The Sun. — London, England, 1851-05-30 00:00:00

sAid that he was he pre' I Tonin g:on and t rat occasion, hear AI rington as alleged pi equent communicatiog ed the 25th azkuglig, lenial of Lord Torii!, him in the interviei e case, what 1 1 it he stood convict! ithstanding that, the Noble Lord s to for t h e colonies, t ble Earl's views 0 slby back on th e I Torrington froni be Sear, hear.) ge the best of his abibt!! anything wrong'? übtedly, the quesde was a question ifblt narrow walls of tig I • would go out ia! the most intportsP hear.) the Honourable 014 'Wn, to see tha t 110 accusations, but 1 0 tions indulged la 11 1, aga i n st the railiteq operations on alt end, he felt 1)00" tgainst the aspersioald Hon. and Learn other lion. Member° object. Ile had loasd L neighbour, align, Seen muc h inh his accusers on t„. ught proper to his .Lordebip A1°,30 rho took par t in the pon as carry ing xion with th at p r od ember theta eilteAd taken place, un I amongst t hem, of to 'e of the cease ecs.' ith those ex octed with the 01; who were charge. • Colonel Droukbt; ose confiscations, 0, isions of the 9°1114 which the confiser In stated of rolonel in evidence. „ ro ve re world coul d r g t had been fc-sen xecutions etu de c tbe iption of Pe ° ,P ro ted. e not to be " bel• at in a fonne rc i leat the 19th Be dee tli. 300 me n to ut, olonel Drol l g ds sli ation, had CO floe atisfied, from aft' ;14 of iIII IIIIII that the Bosselics b on is made by as ork (Mr. Member 'riend the tu f a sn - re Hon.Gee t ' - be V. ogg) ; and apea be attache d , os s '0 former of " ;6 0 sift the deal-vie I, who bad b ee d ' a of public d o pe address th e 01 refuted the c b ee n s, which / 0 41 2 be at with vo l abet Se had given mit Id then clale l ie ecl tit of the Ins ti l 10 1 subject wb l , s tto t he wishe.cl'lber Dhe Hon. D$ Of. Of. ly affected h'" o be ataternente , oll 4 and witboat;iitel )a. Gentlenn e es mittee bad to understancl ill tad ited, or ratbe t th e at the bead ai 4,or- A the recall 0 ' or h e bad ever o l e o pother steel, to willing enoleio. hen their F',c, vie entertainea ed round .., 0 1110, re Hon. c cLe iite° if he had ref di would have in fact. a l to sad he stet l es indation far D Lord TorraOm o o, his posse s l o be ough t , 40 roduce the ee' t et letters wen d po ad if he he'," igned by bit ri ve ye these Corp testimony l ot 'a of Ceyl oo ,oo B ray brooke L regard t O 4O this—that h h' , el ;use to wbleliol. red confidel l o te quiry, and ro id were add a ors writer.— ()lie question. , l et I addressed the at fairly 13 t I pe Anion 'ußet t j el at acqualo o ; 4 o but that fro , ant in bold 00 at _ aye or, i t He could 011 1 upon h A le f , not stated „tel its to. whi"te I he que stioS e t y What- was) ents occu r the vs justifieu4 severity P,bil 3 Honou r s lour :of e b , e il that the /.411 1 unication ^ t ot f n favour o „ t o , nt of the P o y ecessary t dot harg!s, ° fr o/ received rents oceta:jo n giVen ad the 1-I° l i le st ruelner s 4l 1. The eve,'" arcised aa ad gave be ar j, 3 ot the re q j most re ° as s e teen EnanY v „3 to 1848, the attr ib u ted I d a ttribu t e prod uce d . ft v et people Jc e p e l in which t,„, fi ne d that lYi Wilber of ece . ,t es did rep_, of the el; nee who tat alarnc 1 14 le who wr lg‘ o laroed Fri e " 0 oo ! Bray br ',hat C 0191 3 01 tie grolo cti • e l :Jahn it the 1 " - exper i r „ ett r e. 4 laimede y, tha t , e ir LW till f ilo , ervene , De whilst seisio o 10 0 2, t , r for Ar l o is of 13 1 , st saved! ;lea re e%ca-ki ot the 0 11 . ch was WI,' 4 d this r e. hag Oebief , 1 the le° l proc_ 4 o• tbel 4o a tied Pe t ` it red Stdge, ted o' 1 son f ror ebelhlt i pt proVe2lla - icurro-„„ he P';,l y t— ,,ti at nce' n ia t :rond roe. ost c lit iott nctlf„ t . rebe" i° o . jts6e is Ja 3 ., g bt aVY ber a big. naro• to 00 ,,. oato bef°" e• ctio- ag -- tl P° ,d "ost • e y oile d b for th ts-ae l c i 110 ea f t" the ofthat I uich pr be ' and 'P C e aub eto v as to ry' eri th e "- d if/18 Fie Piga process could not be executed. There _was also the evidence f Mr. Stewart, a native of Ceylon, and who unders'ood tile anguage of the country, and considered by Si: A. Oliphant to be a vary fair lawyer. He knew the Hon. Mera-er fore Montrose would object to his evidence that was given it: 1829, though when the Hon. Member wished to obtaiu evi dence even in 1850 as to the events in 1848, he did not fin , f him disposed to dieeredit that evidence. Mr. Stewart said that the civil power had ceased to exist. He might multiply these statements to a great extent. What course did Lord Torrington take the very first moment when he received the intelligence of the outbreak? He sent for Colonel Fraser. He next calle I together the Executive Council. Did they differ from him? No; they concurred. But there was one remarkable circumstance to which the Honourable Member for Honiton had referred. One member of the Executive Council, Mr. Wodehouse, did not concur in the first proclamation, but acquiesced in the second, and assigned as a reason, that the proclamation having once issued, a line of policy had been adopted, which should be fol lowed up, and said that he was not so fully informed of the grounds of the proclamation as he ought to have been. The Council was fully attended; he believed that all the members attended. The fallest infor mation was laid before the Council, who came to a unani mous resolution on the sth of August, after the time when it was said that perfect tranquillity had been restored, not only that martial law was fully justified, but that the mea sures of the Governor were perfectly satisfactory. He might refer to an event which happened elsewhere in support of the conduct adopted on this occasion. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended in Ireland when perfect tranquillity prevailed, but it was justified by the necessities of the time. Independently of Mr. Wodehouse another gen tleman, whom he must regard as a hostile witness, concurred in the proclamation—namely, Mr. Selby. He believed that he had said enough to show that Lord Torrington, supported as he was by all the military and civil authorities, was fully justified in proclaiming martial law. With regard to the character of Captain Drought, the evidence showed that he had treated the natives no worse than his own soldiers, so that it could not be said that he had acted with undue severity. Besides, after all, these courts-martial were held in public—in the presence of representatives of the press. How was this, that there were no repre sentations to the major-general in command—no memo rials to the Secretary of State? On the 21 October, 1848, the Legislative Council assembled and presented an address to the Governor. Martial law was still in force; but what course did the Council adopt? They unanimously agreed to an address approving of the conduct of the Governor in his prompt declaration of martial law, and added that they fully participated in the earnest desire expressed by his Excellency for its termination, and would be ready to give their earnest attention to the subject of a bill of indemnity. Mr. Selby and Mr. Wodehouse concurred in that address. The Hon. Member for Inverness-shire, thinking that the address, being flattering to the Governor, must have been written by Sir E. Tennent, immediately after that ad dress was read to the Committee, somewhat unguardedly asked who wrote that address? "Mr. Wodehouse"—was the reply. In 1849 the Legislative Council agreed to a unanimous address in which they thanked the Governor for the measures which he had adopted, to which they attri buted entirely the tranquillity of the colony. He could not believe, after the evidence that had been given on the sub ject, that the House of Commons would consider there were any good grounds for the motion of the Hon. Member for Inverness. He wished now to call the attention of the House to the statement of Mr. Selby, and to ask whether, if it could be true th,t such irregularities and violence had been committed in the way of confiscation and sequestration as it was alleged, how did it 'happen that no complaints had ever been brought before the local magistrates? Mr. Selby bore importan, testimony to the circumstances that had occurred. He (Mr. Hawes) asked him whether he could call to mind any particular person who had made a com plaint, or was charged ? His answer was that he remem bered the name of one party char e ed—his name was Mat thews; but he added that the case was not set led when he left. Then he (Mr. Hawes) put this question to him : —" As far as any complaints had been made which had reached the authorities, had the Government shown any disposition to prevent inquiry into them?" The answer was that it was his belief it was only necessary for the party to make their complaint to the proper authority to ensure its being listened to, and such party was certain of obtaining redress if aggrieved. Now he (Mr. Hawes) asked, in the face of such evidence, could they believe that all these pro ceedings in Ceylon had been marked by violence and ille gality? But his Hon. and Learned Friend had alladed to what he alleged were the confiscations that took place under the proclamation of the 18th August. He, however, omitted to tell the House that not a single confiscation had actually taken place. He challenged him to point out the least evi dence to show that aoy confiscation had taken place on the 18th. of August. All the argument and ingenuity of his Hon. and Learned Friend were, therefore, thrown away. Bet it was said that sequestration followed. What was the fact? When the insurrection took place, and martial law was proclaimed, a great portion of the inhabitants fled to the jungle and deserted their homes and properties. A vast amount consequently of property thus des -rted was exposed to plunder. The military, however, took possession of it, and such of the property as was perishable was :old, and the proceeds kept for the right owners, and such as was not perishable was restored to the proper claimants. He did not mean to say that there were not some cases of hardship, for it was impossible to avoid these under such circumstances. Ile must now be permitted to refer particu krly to one of the resolutions which the Honourable Mem ber for Inverness had placed upon the table of the House, " That the refusal of the Governor to allow a shert delay in the execution of a priest, at the request of the Queen's Ad vocate, who wished further investigation into the case, was in the highest degree arbitrary and oppressive." The Hon. Member must be aware that there was nothing Mr. Selby insisted upon more strongly than this—that he did not go to the Governor-General on the occasion referred to as the Queen's Advocate. Mr. Selby distinctly declared that he went there as a private individual. There was a most im portant distinction to be drawn between the two characters. Mr. Selby went as a private individual upon the loose and vague report cf one person. He knew nothing of the truth of the statement he made himsett, nor had he taken the slightest pains himself to ascertain the accuracy of it. The Governor had, however, read the whole of the proceedings of the court-martial, and was fully acquainted with the facts therein disclosed; and, acting upon the knowledge he had thus acquired, he felt it his duty to refuse the application that was then made. Taking, then. a fair review of the evidence given—that the procla mation of martial-law was fully justified according to the opinions of the most eminent military and civil authorities— considering that these stories of severity and violence were not corroborated, and that Mr. Selby had distinctly stated that all complaints made were heard and redressed—con sidering that the members of the Legislative and Executive Council and that the military authorities had all concurred in the one opinion—namely, the necessity for martial law considering, too, that during the whole time of its continu ance there never was any direct representation made to the Governor from any civil or military person that the con tinuance of this law was violent or unjustifiable, he thought that there never was a case which the Governor could fall back upon with more confidence than upon this case. The conduct of his Noble Friend Earl Grey was impugned for having given his unqualified approbation to the proceedings that had taken place under martial law in Ceylon. He (Mr. Hawes) thought the House must be struck with this circum stance—when the Honourable Member for Inverness had first put his resolution upon the table of the House he spoke of the " unqualified approbation" expressed by Earl Grey to Lord Torrington, whereas the resolution that was now before them had the word " unqualified" left out of it. The Hon. Member, by this change in the wording of his resolution, must be convinced that his first resolution was erroneous. Be (Mr. Hawse) was not, however, going to take refuge under that omission ; but he was prepared, to the best of his ability, to defend the part taken by his Noble Friend in the matter, as being consistent with all former precedents. When a Secretary of State receives an account from any of the co lonies that an insurrection has broken out, what did the House think was the course he should take under the circumstances ? When he receives such an account from the governor, and that he hears the troops had acted well under their proper leaders—that owing to their gallantry and promptitude in action tranquillity was restored, in such a case was the Secre tary of State to wait until sufficient time had elapsed to be informed of every circumstance connected with the insurrec tion, in order that he might write his approval or condemna tion of the conduct of the governor? Such a course would certainly be not consistent with the practice heretofore pur sued by a Secretary of State. Whenever similar accounts had been 'received the Secretary of State for the time being always answered imme diatel y his approval of the conduct or the governor, if the dispatch of the latter was found to be distinct and clear upon the facts. But did such intact letter necessarily cover every act done daring the time of the rebellion ? It was impossible that any dispatch of the kind could be so con sidered; for the Secretary could not be cognizant of every fact connected with the military proceedings. If the mi litary authorities in the colony were guilty of any crime they would be responsible to the highest military authority in this country. If those military proceedings were irregular there were means under the military law of punishing the offenders. If offences had been committed on the part of the civilians, there were also proper tribunals for punishing them. And yet that was the ground upon which the Hon. Gentleman rested his motion. He would refer, as a prece dent, to the rebellion that broke out in Ceylon in February. 