The Sun. — London, England, 1850-02-20 00:00:00

eirtirb 42bitton SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. SMALL TENEMENTS RATING BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Mr. BAINES did not agree with the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down. At present a great many conages were let upon the supposition that the tenant was to be exempt from the payment of the rates, and, upon the faith of that representation, the landlord always succeeded in getting higher rent. Now the poor man did not benefit by it, but there was no doubt that the general public did. What was proposed to be done by this Bill had not yet been dis tinctly conveyed to the House. It was no compul sory measure rendering all owners liable to be rated, but simply permissive, and in his opinion the Bill did not go far enough. By Mr. Sturges Bourne's Act power was given to vestries to exempt the tenants of small occupations, varying from 201. down ti) 61. per annum, from the rates, and imposing them upon the landlord, and what this Bill proposed to do was to get rid of the minimum. On looking at the Bill, however, he saw that the power was confined to two-thirds of the vestry—that was two-thirds of the vestry must consent to the provisions of the Bill being put in force before the mode of rating could be changed, but he thought the matter ought simply to be left with the majority. It hal been said this rating the owners of small tenements in Liverpool had proved a failure. Now, he did not know the circumstances of this parti cular case; but, since the local Act passed, many other towns had applied for similar Bills, and in Kiddermin ster the experiment had been most successful.—(Hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON had heard, with great satisfac tion, what had been said by the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, and it was decidedly his inten tion to give his support to the second reading of this Bill. Ever since he had bean in Parliament a Bill relating to small tenements, and a Bill on the subject of the highways had been an nually introduced, but he hoped now both those ques tions were likely to be disposed of.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the rating of small tenements at present there was a great inequality and great injustice, and he was glad therefore that this Bill had been introduced, but it ought to be made compulsory and not permissive. The vestry was the last body to whom he would entrust the carrying out of such a measure as this, and as Par liament was now convinced of the necessity of a change in law, why not make the Bill compulsory at once? — (Hear, bear.) Another suggestion he would make for its improvement was that the compounding clause which had been found to work well should be in troduced into it, but all these things were matters of detail which could be disposed of in Committee.—(Hear.) Sir GEORGE PECHELL had always voted against a measure of this description, but now.he thought there was good reason for giving his support to the Hon. Gentleman opposite, who certainly deserved great credit for having introduced it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ROBERT PALMER said it was the desire of every landed proprietor to provide comfortable dwellings for the poor, and to a certain extent the provisions of this Bill were tow in operation. He could see no reason therefore for opposing it. (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to offer any further opposition to the measure; but he must say when the Bill went into Come minee, it would be his endeavour to insert a clause to provide that a man shad not pay rates upon any greater sum than he peel rent. There was a growing opinion in the country in favour of this mea sure, though he could not help considering that it was intended to operate as an ex post facto mea sure, to bring a certain class of I ersons within the obli gation to pay rates who had hitherto e•caeeti. Mr. SHAFT() ADAIR . , supported the Bill. He thought tha: the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman with ' , gar,' to tse making the receiver of the rent chargeable with the rate was a reasonable one. Passing over the difficulties which existed in the country in regard to property of this description, he would refer to a case which had come within his knowledge, showing the ex ei eding 1 ardseip tl at arose to the poor in these cases. Be held in his han f a statement having reference to the county of Cambridge, showing that in the year ending Micheelmes, 1846, a sum of about 4501. was in arrear from the occupiers of certain small tenements. They were summoned for the' rates before the magistrates, distress warrants were issued against them, and the consequence was, that the occupiers were put to about 781. for expenses, or about 17/. per eerie on the amount of the rates. Now, a ease of that hard , Lip would not have occurred had the rates been levied on the landowners inste ad of the occupiers. Mr. DEEDES supported the Bill. His experience was, that it very c. is n happened that it was not the poor industrious man who was exempted by the over seers ; but it commonly turned out that the people so exempted were m-en of idle and irregular habits ; and further, when the cases came bi fore the petty sessions to be confi -meet as the law required, they should be with the concurrence i f the ovtr:e rs, upon inveatigstion it frequently turgid out that the reason that they could rot pay the rates was, that they paid so exorbitant a rent for Inc very honses fur which they were assessed. Mr. SLANEY said, instead of the Bill being likely to be rejetticeal to the working classes, 11 , .? thought it would b highly beneficial to them. It frequently eccurred in places where the working cla-ses were receiving good wages, a spa cola five csme anti ran up a Lumber of miserable smad cf rages, and thus brought in a fresh inund stein tf paupers, who became competi tors in the !aeour market with the independent 'abourers, and brought down their wage-. Such a system as that, ins!e el of beiges a benefit to the lab suring classes, was a positive evil to them. He did not say he wished to interfere with such building specula ti ins, but he asked the House not to give a bonus to them. The owner of small tenements in large towns and their suburbs was iavariasly the man who re-ised all sanitaryerneasuree, or such as tended to ame liorste the condition of the poor. This Bill would ten to put a stop t the selfishness of the landlord class, and therefore it had his cordial support. Mr. AGLIONBY thought that unless they supported this Bill they would be making a great mistake. lie had always had the greatest confidence in the Hon. Metnbi r for Hull, who gave his assistance to this Bill, and unless they carried it through they would be, in his opinion, taking a great step towards reducing the fran chise. —(hear.) . Mr. BAINES said thst the question cf the franchise ought in such a mater as this to be lef. totally untouched, and 'pad an extract from the Reform Act to show that the franchise was not affected by a refusal of the Bill. lie should, therefore, vote against the Bill.—(llear.) • Mr. REYNOLDS said that there was evidently a mis apprehension respecting this Bill. It proposedto exempt certain buildings from the poor-rate, and the principle adopted seemed to be t i c x nipt such buildings as were used for the purpose of gettit.g a living. He had taken the opinion of eminent counsel upon the effect of the Bill, an I that was entirely against its working utility.— ar, hear.) lle had himself been rated for a counting hous-e, and yet his vote had teen impeached simply be cause it did not lot k like a counting-house. lle had in quiri d, on t..k,rig the place, whether any rates were due, and vs as told there were not; and he was shown the books, by which such appeared to be the case. But, after all, it turn-d t u - that this acknowledgment was only what they d in Ireland a paper receipt—(Laughter)—and cot:- sequently his vote was irapeached.—(Hear, hear.) It might seem somewli t insperdnerst in him to speak upon a Bel which wily affected England and Wales, but Hor. Members on both sides of the House, who were only English Members. had continually interfered in the af fairs of Ireland, and had spoken as if they meaet o neine.t r to all their social dis-a , es ou tne other side of the e water.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He did a 4 complain of such quack doctoring. On the contrary, he felt much obliged to them fur it, and was only anxious that they should not, by the adoption of this reduce the fran ,hise. It might not affect the rural di tricts, but by taking the small tenements in cor porate to Nris oLt of the rate-book they would be cutting off a large and very useful class from their political pri- Hear, hi ar," and cries of " D.vide, divide.") Mr. IeItIGEIT said that he had received a long a d very valuable communication from a body of persons who were deeply interested in the security and extension cf the f aechisse and f rom t h a t i t appeare d that the throwing the pa) went of the rates int) the hands of the landlords would have the effect of greatly reducing the number of persons at present en titled to vote for Members of Parliament.—(Hear.) As for as it was connected with rates this Bill would give great facility to the collectors, but that was no rea son why this measure should be hurried through the Hoes e which would lead to such *rest extent of dis franch sement. He should wish to know from the Go vernment whether, if the House consented to the secor.el reading of the Bill, and if any suggestions for the ob viating of this obj , ction should be proposed in Com mittee, the Government would oppose those amend t ? Sir G. GREY would be very sorry to give counte nance to any measure which would have the effect of de priving any man unjustly of his franchise.