The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-12 00:00:00

c op 'on 0 1 f ) gallon!; it was in Olps; In - in ti 184 9 vst _inflicte d . auction 0t while the ased. In a Singl e and there d in 1849 sere were %lions er had t h e y , .. in Eng. ;ossesseu, 'ao exto l; loos o nce i of thod. . le motion. dr. g. B. ion to the taken °tit o charged i c livered , and s e ' 'ernent on s hould b e house 11(4 o end not an d not for everl JER 1614 age. . en out of n o del r s trength d ureli 1 too the • ord°"a point at which the first portion of the line would ter- Id t'tc. He need no t rem ind the House that for some time after the Bill was applied for to make a railway be. t w een Liverpool and Manchester, little or nothing was of of the p assenger traffic—it was scarcely mentioned, the whole reli anc e of the promoters being upon the goods 516 e. Ile would not then venture to prophecy what i l W ould be th e resu l t i n I n di c , b ut he thought they would at e 'nine grounds for anticipating a similar result. He assured the Noble Lord that the East India Company We rsaperfectly disposed to extend to Madras the same Kai , .eges as the other presidencies—it was a ques vutl°9 with them of time and not one of preference. Kith regard to the line from Madras to Arcot, it was : e cessary to consider it with reference to the general / st ew of railways proposed for India, and it was doubted whether that - line would answer the require. 4 nents that Mr. Sans b ade desirable, or whe ther • t would not be more sable to have a h f e More to the north-west to join the general system Which was so he carried out from Bombay. He would l erll , tad the House• that the s ystem on which the East 4 '4 Company had undertaken these railways was in it- Of novel. Th e C ompany gave t h e l an d f ree , and gua ranteed to the railway companies interest upon the 'aPital at the rate of five per cent. for ninety-nine / c e ll's. And at any time during that period the railway I . )3l Pany could call upon the Indian Government to pay j ot' the railway at prime cost. A statement had found byWay into some o f th e Indian papers that had arrived by one of the last Foals to the effect that some eneineer xug difficultiea had been discovered with regard to the alastructi on o f rai l ways i n I n di a , an d t h at t h e y h a d bee ns, aband one d altogether. Th a t s t a t eme nt, it was aaliost needless to say, was quite unfounded. He should e t ° 4 clude by assuring the Noble Lord and the House 11 4 : at the East India Company had already anticipated r fo, havin g some ti me s i nce di s p a t c h e d l e tters to the oaernm eo t of Madras, calling upon them to furnish for thwith all the information that was required, in order t o 1) extend the same facilities to that province as had e be en afford e d t o th e o th er pr e sidencies, and no time e caild be lust in extending the same advantages and en. e°l2ragetnent to it as the others.—(Bear, hear.) ~. AGLIONBY was prepared to give his cordial o PPort to any proposition fur carrying out the benefit of railway commuuication in India. lie thought there ou ght to be an ex o ffi cio director sitting at the boards of Jest) railways, fur the purpose of exercising some effi -I,,srit control over their management. He thanked the the Rouse, who had eo ably brought the subject before j h e Rouse, because it afforded the opportunity of clear away many doubts and misconceptions that existed Po!:t the subject. 81 r E. COLEBROOKE thought the Indian public could be obliged to the Noble Lord for having drawn atte ntion to the subject, and was glad the Government d announced that this line was only the commence a ll ent of a far more extensive project which they had in con templation. t thought that a railroad from Allababad Delhi, with branches to the military stations, would :ofer the greatest benefit upon India, and the saving & El ioll it would effect in life, labour, military stores, pa sses 'would in a period of about five years defray the ex- Vses of the construction of the railroad. He did not 14 k it very satisfactory to hear that only 70 miles of i Way out of 400 were all that we were seeking to There ought to be a railway from Madras to j e °l: nbay. The result of such a work would be most itlet s ortant, both in a political as well as a commercial •11 S ir 3 C. HOBHOLTSE said from his long and intimate h n ciwledge of his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose, ,yaust say that it was not easy to satisfy him on any V i nt; but he (Sir J. Hobhouse) agreed with him in all said as to the importance of railways in India. He th aB exceedingly glad that the Noble Lord had brought k a question forward ; for by his experience and his il °wn attachment to India—having fill, d an office in the fats Government that was connected with that part of the s a , a tarlot—he was most competent to speak upon the grJect. When the question came more fully before the ?,t!se, he hoped he would be able to show that the East 41 a Company had not slumbered at its post, nor for gotten what was its duty as regarded its own interests I ,_ Well as regarded the millioas of people entrusted to care. Th reasons why the Madras Railway Com• F t lY did not receive that encouragement which the :?Yernment had hitherto afforded to the other two j"fay companies were these. It was certainly the iitention of the East India Company and the India ,et es , 4l 'd to give the Madras Company rather a s,eference, if it were possible, but that company : tilt of itself before we could assist it. But the :tat of encouragement to these railways generally was w`tributable to those disgraceful transactions which he n,tasorry to say historically stigmatised this country.— ` 4 eisr, hear.) These disgraceful transactions, he re apatted to say, were not confined to those who might Ot t be supposed to have as nice a sense of honour as l' k ers, but were spread amongst the educated and the ~her classes of society.—(Hear, hear.) They were to,be Otld amongst that class tc which the people of England 111 4 d been long accustomed to look up, not only for the ta 4/ ttnes of their laws, but also fur the formation of their )o , 4ll ners.—(Hear, hear.) Such proceedings as those to C hip he had referred had brought discredit upon all t'"'inys, and the failure of the efforts of the East India w °4 lPany, which were honestly made to carr out . these 1k,Z48, must be attributed to this cause. flad it not for the state of the money market we should have i 4 t l the Madras Railway carried on with the same 144 ae that in which the Bombay and Ben- Z lll Railway had been proceeded with. He. l a wever had no doubt that at this time next Ir a we shall be ale'e to congratulate the House and * a country on the progress made in the Madras Rail , 4 4 ,,Y. In reference to the question whether it would be t°ea that these railways should be constructed by com illies or upon the responsibilities of the Government, would remind the H. that it was very fully dis th C 6 'ed when the Noble Lord held office iu the Board of li antrol, in 1845. And it was then determined by the q () hle Lord that they should not be carried on by the .1 3 ,rernment of India, nor by the Government at home, by the companies themselves that undertook these !test works in India. He (Sir J. Hubhonse) thought ha tt s it w e u ld have b e en much wiser for the Government ill undertake the construction of them. The advantages at would have accrued to them in the transport of P 8 and stores, and in the traffic that would be em along the route, would have soon compensated to atn for the 1,000,000/. or 2,000,0001. spent upon their a struction.—(Hear, hear.) The question, however, pl ) ° ,, to be considered was, how they could pro erly encourage the companies that had already "aertaken these works. We have given them land ef L i t 'a have granted them an interest upon their capi -1 and we have, moreover, taken care that, if the Fatie tiemc connected with - them should desire at some 4ite time to retire from the enterprise, they would ve nothing more to du than to return their capital t th A goods into our ,hands, and to say, '` Will you take A e e ta from us?'.'—((leer, hear.) The Noble Lord ap ttred to think that we required a spur to induce us to t ,k til. 4 nee in respect to those railways. We required no CU Spur 4 " Parce puer, stimulis, et fortius utere loris." ' :ph Fuld be most happy to produce all the papers ap th a d for by the Noble Lord, and to bring to a conclusion et object which the Noble Lord had not more at heart a x ,, n he (Sir .T. Hobhouse) had himself. Iji,,"`r. MANGLES concurred with the Hon. Member for Al'ofrose in what he had atated with respect to the rail. Atin Bengal. Ord JOCELYN : replied. Ho had brought forward tape question because he considered it of vast importance andia and the people of England. motion was then agreed to. RAJA OF SATTARA. ' G. THOMPSON meved for copies of any docn i:ats furnished by the resideet at Sattara to the Born :. Government, showing the amount or value of the sos 4 Pa rty belonging to the State of Sattara at the time se tt lue decease of the late Raja, and the amount of reve kita from all sources in the State of Sattara since its ad 4istration by the East India Company, and the charges t h ble out of the said revenue; of all correspondence ';tit' ,l s "en the widow and the adopted son of the ex-Raja 4 4 ,attara, and the Governor. General's agent at Benares, I titi m i between that officer and the Governor-General of 4 , from the Ist day of December, 1849, to the present t t ,,f and, of all correspondence whether in the • Of I ndia department or otherwise, between the Government V u dift and the Court of Directors of the East India 14 141 Pany, on the subject of the provision to be made for 4 % 4 , 4 41 widow and adopted son (so far as the same have l ' i evn presented to this House). —Agreed to. Over orders of the day were then agreed to, and °tsetse adjourned at Eleven o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 11. '?"air Lordship tills assembled at Five o'clock. 1 1 Q Court of Chancery (County Palatine of Lancaster) Passed through Committee. PETITIONS. • t dt d MIALAESBURY presented a petition from P, ; ;', , praying that, in the event of.any alteration in the 11i1":' - cfEce regulations, the petitioners might not bo de .1;74 of o ne delivery at least on the Sundays. t a ; u "Earl of LEICESTER presented petitions from tt,'lll,outh and other places against Sunday labour in ffi o st- office. tiol, tee mouth Earl of ST GERMANS presented several peti e.iri favour of the Marriage Bill. 44, 4 MONTEAGLE presented a petition from the kle h ls and merchants of Forfar against the arrange .The,.'44of the Aberdeen Railway. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL. •4„ r Lordships then went into Committee on the ~T:tralian Colonies Bill. Lq, ° , 1. ( 1 MONTEAGLE.said that he was about to bring 4 -13 their to rdships the question whether in framing constitution for the ,colonies they would adopt ti),, Pr inciple of a single chamber, or whether they would Vl i Z t , to the old constitutional principle of a double 4 4ri t - d 'He thought he should be able to show their 'N'i. 4 `' i Ps that the principle of a single chamber was tli q l- i e _, l Y contrary to the opinions of the colonists. He +l o : l l ,',u abstain from arguing upon the principle of a ' 4 ' or single chamber. Bethought that would almost 411 insult More a British L'eislature, but he thought n•tf co uld show to their Lordships that the principle •a ti chamber had been condemned in all t • t. cit lit .: l 's. He cou4l cite the example of the United d~uwilPre that principle had yielded to the idea of a cha'mber, as well in the constitution of the whole r or -4 °F States as in manv separate states. They had sillopl:l4rirable example of the ill effects resulting from a t 4.14 c hamber—the results of that system in 1791, 11 , s might say, even in the present time • and tiik."llenged his Noble Friend opposite, with all tfAZe_cltlaintance with the subject to show one instance 1147.suecessful experiment of a single chamber, but, on ttke"e_tbler hand, he could show many instances of ill- The Noble Earl had been a great artificer in ra k i„Vtlons,,and no person had issued more pieces of Tl_tetUres b liven time than that Noble Earl had. ttea h ujst was the New - Zealand constitution, which was ‘ttlyZ i so a dead l etter b y t h e G overnor i m m • distely it " L ' 101 4 the r9blt Isrl bid So sti 19 THE suspend the laws until that constitution could be re pealed. The next was the constitution for Australia, passed in 1847, which was rejected by the colonists themselves, because it went to deprive them of a portion of their franchise. Now both those constitutions con tained the principle of a double chamber, and he asked the Noble Earl on what grounds he had altered the opinions he then held. The Noble Earl had asked the ads ice of the governors of the various colonies in that part of the world, and they unanimously pronounced in favour of a double chamber, and stated that the colonists themselves were not opposed to that system. But the Noble Earl was like the hero of Pope's " Ja nuary and May," " Firm and determined in his mind was he As men who ask advice are wont to be." _ _ And so, though advised to adopt the system of two chambers, his mind was made up to have but one. If they inquired into the state of advancement of the co lonists they would find that they were capable of con ducting their own affairs. Lie would show their Lord ships that in the whole history of the colonies, and in that of the United StateF, the principle of a second chamber was preferred to that of a single one ; Em] they had it on the authority of the Committee of the Privy Council, that they would, had it rested with them to recommend, have advised the institution of a second chamber. But that was not all, the Government were about al►o to gi►e a constitution to the Cape of Good Hope, and the Noble Earl, now at the head of the Colo nial Department (Earl Grey), proposed to give the people of that colony a double chamber. When their Lordships recollected the disturbances that took place at the Cape —when they reflected that the people of that colony had actually set themselves up in arms against the power of the Government, it must seem to them as somewhat strange that the Government in that case yielded to ♦iolence—that which they refused to the more orderly and more intelligent people of Australia—a constitution with a second chamber. Was that consistent?—was it not strange ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then re ferred their Lordships to the colony of Newfound land, referred to by Lord Stanley, as having got two chambers. True, as the Noble Lord had said, they had been amalgamated for a time, and resolved into one, because of some petty differences ; but those differences having been obviated, the two chambers of that little colony were again restored, and were now in existence. He apologised to their Lordships for tres passing thus at length on their Lordships' time; but there was one thing to which he felt bound to call their Lordships' attention—the prayer of the petitions of the people of Australia; and if there was any one thing for which more than another the colonists prayed, it was that their institutions should be assimilated to those of the mother country. He believed, in a colony which had no antecedents, and which had no history to tall back upon, the surest way to give, strength was by the estab lishment of the elective system; but the most conserva tive system would be by the adoption of a second cham ber. He asked the Noble Earl if he felt comfortable at his proceedings? and he would tell the Noble Earl and their Lordships, should they pass this Bill, that the co lonists would elect such a democratic chamber under it as would, perhaps, cause strong feelings of regret in this country. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, as an amendment, the adoption of a.double chamber. Earl GREY said the Noble Lord had gone into the question of colonial constitutions at great length—mix ing up with it some very harmless banter and pointless jokes—but he had not touched the real question; for he bad not shown how it was possible to separate the Le gislature of New South Wales without flying in the face of the whole of the colonists, who in all their petitions deprecated the slightest change. The House of Lords existed in this country alone of all the countries of the world; it grew out of the habits of the people, and it was as impossible to create it as it would be to create one of those magnificent oak trees which shot out their roots in all directions. He asked the House, therefore, to support him on the plain and simple principle of not dis turbing the existing institutions in the colonies. Lord ABINGER said the Bill was not an affirmation of the existing state of things in the colonies, but the introduction of an entire change in their institutions. The result of the Bill would be the creation of a single democratic chamber, and the product;on of great discord and dissatisfaction in the colonies. Of the two modes of governing the colonies, the Noble Earl had undoubtedly adopted the worst. Lord LYTTELTON said that the colonists had peti tioned over and over again that the British Constitution might be extended to them. The question before the House, however, was not as to the best constitution, but as to the best legislative machinery applicable under the circumstances to the colony. There was not the slightest indication in any of the documents laid before the House that a double chamber would be objection able. The Noble Earl's measure did not leave it to the colony to introduce the system recommended, but would prevent them from doing so if they should think fir. He should support the amendment of his Noble Friend, leaving the details to be filled up at another opportunity ' if their Lordships should agree to the principle. The Earl of ST. GERMANS believed the amend ment proposed by the Noble Lord would disappoint the expectations which had been held out to the colonists. The Noble Lord had argued as if the colonists had made the proposition which he advocated, but it had never been brought under their consideration at all. He was not prepared to vote fur the amendment, particularly as this was an experiment which he thought deserving of a fair trial. The proposition made by the Noble Lord could not, under the existing circumstances of the colony be carried out, because a huge number of the most in fluential parties resided at a considerable distance from Sydney, and could not make it convenient to spend a con siderable port ion of the year in that place. Lord WODEHOLTSE thought that a system which had been so universally adopted in the colonies ought not to be abandoned or departed from without some stronger reasons than had yet been adduced. One strong objection to the Bill was, that it would make the Government a separate party in the colony,, distinct from and opposed t..) the pe , ple, thus causing a constant feeling of irritation between the colony and the mother country.—(Hear, hear.) Although he believed it essential to me establishment of a wise system of repre sentative institutions in the colonies that the Legislature should con-ast of two chambers, he did not agree with those who advocated a single chamber, on the ground that they would lay the f iundation of aristocratic feel ings in those colonies. He believed they would commit a great error by sanctioning this Bill, and should there fore support the amendment. The Committee divided on the amendment, whorl the numbers were— Contents ... •-• 20 Non-contents 22 Majority against the amendment... —2 On our return to the gallery, we found Lord LYTTELTON recommending the reduction of the franchise to one-half the amount proposed by the Bill. As the Noble Esrl (Grey) intended to alter the clause ' be would withdraw the amendment which he should otherwise have proposed. Earl GREY thought a reduction in the franchise very desirable, and proposed a clause in accordance with the views of the Noble Lord. After a feW words from Earl POEMS, The cl muse as amended was agreed to. In reply to Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said he saw no reason why the franchise i❑ South Australia and Van Diemen's Land should not be the same as that proposed for New South Wales, and he would propose a clause to that effect. Ou clause 8 t:eiug propose I, Lord MONTEAGLE objected to it, because, what ever might. be the capacity of Wester❑ Australia to re ceive a constitution, until they should have the means of paying the whole of their expenses they would not, under the provisions of the Bill, be able to obtain a con stitution. It was a novel principle to lay dow❑ that no state was entitled to representative government until it had a revenue sufficient to pay its expenses. Earl GREY said, so far from being a new principle it was the ancient principle of our own Constitution. The whole