1818—martial law was then proclaimed. A dispatch was received by the Secretary of State here announcing the fact upon the 29th of July, and it was answered on the sth of August by Earl Bathurst, who conveyed to the Governor-General the approbation of his Majesty. That dispatch was couched almost in the -same language as that of his Noble Friend Earl Grey. The next case was that of Jamaica. The dispatch announ ing the news of the rebellion there was received on the it was an swere d i n a s i m il ar s pi r it on The case of J ama i ca was a remar k a bl e 14th October, 3d of October. 1823 ; one, and many circumstances occurred then to call for in quiry. No one , h owever, could su pp ose th at the dispatch of the Secretary of State at that time could be considered as ap proving of every act done there—(" Hear, hear," from the Op sition)—and yet the language used there was very much the 14th of t October, ni seh same as that of his Noble Friend. In the case of Demerara, opposite (Mr. a dispatch was received on the answered on the 21st of the same oniiaon. hen came the case of New Zealand, when his RightGovernor-General the (Mr. Gladstone) was in office. Gentleman the did not fail to send out to the appro bationnduct then pursued by of her Majesty of the co That re whether there the was authorities. He did not wait to ing'l there. The any unnecessary severity or bloodshed ver nment here was re- - patch conveying the news to the Go it was answered by ceived on the 25th of June, 1846, and 29th of June. In the Right Honourable Gentleman on het considerable29th loss of the case of New Zealand there wa s a d Surel y life, • life, and subsequently martial law was p on. Gentleman it never could he contended that the Right • • by his dispatch should be held responsible for all that had t occurred. His Noble Friend Earl Grey had t h e n taken the only course in conformity with precedent t hat he could take. The proceedings which took place in Ceylon wer e neces sarily severe. The tremendous powers of mar tial law should. certainly be used with great caution , care , and humanity. He should be very sorry to advocate the exercise of any undue powers under the circumstances, for he was ready to admit that the powers under martial law were most tremen dous ones to place in the hands of any authority. But, cn the other hand, when events take place like those which had occurred in Ceylon—when a public road was altogether blocked up by the insurgents—when two towns were sacked and plundered - when a King was actually proclaimed and crowned—when the natives met in open arms to oppose the Queen's troops - when there were all the incidents to consti tute a rebellion—when the civil law was altogether placed in abeyance—then the Governor-General was justified, as he thought Lord Torrington was justified, in the course ho felt it his duty, in the emergency of the case. to take. The way in which the press was employed constantly to vility the Noble Lord's character—the systematic efforts which had been made to damage all authority in Ceylon, and to dis credit every witness that came forward in favour of Lord Torrington—all these circumstances marked this case with a degree of severity and vindictiveness beyond an case of the kind he had ever known before. One word in reference to another charge made against his Noble Friend. It was said that Lord Torrington had written two letters on the aaras day, of an entirely opposite character, to two dif- THE SUN, ierent individuals—namely, Sir E. Tennant and Mr. Work house. Now, there was no foundation for such a charge. The letter dated the 31 of May, to Sir E: Tennen: - , was one of the most plain,.commen-place notes that could posaiiily has'a been written. :;'here wee no authority whatever for saying that there was a coincidence in the dates of the two !eteers sent to Sir E. Tangent and Mr. Wodeheuse. He asked them to look fairly at the evidence, and how many 3lembers of that House would look at it ? He was afraid not many of those who were prepared to vote upon it. By that evidence it would be sees that in no one single instance hod Lord Torrington acted without the consent of the civil and military authorities; that - in 'no, one instance had Lord Torrington acted M opposition to public .oninion— (Hear, hear)-and' when he left Ceylon he was addressed by nearly all the planters. An Honour able Member had thrown great' discredit upon addresses of this description, but the remarks -of that Honourable Gentleman led him to believe that he had not attended much to colonial subjects. Lord Torrington was addressed by the merchants almOst unanimously, and the name of the first person whose signature was attached to it was known to him, and he could say that signature eh:Me rendered the address of great value. Lord Torrington was also addressed by the Roman Catholic bishops, to which ad dress perhaps some lion. Gentlemen would not on that ac count attach much value.—(Hear, hear.) But it, with' others, served to show that Lord Torringtou's Government had met with Oue approbation of all classes, civil ano mih tary. -(Hear, hear.) He did then confidently appeal to the douse, and ask whether 'any grounds had been laid for pass ing a censure not only upon Lord Torrington, but also upon every subordinate officer who had taken part in these trans ictions ; and whether there were any grounds for cen suring the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial De partment, for merely acting in strict conformity with what he believed to be the discharge of his duty.—(Hear, hear.) lie was confident that there were no grounds to justify the course now adopted, and that the good sense and good feeling of the House would alike induce it to negative the motion of the Hun. Gentleman the Member for lover nese-shire.--(Hear.) Mr. GLADSTON E said the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had handled the subject with his usual ability, and with a degree of fairness that did him honour. It was refreshing to hear the Hon. Gentleman speak after the display of personalities which had occurred in regard to this case. Much had been said with respect V , the per sonalities directed towards Lord Torrington. But Lord Tor rington was a Peer of the realm, and was backed up by the Government, and was, therefore, well able to defend himself. But what was to be said of the personalities that were directed against those who couid not defend themselves? The Right Hon. Gentleman then complained of the injudicious course pursued by the Honourable and Learned Member for Cork (Mr. Sergeant Nturphy), w4o appeared in that House the representative of Lord Turrington—( Hear, hear) —by vilify ing the character of all the persons in the colony, from the Chief Justice down to Mr. Selby, because they had expressed themselves in opposition to the policy pursued by Lord Tor rington. He contended that Mr. Wodehouse was justified inconsequence of the attack:made upon him in the Committee in producing the letters which he had received from Lord Torrington in justification of his conduct. It had been stated that the object of this motion was to cast censure on Lord Torrington, but he wished to show what was the intention of the present discussion. He contended that they were now discussing the conduct of the Government, and not that of Lord Torrington, and would not, therefore, allude to the dis patch of Earl Grey, under the circumstances of the time, be cause that would be most ungenerous; but what he meant to allude to was, that Earl Grey had sent that dispatch without any knowledge of the circumstances of the state of the colony. He hoped that the House would bear in mind the argu ments of the Honourable Member for Honiton (Sir. James Weir Hogg), and reflect on his arguments, which he should rather call assertions, when he stated that this motion was especially intended to condemn the Secretary for the Colonies; but he should say no, for the object of this motion was to condemn the entire of the Government. Whilst he admitted that there were some injuries, such as the burning of 'a few houses, yet he would not call that rebel lion. At the same time he did not mean to quarrel about the meaning of the word, and he would add, that that act was caused through excitement, and it was known to the House that this so-called rebellion lasted only two days. He should now state that he did not mean to complain of th e policy of the Ceylon Governor with respect to martial law, but what he complained of was, the undue continuance of that law. He assured the House that he did not wish to excuse rebellion by any means, but he considered that there were no grounds to show that rebellion existed in 1848. He should next say that he admitted that the new taxes were not the cause of the rebellion, if rebellion it could be called, but he should say that there were several other mo tives to excite the people, such as the restrictions placed un justly on their religion. He did not mean to discuss the right of their religion, but he should say that good faith should be upheld, and that all obligations entered into with the natives of Ceylon should be duly fulfilled. He therefore asked, was not the infringement on their religious feelings sufficient to exeite the indignation of those people? and in addition to that he should say, that the sacrifice of property, was also a breach of faith, and that was shown by the evi dence of Lord Torrington, as could be seen in the Blue-book, where he stated that it was right to restore to the people those religious rights which they have so long enjoyed by prescriptive privileges. He consequently argued tha t th ose deprivations were sufficient to excite the indignation of those c eople; for such they did not endure under former Governors, as the antecedent Governors always acted in such a manner tnat, instead of alienating the good feelings of the priests, the people, and the chiefs, they made them more attached. to the British Government. He contended that there was no proof of discontent among the majority of the people. He considered that a distinction should be drawn between an un- due assumption of power and an unjust assumption of power, because he did not mean to argue against the pro priety of introducing martial law, but he certainly felt Pound to speak against the prolongation of that law, for which he considered that there was no justificati o n wtliv.