—(Hear.) Mr, HENLEY would support the second reading of the Bill, if it were persevered in, on the principle that thin Bill would allow each neighbourhood to adept the measure to its ewn energies. He certainly agreed with the Lion. Member for Berkshire, that the Hesse was beginning to alter the incidents of taxation in a way that wculd affect the poor. Mr. HASTIE having replied, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and a division took place, when there appeared— For the second reading Against it Majority ---180 Tho Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. BENEFICES IN PLURALITY BILL. Mr. - FRE in moving the second r ea di ng of this Bill, said he should not btain the House at any length, since a return which wasobteined last year by the Hon. Member for Montrose made out a strong case in its favour. Tbeeereturn showed that subsequently to the passing Ofelhelast Act on this subject no less than 189 clergy meet had been presented to two livings, and he there fore called upon the House to affirm the principle of this Bill, and declare the existing law was not sufficiently stringent. He had no objection to teclerrgyman enjoying two livings that adjoined each other,-and where the populations were small. This Bill he introduced lete sessicn, but theie was no time for passing it, and he .d taken the earliest opportunity of re viving it this year. Since it had been brought in he had r e ceived many communications from different parts of the oouutrj pointing out the abuses that existed under the present system, and the necessity there was for a more stringent law upon the subject. Mr. SLANEY asked if the Bill was prospective or retrospective. Mr. FREWEN said it was prospective. Sir G. GREY was understood to say it was his , ish that before the Bill went into Committee some little time should elapse, in order to enable him to consider and mature certain alterations which he intended to suggest in Committee. Sir ROBERT INGLIS said, with respect to the desi rableness of having a resident clergyman in all cases, he hoped and believed that there could be no difference of opinion. He knew a case where six different benefices were held by the same individual, and the aggregate income of the whole did not amount to 3501., the sum which the Hon. Member for Montrose had estimated should be the minimum stipend of a clergyman to enable him efficiently to discharge his duties. He wished to know how far her Majesty's Government would hold them: elves prepared to adopt the principle of this Bill before allowing it to go to a Committee. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was desirable to make further restrictions on the holding of pluralities. He had it in contemplation himself to introduce a Bill on the subject, and therefore it was that a postponement of the present Bill going into Committee was asked. Mr. HORSMAN said the principle of our constitu tion was opposed to all pluralities and sinecures in the State ; still more did he conceii eit necessary to apply that rule to the Church. As regards the measure be fore the House, although he considered it a great im provement on the law as it now existed, he should like to see the principle carried to its full extent, that they should allow no sinecure in the Church, and should give to every parish its resident teacher. He should recom i mend, where there were two contiguous parishes ex tremely small, they should be united into one, so as not to maintain more than one incumbent, and so as to preclude the possibility of there being only one service on Sundays in each parish. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought, if the Government had it in contemplation to introduce a measure on this subject, it was but an idle waste of time to go on dis cussing the present Bill, and he should recommend the Hon. Gentleman who had it in charge to withdraw or Fo,tpone it. Captain JONES was of opinion that the Bill would not be answerable to Ireland at all. Mr. FREWEN thought the Bill should be made more stringent than it was. The Bill was then read a second time without a divi sion. _ __ LARCENY SUMMARY JURISDICTION BILL. Sir JOHN PAKINGTON moved the second reading of this Bill. One object of the Bill was to extend the provisions of the Juvenile Offenders' Act. It would be in the recollection cf the House that, when he first in troduced that Bill, he drew the distinction at 16 years of age, but in the Select Committee on the Bill the Com mittee though he was carrying the distinction too far. All who were acquainted with the working of this criminal portion of the law, were aware that all offenoes committed by persons under 16 years were always lightly dealt with. The only change, then, which he desired to effect, was t.) reduce the age from 16 to 14. The only other part of the Bill in which he was particularly interested was one to which he begged to call the particular attention of his Hon. and Learned Friend the Solicitor-General. His Hon. and Learned Friend would recollect that at the beginning of last session the subject of punishment f a small offences had been largely discussed, and that it was then agreed that—without interfering with the sacred trust of preserving the trial by jury—it would be better to reduce these offences by immediate punish ment. It was acknowledged on all hands that the course of prosecution which is now followed was in every way detrinaeatal to the public interests.—(Hear.) He would deprecate the opposition proposed by the Hon. and Learned: l /Gentleman opposite (Mr. M'Cullagh), believing that if he looked into the reports he would find that the objections which he entertained were all ob viated in the details of the measure.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted also that the Government would offer no opposi tion to the Bill; for they should recollect that this Bill was simply in accordance with the Juvenile Offenders' Bill, and merely carried out that Bill to a further extent. They ought not to punish the counties in the way of expense for the prosecution of small offences. He had himself had great experience in the investigation of small offences in the coal districts, and he had found that, in the neighbourhood of Dudley, the criminality of coal-heavers frequently went unpunished from the expenses likely to be incurred by a prosecu tion. He did not hesitat3 to say that the coal owners frequently lost several tons a-week, whereae, had there been ;a summary means of conviction, some of those offences would not have passed unpunished, and the evil would soon have been concluded. It had been ascer tained that although the counties were allowed 40/. for each prosecution, the real expenses were only 20s. for each case. On these grounds he trusted that there would be no opposition to the second reading. Mr. M'CULLAGH said that he should withdraw his opposition for the present, but should certainly take the sense of the House upon the Bill when it was sent down f,r Committee. He had a great objection to the extension of th© jurisdiction of the magistrates in crimi nal case?. - - After a few words from Sir J. PAKINGTON, Mr.:NSILNES said he could not understand the reasons on which :he Hon. Gentleman (lr. WCullagh) opposed this Bill. H, could not find from his experience that they could draw any line between criminals of the ages fl 4 and 16, and be thought the extension which was proposed in this Bill would be ♦ery salutory. his only objection to this Bill was that it was not summary enough, and his experience went to show that the more summary the punishment for such juvenile offenders, the bitter it would be. Mr. NAPIER had received communications from Ire land which showed that such a measure as this was ab solutely necessary. In many cases he relieved the imprisonment which many criminals underwent before their trial occurred was a much greatar punishment than the offence deserved. The Learned Gentleman read some extracts from returns, which he had received from Ireland, in which it was stated that many persons commit •d fur petty offences, stealing articles of the value cf a few pence, were often discharged a: 30 and 50 miles from home. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL fully agreed with the principle of this Bill. The only difficulty he saw in it was to fix the sum. Ile had received as many recommendations to fix the sum at 51, or at one shilling. This Bill would put an end to many anomalies which it was intolerable should remain on the statute book. For instance, a boy who stole an apple from a tree could be summarily punished, but if another boy stele an apple from under t' , e tree he was obliged to be committed. He should support the Bill. Mr. PACKE thought there was no objection to ex tending the jurisdiction to 16 instead of 14 years of age. He quite agreed with the Learned Attorne)-General as to the anomalies of the law relating t) petty larceny, but he did not think this Bill met the difficulty. The Bill, therefore, ought to be reiffred to a Select Committee, Offences ought to be placed upon a clear and detir el level, and until that was done they were only doing mischief by le4islating on the matter. The difficulty in the way of ;his Bill would arise in this way:—lt gave the imagis t ates power to adjudicate summarily in the case of petty offence) committed by adults and old offenders, who, in some districts unknown, might often be dealt with under the provisions of this Bill, when if they were tried by a jury, transportation would bo their punishment. While, therefore, he approved of the Bill as Lr as it related to children, he doubted the expediency cf opening the door to the escape of offenders by extending it t) adults. Mr. ROBERT PALMER supported the measure, knowing from experience that many trumpery cases were sent to trial under the existing law which ought to he summarily disposed of. He trusted, too, that it would be extended to Ireland. It appeared to him that, with respect to that part of the Bill which extended sum mary jurisdiction over persons( f sixteen instead of four teen years of age, he saw no objection to that. He be lieved that many petty offences were overlooked in con sequence of the expense and trouble of going before a more formidable tribunal than two magistrates. That was an evil which this Bill would tend to correct. Mr. HENLEY had very considerable doubt with respect to the Bill t fLer what had fallen from the At torney-General. It was quite clear that a very adroit distinction had been adopted by the Hon. Member for Droitwich between