power of the House of Commons bad arisen from the Crown being under the necessity of applying to it for money. It was his deliberate opinion that until the people of the colonies were able to pay the expenses of their civil government, they were not entitled to repro- Imitative institutions. Lord MONTEAGLE asked if representative institu tions were to be refused so long as the colonies did not pay the whole of their expenses? If so, we ought not to grant them so long as we paid the salaries of the go ♦ernors. Earl FITZ WILLIAM disputed the position laid down by the Secretary fur the Colonies, that the power of the House of Commons arose from its having the power of the purse. It had its power inconsequence of this being a free country. Earl GREY, in answer to the observation of the Noble Lord (Monteagle), said that the payment of the salaries of colonial governors by this country was a wise exception in the colonial expenditure. With regard to the other point he believed he was correct in saying that in point of fact representative institutions had beta viewed as neither more nor less than a machinery for taxation. The colonies ought to have representative in stitutions as soon as they were able to defray the cost of government. Western Australia would speedily be in such a position. Lord .LYTTELTON congratulated the Noble Earl on coming round to the views which he had expressed in 1846. Thp clause was then agreed to. On clause 14, In reply to Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said that be had been in communication with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject of giving the colonists greater control over their customs, and he had no doubt such a control would be granted them. The clause was then agreed to. On clause 16, Lord LY £TELTON wished to know whether it was desirable that schedule C should stand part of the Bill. The effect of it would be to fix the minimum to be paid for purposes of public worship. He thought it would be better to leave the whole question of the pecuniary support of religious establishments to the colonists themselves, as it was clearly one of their own internal concerns. After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, Earl GREY said it had been considered that tha pre sent Bill could not originate in their Lordships' House, because it created a taxing power. He would not take upon himself to offer an opinion as to how far his Noble Friend's (Lord Lyttelton's) proposition would interfere with the privili ges of the House of Commons, but h. would strongly deprecate any alteration in the Bin from its.present shape. After a short conversation, the proposed suggestion was not pressed, and the clause was understood to have been agreed to. On clause 17 being proposed, which showed how the appropriation of sums granted might be varied, Lord MONTE AG LE complained that there was 6 power given by this clause to therGovernor °fibs ooloay SUN, LONDON, greater than that possessed by the Treasury of this empire. Earl GREY defended the clause, which was subse quently agreed to. The NOBLE EARL then moved, pursuant to notice, the substitution of the word "diminution" for "alteration," with reference to judicial salaries.—Agreed to. Clause 18 was also understood to have been agreed to without any discussion. Clause 19 wa■ then proposed. Lord LYTTELTON suggested that the power of forming district councils should not be left in the hands of the governor except - by - and with the advice of the legislative council. Earl GREY thought that would not be analogous with the municipal councils in England, and that it would be inexpedient to adopt the suggestion. After a few words from Lord MONTEAGLE, Earl GREY said that the object of the district coun cils was to give the respective localities a control in the exp"nditure of their own money. Clause 19 was then agreed to, as were also clauses 21, 22, and 23. On clause 24, Lord LYTTELTON rose to propose the amendment of which he had given notice, with the view of making an alteration in the power of dealing with the waste lands of the colonies. He had come to the conclusion that it would be impossible and not desirable to maintain throstehout the whole extent of New South \Vales and Port Philip the price of land at 11. per acre, seeing that it must necessarily be devoted ,to pastoral purposes. He therefore proposed to entrust the power of selling the waste lands to the governor, with the advice of the Le gislative Council. The time was come when this power ought to be entrusted to the local legislature. At the same time, he altogether objected to the price of land being reduced to merely a nominal amount. The great difficulty was in dealing with vested interests—namely, with the interests of those who had purchased lands at the higher price. The main answer to that was, that siece 1842, when the Land Sales Act passed, in New South Wales and Port Philip the sales had been exceed ingly small. He had no objection to make the assent of the Crown necessary, but the local legislature ought to be allowed to deal with the question. Earl GREY thought the proposition of the Noble Lord would be one of the greatest blows that could be given to the colonies to which he proposed to apply it. He would endeavour shortly to explain the policy which had been adopted with respect to the sale of land in Australia. Up to 1831 the practice was to grant land under certain rules, the object of which was to endeavour as far as possible to prevent it being taken by irrespon sible parties; and regulations were consequently made, which looked very well on paper, but which were prac tically of no use, for no vigilance was sufficient to prevent their evasion. Abuses had risen to a great height, when it was suggested that the real way of getting rid of the evil was, instead of giving land,' away, to sell it. These views were pablished in an able pamphlet, and attracted the notice of Lord Ripon, who was so thoroughly satisfied of the sound ness of the principles on which the regulations were suggested, that be determined to apply them practically to New South Wales. New instructions were issued respecting the disposal of the Crown lands. When the price was named it created great opposition— and there was not a single individual in the colonies in favour of the regulation. The price was afterwards raised to 12s. per acre In 1840 the whole subject was brought under the consideration of a Select Com mittee on the affairs of South Australia; and after a long and patient inquiry, the Committee came unani mously to the conclusion that the price of land ought to be raised, and that in order to induce persons to pur chase more largely, a Parliamentary security ought to be given against the prices being subsequently lowered. It was said that such a security would cause large purchases to be made. These views were adopted by the Secre tary of State (Lord J. Russell), but he did not remain in office sufficiently long to carry them into effect. They were also adopted by Lord Stanley, and in 1842 a Bill, was brought in, founded on the report of the Com mittee, to secure purchasers of land against future re ductions of value. Under these circumstances a very large number of sales took place. It was desirable that where the extent of the valuable land was unlimited, the price should be determined by the minimum price imposed by the Crown; and it was quite clear that if the minimum price should be reduced the value of the land already sold must be diminished; and in fact to reduce the price fixed under the Act of 1842 would be nothing short of confiscation. He would now call their Lordships' attention to the effects which had resulted from this system. In 1831 the policy was adopted of selling land and applying the proceeds of the land sales to tho purposes of emigration. Durieg the eighteen years which have elapsed the amount of money derived from the sale of land and applied to the purposes of emigration in the Australian colonies was no less than 2,500,0001. The first application of money derived from these sales to emigration took place on the recommen dation of a Committee in 1831, the amount calculated upon not exceeding 10,0001. At that time there were no means of sending labouring men at a reasonable price to the Australian colonies, the lowest amount being about 401. for a steerage passage, but the charge was now 121. or 141, with infinitely superior accommodation. Under this system the number of persons sent to the Australian colonies during that period was 117,600. Nor was that all; for in consequence of the stimulus thus given to emigration, 61,750 persons had voluntarily gone to Australis, making a total of 179,300 souls. This had been effected without any expense to this country, and he contended that such a system ought not to be rashly dealt with. He would call their Lordships' attention to another circumstance. He held in his hand a petition against a clause contained in the Bill allowing the Federal Legislature to deal with the price of the land. The petitioners stated that they had purchased their land on the faith of the report of the Committee to which he had referred, and what they con sidered a Parliamentary guarantee that the price of land should not be diminished. These were the circumstances under which the measure was proposed; and if the con fidence of the purchasers was shaken, the discontinuance of the present system must follow. It had been said that 11. was not a high price for land intended for agri cultural 'purposes, but the grazing land was not worth that sum. It was not worth 55., it was not, in fact, worth ls, In 1846 a measure was passed authorising the Crown to establish regulations for the occupation of waste lands for pastoral purposes, and the papers on the table showed that those regulations had been satisfac tory. He conceived that Crown lands ought to be held in trust by her Majesty for the benefit of all her subjects, and they ought not to be engrossed by a few persons to the detriment of the future settlers. But if the price of lands in Australia were to be greatly reduced, they would in a short time be bought up by speculators, and the settlers would have to pay not 11. per acre, but a price fixed by the holder, without gaining any advantage like that which they derived under the present system. The only security against this engrossment of the public lands was to maintain the existing laws and the existing minimum price. There was a disposition to acquire larger quan tities of land than was consistent