- ever; and he should say, in addition to that, Lord Torring ton's account did not in the least justify his conduct. He was not aware of a single testimony given before the Committee in favour of prolonging the existence of martial law. The Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies had quoted Colonel Braybrooke as an authority, for the having recourse to martial I ,w in the first instance, bat then Colonel Braybrooku was against prolonging it. The Chief Justice of Ceylon was of the same opiuion,and in fact not one witness could be produced who could say that it was at all necessary to continue it for so long a period. The Hon. Gentleman quoted an- address from the Legislative Council of Ceylon to Lord Torrington, where they thanked him for the prompt manner in which he had put down the rebellion, but they did not in that address say one word as to the propriety of keeping martial law in force so long. There was therefore actually nothing in the evidence which could justify its being continued so long. The rebellion, if it was to be called a rebellion, was suppressed on the 13th of July, not a man in arms having been seen after that date, and yet for more than two months after that period, that monstrous state of things which martial law necessarily gave rise to was allowed to continue. On that ground, therefore, on the ground that martial law was prolorig.d fOr a longe; period than it ought to have been, he considered that the Government was liable to censure, inasmuch as they had made themselves responsible for the acts of Lord Torring ton. So much, therefore, for that part of the resolutions which referred to the prolongation of martial law. There was, however, another point, and that was the only one with which he would trouble the House. it was a most serious and important one, because even the prolongation of martial law would not have induced him to vote for a motion of this kind, had there not taken place, under the exercise of that law, a great sacrifice of human life, and most unjust interference with the personal rights of the inhabitants. How did the House stand as regarded those military execu tions wh ch had taken place at Ceylon ? ( Hear, hear.) When Government affirmed the proceedings of Lord Tor rington in Ceylon, he affirmed that they put themselves into his place. That Noble Lord had been recalled from his go vernment, and the House had, therefore, nothing to do with him, unless they preferred an impeachment against him, and he supposed no one would talk of that.—(Hear, hear. ) The question, therefore, for the House of Cammons to con sider was, whether Government, having placed themselves in the room of Lord Torrington, the House would place them selves in the position of the Government.—(Hear. hear.) The Government had taken upon them the responsibility of Lord Torrington, the question was, whether toe House would take upon it the responsibility of Government. What he complained of was, the execution of 18 men, on the ground of their having taken part in this rebellion, after it was sup_ pressed, and during which not a single life had been taken. fhe dethnce on the part of the Government was, that the re bellion was fostered and instigated by the priests, the chiefs, and the headmen; but whit t there was but one chief put to death. [An Host. BlestnEa— ,, There was no chief put to death."] Very well, that was the better for his case. There eras then but one priest put to death, and several headmen, while the great majority of those executed were members of the commonalty, of the lowest class, who were the mere dupes of those chiefs, priests, and headmen; and there was not an instance on record where, in the case of a rebellion, the mere tools of those who fostered it were executed, while the greater portion of those parties who were really guilty were allowed to go free. That was an act which he considered was not justifiable. No doubt it had been done in haste, and under much excitement was so pregnant with fatal consequences to the character and fame of this country, as well as to matters affecting the obedience of the subject in these colonies, tha; he thought it was the duty of the House to affirm the motion of his Honourable Friend.—(Hear, hear.) There bad been a useless sacrifice of human life in his opinion, and no desire on the part of Honourable Members either to turn out or retain a Government, could justify them in refusing to vote, or in Ovine any vote on the matter, except that which, after a full consideration of all the circumstances connected with the case, they should consider to be in har mony with truth and justice, and such as would be for the maintenance of the honour and safety of the country. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he would not long in trude on the attention of the House at this late hour. He would, he confessed, have considerable difficulty in doing so, even should he feel inclined, from the total want of evi- ........ ._ dence ... which had been adduced by the other side in support of the motion.—(Hear, hear.) He had anticipated that some good grounds would be adduced for making these charges, but what was the most extraordinary thing con nected with the question was, that the Right Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, at the close of the second night's debate upon it, had altogether shifted the grounds of attack.— (Hear, hear.) He was not unprepared for that course on the part of the Right Honourable Gentleman, as he had on former occasions seen him adopt that shifting system "f Policy.-- (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman now said that what he objected to was the prolongation of martial law,w but more particularly the sacrifice of human life which th a e s e c N a i u d s e e n d ce b . 3 2 , d t d h uH e c trials which took place under that law. Now he thought they had beaten them on both these points. —(Laughter,) He andto examine n he could intofind ceived, was subject for inquiry he understoord nothing there to judicial t h h a e t s e e v c e h r a y r gmeasmn.piaitwTtnehhsile gave matter, his e voicecon - or decision uponmthaeo in this ueh u s. d ti i o c n ial o i u n g q h u t iry to on h ly av , e an t d ak b e y n a judicial inquiry hut mostear. pains Now, to view master of the case.—( Hear, liberty of appealing two of the case, he would take the (Laughter.) He w ou ld ask Hon. . Gentlemen opposite.— examined into the matter ?._(Criesowmany of them had ever .. Divide, divide.") Hon. Gentlemen of " Oh, oh," and but he would take the liberty of en might cry " Divide." t they came to decide upon a question of them that before in i tcly affecting the character of two public this kind, so inti ought to make themselves masters of the functionaries, they did not hesitate toe av that this was a subject, an d h e it was almost impossible le for them to come t t o ion upon which decision on the evidence before them.—(Question, question.) He He did think that in a question of so grave a nature, suet interrup tions a were unseemly.—(Hear.) He said that in of this nature , it was necessar y for Honourable Geqnutrtion on that side of the House to make themselves masters of —(Cries of" O h, oh, and " Which side. ") There could bite. no mistake about the side of the House —he meant those Hon. Members who came down to vote for the motion with out having examined the nature and facts of the case, and which, before condemning two public servants, they were bound to make themselves master of.— (Cries of " Oh, ~h., ,) The case was referred to a Select Committee, which was, no doubt, the propel course; but After all the evidence which LON DON, had been adduieil beiore that Committee, they came to the' conclusion that there was not sufficient evidence before them to enable them to come to a decision on the case, and there the matter rested. How, then, was it possible for the House of Commons to decide upon the case, when, after all the evidence adduced on the sehject, there did not seem to be any sufficient to in duee the Committee to decide one way or the oth r. Further evidence was required by the Committee, and also by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, and other Members of that House. The Committee did not feel them selves in a condition to decide this question, and how could Hon. Gentlemen opposite, Who had not had similar oppor tunities of coming o a 'decision on this question vote upon it with any decree of confidence? The Council of the Go vernor did not, even so late as October, disapprove of the proclamation of martial law, and, on the contrary, they had approved of all his measures. The Legislative Council in 1849 addressed the Governor, ant ascribed the suppression of the outbreak to the energetic measures of the Executive Government. They had the general command, the Execu tive Council, and the Legislative Council, all approving of the proceedings of the Governor. Even Mr. Selby, in 1848, concurred with the Executive and Legislative Council in approving of the Measures of the Government. The martial law was only continued fer about ten weeks. The Governor, by declaring martial law so early as he did, suppressed the rebellion, and was enabled to apprehend the pretender. In the former rebellion, in 1819, martial law was continued for an entire year, and it was followed by scenes which did not occur in the latter rebe'lion, in consequence of the energetic m -asures of the Execu tive. Now let them turn to the resolution before the House. That resolution was utterly at variance with the evidence before the House. The reiolution asserted that eighteen persons were executed, and 110 transported and otherwise punished. Now, what would the House say when he told them that from the fficial lists before him it appeared that the whole number executed, transported, and otherwise pu nished on account of this rebellion was only sixty-four?— (Hear, hear.) They said that 178 persons had been tried and convicted in consequence of this rebellion. That was not the fact. The number was as he had stated, and the rest were made up of persons who had been imprisoned, con victed, and corporally punished for offences not connected with the rebellion.—,Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman having the list—the official list—before him, did it not become a public prosecution so to frame his resolution as to be con sistent with truth?—(Hear)-but the error of the statement of the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire was mild in com parison with that of the Hon. Member for Montrose. He had actually stated that 3SO persons were tried and punished in consequence of these disturbances. lie owned that he could not comprehend his figures.— s Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There was no more pretence for saying that den persons Were tried and punished in consequence of that rebellion than there was for s.ying that 380,000 persons were tried and punished.— (Hear, hear.) There had been various insurrections. The affections of the natives were not concentrated, upon their British rulers. The chiefs were dissatisfied, and in 1818 they broke out into re bellion, which they with difficulty suppressed. After refer ring to the revolt in 1834, he reminded the House that there was another revolt in 1842, in which they had difficulty. All classes of the population were dissatisfied, because Government had been bringing under cultivation the jungles and forests, and thereby limiting the range of the cattle. The priests were also dissatisfied, because the Government, as a Christian Government, could not give countenance to their idolatrous worship. But, above all, the people disliked the yoke of the stranger, they were opposed to foreign domination, and hence the dissatisfaction and the successive attempts at revolt which were repeatedly made. rt was idle to say that taxation was at the bottom of the late revolt.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Torrington had reduced, during his admi nistration, the expenditure of the colony by 95.0001. per annum, and the three principal taxes which affected the Kandian population amounted only to six shillings a year. With the experience of the past, was it not the duty of the Government to take all these circumstances into considera tion, and to look to the spirit of the people and the causes which, in reality, operated in producing the revolt. The people who engaged in the revolt amounted to 3,000 men, and they had the testimony of Sir Herbert Maddox, a man of great experience in India, and who knew the population, who stated that the revolters amounted to 6,000 men, and they had it upon good authority that they were in possession of sixty thousand stand of arms. These men would not stand against our soldiers, and they soon fled, spreading dismay throughout the disaffected districts, and in that way the revolt soon disappeared. If Lord Torrington had not taken the means which he successfully used to put down the revolt, wbere, then, would have been the measure of re• probation against the Government on the part of those who now blamed the Noble Lord for the energy he exhibited in the difficult position in which he was placed. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman then referred to the course pursued by Lord Grey, and which had been com mented on so freely by some Honourable Members who had taken part in the debate.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Grey upon being made acquainted with all the circumstances, did not say that he absolutely approved of all the measures that had been adopted, but that, taking into account all the circumstances—taking into account the parties upon whose information Lord Torrington had to depend, and the danger to the public peace and the safety of the population, Lord Grey did expre:s his opinion that under all these circumstances Lord Torrington had done that which by sense of duty and the serious difficulties he had to contend with, seemed to render incumbent.—( Hear, hear.) He tthe Attoiney-General) thought they ought not to adopt the course counselled on the last night by the Honourable Member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), who, not content with addressing himself to the matter before them, travelled into the proceedings before the Committee, and said that let ters had not be en pro d uced, and that he believ d they had been burned.