grand and petty larceny. It was quite clear they were commencing a system of doing away with trial by jury. That was a very grave matter, but it was one which might be discussed hereafter, and the Hon. Gentleman opposite would act prudently if he did now divide the House. With regard to the age of the children that was a very different question. The reason for the introduction of the Juvenile Offenders' Bill was to prevent the contamination of young persons in gaol hefore they were tried. So fir as that went he entirely con curred. He thought sixteen was a very proper age to which to extend the summary jurisdiction. He thought there would be some possible inconvenience in the work ing of other parts of the Bill. As to the inconvenience of turning a man out of gaol, as was suggested by the Hon. Member for Dublin, that inconvenience would exist just as much with respect to a man committed summarily as if committed by a jury. Mr. P. MILES was of opinion that a great necessity existed for the adoption of some such measure as this. He said, that from his experience as a chairman of a quarter sessions, lasting over a period of sixteen years, He was sorry that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would not take the division on the second reading of this Bill, because they were all acquainted with the details, and the longer it was delayed the greater would be the injury to the country. Mr. VIVIAN said that his name was at the back of the Bill, and be only wished to:say:that the expenses which had been found to press so heavily on the counties would be gr( ally relieved by the operation of this Bill. That which now cost 1 2 L 10 s. would be reduced to 21. The Bill was then read a second time without a division. TENANTS RACK-RENT RELIEF BILL. On the motion:teing put for the second reading of this Bill, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that he did not wish t) oppose the second reading, but ho hoped that measures would be taken to prevent the expenses from falling upon the counties. After a few words from Mr. SOTHERON, Sir H. HALFORD advised that the whole burden should not be laid on landed property alone, an opinion in which Mr. Spooner coincided, and suggesting .that the Bill should be deferred, but in the meantime the expense should be thrown on the Consolidated Fund. Mr. SPOONER agreed with his Hon. Friend in his opinion of this Bill. He should, however, advise that the Bill should be postponed. He did notAsee why the landed interest should bear the expenses of lunatic asy lums. Ho thought that the evils which caused lunacy were found much oftener in crowded towns than in the agricultural districts. After a few words from Sir G. GREY, Mr. SLIME thought, that if the principle of the Son. Gentleman opposite was carried out, that the poor rates and country-rates should be transferred to the Consolidated Fund. Ho thought that no expenditure ought to be thrown upon the Consolidated Fund unless the Government had the sole superintendence of it; the Consolidated Fund had quite sufficient to bear at present. He protested against such doctrines being broached in the House at this time. Mr. HENLEY thought that the lion. Gentleman who had just sat down, if he carried out his principle, would vote for these charges being transferred to the Consolidated Fund. Not a single farthing could be laid out on asylums unless the sanction of the Secretary of State had been previously obtained. Mr. HI ME said that the Secretary of State had nothing to do with the details of the plans, but only had to see that they were adequate. Mr. NEWDEGATE said the,Secretary of State had power to control the plans and elevations of both lunatic asylums and prisons. Sir G. GREY said the approval of tie plans no doubt. The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. EXPORTS. On the motion of — Mr. HASTIE an account was ordered, of the declared value of the various articles of British produce and manufactures exported to the British West India Colonies, for the years ending the sth day of January, 1840 and 1849, with the rate of duty on each article in the colonies; and of the quantities of the principal articles of the growth and manufacture of the British West In dia Colonies imported into tLe United Kingdom ; and of the quantities cleared for home consumption, and the rate cf duty charged on each article, with the Gazette average price of sugar for the year ending on the sth day , of January, 1848; also, the number of ships, dis tinguishing British and foreign, with their tonnage, that have entered and cleared for the British West India Colonies from the United Kingdom, during the same period ; Similar ac count fur the East India Company's territories and Ceylon ; similar account for China ; similar account for the Mauritius; similar account for the British North American Colonies ; similar account for New South \Vales and the Australian Colonies ; similar account for the United States of America; simi lar account for Cuba; similar account for the Brazils; and similar accounts for Mexico and the other ports of South America. Returns of ports or creeks in the United Kingdom approved of by the Hon. the Board of Customs, for the warehousing in bond of tea, coffee, sugar, wines, spirits, and tobacco. Of the amount of the above-mentioned goods in pounds and gallons ware housed at each port, for the year ending the sth day of April, 1849, distinguishing the quanities of those ware housed directly imported into such ports, with the quantities removed under bond from the ports of importation, together with the number of duty-paid entries made at each port during the above period : and, of the amount of Customs duty received in the United Kingdom for the year ending the sth day of April, 1849, showing the payments made for services specially connected with the collection of the revenue, together with payments made for services not specially connected with the collection of the revenue. The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned. YORK, NEWCASTLE, AND BER- WICK RAILWAY.—(THIS DAY.) A meeting of London shareholders of this company was held this afternoon at the London Tavern, prelimi nary to the general meeting which will be held on the 7th of March next at York. Mr. Alderman SIDNEY M.P., was unanimously elected to take the chair. He thought he was a most improper person to preside at the meeting, because he viewed the plan which he understood was to be propounded today with disfavour ; but if they wished him to continue in the chair after this declaration he would endeavour to discharge his duties fairly and im partially. He had no preference shares, but was a holder cf original and of extension stock. He had been de puted, however, to attend on behalf c.,f his brother, who had a large interest in the preference shares, the stock to which the present meeting, he believed, had reference. A short discussion then took place as to the propriety of Mr. Sidney presiding, and it was ultimately agreed that he should continue in the chair. Mr. N. CLARK wished to know by what authority the meeting had been convened. An advertisement had ap peared in the newspapers, signed by a Mr. Douglass, who signed himself maLager, pro tem. ; and, without meaning any discourtesy to that gentleman, he would also ask by whose authority he had been nominated? Mr. DOUGLASS said that he had been called upon by a large body of shareholders in the 81. preference shares to take up the matter with respect to which this meeting had been called, and in conjunction with one or two proprietors he had issued the advertisement simply to enable the shareholders to have an opportunity of con sulting together. The committee, which was self-con stituted, represented about 300,000 shares, the greater portion of which were preference shares; and the object they had in view was to get the directors to appoint a committee to take into consideration this pre ference stock, and to see if the million and a half of money which they now had, and might employ in a profitless undertaking, could not be employed for the relief of one class of shareholders without injuring any other class. The meeting was simply one for an ex change of feelings and sentiments among the London shareholders on a matter of finance, by which it was proposed that the preference shareholders might be re lieved. The report of the commi;tl3 of shareholders was then read. It stated that the question before the meeting involved the interests of nearly half the proprietary of the York, Newcastle, and Berwick Railway, and a ca pital amounting to nearly four millions, upon the raising and applying of which the prosperity or otherwise of the company would depend. The object which the com mittee had in view was to ascertain if some plan could not be devised for giving a real value to the preference shares instead of holding, as they did at present, a value at the mercy of a call, and they sub mitted two propositions by which they considered the company could, by exercising the whole of its avail able powers, be enabled to make this stock worth keep ing as an investment. The committee had obtained the ' co-operation of stock and extension shareholders, who held 6,532 shares, and preference shareholders who held as many as 18,822 shares, and thus supported they wrote to the directors requesting their consent to the appointment of a committee at the next general meeting, to ascertain whether the holders of preference shares could not be relieved from the present liability without injury to any ether class of shareholders; but, in reply, the directors had stated that it was too late to make the meeting ox the 27th instant available for the appoictment of such a committee. The report concluded by soliciting the co-operation of the shareholders, and expressing a hope that the directors would apply all the available capital f)r so profitable a purpose as paying off the Great North of England shareholders, a❑d not expend it, to the ruin of the company, upon unprofitable branches. On the conclusion of reading the report, Mr. JAMES DURHAM moved :—" That this meeting, after having heard the report of the committee, considers it very desirable that, at the next ha'f-yearly meeting of share holders, a