with the public interest, which it was difficult to deal with. It must also be re collected that a considerable portion of the money ob tained from land sales went back to the colonists in the shape of bridges, roads, and other essential improve ments necessary for the comfort and progress of the colony. It was desirable, therefore, that all the money not spent to promote suitable emigration should be ex pended for local improvements and objects. It was said that this would encourage a spirit of jobbing, but he con sidered that proper checks on the expenditure of the money would do away with this anticipation. These were tne grounds on which he supported the measure in pre ference to the amendment. He had been told that the colonists were against this measure. He denied that this was the fact. Public opinion was very much divided on the subject. South Australia was very much in favour of the Land Sales Act, and in New South Wales public opinion was very much divided on the subject. The Legislative Council, he believed, were in favour of the minimum price of 1/, per acre, though they had passed a resolution against it. If under the existing system, Australia had grown up into a colony of great import ance—if the system bad effected as much good as he bad stated, he hoped their Lordships would maintain it un altered. Lord MONTEAGLE supported the amendment. The old system had been subverted by his Noble Friend, and for that act he deserved the thanks of the country and the colonists ; but it did not follow that the system the Noble Earl wished now to introduce was such a sys tem as ought to have the approval of that House. In the year 1842, a report adverse to the present land sys tem was adopted. I❑ 1844 a similar report was made. In 1846 a resolution to the same effect was agreed to in the Council. In 1847 another report was made and adopted, of a similar character ; and in 1849 the report before the House was agreed to. On these grounds, and because these were the opinions of the colonies from 1842 to 1350, he called oa the House to adopt the amendment. Lord LYTTELTON replied. The House then divided, when there appeared— Content Not content ... Majority.„ 23 ... -10 Lord REDESDALE suggested the postponement of the Bill over Thursday, as it would be inconvenient to proceed on it for the next few days. Earl GREY asked the House whether it would be be coming the House to postpone the business of the country for the amusement of a few of their Lordships. One day it was for races here, another for races there; one day for a great dinner in the City, another for a great dinner elsewhere. The House should go on with the business of the country if is wished to preserve its character; but to postpone a Bill of that important na ture at half-past ten o'clock would be worse than pre posterous. He perceived a desire to defeat the Bill by protracting the proceedings; but last year, it would be remembered that the House had eat until five o'clock in the morning on the navigati. , n-laws. He trusted, there fore, the Bill would be proceeded with, and no further delay attempted. Lord MONTEAGLEssid the other House had fixed on business for the days in question with the consent of the Government. He was, however, ready to go on with the Bill. Lord REDESDALE said the Irish Franchise Bill had been postponed over Thursday on account of the day in question. He never declined to attend to the business of the country; but he was of opinion that it would he better for the house to postpone the discussion until the individuals who were to take part in it were pre , ent. The Marquis of LANSDOWNEI said he had put off the Irish Franchise Bill solely at the request of a Noble Lord then absent, and for no other motive. After a few words from Lord ABINGER the Bill was proceeded with. The Bishop of OXFORD then proposed a clause, the object of which was to relieve the Church of England in the colonies from the restrictions imposed b the statute laws paned to regulate the Church eiuce the Reform- C ' T WEDNESDAY lion. It had been foreseen when bishops were created for colonies that difficulties would arise on the • pint, and the bishops had power in their patents to hear and determine causes in their courts as in this country. But doubts having arisen on the ' question, and the patents having been declared beyond the law, they were consequently withdrawn. The posi• tion of the Church of England in the colonies was, therefore, such that she- could not make rules for her own regulations, or to bind her followers. It was to remedy this that the clause was intended. He had un derstood the Noble Earl to state that a reverend gen tleman high in position in the colonies had admitted that the remedy lay with the Colonial Legislature, and not with the Imperial , but that reverend gentleman, who was the chaplain of the Bishop of Tasmania, ad vocated the removal of the doubts that at present ex isted among members of the Church of England on the subject of the power in question. The writer went on to state that the Church of England in the colony could not make or enforce regulations such as the Church of Rome and the Church of Scotland could make. Ano ther point related to the visitation of bishops. The Bishop of Tasmania, it appeared, was of opinion that an additional service was required at St. David's, Hobart Town, and took steps to establish it, but the chaplain of the church thought his rights interfered with, and refused admission to the Bishop to the church. The Bishop came to the church, attended by a large congre gation in the street, and the churchwardens at last, from fear of violence, unlocked the doors, but the dispute had never been settled by any rule.. The result was that the members of the Church of England in the colony felt they were subjected to difficulties and re strictions which no other religious body was subjected to, and that the clergy not standing on an equal f)oting were deprived of much of their usefulness. They were subjected to just enough of ecclesiastical law to restrain them, but to too little to make their position intelligible and their administration effective. The remedy which he proposed by this clause was merely to permit the members of the Church, bishops and clergy, to assem ble together, and by consent to lay down rules for their own internal government, and to make it impossible for those who consented to such rules to appeal to other courts. If the experiment was found to succeed, then would be the time to apply, to the colonial legislature to give the form of an enactment to these rules. He wished to set the Church free, not from local, but from Imperial legislation in this matter. He wished by this clause to remedy a doubt, or, as some thought, an ille gality. He had no desire to see the Church of England in the colony deriving her influence from being what was called a dominant church, but from her spiritual power and efficacy. He desired to free it from the embarrass ments of that anomalous connexion with the Church at home which gave it neither rule nor freedom. It had been said that there would be danger in that, because it might lead the Church in the colony to adopt some new faith, and to separate altogether from the Church at home. He thought he would meet that objection by the proviso which he intended to propose, that no regulation adopted should authorise a bishop to exercise any ecclesiastical function except he had taken the oath of 'allegiance, and bad subscribed the Articles of the United Church of England and Ireland; that any matter touching the see of Can terbury might be disallowed by that see; and that no such regulations should be binding except on the bishops, clergy, and " declared" members of the Church in that colony. It had also been objected that the clause would give the Church an advantage over °the" denomi nations; but if the last words of the pretilso were adopted that objection would be obviated, for they were to the effect that such regulations should not affect the laws and regulations of other religious communities in the colony. He rejoiced to hear the Noble Earl declare last night that the Government were anxious to aid the Church in the colony in working herself free from the restrictions on the exercise of her spiritual power, pro vided that could be done without injury to others. Another objection was, that however good the clause might be, it was not right to introduce it in a special Act referring to a special colony, but that it should make part of a general Bill, applying generally to all the colonies. But as the Noble Earl did not find it wise to propose one general measure, in temporal and political matters for all the colonies gene. rally, but rather proposed special measures for special colonies, suited to the peculiar circumstances of each, so by the same analogy he considered that in spiritual matters particular measures suited to the particular cir cumstances of each colony ought to be proposed, instead of one general spiritual measure, applicable generally to all the colonies. In fact, such an objection was only an attempt to get rid of the motion by a side-wind. He hoped, however, that their Lordships would give the clause all that deliberate consideration which an attempt to meet a great practical grie►ance, pressing upon the colonies, deserved to obtain. He begged to move the insertion of the clause of which be had given notice in th• Bill. Earl GREY hoped the Right Rev. Prelate would not press the House to come to a decision upon the question. 