—(Hear, hear.) He thought such a charge was one which ought not to, have been made by the Honour .ble Member for Montrose. The Noble Lord had at once met it by a powerful and unqualified denial. He had addressed a letter to Earl Grey, which had been placed in his hands, and which he would now read to the House. (The, Honourable and Learned Gentleman here read the letter of the Noble Lord, in which, after referring to the statement made by Mr. Hume, he proceeded to say that, in justice to • his own character, he begged to contradict the statement of the Honourable Member.) No correspondence, he added, had been bunted, end none withheld, with the exeeelnion, as we understood, of one letter.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that the attack was in reality on the Colou ial office, but could any man justify the making of that attack through the reputation of another?—(Hear, hea-.) Political warfare, like the warfare of civilized na tions, had its limits and its laws, and he could maintain that they were bound as men to lose sight of everything ex cept truth, and that they ought only to pass condemnation where it was justly merited and deserved.—(Hear, hear. ) Lord HOTHAIII, having given his constant attention to the busibess of the Select Committee, and having been absent only on two or three occasions from the com,ence ment to the close of the proceedings, had been particularly anxious, if an opportunity had been afforded to him, of going somewhat at length into the subiect. And especially as it was his misfortune not to concur with any of those who had taken a leading part on the one or the other side of this de bate, he being the more anxious to state the extent to which he considered either Lord Grey or Lord Torrington to be obnoxious to such censure as this motion proposed to throw upon them. But as he felt that he could not ask the House now to indulge him at that hour with sufficient time for that purpose, he must content himself with fulfilling the very minor object of sitting himself right with the House in a matter in which injustice had been cast upon him by the Hon. Member for Inverness, and he only hoped that he should be justified in the eyes of the House for the course he was about to take.--(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Inverness, when alluding to the proceedings of the Commit tee, stated that he (Lord Hotham) appeared to him to have adopted a great deal of ingenuity to exempt the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department from all blame. The Hon. Member' ha I alluded to a conversation, or rather a question, regarding the draft report. His (Lord Hotham's) impression had been that the question had been put by the Hon. Member for Montrose, and he had given no answer. The recal of Lord Torrington was not the measure, but only one of the measures which he had in his mind when drawing out the report. The Honourable Gentleman • (Mr. Baillie) had further made a statement of a very grave description, viz., that the report was the result of an understanding with the Government. To an understanding there must be two parties, and he could assure the House that he had never spoken to any person on the subject of the report except to the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton. He felt that he could not vote for the resolutions of the Hon. Member (Mr. Baillie), because by doing so he would not only be con demning Lord Torrington, but also individuals who had never been belbre accused, and had not had any opportunity of jus tifying their acts.—(Divide.) Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot allow the debate to close without explaining shortly the views which her Majesty's Government have taken of the conduct of Lord Torrington in Ceylon, and of the motion of the Hon. Member for Inver ness-shire. In so doing it will not be necessary for me to go through those points which have been argued with great ability, on one aide and the other with respect to particular acts of Lord Torrington. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire said last night that if the Government, instead of recalling Lord Torrington on the ground of his incapability to pre serve harmony among the official servants of the Crown in the colony, had recalled him with an expression of disappro bation of the continuance of martial law and of the execu tions that had taken place under that law, he should have been satisfied, and should not have concurred in this motion. The Right lion, Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, in speaking to-night, said that he was willing to admit that there was an insurrection in Ceylon--that 10,000 men were in arms against the Queen's Govern ment and the Queen's authority, attempting to set up an other authority in its place; that the proclamation of mar tial law in the first instance was a fit method of meeting that insurrection, and that so far he did not blame the Govern ment. ' He laid his whole blame upon the continuance of martial law and upon the number of executions that had taken place. Now, Sir, it is obvious that this question affects in the first place Lord Torrington, in the next place Lord Grey, and in the next place the whole of her Majesty's Government. Now I must beg the House to consider the circumstances of Lord Torrington's administration. He was sent out to a colony in which Sir E. Tennent described all the civil servants as being in such a state of dissension that it was very difficult to obtain any aid from them. He found that the finances were in such a state that the expenditure exceeded theincome by 80,0001. At the same time he was instructed to adopt an entirely new method 'of taxation. Lord Torrington carried into effect his instructions. He reduced the expenditure by more than the sum which it had exceeded the revenue—he complied with his instructions with regard to taxation (and into the wisdom of which it is unnecessary to enter now; it is sufficient to say that such were his instructions)—the result was, that at the end of three years he left a surplds in the treasury, and had the satisfaction to reflect that in the course of ten weeks he had not only suppressed the rebellion, but had completely eradicated the seeds of it; that he left a colony prosperous which he had found embarrassed; that he left a people tranquil which he had found on the verge of rebellion ; and that he handed over the government to his successor in such a manner as to make his successor declare that he was in debted to the conduct of Lord Torrington, which was in in fact high praise of that government.—(Hear, hear.) Now that is a plain description of the government of Lord Tor rington. It is a description of that which was done by .a person inexperienced in the previous government of any colony, and who found no assistance, but great obstacles from the dissensions which prevailed among those who were pro perly appointed to assist the Executive.—(Hear, hear.) I am sure I may be excused for saying that an Hon. Gentleman, in bringing before this House a motion with respect to Lord Torrington's government of Ceylon, should take the whole of the h e rmean t esul result t t i h m a t t r g e s o o v l e u r t n i o m n e n to t b i n e t e o u r c r i o e n d s i h d e e rati on should, s a t n at d e t I at a i t f of the whole of that government was, and should not have i fa e o s t t i e o n n e d e o o u n l d o n b e e o m r atdwe and p oi n h t a s v o e n p e a y s h s i e c a h o h p e n t i o o n u s g h u t p t o h n a ob t those points and those only. But what is the blame to be imputed to Lord Tortington with respect to tnat insurrection? Now, be it observed that the news of that insurrection came sud denly upon the Governor; he immediately sent for Colonel Fayer, who had served in the former insurrection, and to whose discretion and experience he might well listen. He acted according to that opinion. Lie immediately OW the gene- EVENING, MA Y 3O, ISM. • • fardolciiiianding the farces, lend took m6ane To send foreafto +the place where - thninserrection had broken out. He took other means also promptly to suppress the rebellion,' and with the concurrence of tits Qrieen'e Advocate and of other authorities he proclaimed :nartial law in the district which was disturbed. The effect was immediate, and was most gratifying, because, as the Eight Hon. Gentleman says, m a very sew days the armed resistance had ceased—those who, had been collecting together to proclaim the pretender as their king, and those who were destroying the coffee plan nations, had dispereecl in various directions, and though 4,000 me assembled at ore time to attack the troops they were completely driven bark and dispersed. So far Lord Torrington is not to blame for the steps he took. But the Right Hon. Gentleman saes that, he continued martial law. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however,- omits one particular circumstance, which is this—he acted in concert with the Executive Council in this matter.—(Hear, hear.) He had the opinion done gentleman in' this council strongly op posed to his own, but he had'theepinion of four others in his favour, which, with himself, made a preponderance of j five to one; - and the Major-General commanding the dis trict, above all, was strenuous in advising that the powers of martiallaw should be continued. Now, Sir, I submit to the House that it is a totally different thing to act in the man ner which those resolutions describe—at his sole will and sole caprice, and to take the deliberate advice of his Executive Council, of those who were best acquainted with the colony, and with their advice to continue martial law fora short titne.—(Elear, hear.) The whole time during which that martial law Was continued Was ten Weeks. l ap prehend, however, that it is a most . serious resolution for this !louse to come to, that to establish martial law in any district or any parcof the country was wrong. -I must ad mit that those acts which have been gone into. in great detail by the Hon. and Learned Member for Abingdon, whether accurately or not I will not at this moment inquire, with regard to irregul4rity in the mode of taking evidence, the want of a defence, and of a cross-examination,—many of those circumstances are inherent and inseparable from the proclamation of martial law, which the Governor thus took upon himself; but the Governor at the same time had to consider—and this will be the queition for the House to night—that if on the one hand martial law cannot be con tinued without the risk of puniAnnent which may reach, not the most guilty, but at all events those who have ap peared in arms and are guilty according to the law of high treason and rebellion—if such may be the consequence on the one hand; on the ether hand the consequence of ceasing to continue martial law may ba that that rebellion, at first weak and inconsiderab!e, may become formidable, and may disturb the whole order of the colony • that the allegiance due to the Crown may be destroyed; that property may be ruined, and, above all, that humanity, for the sake of which martial law was determined upon, may itself be lost sight of; many more lives be lost in the struggle which may ensue than would have been lost if martial law for a taw weeks had been withheld. Now that was the question Lord Torrington had to decide. Lord Torrington is accused Lin the resolution before the House of departing from the usual merciful administration of the penal laws of the country. He is censured for pursuing conduct that was arbitrary and oppressive; and I ask how can any man have such a censure inflicted upon him, and say it passes over his head and merely strikes the Government ?—( Hear, hear.) I do not pretend to say with whcm the share of blame would be the greatest, but I ask coule any man bear the censure of wan ton cruelty, of having rut to death, without necessity, the subjects of the Queen, and of having pursued arbitrary and oppressive conduct, without feeling such a blow, coming from the House of Conamcns, as one which would almost crush him? When the question came before the Government at home a dispatch was written which contains two very remark able paragraphs ; and I asst say I think the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire, in quoting from that dispatch, has shown the blindness of prejudice uncer which he has generally appeared to labour on these questions. The one paragraph has refer- ence to the measures taken by Lord Torrington for the prompt suppression of the rebellion; and upon that subject I think almost every Hoe. Member will agree that Lord Tor rington's immediriie proclamation of martial law, and his immediately sending out troops, were measures of wise and prompt action against an incipient rebellion.