committee should be elected, to consult with the directors, and ascertain if any plan can be devised f converting the preference shares into thirds, with out injury to the other class of shareholders." Mr. ASTON seconded the motion. Mr. CLARK opposed the motion, because it had origi nated with a sectional portion cf the proprietors, alias the preference shareholders. The report, he thought, was calculated to do the York, Newcastle, and Berwick lt4ilway a great deal of mischief, and he should there fore give his decided vote against its reception. One section of the shareholders had no right to release themselves from liabilities at the expea: e of others, who were more numerous and bad a greater stake in the com pany. By such a proceeding the proprietors at large would be grenly injure I, and they should recollect that they were just on the eve of receiving a report from the directors after a most important and elaborate inquiry int ) their affairs, and which, no doubt, would put them in a better position to know in what way the whole of the shareholders might be benefited. He concluded by moving an amendment to the effect the', as the present movement appeared to emanate wholly from a sectional part of the shareholders, and was designed fur the benefit of the preference share holders, the meeting declined to interfere in the matter, and that the meeting should then adjourn. The amendment was seconded by Lieutenant-Colonel Howl/tip; and, after a brief discussion, was carried by a majority of three—the numbers being for the amend ment 28, and for the original motion 25. The business accordingly terminated, and, after a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting separated. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian of this day.) MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—The buyers continue to stand resolutely aloof from business, expecting that the want of demand will cause such a subsidence of prices as shall render it safe, in their estimation, to renew their operations in yarns and goods. Under these circumstances, the sales of the day have been of very inconsiderable amount; and, although the general absence of stocks, of any consequence, enables both spinners and manufacturers to maintain a degree et* firmness which appears remarkable after a comparative suspension of business for several weeks, yet those who are out of contrast, or on the point of being so, are so desirous of avoiding any accumulation of stock, as to become in creasingly disposed to meet the ideas of the buyers. The latter have not attempted to test the market: as a rule, however, they have succ e eded in making their very limited assortments somewhat under the rates of the latter end of last week. There is a good deal of difference in the views entert a i ne d by various parties as to the course which prices may now take; a o l t r h e e a r d s y th ta in k k en ing pla th c a e t w s i u l c l h s c p a e n ed no il t y some producers expecting that th e d ec li ne w hi c h h as b s e tim th u e la c t a e se d w em it a h n o d Ut — a still farther giving way : the consequence is a very marked irregularity in the quotations for almost all descriptions of cloth and yarn. We stated in our last that there was a movement among the makers of coarse and of stout goods in this town, to relieve themselves, in some degree, from lons, by di m i n i s hi ng their production. A mooting was held yesterday, when, with the exception of two firms, all those manufacturers of this class, who purchase their yarns, came to a deter mination to work their establishment only forty hours a-week. This resolution applies to 6,000 to 7,000 looms, and will lessen the weekly consumption of cotton to the extent of something like 120,000 lbs. The instant eff e ct has been a concession in the price of coarse yarns, and an attempt at an agreement among the spinners of such yarns to follow the course taken by the manufacturers. ROCHDALE, MONDAY.—To -day we have had a very good demand for kerseys and coarse goods, and the business transacted if flannels has been mach the same as that cf last week. The wool market continues firm at former prices. HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY.—Our market remains at present much in the same state as we reported last week; the deliveries to order have been on a large scale, but the supply in the market has been very limited. HALIFAX, SATURDAY.—There is more stillness just now in the worsted trade, and the merchants are shy of giving orders, appearing to be anxious to watch the present position of the yarn market, which is also more quiet than it has been. The spinners are still full of old contracts ; but the export houses do not give out new orders freely, and seem disposed to wait till the commencement of the regular shipping season. Wool is somewhat inactive ; and, if anything, rather easier. LEEDS, TUESDAY.—Although the market has been rather quiet to-day, still a steady business continues to be done to order, and prices are very firm. There is rather mere doing in the warehouses for the home trade, and the shipping houses are pretty brisk. :WST t FA FRANCE. The Director-General of the Customs has notified to his subordinates that, henceforth French and English packet-boats plying between England and France (those of commerce as well as those of the Post-office), shall be authorised to convey patterns and packages of merchandise of a weight not exceed ing 6 kilogrammes 25 decagrammes, without, as heretofore, thereby subjecting them to the payment of extra tonnage dues. The Governor of Senegal, in a dispatch to the Minister of Marine, dated the 16th October, gives an account of an expedition against a chief named Sou rake, and others, for having stopped and pillaged some French boats, and raised the pretension of compelling every one who might pass through their villages to pay a tax. The expedition resulted in the destruction of two villages of Lannel, and in the restitution of the pillaged things. This exploit had caused a great impression on the neighbouring populations, and a chief, the Almamy of the Fouta, who had shown some hostility to the French, hastened to make offers of peace. Al though the expedition took place in the bad season, in a temperature of from 35 deg. to 40 deg., and in an unwholesomeclimate, the French not only lost no me n,buthad noteven one sick —an unexampled cir cumstance. SPAIN. The Herald() of Madrid of the 14th, referring to reports that were current, and to observations thereon in the Opposition press, declares positively that there is not the slightest foundation that her Majesty's interesting position had caused her to intimate that she could not continue to discharge the duties of royalty, and that a regency would consequently be necessary. No such delicate question, says the Hera/do, had ever been raised. GERMANY. A letter from Frankfort of the 13th says :—" All Germany resembles a camp. The National Assembly of Frankfort had decreed that the governments should carry the armed Germanic force up to nine hundred thousand men : the Princes who had refused to obey the resolutions of the Assembly have executed this with great zeal. The consequence is that it is not Austria alone which has imposing forces under arms, but all other countries of Germany, especially Prussia and Bavaria, have the same." " Austria and Prussia," says a letter from Frank fort, " are in negotiation for a prolongation of the powers of the Central Federal Commission of Ger many, which were fixed to expire on Ist May." The Prince of Prussia, who is at present staying at Frankfurt, had a narrow escape a few nights ago ; he fell asleep and forgot to extinguish his light, whereby his bed curtains caught fire. He was awoke by the flames, and was rescued by his valet-de chambre, who sustained some slight injuries. The Prussian G-oyernment has ordered that all public functionaries shall take the oath of fidelity to the constitution. According to the Berlin correspondent of the Inde pendance of Brussels, who writes on the 15th, the Prussian Government does not now think of conclud ing peace with Denmark, but is only anxious to es tablish a provisional government in the Duchies which shall be more satisfactory than that which now exists. The Assembly of States of Brunswick, on the lith, unanimously resolved to pass to the order of the day on a communication from the Government relative to the Convention between Austria and Prussia, for the establishment of a Central Federal Commission fur Germany. ITALY. The Nazionale of Florence states that on the 9th the Corso at Rome was suddenly invaded by a proces sion of persons, crying " Vive la Republica !" (that day being the anniversary of the proclamation of the Roman Republic), and that, before the police and mi litary force could arrest them, they disappeared as suddenly as they had come. When night came, the Corso being still filled with citizens, soldiers, and sbirri, tricoloured Bengal fire was let off on all sides. The military wanted to stop the seditious fires, but the people prevented them. Some French officers were heard to say, " The Romans celebrate the anniversary of their Republic." GREECE. The overland mail from Malts, with dates from that island to February 13, brings no later intelli gence from Greece, as the French mail from Athens, due on the 11th, had not made its ap pearance, owing, no doubt, to the very boiste rous weather which has generally prevailed through out the Mediterranean. The Corfu Mail, announces that the British have not taken possession of Cervi and Sapienza ; these islands did not form part and parcel of the pending claims. Some Greek merchant vessels, detained at Patras by British cruisers, had been carried into Corfu. Fresh tidings have reached us of the French fleet having left Smyrna for the Pineus, and been blown back to the Darda nelles. The steamer Germania has arrived at Trieste with dates from Athena to the Bth, S yra 6th, Corfu 10th, Constantinople 2d inst., and Damascus 17th ult. The situation of Greece was the same as by the last accounts. The British vessels had seized about 30 small craft at Spezia, Hydra, and Syra. The embargo extended as far as Galaxida. The peopl e were