'The subject was one of great difficulty, with which they could not safely deal by introducing a clause of this kind. They could not agree to it without carefully considering who were the parties by whom and what was the manner i❑ which the powers it conferred should be exercised. By agreeing to the clause they would create a legislative authority in the Church of England in the colonies. By its terms the colonial bishop was not to consecrate a minister of religion unless the party subscribed the Ar ticles of the Church of England, and gave his assent to the Book of Common Prayer. But in cue of any dif ference of opinion in the proposed council of clergy and laity, what would the Right Rev. Prelate think of a de cision by a mej wily in the sense of a late decision of the Judicial Committee of Privy. Council ? Again, what was the meaning of the words •• the mutual consent of clergy and laity respectively?" He (Earl Grey) was positively unable to construe those words. I Again, i❑ matters of this kind they must guard against clashing with the kcal legislature. If they introduced a special clause of this kind in this Bill, it would be considered that it was intended to overrule their local legislation. It was far Letter, in stead of taking the course now proposed, to reserve the subject for more general and more deliberate consideration. The Bishop of SALISBURY would vote for the clause. If the Noble Earl would promise to give a fair and candid consideration to the subject, be would sug gest to his Right Rev. Friend not to proceed to a divi sion. But the Noble Earl spoke of the difficulties in the way of dealing with the subject, as if they presented in superable obstacles to their arrangement. The Bishop of LIMERICK could nut give his consent to the clause. Instead of being of advantage to the peace of the colony, it would only lead to dissensions and differences, which would be aggravated by the delays occasioned by a reference to their metropolitan in the mother country. It was utterly impossible for him to support the clause of the Right Rev. Prelate; and if the latter would allow him, as a junior member of that House to make a suggestion, he would recommend the Right Rev. Prelate not to press the matter, but to leave it in the hands of the Government. He was anxious that peace should prevail in all subjects connected with the Church, and under present circumstances they were bound to act with the greatest circumspection.—(Hear) The Earl of HA.RROWBY, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to say that the clause before them was more a declaration of opinion than one upon which to legislate. He hoped his Learned and Right Rev. Friend would not press his proposition on that occasion. In legislating for the colonies on that subject it was necessary to consider the different positions and circum stances under which each of the colonies respectively was placed. The Earl of CHICHESTER, who was almost totally inaudible in the gallery, was understood to observe that great inconvenience was felt in the colonies in conse quence of the uncertainty of the law as it at present stood. He hoped something would be done to remedy that evil, and indeed it was most advisable to have a re vof the law respecting the C thethe colonies.enti r state °P of DOWN and CONNOR said the ques ii:hsiy n:rn c n w h heresent occasion r eso l ve d i tse lf i n t o th e in ci t e p her the propositions of th e Ri g ht Rev. Prelat e tweTirehroe B suffi cient or not to correct the evils which were acknowledged on all sides of the House to exist. As he did not think they were so (as the Right Rev. Prelate was understood), he would oppose the clause. Lord REDESDALE approved of the principle of the clause, and would support it, but would not recommend his Right Rev. e'riend to press it to a division. Lord LYTTELTON thought the Government was leaving the present question in a very unsatisfactory stets. He wished to know whether there would be any thing like a promise given of an inquiry into the subject on a future occasion. Earl GREY was understood to say that he could give an inqui r y wou ld ta ke be con t e nt t o wa i t no specific answer on tha t q uestion t o his Noble Friend The Bishop of OXFOR D, in brief ly replying, said if placehe got this any sessiondefinite or next, r ht that would any reasonable time, and to leave , the matter in thq hands of the Government. — (lle ar. ) . The Marquis , of LANSDO WNE admitted the °xi , answer istence of the grievance; but if it was scarcely fair td call upon the bench of Right Rev. Prelates, whose atten tion must have been turned to the subject, to produce a plan to remedy it, how much less lair would it be to call upon the Government to provide a remedy, especially without having had an opportunity of communicating with the members of the Church in the colonies? His Noble Friend had gone as far as he could under the cir cumstances. The grievance must be examined into and fully probed, and the nature of the remedy considered. His Noble Friend was hardly called on to state whether the inquiry should be conducted by a Commission or otherwise. All that the Government could say was, that the matter should be looked into at no very distant pe riod, he might almost say forthwith. No unnecessary delay should intervene, but the most effectual inquiry should be instituted, and the best remedies that could be devised should be adopted. Earl POWIS thought the Right Rev. Prelate was fully justified in calling on the Government for an as surance that the subject should receive consideration at their hands. It was not a subject to be dealt with by private Members without the assistance of the Go vernment. The Bishop of OXFORD said if the Noble Earl would introduce a declaratory statement that the disabling Acts which bound the Church of England should not bind the Church in the colony, ho should be perfectly content to let the matter rest where it was. lie was willing to withdraw his motion, and propose it in an amended form in the report. Earl GREY objected to give the pledge required by the Right Rev. Prelate, thinking it improper to make distinctions between the Church in this country and the colonies. The Bishop of OXFORD, after the answer given by the Government, would not press his motion. The raotion was then withdrawn; the House resumed, and the report was brought up. • The House adjourned at s Quarter to One o'oloek. J n r,~ EVENING, J UNT LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, June 11. (Before Mr. Commissioner PANE.) JUDGMENT.-THE ITALIAN OPERA HOUSE, COVENT GARDEN. IN RE EDWARD THOMAS DELAFIELD. His Hossoya. to-day gave judgment on the question of the bankrupt's certificate. He said---This is a very re markable case, and very unlike those which usually ap pear in this court. The bankrupt, on coming of age in 1845. found himself entitled to a fortune, left him by his uncle, who died about 1825. which, with its accumu lation, amounted to 100.000/. and upwards. He was also entitled, under his father's will, to a reversionary interest of 6,0001., payable on the death of an aunt. His father and uncle had been partners in the brewery of Combe, Delafield and Co., and he was admitted into the partnership on coming of age. He thus became en titled to interest on his capital of 100,000/. at 5 per cent. and to a share in the annutil profit besides, which usually amounted to 2,500/. He had, therefore, an. income of about 7,500/. a year. At the end Of 18.48 he was a ruined man. On the 12th of July, 1849, the fiat issued against him, his debts being 33,0001., his assets about 1,0001. His affairs have been fully investi gated ; his creditors are satisfied that the truth has been told ; is last examination was passed without opposition, and he now asked for his certificate. The assignee objects, partly on pub lic, and partly on private grounds. The public grounds resolve themselves into reckless personal expen diture and an unfair making away of his remaining assets shortly before his bankruptcy. The private grounds have reference to a loan by the assignee to the bankrupt, in March, 1846. Before considering the ob jections, I will trace shortly the progress of this young man from affluence to utter destitution. Having received the usual school education, he was sent to Oxford, where he continued about three years, during which time he exceeded his allowance by about 3,000/. and upwards. He was anxious to pay the debts he had incurred, but was unable to do so, the very large SUM left him by his uncle not being immediately accessible, and in conse quence he borrowed of the gentleman who afterwards became petitioning creditor and assignee under the bankruptcy 4,6001., with which, and other advances, he cleared off his debt. On coming of age, in Novem ber, 1845, he was admitted, as I have above said, a partner in the brewery, and became master of his fortune. Unfortunately for him be was under the influence of a strong passion for music, and hence for theatrical entertainments, which brought him into contact with persons willing to avail themselves of his want of experience, and carelessness about money, to involve him in speculations the risk of which he was to run, and the benefit of which they were to en joy. In 1846 he was induced to assist in bringing over the Brussels operatic company to this country. This specu lation turned out a total failure, and he lost by it 2,300/ and upwards. It would have been well if this trifling loss had operated as a warning to hiss not to engage in undertakings, the details of which he neither did nor could understand. However, it did not, and in 1847, he withdrew his capital from the brewery, and entered into the speculation which soon completed his ruins The history of this transaction will best be given in his own words. He says—" I know Thomas Frederick Beale, of 201, Regent-street. I first became acquainted with him in the spring of 1847. He was then engaged as manager of the Royal Italian Opera House, Covent garden, for Signor Persiani, who was at that time the lessee. Some time in July, 1847, Beale came to me when I was in my box at the theatre, and told me Persiani had left, and that money was required to pay the artistes, or else the theatre must close, and said if I would lend him my promissory note for 3,0001., the Union Bank, or his father, would discount it, he promising, with Mr. Chap pelle, his solicitor, who was then present, to provide for it at maturity. I consented to this, and gave my pro missory note the following day, and this was afterwards represented by bills, for which I was ultimately obliged to pledge my reversion of 6,000/. ; no part of this 3,0001. was repaid to me either by Beale, or his attorney. When I gave this bill I bad no connexion with the theatre be yond having my box there. I had no motive in giving this bill, except to assist the concern. This was my first introduction into the pecuniary affairs of the theatre, and subsequently about the end of that season (about August, 1847), Mr. Beale induced me to join him in partnership, and some memorandum of agreement was prepared by Mr. Chappelle, of which I have no copy, but I believe the terms were, that I was not to incur any liability, present or future, beyond 15,000/. There was a provision I believe in this agree ment, that Beale was to be at liberty to make any ar rangement he could with Persiani for obtaining the theatre, and I believe Beale arranged with him to pay all the debts upon the theatre, to continue the existing arrangements, and to