRENCH said that as his name had been mixed up in this tranaction by a Noble I.ord, and as an attack had been made upon him, he would take an early opportunity of again calling the attention of the House to it. The subject then dropped. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. WARD presented a petition from the New Zealand Company praying the House not to separate until they had adopted such measures as would remove the occasion for fur ther controversy. SUPPLY. On the order of the day being read for the House going into Committee of Supply, Mr. C. BULLER said he entirely concurred in the prayer of the petition which had just bent presented to the House. He now was about to bring the subject again before the House, impressed with the importance and necessity of the case. The facts he had to state were very few, but thcv were of great im portances The newspapers had put the Htitio in possession of events which had occurred in New Zealand of late—events which had excited dee p consideration for what had passed, and anxious apprehensions for the future. Those events had been predicted three years ago.-4 Hear.) Due notice was given of the attack which was made an the 7th. The Governor sent all the available forces at his dis- ~.••• - ••., ---••• posal, and what •• was the result? All that force was com pletely routed.—( Hear, hear.) The most ancient settlement of Europeans in the South Seas was completely swept away from the earth.—( Hear, hear.) The settlement of the Bay of Islands was pillaged, and eyery human habitation therein was destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) But it had been said, a short time ago, that the news from New Zealand justified the ex pectation that the attacks of the natives would end there. But on the contrary, it appeared that this was only the commence ment of a war, to be carried on against all the settlements. —( Hear, hear.) The chief, John Heki, who, to do him justice, carried on war in a chivalrous spirit, and with all the refinement of European warfare — with a refinement of which, at least, one European nation could not boast—( Hear, hear)—had given notice of the day when he would take the seat of government—acting• perhaps. upon thelLacedemonian maxim, that to tell the enemy your real intentions is the best mode of deceiving him.— ( Hear, and laughter. ) He had taken advantage of the dis sensions in New Zealand, and had declared that he would not carry on war against the peaceable settlers, but against the Government. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then read extracts from recent letters from New Zealand, to the effect which he had stated, as to Heki's conduct and intentions. The Hon. Secretary to the Ordnance said it was satisfactory that, at the Bay of Islands, the church of the missionary settlements was not interfered with. That was not the case. The only mission which was not disturbed was that of the French missionaries, who (and he said it without any invidious in tention), had not availed themselves of their influence with the natives to secure lands for themselves. But the British missionaries were looked upon as a part of the Government, and they were, therefore, ;evolved in the hostility of the natives. The Hon. and Learfied Gentleman then read a letter from Auckland, describing the dgulorable state of the colonists there, and attributing all the evils of the settlement to the rolicy of the Government. The settlement was crowded with con victs, and those white savages were worse than brown.—( Hear, hear.) The settling of convicts there was, on the part of the Government, a gross breach of faith, and there had been nothing but mischief in Auckland ever since. Their lawless conduct in the present crisis created more alarm in the minds of the settlers than the threats of the natives.—(Hear, hear.) The property carried off by Heki was said to be of the value of 30,0001., and the last accounts from the colony stated that the Governor was alarmed on account of the effect which this fact might have upon the conduct Ofihe friendly tribes. It was not in the north that the principal settlements of the Eng lish were located. In the south the settlers had expended 2,000,0001., and the New Zealand Company 600,0001. But the Government had withdrawn from the southern settlements almost every means of protection.—( Hear, hear.) At Wellington, where there were:between 2,000 and 3,000 settlers, there was not a' single soldier. And New Plymouth where the population was composed of English agriculturists, brought out by a committee of which Lord St. Germans was at the head, was in the neighbourhood of the most pewerful of all the tribes, and was entirely unprotected.—( Hear, hear. ) ' He did not think it was justice to poor Captain Fitzroy to throw all the blame upon him. He believed that the policy of the Government was to blame.—( Hear, hear.) He attributed all the evils to the policy of Lord Stanley, and he read nume rous extracts from the correspondence of the settlers, altogether inculpating Lord Stanley as the cause of the disasters which had befallen the colony. He would ask any calm and con siderate man to look at the position of New Zealand, anti the results of those measures, and then say if all those disasters might not have been avoided by firmness on the part of the Government, and by a wise and humane policy.—(Hear, hear.) But to turn from this evil to another point, and a far more im portant one, namely, what was the remedy proposed to be sup plied by the Government? What hope was there that any effectual remedy would be applied ?—( Hear.) He really feared that there would be no real satisfaction afforded by merely making Captain Fitzroy a scape-goat, unless the Go vernment gave a satisfactory proof of their intention to pursue a different course. The Government had removed Captain Fitz roy, but had they dealt in the same way with some of the subordi nates ?—( Hear. ) For he (Mr. Buller) would contend for it, that it was not Captain Fitzroy alone, but every member of the Government in New Zealand that should have been removed ; yet they had not heard of a single removal of one of those subordinates ; on the contrary, they had heard that the very last act of the Government was in reference to Mr. Shortland, who, though his acts in his official capacity in New Zealand, were anything but praiseworthy, yet he had been rewarded by an appointment in the West India Islands. Now, he would refer to some circumstances which had occurred in the late debate ; he did not mean the words, but the general tone of the speeches—he would refer to words hereafter.—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite on that occasion made' use of sentiments which he (Mr. Buller) believed to be in con formity with his feelings, and he believed he intended to give them effect. —( Hear, hear.) And, now, let him ask what was the general effect of those sentiments? Upen that debate he (Mr. Buller) had been reproved by some of his friends for preo ing the House to a division, because it was alleged that he had gone too far in doing so.