—(Hear, hear.) But there is anether part of the dispatch which relates to the punishments to be inflicted. The Hon. Member for In verness-shire ready that part of the dispatch only which refers to the prompt suppresdon of the rebellion, and omitted altogether the part which relates to punishments. I will, however, 'ask permission to read to the House the paragraph omitted by the Hon. Gentleman. Lord Grey, in that dis patch, says— "l concur in your Lordship's opinion that it is necessary to punish with severity tie leaders and promoters of this in surrection, which will prove the most merciful course in the end. But while it is necessary to vindicate and maintain the law, it is desirable that acts of justice and severity should be strictly limited to what 's inevitably called for by the occa sion and that the prevailing character of measures consequent upon excitement and insubordination should at all times be that of moderation and clemency towards those who have been misled. This in - plies no- indulgence towards the guilty contrivers of sedition, nor any forgetfulness of the claims to consideration aid protection of the loyal, peaceable and industrious, who corstitute, as I am happy to find, the great majority of her Majesty's subjects in Ceylon." Now,' I ask the Horse whether these are not sen timents which it was befitting a Secretary of State to approve and express? Ent I must also ask, where was the candonr of a Member of this House, who, on bringing an accusation of wanton severity against the Government, could have totally emitted the paragraph I have just read? (Hear, hear.) It is quite true, see has been said by the Hon. Member for Dorsetahire and the Right Hon. Member for the University of Oxford, that the'Government have not collectively expressed any disapprobation of the conduct of Lord Torrington in punishing the anthers and contrivers of, and the partakers in, the rebellion M Ceylon. In the last dispatch written by Lord Grey, part of which has been read by my Honourable and Leaned Friend, it is stated that the Government still believe that Lord Torrington was guided by the opinion he had conscientiously formed, supported as it was by those who ought to advise him in the colony; and that, in proclaiming martial law and punishing those who suffered, he was acting, as he believed, in the only way that could- maintain the tranquillity of the colony and provide for the welfare of her Majesty's subjects. That, Sir, is our opinion. It is our belief that when you send a governor to a distant part-of the globe, and AV Li ou you find th,t, he is zealously performing his duty —that he is endea vouring, by all the means in his power, to preserve the colony he is appointed to govern ie allegiance to her Ma jesty, and is at the same time consulting the peace, the Welfare, and the prosperity of such colony—confidence ought to be evinced in that governor—(llear, hear)—aud that we ought not as a Govemmeut to throw censure upon acts with regard to which, if there be any difference of opinion, he is much more likely to judge rightly, with the assistance of his advisers, than we—who must form our lied the JudgnaAdtocatg; there is great sympathy with individuals, but no one except the Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for Oxford (Mr.Glactstcne), seermeto think anything of the inhabitants of Ceyion—(Hear, hear)—and the duties that we owe to them.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Shefliead ( Mr. Roebuck), indeed, laid down a most extraordinary doctrine. He says. "Cey lon is not a colony; we gained it with the sword, and we must keep it with the sword "—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") Hang; them, tax them, confiscate them, se questrate them—(Laughter) —all this the Governor may do, and neither Ministe r nor P ar li ament has any righteto com plain.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That is not my way; that is not the way which these enlightened benches can possibly patronize as the mode of governing the inhabitants of a country, colony or not.—(" Hear, hear,"from the Opposi tion.) They are of a different race, says the Hon. and Learned Gentleman; they have a different language, chiefs of their own, a priesthood ot their own; it is not a planta tion like Ulster; we cannot recognize the people as entitled to any protection of the law of nations or of nsture.— (Laughter) And then comes the Honourable Member for 1-loniton (Sir J. W. Hogg), and he says, more guardedly, but in the same tone, " Take care; ab,olute governors must not be called in question, or your em pire is in danger." Why, that is a plea for Verres.—(Hear, hear.) And these are professors of liberal principles and champions of public right, who are destroying the very foundation of all political responsibility.— (Hear, hear.) The Government, they say, is responsible far the conduct of its subordinates, but you are hurting tile ings, you are destroying the prospects of the subordinate ; and it is impossible to carry into effect the doctrine of the responsibility of a Minister.—(Hear, bear.) For my part, 1 shall form my opinion just the same as if, instead of " Lord Torrington," we had a blank in the book—a parson described by .tars or other printer's inarks.—(Hear, hear.) I think the very fact that Lord Torrington is no longer go vernor of Ceylon, which is urged as a reason why we should proceed no further, is an additional reason why we should prosecute our task. What have we to do with Lord Tor rington ? We have to do with this dependency of the Crown —( Hear, bear)—we have to ascertain whether it was well governed or misgoverned, and, if misgoverned, to take steps to secure its future good government. The existence of the individual connected with that government is, as compared with our task, but as a drop of water to the ocean.—( Hear, hear.) Besides you cannot now turn round and say, "You are hunting an individual to death ; you are withdrawing an individual from his appointment."—(Hear, hear.) But I cannot help here recalling to the recollection of the House the manner in which this Noble Lord has been withdrawn from the scene.—(Hear.) Strange position in which the present Administration is perpetually placing itself anoma lous position—that they stake their existence now on sup porting a man whom they have already withdrawn from his government, anti not for the faults ot which he ie eeeneed ! —( He ue hear.) I agree with the Under-Secretary that Lord Torrington is a very ill-used man; but by whom ill used? By her Majesty's Government.—(Dear, hear.) They have withdrawn him, and for what? A perfect Mi nister, the best of administrators of finances, the man who has put down rebellion, and delivered his dependency in a state of unparalleled prosperity and peace to his successor, a man who has fulfilled the highest duties in the most complete manner, is recalled by the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Grateful Government ! --(Laughter and cheers.) Why is he recalled? I believe there were two letters written to two persons; I believe he called one man a fool and the other a knave, and I am not quite sure that the letters may not have crossed, and the wrong man got each of them.—(Laughter.) There was a contemptible piece of scandal that none but an old maid in a country town would have listened to, and for this you sacrifice this able statesman—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—who did that which your own Chancellor of the Exchequer never could do—gave you a surplus revenue— (Laughter)—and that which your Secretary for Foreign Affairs has hardly contrived to do—kept you at peace.— (Renewed laughter.) Was this insurrection or rebellion met iu a proper manner? or was it encountered and quelled in a spirit and under circumstances disgraceful to the name of England, and dangerous to our tenure of that or any other colony ? There has been a controversy as to the number of persons tried and executed. My Hon. Friend has been in that respect most unfairly accused by the Attorney-General. The inacsuracy of which he speaks, if it be the case, ar i ses from the Government documents placed before the Commit tee, and from the varying accounts pr o d uce d.—(N o, no.) In one the figures are 120—in another 126.—(A Member— " 146.") But the greatest " mare's nest " was found that ever rewarded the most patient inquirer--(Loud laughter) —for, says Mr. Attorney, " I will show you how unjust are these resolutions of the Honourable Member (Mr. Baillie)—how exaggerated the statement - when I prove to you that out of these 120 or 13e criminals, 67 were not even tried for high treason or rebellion by these military tribunals, which we consider too severe and stern even for high treason and rebellion." To prove by the existence of these tribunals that there was rebellion and treason, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman shows you that the majority of the prisoners brought before them were not guilty of either. —(A laugh.) But it has not been denied that, when tran quillity was restored, these tribunals still pursued their dreaded course, and there were executions by the score; and not of headmen, priests, leaders of this rebellion,—but the poer peasantry of the country.— (Hear. hear.) Yet, if we were to believe the statement of her Majesty's Ministers, all the discontent, I might say disgust, at these proceedings, is essentially factitious—(Hear, hear)—h as b een made upby some discontented coterie a year after the event, sent over the water to England, fostered in the House of Commons, and brought forward merely as the means of party annoyance.— (Hear, hear.) We have just been told that in Ceylon the public opinion was not at all arrayed against these proceed ings—that they were not condemned by the press—that it was only in England the press was so venal and corrupt as to disapprove of the conduct of the Governor. Here is a leading article from a colonial paper. I am not going to read from the Observer, edited by Mr. Elliot, whose conduct and character have been so fully criticized. lam going to read from the Government paper—from the paper familiarly styled in Ceylon "Lord Torrington'e paper"— (" The date !") It is called the Examiner. I will give you the date. It is September 23, 1848. Most happy period ! ( A laugh.) "The Rebellion Butchery" is the title of the leading article—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—which proceeds as fellows : e It is with feelings of sorrow anal hnmiliath,n we hoer that seventeen persons now lie under the recorded sentence of death in Kandy for having taken part in the late rebellion. These unfortunates have been tried by the civil tribunal, and were recommended to mercy by the Chief Justice. Obliged as a judge to record the dread sentence, as a man and as a Christian Sir Anthony could not forbear calling for that cle mency from the Governor which it was not in his own power to extend to these unhappy men. In making the appeal to the prerogative of clemency, the Chief Justice sees, as must everyone, that the supremacy of the law has been vindicated already by the two executions which have taken place in Kandy; that the punishment which so irresistibly fell upon the people, their heavy pecuniary losses, the numbers which have been slain in action, and ethers condemned to transpor tation, have been sufficient to deter from another outbreak. We join our feeble voice and implore the Governor to spare the lives of these misguided people, that while there is yet time to dispatch an express to Kandy, he will in mercy send a reprieve 1\ hile we are writing a court-martial, presided over by Captain Watson, holds its sittings at Matelle, a tri bunal from which there is no appeal to higher authority. 21 persons have already been shot under its sentence, to the horror of the commandant of Kandy, who feels that he can exercise but little control, the sentence being carried into effect immediately under the orders of the court." The article gives a faithful picture of the feelings of the country expressed by an organ favourable to Government. " Under the Governor's proclamation that people should return to their homes, many are daily falling into the hands of the military court, which perpetrates this wholesale butchery irresponsibly. From the constitution of these courts it cannot be doubted that many innocent victims suffer; it is believed that the priest who was shot in Kandy would not have been adjudged guilty by a civil tribunal, for, like the four priests who were acquitted, he acted under in timidation. Four men were shot at Kornegalle a few days ago, who met their fate with coolness, uttering imprecations on their slayers. 200 bodies, we hear, have been accounted for, if our information be correct; how fearfully have these people paid the penalty of their folly; yet does the court martial continue its bloody work at Matelle. That Ceylon may not be held up to the execration of the world, and what is of more consequence, that those who are responsible for the continuance of the carnage may find mercy when they come to their own dread reckoning, we call upon our rulers to stay their hands from slaughter by arresting these pro ceedings. The soldiers are pillaging the houses, digging up the floors to find money and jewellery belonging to the hiding villagers, confiscated under martial law. The scenes at pre sent enacted in the neighbourhood of Matelle are a disgrace to a civilized Government." That is the language of a journal which is popularly known as " Lord Torrington's journal." It is the language of a journal which appears to be written in a spirit of fair ness. How can the Government come forward and say that there is no public opinion as evinced by the press to which reference can be made?