release Persiani from all liabilities, upon condition of Persiani giving Beale two acceptances of 2,0001. each; and Signor Salvi, who was a friend of Persiani, also agreeing to give four acceptances of 1,0001. each, making together 8,000/. By the power thus given to Beale, he took upon himself to pay the whole of the existing engagements of the theatre, the whole of which ultimately fell upon me, as Beale paid no part of them. Persiani's bills have all been dishonoured, and have never been paid; Salvi paid three of his acceptances by en engagement; but the balance of the fourth accept ance, I believe, about 6401., still remains due, and I be lieve that Beale hiss since given up the fourth acceptance to Signor Salvi without any authority, and I consider this belongs to my estate. By this arrangement of Mr. Beak, throwing the liabilities of the former lessees upon my shoulders, I had to pay about 20,0001. The opera season having terminated in August, 1847, nothing was done excepting making arrangements for the ensuing season, until November, 1847, when a partnership deed was executed between me and Beale. Beale did not bring anything into the concern. The partnership was dissolved in December, 1847, I, by the terms of the dissolution, taking upon myself all the debts of the theatre, and releasing Beale from all contributions to wards the debts and contributions of the theatre. Beale then ceased to have any connexion with the theatre." The object of entering into such an undertaking without any experience to guide him, is obvious; the result was a balance of loss on the season of 1848 of 34,756/., and on the season of 1849 of 25,4551. Even this gigantic undertaking did not satiate his passion with ventures connected with music and theatrical engagements, fur in the early part of 1848 he also undertook, with Mr. Charles Mathews, to carry on the Lyceum, on joint ac count. His project was soon found unprofitable to him, and ho withdrew after having sustained a loss of 5,312/. Pending these engagements he made a present of 5,000/. to a musical acquaintance of his, Mr. Arthur Webster, with which Mr. Webster had purchased a villa on the banks of the Thames, called Willow Bank, and as it was thought desirable that the villa should be improved, he agreed to assist Mr. Webster in repairing, or rather rebuilding and decorating it. For this he ultimately , paid about 8,3001. The result of all is told by him self in these words:--"I was, in fact, entirely ruined at the end of the season of 1848. My balance at my banker's was quite exhausted, and I began the season of 1849 by a loan of 2,000/. from my banker's." As the season advanced his distress for money increased, and in April Beale was obliged to advance 1,0001 to pay Mario and Grisi. Oa the 15th or 22d Beale and the bankrupt met, and an account was produced, by which it appeared that 4,0001. was then due for salaries ; and in order to induce Beale to carry on the theatre, the bankrupt, on the 22d of April, executed a deed, prepared by Mr. Beale, whereby he assigned all his interest in the theatre, theatrical properties, and debt due fur contribu tions, to Beale, to cover such advances as be had made or might make to carry on the theatfe, not exceeding 7,000/, and he himself retired to Brussels to avoid arrest. On the Ist of May following he became party to another deed, by which Mr. Webster conveyed Willow Bank and the property there to Mr. Beak, also to secure 7,0001., and on the 12th of July following the fiat issued. Such were the circumstances of this lamentable case, and it is now contended that I ought either to refuse the bankrupt's certificate altogether, or postpone the allowance of it, and add the conditions that the bankrupt should pay ten shillings in the pound to his creditors, out of any property which may hereafter come into his possession. I do not think, however, 'that I ought to adopt any one of these courses. The first charge made against the bankrupt is, that his expenditure was reckless. But what evidence is there to support this charge? I have certainly heard out of court that a very extravagant style of living was indulged in at Willow Bank, but Willow Bank belonged to Mr. Webster, and for anything that appears to the contrary, the bankrupt was rather a guest there than anything else. But whatever the fact may be, I have nothing to do with anything but what appears in evi dence before me, and all that is in evidence before me on the subject of reckless expenditure, is a statement in the! balance-sheet, showing that the bankrupt's personal penditure, from November,lB4s, to July, 1849—nearly four years—was 22,0001.; from which must be deducted, at least 3,0001. for college expenses _prior to 1845, being, a personal expenditure of 19,000/. only—less than, 5,0001. a year. Npw,,this is pot reckless expenditure in a per-I son who had above 7,0001: a Xear. In s reference to this' part,of the case, allusion ivisisatiaelio'the gift,Of 5,0001.1 to Mr. Webster, and the dtibie4tient' r eiligndifure of, 8,300/ for his benefit. As to this, the bankrupt's ex-I is, that Mr.'Webiter hid lent him money to meet his early difficulties, and - he also anticipated a mar-1 riage between Mr. Webster and a near relation of his.. But it is scarcely necessary to notice these ex planations. The 5,0001.. was given on the 27th of. February, 1847, and on that day the bankrupt re ceived 20,000/. from Messrs. Combe and Co., and , when he engaged to pay for the improvements. at Willow Bank, he had still 80,000/. in his !e -serve, and of course every person is at liberty to give r away thousands of his own money, if he chooses "Tt to depart from the ordinary usages of mankind. only other charge made against the bankr i upt a n public grounds was, that ho had made away h his re maining property in favour of Beale, just with t on the eve of bankruptcy, and this charge was founded on his execu tion of the two deeds of the 22d of April and let of May 1849. Now it has always been considered by me as an important part of my duty here, to impress on all traders, that although they are at liberty to struggle for a living as long as there is a fair chance of success re maining, and their creditors are willing, from abstain ing from pressure by suit, to allow them to do so, still that they are bound, when all reasonable chance is gone, and pressure by creditors begins, to look their affairs steadily in the face; and if they see no fair ground of hope, and some of their creditors will wait no longer, then to place themselves entirely in the hands of their creditors, and if necessary submit to bankruptcy, showing no favour to one creditor more than another. Prima facie the application of that principle to the present case would require con demnation of the bankrupt as for an unfair preference of Beale, but ,upon full consideration I sin of opinion that this is an exceptional case. First, some allowance ought to be made for the extreme youth of the bankrupt; Kline for thecircunistance that he could hardly be deemed • trader; some for the deceptions of which he has been made the victim; and some for the greatness of the ruin 12, .r`~ 1850. that has befallen him: which, of course, must operate in itself as severe punishment. But I have another diffi culty in dealing with this part of the case on the, strict . principle, and that is, that the assignee has thought it best to settle all questions with Mr. Beale, by accepting r from him 1,000/. in satisfaction of all claims, and hence . there has not been that full investigation of the facts . connected with the execution of the two deeds which would be requisite to enable me to firm a judicial opi nion on the merits of the transactions. An obvious ex cuse, however, offers itself for the execution of the deed of the 22d of April, that April was the very commence ment of the Covent-garden Opera season, and the bank rupt might have thought that in inducing Beale to fur nish funds to go on with, he was doing the best he could for the creditors, whose immediate subsistence and ulti mate payment depended on the theatre being kept open. With regard to the deed of the Ist May, it seems, in fact, that the banktupt was not a conveying party; the deed ;plated to Mr. Webster's property, and it was only executed 'by the bankrupt in order that any subse quent purchaser under Beale might be better satisfied. Under these circumstances, and having a regard to all these considerations, I do not feel myself in a position to pronounce judicially that the certificate ought to be post. poned with respect to the alleged unfair disposition of property on the eve of bankruptcy. It remains to consider the private complaint of the assignee. He was a college friend, three or four years older than the bankrupt. In March, 1846, being then, it must be presumed, acquainted .with his young friend's carelessness about money, and his unfitness to be trusted with it, he thought fit to lend him 4,6001., to be repaid at the option of either party on twelve months' notice being given. In February, 1848, he or his friends commenced an action to recover'the money immediately, with interest. The bankrupt paid the interest, but, as to the principal, he declined paying it at that time, on the ground that he had not had twelve months notice. The assignee, knowing the defence was right in point of law, submitted, gavie immediate notice, and renewed his action in February, 1849: Meanwhile the bankrupt had involved himself in the opera specu lation, and was, in fact, utterly ruined. Now, is there anything in these circumstances which should deprive the bankrupt of his certificate? I think not. The defence he made was justifiable at the time. Thelenderhad agreed that repayment should not be made until after twelve months' notice, and that notice had not been given. But then it is contended that I ought, in granting the certificate, to attach the condition that the bankrupt shall pay ten shillings in the pound on his debts out of future assets and a decision something like that in Lord Hun tingtower's case was cited to me. I do not know the exact particulars of that case, I only know it was very peculiar. But I confess I have no inclination to attach such a condition to a certificate in any case. I refused to do so in Jullien's. The world of industry in which we lire is one in which every man, not living on accumu lations, is struggling for a subsistence. In that struggle it is difficult enough for any one to win his way, even with character clear and something to begin With. What, then, may