highly exasperated against the English, and an outbreak was appre hended. A few small coasters had been allowed to leave Syra, but two :Greek brigantines, which were in that port, laden with : corn, and bound respectively to Leghorn and Trieste, had been taken to Sala of the arrival of King. Sala mina. The anniversary O:ho in Greece had been celebrated with unusual en thusiasm. The French . squadron was still anchored in the waters of Mytilene. It is believed the Greek corvette Ludovic was there too. A French vessel was stationed at Smyrna.. The Austrian schooner Fenice, which was believed to be lost, had ar rived at Tenedos. Two Greek schooners had been brought to Corfu. The conduct of England towards Greece had produced an: unfavourabe impression. A supplement to the Official Sir ,J,ournal of Corfu of the sth y h s a e d to communicatedthe Lord lli Nigh written in the same A letter from Trieste states that, in consequence of the blockade of the coast of Greece . by the English, sttChphoeie publishesrmi A Senatet m n a i g s s s t i o h ot . e n' G voe of o r r e ffi , Corfu.el' notesi h a q i official docum e nts d h : o l s tct 'Th e y Sh i u o el m r n . the Austrian Government had directed that sixty vessels, which were about to leave Trieste, should remain in the roadstead.. TURKEY. The Constantinople journals of the 2d state that the greatest tranquillity continues to reign throughout the Ottoman empire. A letter from Damascus, of the 17th, complains of the intolerance of the Governor of that city towards Christians and Israelites. Among other facts, it says that M. Alfred de Kr emer, who has come to Syria, en a scientific mission from the Academy of Vienna, has been formally refused permission by th e G over nor to examine certain ma nuscripts and arch aeo l og ical relics, notwithstandin g a letter of recom men d a ti o n from the Visier, and the most pressing remonstrances of the Austrian Consul. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEIV'S BENCH, Feb. 19. (Sittings at Nisi Prius, before Mr. Justice ERLU and a Special Jury.) AUSTIN V. THE MANCHESTER, S HEFFIELD, AND LIN COLNSHIRE RAILWAY. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Evidence was given to show that the wheels had been properly grease d , and that e ff or ts bad been made w ith ater to cool th em , an d t h a t the accidents arose in con sequenee of th e ax l e b e i ng ra dically defective, though the defect was not apparent on the surface; and it was contended that as the defendants had done all that could be reasonably expected from them, they could not be hold liable. Mr. liumrarr, in reply, remarked strongly on the circumstance that the defendants had required the plaintiff's servants to sign the declaration, now given in evidence, to supp or t th e d e f en ce, and that it had, in fact, been signed by t h em , b e f ore the trucks bad been selected by the comp an y' s agent. Mr. Justice ERLE left it to the jury to say—first, whether there had been negligence on the part of the defendants in respect of the insufficiency of the axle of the carriage; secondly, whether the accident was occasioned by the wheel taking firs; and, thirdly, whether th ere h a d t e en negligence i n allow ing the carriage to proceed after the fire had been discovered. The jury answared all these questions in the plaintiffs' favour, and assessed the damages at 701„ leave being re served to the defe admits to move the Court above upon certain points of 'law. QUEEN ANNE'S BOUNTT. — The total of sums re ceived by the Governors of Queen Anne's Bounty dur ing the year ending December, 1848, was 183,9341, 4s. Id. The aluottut disbursed was 178,7671. 14s, Gd, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 19. RAILWAYS ABANDONMENT BILL. (Continued from our Third Edition of last night.) Lord MONTEAGLE suggested that the Bill, aftqr its second reading, should be — referred to a Select Com mittee, fir he thought it most injudicious to entrust to a body not of a judicial character, like the Railway Corn• missioners, functions which were of a judicial kind, without their receiving any guide or chart to direct them in the course they had to take. Earl GRANVILLE would consider of the suggestion of the Noble Lord. The Bill was then read a second time. The Earl of GLENGALL laid on the table a Bill to facilitate the transfer of land in Ireland. SUNDAY TRADING. The Earl of HARROWBY having presented several petitions in favour of this Bill, postponed the second reading to Friday next.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 12. POOR-LAWS. Sir R. FERGUSON moved for returns of the sums advanced t) each poor-law union in Ireland, under the Acts 12 and 13 Vic. c. 24 and 63, with the date of such advance, to the lat.,st perio‘l. and of the amount repaid the Imperial Treasury for the advances under those Acts, with the dates, to the latest period.—Agreed to. CONVICTS. Colonel DUNNE moved for a return of tha number of convicts sentenced to death or ti ansportation through out the several counties in England and Wales during the years 1847, 184 S, and 1849.—Agreed SAVINGS' BANKS. Mr. SPOONER wished to know whether the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would be able to bring on his Bill with regard to the savings' banks on Friday? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not be able to attend, but that some other business would be proceeded with. INCOME-TAX. Mr. SPOONER wished to know if the Government were prepared to make any alteration in schedule B of the income-tax, to meet the reduction of incomes which had taken place lately? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was not the intention of the Government to alter the principle of the income-tax. THE AGRICULTURAL INTERESTS. Mr. DISRAELI, after presenting a petition nume rously signed from various parts of the country, ex pressed a regret that another petition with which he had been entrusted could not be presented from an informality which he had learned since he came into the House. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to say that the petition which he had just laid upon the table was the only one which was likely to emanate from that numerous class who were just now placed in that stare of distress to which he had called the at tention of the House during the last session. At that time the distress was deep and prevalent, and yet it had failed to meet with the sympathy, and had, in deed, hardly obtained the acknnowledgment of the House. Since then the prospect of this class had grown still more gloomy and obscure.—(Hear, hear.) The 300,000,000 invested by the farmers of this country was gradually disappearing.—(Hear, hear.) Another year had opened with still gloomier prognostics for the interests of the agricultural districts.—(Hear, hear.) Nor were those prospects less promising for the labourers than they were for the tenant-farmers. They were alike without employment and without remu nerative wages ; and he was bound to say, that he could find no answer to these complaints from anything that the Legislature had effected. That return was only up to the first day of this year. It was since that time:that that employment, which he had ventured to describe as factitious, had, in his opinion, greatly diminished in the agricultural districts of the United Kingdom. It had been, indeed, with reference to this point his intention to move for a return of a similar character to that they were now in posses sion of, up to the let Feb., but upon inquiry he found that such a return, if consented to, would entail great trouble upon one branch of the admsnistration that had already greatly exerted itself in order to give them accurate infer mation on the subject. Indeed, he might venture to remark, although he wished the task had fallen upon some other member of greater influence than himself, upon the re cent conduct of this branch of the administration. For a considerable period the central management of the poor-laws had excited in the House much controversy, and he thought it must be satisfactory to the House, the Government, and the country to contrast the position this branch then occupied in public opinion with what it now occupied. He certainly wished on this occasion to to avoid entering into any invidious comparison in the attempt to investigate the causes which have produced this result, but it certainly must be a source of as much gratification to the country, as no doubt it was to the Government, that this branch of the administration should be conducted in such a manner as to entitle it to public confidence.—(Hear, hear.) But they had to-night to inquire what was the best course to take to re move, or if possible, certainly to mitigate the present depression which the petitioners have referred to. Upon that side of the Homo they believed it had been occasioned by recent legislative enactments, by the recent alteration of the law, by the rec en t re p ea l o f the law with regard to foreign produce—(Hear.) They believed on that side of the House that the most efficacious mode of re et.)ring prosperity in the long run, and which would be most advantageous and most popular to the community, would be the re-enactment of the laws regulating the importation of foreign produce.—(Hear, hear.) That being their conviction, they had been taunt e d with not bing able to support it with arguments. It was easy to talk so, but it is as not difficult to bear. Speaking for those gentlemen with whom he had the honour to act, he said they did not in any way shrink from an argument on that subject.—(Hear.) They had seen nothing at all in their opinion to confute the conclusions, which, through evil and through good report, they had attempted to advocate in that House in regard to that great subject. They still believed the principles on which the House had constructed its commercial code were fallacies.—(Protectionist cheers) They still believed that the time would come when the House itself would acknowledge the truth of that assertion. (Cheers.) But, although he himself was of opinion that discussion was the soul of that House and of this free country, and though he knew, at least he believed, there were occasions when discussions, and mere discussion, might be the highest duty and most sovereign policy to pursue, still he must profess his opinion as a general rule, that that House should not become a mere debat ing society.