—(Hear, hear.) I shall not dwell on details. The circumstances must be fresh in the recollection of every Member of the House. 1 look to them as circumstances which are dangerous to our tenure of our colonies. This, I think, of all others is the case in which the Parliament of England ought to interfere; and now if it interfere it does so after the advantage of a prolonged inves tigation by one of its Committees, and after it has been put in possession of the most ample materials. What I say is, that I do not look now to the responsibility of a Governor, whose admirable qualities have been acknowledged by the Ministry that has withdrawn him from his post. Ido not look to responsibility in a distant colony. I look to the re sponsibility of the Minister. In a dispatch which, in a certain sense, may be considered formal, I find this language uttered by the Secretary of State in another place after due deliberation, after having made himself master cf all the cir cumstances of the case. When he would be alive to its im portance from the pending inquiry and the possible conse quences of the vote in Parliament, Lord Grey, in April of this year, thus expressed his opinion:— " lie has had to deal with a rebellion which he has shown proceeded from causes of discontent of long standing, and which had existed long previous to his assuming the govern ment, and that this rebellion was repressed by the wise policy and promptitude of the measures which he adopted ; and I will not hesitate to express my opinion that true humanity was consulted by the measures of my Noble Friend." It is because I do not believe that the interests of true humanity; we•e consulted, but became I believe the policy pursued has been a policy of panic, a policy under which measures have been adopted disproportioned to the exi gency ; it is because I feel what would be the consequence of encouraging such a policy—and we do encourage such a policy it it is allowed to pass uncriticised and uncensuredin this country—it is because I believe the consequence of such a policy would be perilous to the empire that I will support the resolutions of my Hon. Friend.—(Cheers.) Mr. BAILLIE replied. With reference to the case of h one of the prisoners tried by court-martial, e quoted a com munication from Major Lushington. to show that the prisoner,. having been told through the interpreter that he was at liberty to call a person to defend him, addressed himself not to the proctors but to Mr. Wilmot, a Govern ment officer, whose duty it was to defend p risoner s. Major Lushington said he did not understand what the prisoner said, but Mr. Wilmot rose and went out of court. and after a pause the interpreter stated that the prisoner had no friend tried oassist him in lite defence. With respect to the numbe rs by court-martial, the terms of the resolutions had been altered, three different accounts of the numbers having be en produced. The House then divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Baillie's motion . • .. 202 Against it .. • • • • • . 282 Majority for Government _BO The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers by the majority. The other orders were disposed of, and the House ad journed at a Quarter to Three o'clock. judgments at a distance—can be expected to do.—(Hear, hear.) I believe we hays adopted a just opinion on that subject—(Cheers)—and I think, having regard to colonial government in general, teat this House and the Govern ment ought to come to an entirely opposite conclusion to .that which the HonotTable Member for Inverness-shire has adopted. I believe ',hat if, at the beginning of an in insurrection a colonial governor was obliged to say to himself, "I must take cite how I act; I must beware how I punish offenders - (Heir, hear)—or my conduct nay be b ought before a Comnittee of the House of Commons. I may be censured by the Government, I may be sub jected to the pains and penalties of a censure of the House of Commons—(Hear, hear)—and therefore I must be careful not to exceed the verse and boundary of strict law— I believe, if you teach such a lesson to the governors of your colonies, that whie you diminish their energies, and while you will diminida the security of her Majesty's subjects in the colonies, you will do nothing for humanity, —(Hear, hear)—but on the contrary, whenever an insurrec tion takes place, you wil h ave a long and bloody contest— you will have the lives cf . her Majesty's troops sacrificed on the one hand, and you will have the lives and property of in nocse t colonists destropa or endangered on the other. I therefore come to a cuiclusion entirely opposite from that adopted by those who support the motion of the Hon. Mem ber for Inverness-shire. I agree with the Right Hon. Mem ber for the University o' Oxford that this is a most impor tant question for the souse to decide. I for my own_part would wish that none "ill join in this censure upon Lord Torrington, upon Lord Frey, an d upon the Government, but those who feel that, inking at all the merits of the case, they have no alternative. I trust o none will join in the vote but those who have considered this colonial question, and who feel that they are found to pronounce censure upon the late Governor of Ceylupon the Colonial S ecretar y o f State, and upon the Government. If that be the case, I shall c hatever that hee rfullydec leave tie decision t o t hi s H ouse, believing, nay be, that those ru l es an d max i ms w n that we have laid dowi, must be the rule s an d max i ms b y which any Government will be guided which seeks to pre serve this empire; and any Government w ere t o tak e hat if. the dastardly part of sterificing a governor—(" Hear, hear," and cheers) —because a damour was got up against him with great perseverance apdindustry, that Government, while it would be sacrificing thecolonies, would meet with the repro bation—the deserved rearobation of the people of England. Mr. DISRAELI thet rose and said,—l admire, Sir, the statesmanlike spirit of he First Minister of the Crown, who feels it to be his paramount duty to support the representa tives of the Sovereign in the exercise of their duties in dis tant dependencies.— (leer, and a laugh.) I admire the Minister of this county, who is determined not to sacrifice a governor to public carpour; but that being the feeling— the conscientious condition—of the Noble Lord, I may be permitted to ask bin w hy he yielded to the glamour he so much deprecates and denounces , and why he so easily granted the C om mittee —(Laughter ar i d cheers) • whose pro tracted investigation he now finds it convenient to criticise? ( Hear, hear.) I ask the House to remember (indeed it is i m p o ssible to forget) ,b e c h ar acter of Lord Torrington, as just now not only sket cied but colou red by the First Minister of the Crown. Why, t is the character of a perfect gover nor—of an administrsor who perfectly accomplished the highest duties under ircurnstances the most difficult. He found a deficient revenie—he leaves an ample surplus. He encountered a terrible ebellion—he delivers to his successor a peaceful community. And this is the governor whom—at the very first moment then a murmur is heard against his administration in this louse—the same Minister we have just heard lauding his feebly defends, and then ignomi niously deserts!—(Chess and laughter.) The Noble Lord, after all the remarkablecircumstances connected with this inquiry, seems to think , too , that he is to escape from all th e merits of the case, by dlivering some abstractions like those contained in the paragnph of Lord Grey's di spatc h , which he blames my Hon. Fiend for not quoting. The Noble Lord, instead of entering into the merits of the case, or offering to the House a 'indication of his own bonduct two years ago, delivers some ;eneral observations ulion the duty of a Minister of Englanc not to desert the representatives of the Sovereign, and not tcallow Governora . to be sa cr ifi ce d to clamour. The Noble Aord said, his ingenuous addresi, " I think it would have ben only candid and just and fair if the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire had not narrowed the issue in this, petty manne; if he had, at leas', in a spirit of justice, called the Eaten= of the House to the general effects of the Administrator of Lord Torrington, and had shown them how succesafu Lord Torrington bad been as a financial administrator, is well as in quelling an insurrec tion." Why, whst, is tint reason we have been obliged to narrow the issue? Does tit Noble Lord know that the Com mittee on Ceylon was pretented from entering into the ad ministration of Lord Torrhgton and the mode in which he changed the fiscal arrangements and affected the revenue of the colony ? The Noble Lard can scarcely be ignorant of the fact. Ile must recollect that when this question was first brought before the fiance one of his ardent supporters rose and said it was a covert attack upon free trade.—( Laughter and cheers.) The Noble Lord supported his friend, and we were in consequence obliged to narrow the instructions of the Committee merely to the causes and conduct of the insurrec tion. I myself had some experience of the Ceylon Commit tee. I do not pretend to lave attended so diligently as some; my attendance was sometimes short; and why? I found the Committee embniled in investigations which I thought could lead to no eeditable consequence.—(Hear, hear.) I found the proceedings too often partaking some thing of the character of the intrigues of country towns, and of the passions of a parish..-(llear, hear, and a laugh.) , I cannot but feel that the sane character, with some excep tions, has too much pervaded this debate. We hear a great deal of the character and the feelings of the Governor Mr. T. A. Mitchell paired with Lord Newport against Mr. Baillie's motion. Captain Harris has been prevented by severe illness from attending the House of Commons during the last week. Dispatches were received at the Colonial-office on Wednesday, from the GoortzQr of Malta. „ - • ---- i principal towns. It is intended also to paint ' t; + =e ''''e l a MR. •6V YLD'S MODEL OF THE EARTH. 1 the countries on boards fixed to the pillars which supteoegnebe: 2 -:1 (From the Tim es .) 1 galleries as guides to the unlearned. .The sc a l e on whithaf] The strange , looking cylindrical edifice which now fortu-f earth's surfecee is represented is ten miles to the incheereerjel.e : I. mi zor l i e ta t l o ; in the vertical scale, however, the proportion of 6114 ' ( nately covers the once howling wilderness in the centre an inch has been adopted, as it.w - ould have been im- Leiceeter-square, and whose rapid growth has for the re l u few weeks been the daily wonder of those whose path hasst possible to have made the mountains sufficiently visible had ! the due proportions been observed. From the upper gallery. lain across this region favoured by the foreigner became the whole extent of the American continent may be viewed penetrable yesterday to the press and a few favoured visi- tors. It contains, a s a ll w h o h ave seen t h e b u i lding have by looking down i but from no point can a hemisph ere o f t h e learnt from the painted hoards outside, a model of the earth earth be seen. Had it been se arranged, a more effective constructed by Mr. Weeld, the Queen's g e o g ra ph er. i t was i coup d'ceil would have been gainel, but the exhibition would originally that gentleman's intention, as he informs us in a have failed to be so instructive as at present, for the spectator little pamphlA descriptive of his work, that this huge repro- I I must in that case have been placed so far from the surface sentation of the surface of the globe should figure in the , that he would not have been able to distinguish the contour Great Exhibition, but it was found that the necessary ar- of the countries, which is minutely pourtrayed, and is now distinctly discernible. Of the fidelity of this magnificent re rangements for erecting and exhibiting the model were ita- presentation of the earth's surface, Mr. Wyld's reputation as compatible with the space and convenience that could be a geographer is sufficient guarantee, and it opens an unri afforded by the building in Hyde-park. That this was the vaned - ' p ' royal road” to the acquirement of geographical know case is far from being a subject of regret, fur as a monument led e greatho„ end of of our present geographical knowledge, and of the enterprise, suchtheg•in.tfrao:dyutcl;?erayideo:pla oa t a i onnisodel,as suppliedis ttorridlyovisi visitors- r o s observed d thein industry, and ingenuity of its author, Mr. Weld's model de mined in no other way, .u. en incidents, may be s: tidied with facilities to be ob physical and political geography, with their serves a site and pedestal of its own, and one more pernia- I atefar beyed, a _i n la d t ni an a3 ; neat than it would have obtained in the Crystal Palace. I Nor is it a small gain which the public has indirectly ito ar extent acquired thereby, that a neat and sightly building should can This interestin f g model has received the warm approval of b o e th f e a r tn m ili e n a r n is s e o d f t i o n t s h tr e u m ct i i n on d I stli,,eiytlh'r,esidep; rho, Royal Geographical Society, Captain have taken the place of that hideous display of decaying shrubs and putrescent carcases which the inhabitants oi le N.