The Sun. — London, England, 1851-04-12 00:00:00

"s tro 92 FRANCE.. A letter from Toulon, of the 7th instant, announces that considerable activity is observable in the dock yards of that port. The ship of the line Charlemagne his been armed, and the steam-frigate Napoleon is being prepared for sea with all haste. A dispatch b a d been likewise received from the Minister of Marine, ordering the equipment of the new frigate the Sibylle. The receipts of the Orleans and Bordeaux Railway Company, from the Ist July last to the 6th instant, amount tQ3,144,462f., being an increase of 186,857 f. as compared with the corresponding period of the preceding year. M. de Lamartine, in the Pays, publishes an article under the head of "Legitimacy or Socialism," in reply to M. Emile de Girardin, who had declared that there was no choice left between the Legitimatists and the Socialists. We give an extract from the article of M. de Lamartine 4 ‘ The Pr esse asks, and the other journals interested in the separation of France into two parties, ask after that journal, what is there between legitimacy and so cialism? We reply boldly; there is almost the whole of France between the two; only that! There is the Republic, strong and moderate, which comes between, and will al ways come between, those unreflecting and irrecon cileable parties. There are humanity, country, reason, property, labour, the people in immense proportion, and in immense force. There are universal suffrage, the national representation, the Government, the army. There is everything which wants to live, and wants to have its posterity live, against all that wants t o die, in dragging after it, in its 6t of madness and suicide,_choautn try, family, children, and generations to come. T is what is between who you call legitimacy and what you call socialism, that is between two principles carried to their radical consequences, murderers of the country, of civilization, and of themselves. And why did the re public of reason, of necessity, and of pacification, which you applauded yourselves in crying out with one confidence, spring into existence on February 25? Precisely in order that France, fallen, all at once i n t o revolution from the blin dness and impotent rashness of the men of monarchical coalition should not be enclosed within that dilemma of blood, legitimacy and socialism. It was in order that an elastic and pacific govern ment should promptly separate the armed parties, and should interpose prudence, the instinct of pre• nervation, and the generous character of interest of France for the madness of those radical factions, for whom i m molation alone would have b een p eace . And why did those admirable elections of 1848, effected under the influence of that unhoped for wisdom which seizes on nations in extreme peril, repudiate en masse Socialists and Legitim.t4sts, to nominate a republican and moderate re pret eatation, courageous against all passions, even against its own? It was that the question should be established be tween the country and the patriots, and not between two irreconcileable and desperate factions of the coun try. And why on May 15 and in June, 1848, did the people hurry up to Peril from the provinces ? It was to fling themselves with the Assembly be tween these extreme and desperate parties who thirsted for combat when France, society, and reason desired peace. And why, in the election of December 10, did France, when she could have voted 'for a So cialist or Legitamatist, vote for a name (dangerous I admit, but neutral), signifying precisely the contrary to whatyou say, that is, not signifying either Legitimacy or Socialism, saying peace when you say war, concilia ton and not hostile.) , ! And why did you yourselves more than auy one aid in giving that signification to the election of the President of the Republic? It was in order that the Government, representing France, should interpose with greeter authority, greater popular favour, between these two extreme principles, which de sire to have a solun " on of civil war in the place of a so lution of harmony. Aide Lamartine conclurles by an allusion to the logic of M. de Girardin. He says Alas, Erance has had too ranch of this desperate logic. She has had the logic of royalty : the emigration and its follies. She has had the logic of revolution: the committee of public safety and its scaffolds! She has had the logic of war: the despotism of Napoleon and three millions of men immolated to the ambition of one min! She has had the logic of monarchical power without counterbalance: the revolution of 1830 and the fafl of a race legitimated by tradition! She has had the logic of resistance to re forms and the obstinacy of blindness: the revolution of 1848 and the precipice of elective monarchy! She has had the logic of impatient proletarianizm : the battles and the corpses of June, 1848! Would you give to her the implacability of parties? No, you do not wish this, but beware then of its conclusions." BELGIUM. BRUSSELS, APRIL 9.