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he would speak with perfect frankness on this point. After the deci sions on the Address in both Houses of Parlia ment, he was of opinion that the only conclusion that could be drawn from those facts, though in the other House the division had reference to the merits of that industrial system which was popularly known by the name of protection, still he could not flit to see that it was the opinion of a large majority in both Houses of Parliament that it would be unwise to disturb at present the settlement which this country had recently arrived at in this respect.—(Hear, hear.) It then became their duty to see and to consider what course shculd be taken which, without going against the conviction of that House, might at least be, as far as the fortunes of the agriculturists were concerned, of a remedial character. He had always felt—if they thought fit to repeal those laws which regulated the industry of this country, and especially those which referred to the agricultural in dustry of this country—that the cultivators of the soil—that all classes connected with the cultiva tion of the soil, would offer this alternative to the Government:—lf you deprive us of that system of legislation under which, for scr long a period and with various modifications, we have enjoyed our property or pursued our industry, we now ask this of you—in the name of justice and of poliey— (Cheers)—you should at least adapt our posi tion to the altered circumstances in which you have placed us. and that you should revise that system of taxation which prevails in this country.—(Cheers.) With reference to its equal and just distribution—(Con tinned cheers)—the claims of the classes connected with the soil could not be placed before the House more neatly or more concisely than in the petition which he presented to the House to. day. They demanded of the Government two things; in the first place, that they should be placed on equality with their fellow-subjects; and, in the next, they demanded to be placed in our markets on equality with the foreigner.—(Hear.) They referred, in the first instance, to that enormous system of peculiar taxation from which the majority ci the people of this country were exempt, and which they had borne. In the next place, they referred to those fiscal restric tions, which, when placed in direct competition with the foreigner, prevented them availing themselves of the greatest and freest resources. Now those claims were intelligibly expressed, and founded on severe justice— (Cheers) —and if those who unhappily hurried on the repeal of laws which limited the importation of foreign agricultural produce, did not at the time consider the consequences of the course they were adopting, much as he regretted the want of foresight of men so great, he could not, as a representative of an agricultural con stituency, refrain from doing his duty in that House, where, whatever might be the majority of econo mists, ho could not think he was acting wrong in having still confidence in the justice of Englishmen. He should touch only partially upon a portion of the theme which he believed was amply sufficient to occupy the attention of Parliament for some time; but before adverting to it more specifically he should first make one or two observations upon opinions that had been lately expressed with reference to the incidents of the taxation to which ho was about to call the attention of the House. They were all well aware that when the question of that portion of taxation, which vulgarly was called rater, was recently brought before the House; considerable difference of opinion had been expressed in that House as to who paid those im posts. One party said that the burden of taxation fell upon the proprietors of the soil, while, on the contrary, another side said that the impost was discharged by the tenant or occupier. When he (Mr. Disraeli) had first brought the question before the House, the Hon. Mem ber for Montrose had been the person to assert that the proprietors were the persons on whom the burden fell, while he was surprised to find that last session that Hon. Gentleman was the father and this session was the godfather of a measure which enacted a new representa tive system, founded on the idea that the occupiers of property were the persona who paid the rates, and that they had a right to have some share in the disposal of them. He thought, then, that ho might fairly assume that there was not much difference be tween himself and that honourable Gentleman on this point ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) would not rest his argument on this point on such a partial admission. He thought the time was come when they must look at this question earnestly. When this House decided that England should enter into free competition With all the quarters of the globe they were stopped from considering the relative interests of the owner and occupier. ' They should leave out of all consideration the interest either of the landlord or the tenant, or both, and deal only with the interest of the land.—(Hear, hear.) There was an opinion which, if it had not of late had much count-ranee in that House, had at least taken a fast hold upon the country, and that opinion was that the whole of our institutions were based upon the land. —(Hear.) The whole of our political constitution was founded upon that principle.—(Hear.) Whether it was the Throne itself, whether it was the grand scheme of our juridical arrangements, or whether it was like the spire towering towards heaven, in the arrangement of our ecclesiastical sy tem—all our institutions were f oinded upon the land.—(Hear, hear) There was an impres sion which had largely prevailed throughout every English community, that there was a peculiarity about territorial possessions.—(hear, hear.) In this opinion he humbly but heartily coincided, and in stating so much, he was not speaking solely of the landlord's interest, or of the tenant's in'ereat, or of the labourer's interest—for he believed all to be in truth and reality united and derivable from the same sources.— (Hear, hear.) Ira that House an opinion had been ex• pressed, that land was nothing more than other property. Elsewhere it was stated that it had 1 eeuliar properties, admirably adapted when respected for the preservation of order and the promotion of political liberty.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the latter to be the truth. Both opinions had been broadly t xpressed, and a s'atement had been made, erroneously ascribed to him by the 11 , 11. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, that land was only to be considered as the raw material to be used in a manufacture. He maintained that they had a right t take their defi nitions from their opponents, and it was for that reason alone he said, that having heard in this Howe from persons who, upon this subject, were the greatest authorities, and finding the opinion upheld and promul mulgated in literary organs of gre it merit, he did venture to observe that if land be only a raw material, why do you not extend to it the same principles that you extend to all other raw materials ?—(Hear, hear)—and he was bound to say he had not yet received a satisfactory answer to that question. There was a great silence in the House on the subject, while some of the organs he had referred to since the question was asked had denied that laud was a raw material—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—or had asserted that if it be a raw material, it was a raw mate terial peculiar from all other raw materials, because it produced a quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.) Now what ho wanted to impress upon the House was this, if they forced the land of England into competition with the markets of the who'e world, they had no business to inquire into the quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.) The consequences of the present law would be to throw a great quantity of land out of cultivation. According to the opinion of some of the best writers conversant with the landed interest, the consequences must be inevitably as ho had stated. There was certainly somo difference between parties on this point, but then it was only a difference of degree, and, according to all opinions, there were some classes of land which were doomed, under any circumstances of this kind, to go out of cultivation; and he wished to im press upon the House the consideration whether or no this peculiar taxation—the part to which he was to call their attention to-night—might not make the difference, make the margin which would permit this land to be cultivated, which under the existing law was doomed to a sterile existence.—(Hear, hear.) They had no right to inquire into the rents it' this state of things had been produced by their own legislation. All they had to do now was to act with justice towards the land, and in dealing with it carry out these economical principles which they had always promulgated, and which were the foundation of our commercial code.—(hear, hear.) He said the House had no longer any right to meddle or interfere with the question of rent; that was a subject which recent legis lation had swept away from their consideration. It was well for the House to consider whe ther the popular character with respect to the properties of the soil was a just one. He took occasion recently to remind the House that the number of landed proprietors in the United Kingdom was probably about 250,000. Now he asked the House to consider what was the aristocratic element of that numerous and important class. He imagined they could not fix on a better test to ascertain a truth of so much importance than the pocket. Calculate the number of manorial estates in this country. They all knew that in England every parish was a manor, though every manor was not a parish. Allow ing that the fourth of the parishes in England were not manorial, there would be probably about 20,000 mano rial estates in England. That was the amount of the aristocratic element on the state of which they heard so much—(Hear)—and it would be about one•twelfth. But taking the rental of the United Kingdom at 60,000,0001. a-year, they would find, if they divided that rental be tween 250,000 landowners, that about 2401. a-year would fall to the share of each of them. But as so many of them had a great deal more than that sum, it followed that many of them must have a great deal less. Yet that was the class which:was always pointed at and held up as the most luxurious class; but the truth was that they were the most industriaus and self-denying class in the state.