„ in his preeicentiel address a few weeks Leicester-square have so long allowed to poison and disfigure a centre and populous quarter. ago, expressed himself in r tgeer'ecbigicraeptioiicaildr.knW:wilde'tsigsecltioemthee, astf ` G A ll‘j b w o s hi. 7 ttemp m t a t d o e i h ' mpart e M.P., in the construction To be told that one is about to see a gigantic model of the earth on a scale of ten milee to an inch conveys to the ordi nary sight-seer no very brilliant or attractive promiee. To million has been be sure it may be very instructive and edifying, but that any \g y r e ] , very immediate. pleasureable impression is to be derived from f i tti ng op i n g eie a source • • y ano!fier of our fellows, Mr. James eitersuare, an apparently so dry seems highly problematical. The toilsome, ingenious, and expensive. ' ' visitor who notwithst en di ng t h ese un f avoura bl e reflections the earth is modelled on may be induced to stray into the building in Leicester- to one degree horizero• a l square will find his listless curiosity convertedat once into one mile to an inch vertical,' ~ I nis colossal figure of t et effort once gl übe onerous, nevr a scale of ten geographical miles , or six inches to a degree, and it is admiration and eager interest. The model is censtru:ned onst bile the ,diameter is no less the concave surface of the globe,.. without regard to t inclination the lower portion and or fi th of i) the south pole occupying " Visitors will pass into the interior of this large ball, and E t r h p e en ee d l i i c p u t l i a c r . ly cl a n bo e N n - e te i r t - , I t n h y an en s e i a N n t s y o f f ee a t. gradual ascent of successive stages, will view every part of the vast model from a very moderate distance. ing the globe accordingly, we nd ourselves surrounded by Mr. Wyld was good enough to show and explain to me the the South Pacific Ocean, and already we are struck with whole of his undertaking, and though the work was not then the peculiarly picturesque eect of the model. The tracts sufficiently advanced for minute criticism. I confess to being of land surrounded by a wide expanse of blue ocean pre- both pleased and surprised upon the whole. It is made up of sent at once a striking picture. galleries connected , some thousands of raised blocks or castings in plaster, from by - stairs in the centre, enable one to o survey the whole the original models, of mountain and valley, sea and river, in internal surface ; and from the gallery, over clay, the fitting of which has been one of the principal ditli. which the icy regions of the North upper eerf a vaulted culties which the constructor has had to encounter. Recol canopy, the eye reaches downwards in all dir n e r c ul t' and is The letting that only a limited portion of a sphere can meet the able to embrace almost the whole surface of the 10 i n .% eye at once, it occurred to Mr. Wyld that by figuring the outward circumferences of the galleries are neargenoueg;F-A tc ' earth's surface on the interior instead of the exterior of his the surface to enable one to examine closely the minutest globe the observer would be enabled to embrace the distribu details of the model, and the relative positions of plain and , mountain, valley, and table-land. Each pa r t i s appropri- tion of land and water, with the physical features of the ately tinted -the fertile valley, the granite range, the sno wy globe at o ne v i ew ; an d i n this he has succeeded; while, peaks, the volcanic craters, the lake, the river, an d from tho grot,t size, the examiner of details is hardly aware the sandy plain ; and while the characteristic features of each that he is gazing on a concavity. The attempt is well worthy tract are thus rendered apparent at the first glance, all blend of the projector, and of the spirit of the age." and melt together when the vision groups them into masses, l We have no doubt the model of the earth will continue, for so that the eye as readily gathers the relative magnitudes of I. l. length of Ltime,ondon to constitute one of the most attractive ex . ib . minor divisions of sea and country as those of oceans and continents. The choice of the concave surface, which to most Ma. WYLI . (From the Chronicle. persons will appear objectionable as not giving a notion of the gunge of the President -"MODEL OF THE EAETH.—This, in the lari globe; as it really; appears, will upon the first inspection at a bold atter')t of the Royal Geographical Society, is once be applauded. Thesuperficial configuration of the various we stand to Ptlie million —a n illur part a knowledge of the globe an which tracts of land is exactly identical with what it would be on a ingenious, and ex ion —an effort at once onerous, toilsome, convex surface, and the only difference is in the direction the scale of ten geographical The model is colossal. It is on of the axes of the different elevations, which converge to, six inches to a anddegreeaPical miles to the inch horizontal, or instead of diverge from a common centre—a difference diameter being no less one mile to an inch vertical; the than 60 feet. There was a private scarcely appreciable to the eye, owing to the smallness of the view yesterday, at which the feelinof • g admiration at the de elevations relatively to the extent the surface. The d of - sign and execution was unanimous. vantage, on the other hand, of the concave surface, in allow- for the first time • otherwise, for here, in the history of inven ing the eye to embrace so large a portion of theglobe, • is para. tion, the observer is enabled to trace the distribu tion of land mount, the spectator being able to extend his range of vision main • and water with the physical features of the globe at almost indefinitely, with t h f • • db • ou c ane o position, an eing one and the same view. thus endowed with a kind of übiquity; whereas only small portions at a ti me o f a convex surface could be grasped, and (From the Daily News.) the survey of any ex t en d e d reg i on would require a corre- Yesterday a private view took place of the g rea t M odel sponding amount of locom o tion, w hil e i mme di ate re f erence Globe, preparatory to its opening to the public n ext week. The structure in which it is placed has been erected by the eye from one t o th e ot h er o f two d i stant points would be impossible. on the lately desolate inclosure of Leicester-square, and now really forms an ornament for that district. The main On the importance o f thi s remar k a bl e wor k as a means of en instruction to those bent upon the acquisition of solid know- trance is on the north side of the square, and the vestibule ledge, or as a source of i n t eres t to t h e more worldly and comes out to the f oo t way, an d l ea d s t o a circular b u ildi ng, superficial gatherers of information, it would be superfluous crowned with a hemispherical metal dome, of about 70 feet to expatiate. It is evident that the vivid impressions which in diameter, much in the style of the Colosseum. There is such a comprehensive survey of the varied features of the no pretension in the architecture, but its form gives it effect. globe we inhabit as is afforded by hlr.Wyld's model produces Around the inclosure a new railing has been placed; the gar must tend to fix upon the mind deeply and permanently all den has been laid out afresh, and the broad walks of the branches of knowledge and every variety of fact that may square, leaeing the surrounding apace open. The vestibule is large. On passing this, the visitor enters a circular be conveyed in connexion with the physical peculiarities of the earth. Those whose knowledge is already extended, by corridor, of 250 feet in circumference, running around having what was an abstract conception solidified as it were the bottom of the globe, among the supporting timbers, into concrete perception, will fi n d t h emse l ves ena bl e d to r i se and which is now being de cora t ed i n the Moorish style, with greater f ac ili t y i n t o a hi g h er reg i on of research, wh i le under the direction of Mr. G. A. J ermyn, architect, who h those who have y e t t o master t h e f i elds of knowledge al- has very ingeniously availed himself o f t h e t i mbering so ready laid open will fi n d th e pat h smoothed for them, as to produce a picturesque effect. Th e on l y part as yet and c many an effort of th oug ht avo id e d , b y what may be called a ompleted is the Moorish gate, forming the a p proac h to the material intuition. globe. The remaining portions are only as yet picked out The apace within whi c h th e g l o b e i s placed is surrounded with blue in arabesque ; but the globe lamps are h ung, by a circular corr id or f orme d b y the beams and joists by which, at night, gives time corridor effect. The which the model is s u pp orte d, and outwardly again are four design of a great model globe is nothin a picturesque g new. One large apartments. These, as well as the corridor, are intended under the name of the Georania was long on view at Paris, to contain maps, plans, models, geographical works, and until closed by the late revolution. This is a globe with books of travels relating to every quarter of the globe. So a plain painted surface, seen from the interior, and about OA the " Model of the Earth " will be a depository of all forty feet in diameter. A like design has often been the information that can be obtained of a geographical or to- projected here; but it was left f o r Mr. Wyld, M.P., pographical nature. Such a n i nst i tut i on as this must neces- to realise the cherished desire of men of science to have on sarily be of immense practical utility, and no less than the a large scale a delineation of the physical features of the work which has given rise to it is deserving the warmest sup- earth. In the fi rs t i ns t ance , M r. W y ld p ro p ose d a l arge port of the public. globe to be exhibited at the Crystal Palace, and to be (From the Observer and Advertiser.) viewed from the exterior; but it was not enough to send The public will, within the next two or three days, have there such a globe, for it would have been necessary to erect an opportunity of viewing Mr. Wyld's great globe in very large galleries occupying a considerable space in Leicester-square, upon which a large number of artists and the building to afford access to the model. It is one of the workmen havelteen fully employed for the last six months, inconveniences attendant on the natural or external re and which, we have do doubt, will prove one of the most presentation of the earth that a large space must be tra interesting and attractive, as well as instructive of the many versed in order to view each portion. Thus for the portion exhibitions and sights of the great metropolis. The build- now constructed a dome as vast as St. Peter's would ing itself occupies nearly the whole of the area of the enclo- have been required for its exhibition, while no satisfactory sure in Leicester-square, and is a sort of miniature St. Paul's, examination of the surface can be made. To remedy this, being surmounted by a gigantic and well-proportioned to afford a better view, and economise the time and exertion dome. The entrance is on the north side of the square, of the spectator, lir. Wyld cons id ere d it a d v i sa bl e t o adopt and opens into a lofty hall, pave d w i t h patent lava inlaid an artificial or internal representation of the earth, in which noming in no., wecian style, to correspond with the other bile bp,ctut.ur .i...n ale wtode anti each portion ri.ts, tho in decorations. After passing the turn-tables at the end of side, and by au ascent of forty fee: only is enabled to get this hall, the visitor is conducted to the central staircase, within ten feet of the surface, a condition essential where the w which leads him t o f our t i ers o f ga ll er i es r i s i ng one above work is so minute and elab ora t e . A s for the celestial globe, the other to the top of the building. The great panorama it is found most convenient to abandan the natural method, and adopt a represe n tati on o f t h e h eavens f rom the ex t er i or , or map of the world i s h ere sprea d out b e f ore hi m, and the so is it with the Great Model Globe to adopt a contrary pro effect is extremely s t r iki ng an d b eaut i fu l . Th e b est i dea that can be given o f t h e d es i gn i s to conce i ve a g i gant i c cess, and the spect a t or , i n a wor k on so l arge a sca l e , be comes readily familiarised with the view presented t o hi m . hollow globe wi t h a ll th e mounta i ns, r i vers, eleva tions, and depressions in relief, and then to suppose this globe r The globe within which we enter is placed vertically north turned inside out, and the spectator s tanding in th e cen t re o f and south, the unknown re g i ons of the South pol e ma ki ng the interior. Above hi s h ea d, at an e l e vati o n o f s i xty f eet way for a staircas e and ga ll er i es , an d th o s e o f th e arct i c for. the illumination and v e ntilation of the interior. Th e from the ground, ar e th e nor th ern f r ozen regi ons , "thi c k ribbed in eternal ice." Th e rou te ofFranklin, and th e d ar i ng diameter is called sixty fe e t, an d the circumfer ence a b out a adventurers who have been endeavouring to follow in his ihundred and ninety feet, affording a surface of a b ove track, is easily disc overa ble. Descending lower to th e l eve l ten thousand square feet. 