be expected to be with the fate of one who not only begins with nothing, but is weighed down with the stain of bankruptcy, and by an unpaid. debt of 10s. in the pound on 33,0001.? I see nothing for a person so burthened but to lie down in hopeless despair, and aban don all future exertion. Were the faults of this bank rupt far greater than they are, I would not condemn him to such a fate. it may be said that this bankrupt had rich relations. Perhaps he has; but if it were true, this argument- is one which will never weigh with me. I will never be a party to the establishing of any such doctrine, that rich relations are under any obligation to pay the debts of extravagant connexions. A contrary doctrine is a far more wholesome one. It is better to lay it down that a creditor shall not have means of pres sure, direct or indirect, upon rich relations, and thus check the giving credit to the young and foolish. It is to the great prevalence of this credit which in the long run, leads to the establishment of laws which, though intended to check the unwholesome credit only, which is given to the idle, such as that given in Lord Hunting tower's case and again in this, have a tendency to im pede that wholesome credit which, by enabling strug gling industry to exercise its calling, is the source of public wealth. And for whose benefit am I to impose this barthen—for that of the assignee, or for that of the general body of creditors? If for the assignee, I answer that he knew at the time he lent the money that he was lending to a spendthrift; that the money was to meet past or future extravagance. Why should the law go out of its way to aid such lenders? They are public enemies, they foster extravagance, encourage idleness, and disturb the happiness of families. Even those who advance money to enable others to educate themselves or go into business, must submit to the loss of what they have lent if circumstances turn out unfavourable. And if this be the fate of those who advance money for praiseworthy purposes, why should it not be the fate of those who advance money to supply extra vagance? Surely the loss' of what has been so lent is not inappropriate punishment fur persons who thus in terfere between the young and their natural advisers and protectors. But it may be said that I ought to im pose that condition for the benefit of the other creditors. To that I answer, that I believe there is not one who really wishes it. I have now been engaged twenty-five years in administering the law of bankruptcy, and in that time I have observed that the most marked feature in the conduct of the creditors, as a body, towards debtors, is an unwillingness to press harshly on the fallen, and I doubt not that this is the feeling which pervades the body of creditors in this case. At all events, not one has appeared to make the slightest per sonal complaint against the bankrupt. But if a contrary feeling did prevail, I should not yield to it, for I look upon the general body of creditors in this case as co speculators with the bankrupt, and as the speculation has been a total failure, and he the greatest sufferer, all ought to best. their share of the misfortune without refusing. On the whole I think, upon full consideration of all the circumstances, that I shall best discharge my public duty by granting the bankrupt a common certificate, without attaching any condition. I hope that the terrible lesson he has received may be of use to him in after life. Certificate granted accordingly. MATINEE DItAMATIQUE. On more than one occasion we have performed the pleasing duty of drawing attention to the excellence of the system of education, and the general treatment of youth, in force at the Collegiate School at Ranwell. On Thur,day last we bad another and a better oppor tunity of judging of the general results of his great care and judicious training. The young gentlemen performed Julius Cesar in a style worthy of professional actors of high pretensions. The piece was got up, in all its en tirety, with the moat rigid attention to costume, proper ties, and scenery, and the language of the immortal bard was delivered with a clearness, a precision, and a nice apprehension of the author's intent, which evinced patient study and rare intelligence. The parts of Brutus and Cassius by Masters. Frederick and William Strat ford ; of Mark Antony, by Master Lyon ; Caesar, by Master Kellam' ; Cases, by Master Williams ; Portia, by Master Plews ; and Calphurnia, by MasterJ. Boom, were admirably filled ; while equal attention was bestowed upon their several characters by Mas ters G. Boom, J. Grantham, Reid, and Robertson, as Lucius, Octavius, First Citizen, and Soothsayer. All the plebeians played with "radical" earnest ness, and the processions gave evidence of careful dril ling. There was not a hitch throughout. After the performance, the audience, which was very numerous and fashionable, adjourned to the beautiful grounds of Dr. Emerton, where cricket, music, and promenading, whiled away the time until the evening. An adjourn ment then took place to the refectory, fitted up as a ball room; and a merry dance, in which the young amateurs most heartily and gracefully joined, concluded the day's diversions. We cannot conclude this brief notice of a very inte resting event without a compliment to the excellent judgment of the worthy principal of the establishment in thus nourishing a taste for the finest poetry in the world, and imparting practical lessons in elocution. We could not help contrasting the effect of this sort of teaching with that in practice at Westminster, where a Latin play, replete with passages of questionable morality, is spouted year after year, as if there were nobody but Terence worthy of the trouble of representation.! WESTMINSTER FREEHOLD LAND SOCIETY. A public meeting was held at the Town-hall, Wool wich, on Monday evening, 10th instant, for the purpose of explaining the principles and objects of the society; - Dr. Carlile in the chair. Messrs. J. Duncan, H. Nes bett, G. E. Dennes, and G. Huggett, attended as a de putation. Mr. G. HUGGETT explained fully the objects and ad vantages of the freehold laud movement, after which JONATHAN Dtnicari, E.q , at some length, and with great force, exhibited the great and beneficial results which society has every reason to expect—politically, Aociatly," mentally, and morally—will be effected by the' o-perations of those societies; not forgetting to impress upon the audience their value to the individual as an excellent investment of capital as one of the best kinds of savings' banks, and as a creator of motives of prudence nhd forethought amongst'the industrious classes. Mr. ROEGO moved and Mr. NESBETT seconded the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted:— That the freehold laud movement is deserving of the warmest support of all who desirend fan a u n n e e x n te r nsi c o h n is of the suffrage. tending as itdidsuoseotsfritoooup that the princi improve th e soci a l aned and sinion a classes;m o r al and so meeting f thein plea of the Westminster Freehold Land Society, of No. 4, Beaufort-buildings, Strand , as expl ained o this evening, i are well calculated to effect that as it purposes to enable its membeFsjeteot; oabutadiniavaostmesurinu Kent and other c ainties, this meeting pledges itself, in dividually and collectiiely, to give that society its best supp A vote of thanks was passed to the chairman, and, a number of shares having been taken, the meeting separated. [NDVERTISEMHNT.]- - An astounding Cure of 35 Wounds by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Extract of a letter from Mr. Jeremiah Reed, of Molting, near Sydney, dated 25th Sept., 1848. " To Professor Holloway. Sir, 1 owe a debt of gratitude to you formy almost miraculous cure by the use of your Ointment and Pills, after seven years in tense suffering, caused by•exposure to wet and cold. When I commenced using your remedies I had already expended up wards of 2001. in other medicine and advice , without any be nefit, and had ;35 ulcers on my body, a dreadful headache, and pains all over me ; bat your Ointment and Pills have cured me, and I am now enjoying excellent health." Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Hollrway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London [ADVERTISEMENT.]—BeIrs Life in London, on SundaY next, June 16, Ascot Heath Races. Engravings of the ' Emperor's Vase, the Queen's Cup, and Royal Hunt Cup. Observations by ' 4 Pegasus. The Battle for the Championship ; After Thoughts and Incident& p r i ce of Bell's Life, bizpence. Office, 170, Strand. AverageLsals o f Bell's Life, 4000. Tua Tica . DUDS, Junz 10.—The deliveries of tea ha Loudon last weak were net pits eo largs,beiDgs4o,slb. THE NICARAGUAN TREATY. 1 The following is the text of the Convention be tween the United States of America and her Britan nic Majesty, concluded at Washington the 19th day of April:- The United States of America and her Britannic Ma jesty, being desirous of consolidating the relations of amity which so happily subsist betvreen them, by letting forth and fixing in a convention their views and inten tions with reference to any means of communication by ship canal, which may be constructed between the At lantic and Pacific Oceans by the River San Juan de Nicaragua or Mantagua, to - any part or , place on the Pacific Ocean;—the President of the United State's' has conferred full powers on John M, Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States; and her Britannic Majesty on the Right. Hon. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, a member of her Majesty's Most Honourable Order of the Batk,'; and Envoy Extraordinary arrd Mintster Plenipotentiary of her Britannic,Majesty to the- United. States,, forth aforesaid purpose; and .the-said Plenipotentiaries haiing, exchanged ,their full phivers, whichtwere found to be in the proper . form, have agreed to the following articles:— Art. 1. The Governments of the United States and Great Britain hereby declare that. neither the one nor! the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself an exclu sive control over the said ship canal ; agreeing that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same •or in the vicinity thereof, or oc cupy or colonize, or assume or exercise, any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any t part of Central America ; nor will either snake use o f any yy alliance wh ic h eitherielaeithehraaa,ffonrrdEnay s,orhamveay! to afford,or with any or any state or- people, for the purpose of maintaining or erecting any such fortifications, or of occupying, fortify ing, or colonizing, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Muquito coast, or any part of Central America, or of assuming or exercising dominion over the same ; nor will the United States of Great Britain Jake advantage of any intimacy, or use any alliance, .connexion, or influence that either may possess with any state or Government through whose territory the said canal may pass, for the purpose of acquiring or holding, directly, or indi rectly, for the citizens or the subjects of the one, any rights or advantages - in regard to commerce or navigation through the said canal, which shall not be offered on the same terms to the citizens or subjects of the other. Art. 2. Vessels of the United States or Great Britahe traversing the said canal shall, in case of a war betweett the contracting parties, be exempted from blockade, de tention, or capture by either of the belligerents; and this provision shall extend to such a distance from the two ends of said canal as it may hereafter be found expedient to establish. Art. 3. In order to secure the construction of the said canal the contracting parties engage, that if any such canal shall be undertaken upon any fair equitable terms by any parties having the authority of any local Government or Governments, through whoke territory, the same may pass, then the persons employedin the said canal, and their property used or to be used for that' object, shall be protected from the commencement of the said canal to its completion by the Governments of the United States and Great Britain from unjust de tention, confiscation, seizure, or any violence whatsoever. Art. 4. The contracting parties will use whatever in fluence they respectiiely exercise with any state, states, or Governments possessing or claiming to possess, any jurisdiction or right over the territory which the said canal shall traverse, and which shall be near the waters applicable thereto, in order to induce such states or Go vernments to facilitate the construction of the said einal by every means in their power. And furthermore, the United States and Great Britain agree to use their good offices whatever or however it may be expedient so to do, in order to procure the establishment of two free ports, one at each end of the said canal. Art. 5. The contracting parties ftfrther engage, that when the said canal shall have been completed, they will protect it from interruption, seisure, or unjust confisca tion; and that they will guarantee the neutrality thereof, so that the said canal may be ever open and free, and the capital invested therein secure. Nevertheless, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain, in according their protection to the construction of the said canal, and guaranteeing its neutrality and security when completed, always understand that this protection and guarantee are granted conditionally, that if both Govern ments or either Government should deem that the per sons undertaking or managing the same adopt or es tablish such regulations concerning the traffic thereupon as are contrary to the spirit and intention of this con vention, either by making unfair discriminations in favour of either of the commerce of the contracting par ties over the commerce of the other, or by opposing op pressive exactions or unreasonable tolls upon passengers, vessels, goods, wares, merchandizes, or other articles, then it shall be open to either Government to seek re dress in such manner as they may deem advisable. Neither party, however, shall withdraw the aforesaid protection and guarantee, without giving six months' notice to the other. Art. 6. The contracting parties in this convention en gage to invite any state with which both or either have friendly intercourse, to enter into stipulations with them similar to those they have entered into with each other, to the end that all the states may share in the honour and advantage of having contributed to a work of such general interest and importance as the canal herein contemplated. And the contracting parties likewise agree that each shall enter into such treaty sti pulations with such of the Central American states 48 they may deem advisable for the purpose of more effec tually carrying out the design of this convention, namely, that of constructing end maintaining the said canal as a ship communication between the two oceans for the benefit of mankind on equal terms to all, and of protecting the same. And they also agree that the good offices of either shall be employed when requested by the other in aiding and assisting the negotiations of such treaty stipulations. And should any differences arise as to right or property over the said territory through which the said canal shall pass between the states or Governments of Central America, and such dif ferences should in auy way impede or obstruct the exe cution of said canal, the Governments of the United States and Great Britain will use their good offices to settle such differences in the manner best suited to pro mote the interests of the said canal, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship and alliance which exist between the contracting parties. Art. 7. It teing desirable that no time should be un necessarily lost in commencing and constructing the said can't. the Governments of the United States and Great Britain determine to give their support and en couragement to such persons or company as may first offer to commence the same with the necessary capital, with the consent of the local authorities, and on such principles as accord with the spirit and intention of this convention; and, if any persons or company should already have with any state through which the proposed canal may pass, a contract fur the construction of such a canal as that specified in this convention, to the stipu lations of which contract neither of the parties in this convention have any just cause to object, and the said persons or company shall have made preparations, and expended time, money, and trouble, on the faith of such contract, it is hereby agreed that such persons shall have a priority of claim over every other person or com pany to the protection of the United States and Great Britain, and be allowed a year from the date of the eluding their arrangements and presenting evidence of exchange of the ratifications of this convention for con sufficient capital subscribed to accomplish the un dertaking; it being understood that it, at the expira tion of the aforesaid period such persons or company shall not be able to commence and carry on the pro jected enterprise, then the Governments of the United States and Great Britain :shall be free to afford their protection to any persons or company that shall be pre pered to commence and proceed with the construction of the Bill in question. Art. 8. The Governments of the United States and Great Britain having not only desired in e ntering into t hi s convention to accomplish a particular object, but also to establish a general pri nci p l e , they bereuy agree whether North and t o extend their protection by treaty stipulation to any other isthmus mn uni C at whichn'connects ailway p , ra acrosspracticable he communicat io ns, America, and especially to the interoce an i c com munications, should the same prove to be practicable, whether by canal or railway, which are now p roposed to be established by the way of Tehuantepec or remains. In granting, however, their protection to any such canals or railways as are by this article specified, it is always understood by the United States and Great Britain ,that the parties constructing or owning the same shall im pose no other charges or conditions of traffic thereupon than the aforesaid Governments shall approve of as just and equitable; and that the said canals or railways being open to the citizens and subjects of. the United States and Great Britain on equal terms shall also be open :on like terms to the citizens and subjects of every other state which is willing to grant thereto Such pro tection is 411*- 'United Stales and Grasulleitallt-ongs. to afford. Art. 9. The ratification of this convention shall be exchanged at Washington within six months from this day, or sooner if possible. In faith whereof we the .re spective Plenipotentiaries have signed this 'bon ventton, and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done at Washington the. day' ,of Apno 19th Domini, 1850. Joni M. CI _LUTON (L.P.) HENRI LITTON BFILWXR (L. 8.) -------- . ATTEMPT OF A MAN TO MURDBIL sua W inii AND SUICIDE OF TUE FONMEIC.—NORWICE, SATLIMAT.—:. eonsiderahla.excitement prevailed here during yesterday and cluck on ThursdaY the preceding . day, in conscque m n a c n o of the t . oilowing tragical occurrence :—lt appears that a named John R eyte tu e t e v eyetoven a n b d e en eightex expla ined ), a, ), met her at who bad separate d some time since from his w if e, b y 8 ,," e vening.- They conversed tog ether for a f ew m i nutes, when they both sat down near the orth Mill. Whil st t h ere t h e 1 c m o e r a t ti h s 1) esi, (which e s , b h et a w ve een no s man began to abuse his wife, and he eventually pulled a long c l a sp knife out of his pocket, and swore that he would "cook her goose." He then rushed at her with the open knife, and t r ied to cut her throat. T' - ie w resisted as i omen resisted us well as she was able, but the wretch inflicted one wound in the neck, and several over the arms and hands of the poor creature, who at last succeeded in miming away. She took shelter from her husband's brutality in a confectioner's shop, *here a surgeon attended and dressed her wounds. The husband, in the meantime, stuck the knife be intended to murder his wife with into his chin, the point of which extended to his throat, and then jumped into the sea. The body was Soon picked up, but life was extinct. Last night a coroner's in. quest was held on the body of the deceased at the workhouse, Norwich. The jury having heard several witnesses, returned a verdict of Felo de se, and the body was forthwith buried by torchlight. NORTII BRITISU ItAltWAYe...all• Kelso branch of this line, from Newtown to within about one mire of Kelsol is now ready for opening. The works for connecting the North British line with the Kelso breach of the Newesetie and Berwick Railway at Mellendsan Burn are proceedint rapidly, and it'll expected the whole will be completed sa October. V:. 0 ,#. . "_"",~