—(Hear, hear.) He said, then, with reference to that class that the House ought to legislate according to justice, and upon those economic principles to which they made such frequent reference ; and therefore he arrived at this conclusion, that in a discussion as to the inci dents of taxation, whether they fell on the land owner or the occupier, was hereafter perfectly idle. They were not to consider a hether they were benefit ting the owner or the occupier, but whether they were doing justice to a most important interest— to the land of England, and in doing that justice whether they were permitting that land which they had thrown into competition with all the soils of all countries in the world to be worked at a remunerative value, why ther the profit went to the landlord or to the occupying tenant. With those opinions he would proceed to call the attention of the House to the first branch of that important subject—the relations of the agricultural interest of all classes to the general taxation of the country. On a former occasion he had called the attention of the House to the local taxation in England, and the flees which he then put before the House had not been controverted, and many gentlemen of official authority who took a part in the debate acknowledged they were correct. He showed to the House on that occa sion that the classes connectedwith the soil, independently of contributing to the general revenue of the country, contributed to another revenue in England alone to the amount of 12 millions, and that this second revenue was for general interests and national concerns. Ho would not further advert to this additional burden, as it did not immediately concern the question before the House; but it showed that the land of England hal at all times been made the machine fir raying more into the Exchequer than it was justified in doing, because the land tax was a tax upon all kinds of property, and if an account current book were kept it would be found that 100,000,0001. were paid which ought not to have been contributed on the principles of justice. But take in round numbers the local taxation of the kingdom, omitting the laud tax, at 14,000,0001.;—he only referred to the fact that the House might bear in mind the general character of those peculiar burdens which the land sustained. The branch, however, of the local taxation of the United Kingdom to which he would now call attention was in fact the poor -rates. Ile saw that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Orkney (Mr. Anderson) had morel an amendment upon his motion for that night, to which he would refer. He saw by the notice paper that the Hon. Gentleman meant to move for a revision of the poor-rates, for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the effects of tie laws for levying duties on the importation (1' corn and other agricultural produce from the year 1845 to the year 1848, both inclusive; also into the relative amounts of taxation, local and general, which had been levied during the same period on agriculture and other property and incomes. Now, that appeared to him (Mr. Disraeli), under ordi nary circumstances, to be a very sensible motion; and if the Hon. Gentleman had had more experience than un fortunately he had had in the House, he thought he would have moved for this as an unopposed return; because ho begged to assure him all the information he required could be obtained up-stairs, and if he would examine the proceedings of the Committees of that House and of the House of Lords he would find a'l this informa tion, and then he would not deem it necessary to append this amendment to the motion. Indeed he (Mr. Disraeli) had had furnished him, by a gentleman of great autho rity, a digest of all the information he referred to, not only for the years 1815 to 1848, but from the year 1800 to 1848, and ho would find that landed property had paid during that period 581,000,0001. to 159,000,0001. which other property had paid. Now, he never wished to insist on the comparative sums paid by different classes of real property. But this information was not of the smallest value; he could not make use of it; but as he thought those little interchanges and reciprocations of courtesy were not displeasing, he had tendered the infor mation to the Hon. Gentleman, in order that he might make use of it in his speech.—(A laugh.) I will venture to say (continued Mr. Disraeli), if the Hon. Member makes good use of it, his speech will be one for statistical research seldom equalled in this House, and the only fault will be, that unfortunately all his facts will refute all his foregone conclusions.—(Cheers, and laughter.) I will now venture to call the attention of the House for a moment to the consideration of the nature of the poor law. I think that I have once before taken the liberty of saying that it appeared to me that the poor-law was a law which only could bo vindicated—or rather which could be vindicated only on two principles—either as a matter of policy, or as a matter of social duty. If a mat ter of policy—if it be the interest of society that, by pro viding for those who are in want, society should be se cured from the consequences of violence and from rapine, and if it were only viewed thus as a matter of policy, it was clearly the interest of all concerned, and ought to be of course supported by all.—(Bear, hear.) But if we took the higher view of it, and considered the mainte nance of the poor, which we do consider in England,a matter of social duty—(flear, hear)—then it was quite clear that if it were a social duty it was the duty of all, according to their means—(Cheers)—and, there fore, it ought not to be a tax, an impost, charged upon one kind of property.—(Hear.) Every gentleman in this House knows that it is an impost charged upon one property. I shall not, on this occasion, enter into any wholesale in quiry to ascertain the relative amount of property that is subject to this impost, and the amount of those propel ties that are privileged and exempted from it. Never mind whether it is one fourth or one-third of the income of the country—never mind whether it is 80,000,000/. a year, as compared with the charge which 200,000,0001. ought to bear, or whether the figures might make stronger in favour of the principles I advocate in this respect. The great truth reinaine, that the vast majority of the property of the country does not felfil the social duty which it ought to do, and which all acknowledge (Cheers.) Now, Sir, there are very great objections to remedial measures in this department; and, indeed, it is not possible w cuncnivo hvw such flagrant iniotice ---- could I ave so long flourished, were not the difficulties very considerable. In the first place everybody is afraid of tgf nee with sand troubling that happy see 4 et u of local government of which we have so much reason to be proud, and which unquestionably is the source of so much public happiness.—(Cheers.) I never myself speak upon the subject to any gentleman of great pro perty, not connected with the land, who is not eloquent upon tee system of self-government in this country« Ask any individual, the fortunate possess or in sweet s simplicity of Three per Cents. to t h e amount of 30,000/. or 40,0001. a year—ask if be ough t not to contribute to the maintenance of the poor in propor tion to his property; and be will say, No doubt; but if he were to do so he would probably endanger owel happy system."—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, frankly admit that I should be unwilling to support in this House any proposition which would endanger this happy system of local administration. But I cannot admit that the problem is impossible of a solution that would reconcile local management with imperi al taxa - tion; though I am perfectly willing to admit that, in Bt ,. t 'meting to solve such a problem, the whole question or the law of settlement must be terminated for ever.--: (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there is another objection against now offering any relief with respect to the present d s t i tribution of the impost levied under the poor-levr , en that is rather a popular one also. It is said, and has r. e , - eently been said with no novelty of observation, but wi t s : some authority of statement, that the land of this cot]; try is inherited and otherwise acquired subject to this charge, and similar charges. This is an observation that always tells, and have observed that it perpexes, e ve if it does not convince. But, with reference to that po sition, there is one simple but efficient observation to make upon it, that it is net true.—(Cheers.) I t clear y d is not true with reseeq to Ircland.—(Heer.) of Ireland was not acquired or inherited subject The to t .th poor-rate.—(Hear, hear.) It clearly is not true The r« f gence to another of her Majesty's: kingdoms« land of Scotland was not inherited or otherwise ac" quired subject to the poor-rates—(Hear , b arc; but it is not true with reference to a very considered be portion of the land of England. The House wc ' ul surprised, if they investigated the subject. at the much he her of very considerable estates, and some cif 5 much the important, though not less interesting tenure the yeomen estates—they would, I say, be s urprise list number of estates that are inherited in Eng' this were not originally acquired or inherited e ffer t charge.