—A petition has lately been presented to the Chamber, relative to mercantile affairs, which will be of general interest to Germany. It appears that England is endeavouring, in an in direct way, to induce Beigium to give up the differential duty system, and thereby, as far as pos sible, to constitute Antwerp an English harbour. Immediately after the introduction of the new Free Trade• Bill into England, by which Belgian as well as other foreign goods would be admitted into Eng land free of duty, a Belgian ship from the Havant)* with a cargo of sugar, arrived at Bristol, and by an order from Londim was compelled to pay a duty of 20 per cent. The consequence was, that the English merchants desired their agents in the colonies and other countries not to ship their cargoes in Belgian vessels. This produced so great an effect, that while the mercantile maritime trade of every other country • with England had increased since January, 1850, that f Belgium had declined. The loss to Belgium is expected to extend still further upon Belgian pro duce, in consequence of the reprisals to which the English Government is empowered. Immediately after the instance above given of the re-imposition of twenty per cent. customs' duty, the Belgian Government remonstrated, and stated that, by the Navigation Act of 1849, this duty had been abolished ; but neither Lord Palmerston nor Mr. Labouchere would see it in this light. These various facts induce the supposition that England wishes to force Belgium to the abolition of the differential duties. During the last few years the blockade of the northern ports has been injurious to the British maritime trade, and on this account it is desirous to have free ingress into Germany by way of Antwerp, and for this purpose to effect the abolition of the dif ferential duties. Such, at any rate, is the view taken of the question at Antwerp, and the merchants, &c., of that city have accordingly petitioned the Chambers and the Government to take the question in hand, before Belgium shall be compelled thereto. HOLLAND. THE HAGUE, APEIL 10.—The King has convoked the members of the First Chamber to meet on the 24th April. The British Government, through its ambassador at the Hague, has presented a gold medal to Captain Von der Eb, of the brig St. George d'E lmin a , for his Philanthropic and noble conduct to the crew of th e British ship Norma which was wrecked on the west coast of Africa. THE ARMY AND NAVY (From the U n it e d S erv i ce G aze tt e o f this day.) LE E t i ,CORMAND.—No successor to the late Sir Dudley ill to the Berwal Divisional command has yet been named, although many are mentioned. We do not feel justified i n specifying the likely candidate. THE COMMAND. /N =MIA-in-Chief a . the CHIEF AT THE NORE.—The Corn , N0re,C.8.,0 now held by Vice-Admiral the Hon. G. Elli o t , will be vacant on the 9th of n ext May; the ter mservice of the above gallant o fficer will then have expired. Several parties have been prominently named as successor to Admiral Elliot, among . them Vice A dm w ir e al h a e S lie ir r Charles Malcolm and Sir Hugh Pigot, 8.C.8. will be Sir Charlese, m ho al w c e l ver, that the for tunate officer Lieutenanant W. D. Lyster, ,, a - N to one of ,baosmbeen mail appointed nseowuth.ampton pockets. Ada3iralty a,Ten t description of fuel for CONSOLIDATED COKE.--A Deny called . consolidated coke, has steam purpo 6 es , Admiralty, the owners claiming been intro ,and maintainine. duced to the for it su periorftowr igtehrierleastsingdestruction to fire-bars, properties the necessary bea ph p o l r i i c t a i e b s i l i t a y t &e The Admiralty have entertained the application of have t ar:e u rg ie t s h a e n a d u a t the projectors, and Woolwich to report upo n Of the fuel. FLAG LIEUTENANTS.---It is reported that in the event of Admiral Sir John Om manney, K.C.8., hoisting his flag e.t the main at Devonport, he will nominate the son of his old friend, Mr. F. Y. Warren, as his Flag Lieute nant. In that ease Lord John ll‘y, the nephew of the Commodore Superintendent, will become Flag Lieute nant to his uncle at Devonport D o ckyard. SUKTETLNCa SERVICE.— Ile Admiralty have ordered Commanders Otters and Smith to resume their active surveying services in the Comet steam-vessel, on the west coast of Scotland. The Co me t, in charge of Mr. , , Yule, the master, has lat. , 1 under the orders of Sir J. INFN -1 'erl Poor-lam eplo) e. . . el e , the COMM:Sthioner of Edinburgh. LIEUTENANT VIGOR S OF TEE STH FCTSr EFIiS.--A8 we published the finding and sentence ." ' ' 1 of a court-martia l which tried this officer, for refu s i ng to pay the funeral expenses of his late wife, leaving it to the" officers o f garrison to raise a subscription with that the think it only due to Lieutenant Vigorato state that it object, we appears from an aut hentic ated letter, in Mauritius paper, that he had sod grounds for the refusal Vivra had, i t a ppears, forsaken the .protecti!) a n . of busbecd for tha': of another officer, with whom' sh o e t her living at the time of her death; and whatever wish TLieu tenant Vigors might have had to forget his grievanc es in the hour of death, and pay those funeral expenses, he s was prevented doing so by the strict injunctions of his legal adviser, " one of the ablest, and soundest lawyers practising in the colony." THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AT BRAZILS.