—(Hear, hear.) And it had been said that some Hon. Members opposite would vote with this side of the House if the assurances then made by the Govern ment should not be carried out.—( Hear, hear.) Well, be and those who voted with him held out; and the result of the last debate on this question was now before the House in the shape of Lord Stanley's instructions to the new Governor of New Zealand—( Hear)—and it was quite apparent that there was to be no more stable assurance that a satisfactory ar rangement would be made than those instructions.—(Hear, hear.) Here the Hun. Member read a short extract from the preliminary instruction, which generalised the nature of the duties of the Governor, and he then went on by asking what especial security there was that even these instructions would be carried into effect; or under what circumstances they had been issued ?—( Hear ) These instructions had been issued with out the Government knowing whether he to whom they were addressed would accept all the responsibility they involved, and the wretched salary and painful task of repairing all the blunders of his predecessor.—( Hear, hear.) Yet this was the present state of the colonial Government.—( Hear, hear.) If these instructions should have miscarried in their way out, then there was the chance of the Government of the Co lony being intrusted to the Colonial Secretary, of whom he would only say that his speeches in the Legislative Assembly of that colony were specimens of the greatest absur dity he had ever heard.—( Laughter.) Well, now let him ( Mr. Buller) contrast those instructions with the declarations of the Right lion. Baronet opposite in the last debate on this question. The Right Hon. Baronet, in his speech on that oc casion, said that a representative government would be suitable to the colony, coupled with municipal institu tions and a regular system of local taxation. Well, that would be satisfactory if it were granted. But did it mean that there should merely be mayors, and aldermen, and paving boards, where they were nit wanted; or did it mean that, like the institutions of America, those municipal insti tutions were to supply the places of larger and more compre hensive bodies?—( Hear hear.) Before he entered further upon this question let him call the attention of the Home to the fact that the present governing body of New Zealand con sisted of a few individuals appointed by the Governor, and removable at the will of the Governor, in case they should vote against him,—( Hear, hear.) Yet that was the system which Lord Stanley, by his instructions, would propose to keep up.—( Hear, hear.) Now, let him ask, what did all this mean ?—( Hear, hear.) Was this what the Govern ment were prepared to call a boon to this new colony ? ( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had said that " New Zealand was in a fit condition for receiving a re presentative Government ;" and this, then, was to comprehend the fulfilment of all his promises to this colony ?—( Hear, hear.) What had become of the question as to the settlement of the claims for land?—(Hear, hear.) According to the instruc tions of Lord Stanley, it would appear that that question was to be left in precisely the same position as that in which it stood before.—( Hear, hear.) There was only one-third about which an award had been taken. The remaining two-thirds were not adjudicated upon. What, after all, was the pr h esent state of affairs with respect to New Zea l a n d ? Wy, it was nothing but the old story over again, of one set of instructions being shown before they were sent out, and another set shown after they had been forwarded. He did not mean to say that there had been bad faith on the part of the Government, but the New Zealand Compaq had suffered as much as though bad faith had been practised to wards them. It was a most singular thing, however, that Lord Stanley had made two similar mistakes with respect to the New Zealand Company, within two years. He had con ducted the business of a great public department in a very loose manner. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman here read lengthy extracts from the correspondence which had taken place between the Government Commissioners in New Zea• land and the representative of the New Zealand Company, to show, that it always was the intention of the Government Commissioner to recognise the claims of the New Zealand Company.—( Hear.) He did not mention this matter in consequence of the amount of land which it involved, that amount being not more than 25,000 acres. But to show that Lord Stanley was carrying on the controversy in the old spirit; cothrnismissio subject,ner t a h n a d t , N r e o f h a l s e i n t g or t d o a h g a r d e , e al n o e t e h te t h a e w ard last of c ommissioner, w e n n !ifs views upop this subject.taken Now hadopportunity that down course laid in the speech of any disposition to follow the NoolafleeLxioureds,sinags his speech evineed, tenor of the Noble Lord's speech ? had not. What was the simply a declaration of obstinate adhesion to the very the Right Hon. Gentleman opposit eail orpononiteitictiyss. opposite. subject? Ina „‘ word, the th b ha e et Why, chiepiNesoble Lord might be taken as an answer to the speeches of the speech h p o r i f n t speech the Noble Lor sa rat t e New Zealard two thßde Right td Hon.coilen h , Company had been guilty of misrepresentation to Lord John Russell. Although this charge had been made, yet never down to that hour had it been attempted to be proved. Another remarkable point in the Noble Lord's sprech was the declaration of a deter mination to adhere to the t.re ty e.f Waitangai to the fullest ex tent. Now. by that ti e,it y, the land in New Zealand was de clared to be as much the right of the natives es was the land in England or Seutland the property of its owners. What did Lord Stanley d o ? Wh y , he sent out instructions to the Governor to impose a gild land-tax, with the distinct view of confiscating the land. Ile said that the treaty of Waitangi should be !eligiotely and sacredly adhered te. The words sacred and religious ought not to be played with in such a was. If they thought the New 'Zealanders were competent to make treaties, those treaties ought to be observed as much as though they had been made with any European power.—( Hear, hear.) What would the people of Guadeloupe, or Martinique, or Canada have said if a wild land-tax had been imposed upon them for the purpose of confiscating their land? This was merely the old story told in Roderick Random of the ring-dropping system. Every means had now been exhausted for getting redress from her Majesty's Government, and while the present spirit animated the Colonial-office no hope could be entertained. The New Zealand Company, therefor e, were compelled to come again to that House to lay their case again before them. What he had to ask the House was, whether they would leave for the next six months the colony of New Zealand to be subjected to the operation of the spirit which animated the officials of the colonial department. Would they back up Lord Stanley by 'awing to vote with hits