—(Hear, hear.) I had intended to have some names of interesting properties to the House, decline to do so because the list would be imperfect,. '; that would necessarily lead to erroneous concluso, but I cannot help remembering that I am sitting oPP°" ou r a Noble Lord, the First Minister, the son of one bas greatest houses—a house that lam glad to sidt t ec ur exercised its vast possessions generally for the P -- n ot and advantage of England.—(Hear, hear.) I c , ll O - 0 of help remembering that I am sitting opposite to a ther subject to e. a great house which certainly did not inherit or 03a of wise acquire its broad possessions subject to the 4 as Elizabeth.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, e T0..... a matter of fact, the position is not true--(C tbhe i e le . t ar, but as a matter of principle is it just?—A this hear.) I am net disposed to assent t ° hei sted principle, that because an estate has been iebeleust subject to a tax, which politically is a n e lted one, that a principle of policy is to be ell'e' re of to a mere affair of inheritance, and if we $ ; - t his opinion that in the pr ese nt circumstances of t s e country the lands of England should be as e%e l F o g to possible from these peculiar taxes, I am not disP , Ti r eel admit that the fact of their being inherited or a- ,11 „ to subject to a tax (if the levying of a tax is advers-er the highest principles of policy of a state) is an u t ° : t he to the case. I must go a little more deeplY in'e - aa to question with reference to this point. If you c°"; Ac me and say, " This man's estate was inherite d e ' n els quired subject to an impost," I must rip up the 613 ro of the country and I must ascertain whether the t F o s perty was not inherited or acquired s ubject t° we re which gave it an adventitious value—whether thei, n ed not laws which through a series of Parliaments ach favour—and whether he acquired or purch ased s e tt"' estates in cons( quence of th e Legislature of h is C oe or having secured him a cert a i n mar g ket, and not °l3l , l fford cured him that market, b u t p asse d laws whichse- !licit him a bonus for the exportation of his produc e ' try'• is the case with reg a rd t o t h e corn -l aws in this couu the I might clearly come forward, when you anuci tlec n e e set fact of the poor-r a t e b e i ng an i n h eren t impost' g- o fteu against that the Parli a m en t ar y advantage , BO s o ratified by consentin g S ena t es , of which Y ° " es red suddenly,. and in a manner he was the least Pteri to for, deprived him.—(Cheers.) I have ade e rl e „ e re the two most important points which in argon' ca rted brought forward on this subject; first, the risk il le- e t t• of disturbing the local administration if we s ttete , r a the give relief to oppressed proprietors Kith regard *wee poor-law, and, second, to the extenuating cirettu ii ' a slos always brought forward, that the property thet get relief has been acquired subject to those charges' n or' tunity to advert to them, in considering the I have done so merely because I thought it a fai r (:) ,quis great p ause in which we are engaged, and not because I u al a the rested in refuting this position at present; becliceset propositions which lam going to place before thee' eo" which I shall submit to them in detail, if theY the sent to go into Committee, are not open to eith er sir, objections t, which I have adverted.—alear, bes t. 'eeate I think the time has come, as I ventured to ili t. ti er yie before, when we must seriously consider whetueeeted cannot adapt the position f all the classes e°l3'lsoces with land, as regards taxation, to the new eireeer nett in which Parliament has placed them. We u° bane this side, relinquish one jot of tl a opinions w e r ed to assert them at the fitting moment, always entertained.—(Cheers.) We shall be P r e e 'e a rr . when the - ' o ,l l e o from experie rice you may tunit.y offers—when the occasion serves '- JiS - smarting be m ore iCe posed to listen to the accents of trutot ry shall then remind you of the system Y. ° ll yea linquished, and, perhaps, of the disasters Wh i e e nt iel e ' tea ee.— leers. But, ea have consum I (CI ) ' the iticee t accepting your legislation as fact, understandirig.statioll pledged majority is resolved to act upon that leg. ar ioUs which we believe is every hour becoming more °J o t er to the interests of those whom we are sent hero In es' port, we feel it our duty to commence a series °f a rgil" sures which, I hope, temper a t e ly sus t a ined only , moot—open to re futatior, if y ou can resets o ur / '" n s e ritig will, in the aggregate, mat er i a lly b ene fit the su La d interest that we wish to support.—(Loud c heers. ) t ioa yearewhen I called upon th e H ouse t ass ent t' V l l t he with respect to our lo ca l t axat i on . , I was me t on if objection that the design was too vast, and th e y itts" e l le ex to che m q na th e e n s t ta t t n e o a f ee t the arguments upon which it was founded Wl e ti c i -fil e_ re e ; y u exchequer g w g o e u s l t d i n n n o s t . permit hope' Is e 1 , -- y ; ( 0 7 : sure, t3-night I shall not be told, because I " h i. ; grss" fined my consideration to only a portion cf t" s i" „ the field—that I have taken too limited a view« 'e t f ell contrary, fe I am sure that her Majesty's Governrue°o be I inclined to support my opinieus, if i t shown at the stone time that they are t i e f te`i just, but essentially • Nov 6 / practical. 'gee f House should co nsen t Consu 3 ' 0- to go into eject . o 0 shall propose sev e r a l reso l ut i ons , r the es o which will be to m iti ga t e t h e di stre ss an re, d cieP ' el3t - which is felt in the agricultural districts at tbc,,Pd de' moment, believing, as I do, that the distress „bicb pression are not like the passing clouds, wi s ! commerce is sometimes! described to be oversP • i ; to g ° —Ulcer.) In case, then, I can induce this Boils w oe, into Committe, I shouldthe first le s° d i e teli propose, as that a sum, not inconsiderable, should t • ors • remitted to the real proprietors of the count7rtie o h' mission which would not be liable to either jections which I have anticipated,' and, t ° of ' L a degree, combatted. I s ho u ld l o ok for the basis Unite first resolution to the establishment charges cf the of t" Kingdom.—(Cheers.) The establishment chargesith the United Kingdom are scarce! at all connects l 1 1 0 istr s ' local administration. Your s y, stern of local eueu'eheseri tier' will remain intact, pure, perfect, your re & L ous e unaltered, your check asking t he S th s complete. In as the , ro to accede t) a resolution that from a nd F ed of March, 1850 , those charges whic h - nti eeet hs perly known as the establishment charges e- for t" - with theoor re' relief and maintenance of the I ) ne se g United Kingdom, should be furnished by thei_gre t ic c l° A c e; venue of the country, I calculate, from aut", e .iiie tine ij - a mente, that this would amount to a aura ' 1 t est t 1,500,000/. sterling.— (Hear, he an) bser y f oo sl ee le3 or establishment charges are barely subject to t r end yO O nistration. The maintenance of your in s our n• out-door poor would Le supplied from thee t ' a perei si : o f as at present, and be subject to the sem,: t polv e . r e - te d Observe, also, that no mare with the greul e ",. o inh e i"s!te brass, could rise and maintain that estates we' he ar) o d subject to the establishment charges.—(oellr' a se e to ose tore it I should proceed in the same.. way to proli d yeti , e 9. resolution to the House, in which I vi ° „ ° s peel‘,, l f the deal with all those rates which, generuqiiieri, w ith has been convenient to raise by the In a ., c ar to u a l:) „„ I sst poor-law, but which have nothing whetei t is e ---, a to the maintenance of the poor. As I thiol‘la betui-nt to injustice that real property alone 5 11 °,t, at Pr e e ige e - r ty) support the poor—as it is a great herding' 4 proeedie; the land (the most important portion of h q; c s to to' iber not only to maintain the poor, but to be s u4 i c ier et system of local,taxation which we will coil sa fest P i ; to opportunities in detail, so I think that clie ' - th e ciple at present, and the most practice 03 w ith e e take all those rates which are not co A t ri h li c ee brog uti r go' absolute maintenance c f the poor, atio a n t. loea - sor which would not interfere with our sYsteT e defreYcdoe vernment, and ia future permit thorn tsar, beer.) j o g the general revenue of the country.---( that, nth House will possibly be surprised to learneve y b p, passed a Registration Act which compels . o r t s ea id a ~ and every death to be registered at sh ou ld be P se - as 60,000/. a year to the country, that suni so , it e ea by real property alone—(Hear, hear) --- b e e e e b e csus e elot the easiest way of obtaining the moneys and 0 , 0 0 et may go on obtaining public money in tulerr,e'satio of the apparent odium of adding to tho gener surprised tbe • be Bu r P • th e the country.—(lle sr,.) The Lions° vrdl ogoiatine, , he r another Act of Parliament was passed, „ ot i try 2 ' l ' °° r to preparation of the jury list and the burg e e o s u s u "s" o lists of the country, which cost the . b a nded eve year, and that one Bill was immedistelY.' reels are the Poor-law Commissioners t) be Peict sta J a p se seett o /f perty. —(hear.)—The House, in a Per,°_x_Y. au bealtu_ e d alarm, determine to t eke care of the live s : nuisan ces , a or, all the inhabitants of the country, pass' s a very c °°si( rosi sanitary Ac', which costs the country vu e n t he able sum, and that is immediately place (I T y v t r i ou le svetbile (Elear, hear.) It property of the country.-11 tho slet ail ‘ and the House if I were to enter into a ss snt Act, the Vacc:nation Ac', the Parochial Assc ,t s? , a stonis h b many other Acts; but the aggregate Is so , o ste. House when I tell them that independent i ol tst nc erlY, lishment charger, which I have place i a sf 30 0, o oot 1,500,0001. for the ' United Kingdom — iscellasts otis of which are occasioned fir Ireland —thc' M obs er"ti° 7 rates, passed in this House almost without . . 7e0. 000 within these very few years, amount to near ly t lv e ' te tee sterling for England alone—(llear, hear) 700 004 sum for the United Kingdom exceediug bigao per uLll,l4l3l.—(llcAr, hear.) New, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 20, 1850