'Within the structure are f our galleries, affording near views of several zones of the eart h' s of the upper gallery—which comprises nearly all th e civi lized portions of th e g l o be, including the whole of E uro p e , th e surface ; but it is most desirable in the first instan ce t o as north of Asia, and the northern states of America—the a ccu . vend to the upper gallery or platform, when a rem ar k a bl e racy and minuteness of the execution become mo r e a pp s - sight presents itself. Modelled on a colossal scal e are E urope, rent. The peculiar features and physical characteristi cs o f North America and North Asia in their famili ar f eatures, the country—the course of every stream and river, an d th e with the expanse of the oceans. Th e r i vers are seen mi nutely depicted, the mountain chai ns , represented i n the i r height and direction of every hill and mountain rang e — are various peaks and branches, thei r snowy h e i g h ts and hollow seen all coloured after nature. In the ne x t ga ll er y, volcanoes. Above us the i ce -b oun d rea l ms of the nort h which approaches the equator, the wid e an d d eser t wastes of Africa, with the lurid red sand colour gleam under a blueish light. While we are struck with the of the soil, the overland route and the southern greatness of the picture in contemplating those lands less parts of India, and the islands of the Indian Ocean are known to us, when we turn away from the great continent seen ; and descending lower, we come upon the great of North America, with the proud feeling that such vast dis southern continent of Australia, South America, and the tricts belong to us, we are st ruc k with surprise to find our vast expanse of water which covers more th a n half the sur- own island no bigger th an t h e sheet of paper now strewed face of the globe. The whole of this extraordinary work has before our readers. Yet there it is with every well-known stream been laid down with the greatest a ccur acy, accordi ng t o and hill, its cliffs, its bays, and it s cre eks, so well laid down that scale, the proportions being the same as those employed in as we look at it through a glass, we may fancy ourselves the Parliamentary railway maps, namely, one inch to ten viewing the wide scene from the peak of Snowdon, Ben miles of horizantal measurement, and one inch to a mile of Nevi s , or other towering mountain. In the design a n d ex perpendicular elevation. Every-mount a i n h as it s c h aracter ecuti on o f t hi s great undertaking, Mr. Wyld has displayed indicated, whether covered with ha r dy pi nes, presenting great ability and resources, and he has been well seconded by naked granite peaks, covered with ete r n a l snow, or exhibit- those who have co-operated with him. Mr. eVyld has scru ing volcanic action, wh ch is shown by the red glare of fire on pulously guarded himself against anything but natural and its summits. All the numerous islands and coral reefs of the Permanent types. There is no writing on the surface, no great southern ocean are l a id d own w i t h the greatest artificial lines; nor are there even indications of the pheno recision and the physical, as w e ll as th e geographical features p of the mena of isothermism, electromagnetism , atmospheric, and oceanic currents. The seas are . marked of h blue, the land ix world, are here presented with a startling reality which .eias green tints, except in the frigid zone, .w ere it has a never before been realised. The exhibition may berendered covering; the mountains are ranged available in a variety of ways, for the purposeof indicatingthe glittering icy currents according to their height, the volcanoes shown with isothermal lines of temperature, the of the great peaks, the line of perpetual snow indicated by hollow oceans, the magnetic currents and poles • and in short itsof colour the rivers mark d the absence , eo with value as a model for illustration and instruction can scarcely . arge towns by sp , ots the sandy deserts lines, the l of the be over estimated. Mr. Wyld has been for many years col- f' red. E c t the Sahara by a glare o, . . nep line towns the only vette letting materials for this gigantic work, and his name is alone tige of human occupation is the of the great wall of a sufficient guarantee for the fidelity with which it has been China, dimly dotted down. By the arr angement of the executed. The lower part of the building has been fitted up oa ue colours, as well as by media sto • off the light, as a corridor and promenade geographique, with couches, opaque colours, as well aa by media stopping off the light, as a corridor and pronicnacie peograplsique, with couches, and a very extensive collection of maps, globes, &c. The great variety of surface is produced. Alt p o lling gether this is one and a very extensive collection of maps, globes, &c. The of the most remarkable works of the year. The Crystal style of the corridor is Byzantine, to meet the exigencies of Palace is remarkable for its variety,but as a single work the building, which takes a considerable curve inwards. this model globe stands unsurpassed, - nor is it likely to be The columns and decorations are exact models of the Al wanting in interest to thepublic, for, while the idlest spec hambra, and we understand this is the first attempt that has tutor must be attracted b been made to introduce this style of decoration in England. not some distant relative whose curiosity, there are few who have The corridor will be lighted by ground glass lamp', in the out, or whose line of station they wish to mark Moorish style. Attached to the building is a geographical .seek to know, and before _ the great model globe of tall - library, containing a most complete collection of geogra geogra hical a other globes and modes of phical works and maps, which will be accessible to all . P representations fade into comparative insigni. • licence. visitors, and the whole will form one of the most interesting and perfect geographical monuments that has ever been constructed in any country. (From the Post.) Another exhibition has been added to the sights of London, which, if not equal in magnificence and splendour to the Crystal Palace and its contents, may, at least, boast of surpassing them in magnitude of design; for, whilst the for mer profess to exhibit only choice specimens of the world's industry, this presents to view " the great globe itself." The construction of a " colossal globe," for the purpose of assisting geographical education, has, we understand, occupied the at tention of air. Wyld, the geographer to the Queen, for many years • but the development of the plan is due to the Great Exhibition, which stimulated him to make the effort to realise the idea, otherwise the project might have remained in embryo. It was at first intended that the great globe s hould form part of the contents of the E x hibi t i on build but as the plan developed itself more co m pl ete l y, it was ing, found impossible to place a model of the intended magnitude therein, and a site was soug ht f or th e erection img expressly fitt e d t o rece i ve it. Theed •f a build once deso late area of Leicester.square was selectand thereon, within a very short time, Mr. W ld ' Y has succeeded in erecting a large and handsome structure for of his immense model of th e earth. The great undertaking is now completed, and we were yesterday favoured with a private view of the work before it is opened to public in spection. The entrance is under a Grecian portico into a vestibule, whence the visitor is i ridor round the exteri or o f th I ntroduced to a circular cor appropriately decorated, and e g °be. This corridor is very different coentries ; but toui embellished with maps of obtain a view of the earth, the visitor must pass through limited the crust of the globe. An en trance is effected through,. the antarctic sea, and when in side, the vi ew is mited to the southernmostp ar t s of Africa and America, magnified, in comparison with the delineations of ordi • nary globes, to prop ort i ons almost beyond recognition. A staircase conducts to a zone R here the central parts of those vast continents are seen broadly expanded, and exhibiting the diversities of mountains and valleys in bold relief, and of deserts and verdant plains, oceans, lakes, a n d r i vers, represented as they m ight be sup posed to appear w h en seen from a great elevation. _ At the next ascent the spectator is placed on the equinoctial line ; a gallery above corresponds in position with the tropic of Cancer, and a still hi g her zone p l a ces in sight the whole of Europe, and most of the civilized countries of the globe. The higher the ascent, the more interesting and more extended the vices', and by the time the spectator has arrived at the highest zone, he becomes accustomed to the concave form, which at first is rather perplexing, as the exterior surface of the globe is seen from the interior. This arrangement was almost inevitable, and it has the advantage of affordin g a compreh e nsive survey than would have been - more a convex surface. The diameter of the globe is sixty feet, the whole area oc cu py in g ten tho usand feet. The model is execu ted in plaster, cast from moulded cl ay, and it is coloured to resemble as closely as possible the asp ect of the different countries. The absence of the accustomed lines and names, and divisions, puts the geographical knowledge of the visitors to the test, but small circles of light indicate the positions • • of night decided in favour of i Mitii g Plast The Ceylon question, so lon g p ostponed, WAS Ministers, b y a The nuns than was, we believe, anticipated by either aide. bers were—majority larger For Mr. Baillie's motion ... ..• —.*‘,2s3,o_o2aosroirnt has Showing a it ... . ••• •-• ..• * i s most im portant, a majority of SO votes. This result of political portant, not merely as it affects the positionmnreonstmh! w b i I l l a j n e f s t t y b ' s point parties, oreven immediate)asy i i t n r eicsosrudes, butthe o a f s i o n , i on of Parliament p u ti o a v t e ic rn al m ly e , n a t s t i o t a c d a d r s ry m e a u te t ria tb ll e y to n y um an b d ers p , erseveringly and which nation in the matter of the i the; p i' s- eeasrpnoodgawnaedt perhapsir s' ot e offh here and the coupe disputedtry , ' s independence, by a party n iTc Y or lltddeuirse4cerenb to led t i h tia e nb p l urposes of prostitutes the name of liberty.n, no widely as we differ from the In this view of the hesitateetrr to ex upon the whole, is bestcalcu lated • tion that the Douse of Commons press our conviction 1 i L idet o oeh r , n; :l e, uos G tti se z i y oNn„ „ fett a hhd n eeu d eos notue vn oftengeneral be en colonial nur duty realoligcteolvsohin. on this occasion is that Post. [ADVERTIsEMENT.3—HoIIoway's Pills a certain to promote —The wonderfully regenerating effects produced by specific for Nervousness, L owness of Spirits, and Disordered invaluable Pills are truly astonishing. This 5 edi tShte°sme Stomachs.—The n c g. ne rn • acts in so peculiar a manner on the system that by follow the cine lag the directions affixed to each box as to the mode of using t h em , nervous irritability is allayed, the tone of the stomach strengthened, the digestion improved, freedom of circulation given to the blood, and a robust state of health attained. Per sons of studious and sedentary habits being especially liable to at insure Professor to the class of di sor d ers alluded to should take H o ll owa y' s Pills ro London. od He stllant:.aoyf,sheEalstht:b—iisSboldeu. 244, Strand, by t all Druggists, and POPULATION OF BRIouToN AND rORTSMOUTHd.-0 At the late census, the population of Brie6tSo,noooamoiiinrit;htotn 65 . 000 ; that of Portsmouth amountedt 21,000; had increased in the last ten years Portsmouth, in the same period, 15,000. Brighton collects about 30,00 W. sum. Brighton pays about 2,000 i. per annum county rate, per annum for poor.rates, and Por . tsmouth about the same per annum borough rate. both be- Portsmouth pays 3,000/. p e urposes. Brighton makes about inthreen pearl for afor year,th the . a l i . i ns i e. the i pound ; Portsmouth will be now the pound. The difference in in ßrighton and Portsmouth being a th b e ou p t e f u o t u i r da a g y e ea b r e , t at ee l n net rateable value of the former, which is made up by por tion of the increase facility in Brighton may be attributed to the travelling to that place. Cheap weekly 1 more than dotuhbelenethat of the latter. A considerable of railwayiil f w rom trips, like those 'I to ). Brighton and Southampton, at ss. and these places, must cause attractions, as 3s. 6d. to and perso ns res . ' ding in these localties having friends in :London, an be d b them as cheaply as though they 'Were re visite few miles. c • lain a few nules,—Portsmouth Guardian. siding wlt FRIDAY S 1 0 1,7 1 ~,,t • . , ..,---