—It i 3 re- , ported that Rear-Admiral Reynolds, C. 1.1., the Com- mander-in-Chief of the South East Coast of America ! station, has intimated a desire to be relieved as soon as convenient to their Lordships. Numerous candidates are already in the field for the appointment, a,:ad among them Rear-Admiral Purvis, who some years sin ce c m " mended on that station as Commodore. Brox-Admiral Reynolds, it is well known, proceeded to the Brazils ! from the Cape Station, but will not have had his flag i hoisted for th ree years until August next. ~. MINING INTELLIGENCE. (From the Mining Journal of this day.) The important event of the week is the establishment, on a basis likely to prove permanent, of a Mining Ex change, independent of the Stock Exchange, and to which the members of the latter body can only have ac cess by the ministration of the former. Transactions in - Mining Shares began in this new locality on the 7th instant, and daily a large amount of business has been done, comprehending, however, only the superior class of mines, whether dividend or prospective. A conserva tive power, should the objects contemplated by the new establishment be fully carried out in practice, w ill now be exercised over all really valuable mining prop ert y , , to the discomfiture of mere sehemes, by whom soever in troduced to public notice. Some brilliant discoveries of mineral wealth have taken place in the eastern mining districts, of which full particulars will be gained by an attentive perusal of our columns. A remarkable in stance of mining success may be stated in the West Buller Shares, for which, with 101. only paid, 1,2001. per share had been offered and refused. In the metal market, E n glish tin is very quiet, and foreign greatly depressed. A good business doing in copper. Lead is active, and a parcel of hard Spanish has been sold to arrive. Spelter is very dull, and prices merely nominal. Yellow metal sheathing is in request, and a fair demand for American flange rails. The a mount of dividends paid in the first quarter of this year, e nding March, as well as the calls made for the same period, are respectively— Dividends. Calls. January ...... £24,981 0 0 £21,507 16 7 February...... 13,827 0 0 March ....... 32,934 10 0 £71,762 10 0 £62,866 12 7 The ticketings for 100 tons of Lasey lead,•re fluctuated from 181. 7s. 6d. by Thomas Somers, of Bristol, to 201. 10s. 6d. p er ton , b y J. H. M ere dith, of the Fowey Consols Mines. The Keswick Mines sold 15 tons of lead ore at 11/. per ton, and 4 tons at 10/. ss. per ton. Herodstoot sold 80 tons, at 12/. 18s. per ton. A parcel,of tin from the Great Beam Mine realised 4211. Is. 7d. _ _ _ The Llwynmalees Mine has sold 30 tons of lead ore to Messrs. Walker, Parker, and Co., at 121 15s. per ton. Nanteos Mine sampled, on the 7th inst. 45 tons of lead ore. Tama: Mine sampled, on sth inst., computed 96 tons silver-lead ore. A considerable improvement is apparent in the report from Holmbush Mine; the levels are evidently looking better than for some time past. Of the new mines recently brought before the public, and commanding good premiums, are the Kenmare and West of Ireland, and the Hetston Consols, Cornwall. At Cern Brea Mines, in the 10 fathom level, east from Miner's shaft, at Burncoose, a course of copper has been cut worth 301. per fm. At Wheal Agar, they are reported to have a course of ore worth about 601. per fathom. We find we understand the amount of dividends made at North Pool (an error at all times on the right side); this arose from our not being in possession of the divi dend account for 1848—viz.: 1151. per 100th share, 11,5001.; which being added to our statement of 2751. per share, 27,5004; makes 39,0001., the real amount divided. Lewis Mines continue to progress most favourably ; the prooeeds of black tin from Ist May, 1850, to end Jan. 1851, amounted to 14,104/. 18s. 11d., being an average price of 511. per ton; 23 tons 131 cwts. of arsenic sold at 31. 10s., 821. 15s. = 14,187/ 13s. 11d.- Costs from Ist May to end of Jan., 11,620/. 13s. 3d.; directors for nine months, 1501. in management and office expenses, 150/. ; balance of interest ac count, 801. 4s. 3d.; leaves a profit of 2,1861. 16s. 5d., from which were paid dividends 5001. on the 4th Dec., and 5001. on the 12th of Feb., which with 8281. 9s. 10d. balance last account, leaves a cash balance in hand of 358/. 6s. 7d. They have recently discovered a copper lode in the 20 fm. level, from which there are great ex pectations. The tin ground never looked better; they expect to sample 30 tons.. At the Union Tin Smelting Company's meeting, on Wednesday, the usual dividsnd, at the rate of 10 per cant. per annum, was declared. At the United Mines meeting, on the 4th instant, it was resolved that the proposal made by Mr. Michael Williams, respecting the purchase of shares at the price of 801. each, should be lett to the decision of each indi vidual adventurer. Mr. Richard Taylor reported that the mines were drained to the 208 fm. level, and work ings continued to this date, without any improvement in the prospect of the mines. At Wheal Prudence meeting, on the Ist instant, the accounts showed-Balance of last account, 57/. 12s. Bd.; Oct. cost, 23/. ss. Bd.; ditto Nov., 201. 10s. 101; Dec., 311. 15s. 50. ; Jan., 19/. 103. 7d.; Feb., 291. 93. 3d.s.e. 182/. 4s. 5d.-By call, Oct. 14, 1281.: leaves balance due to the purser, 541. 43. sd. A call of 12s. 6d. per share was made. At the East Wheal George meeting, on Tuesday, the accounts for Feb. and March showed-Expenditure, 345/. 10s.-Copper ore sold, 4631. ss. Bd.; leaving profit on the two months, 981. 15s. Bd.; add balance from last account, 291. 103. 2d.; leaves to credit of company, 128/. ss. 101., besides about 50 tons of ore of good quality on sur 4 ace, of which they hare sampled 24 tons 121 cwts. for March. At Treleigh Consols meeting, on Monday, the finan cial statement showed a balance in hand of 6201. 14s. 5d., and also a balance of assets, after discharging all liabi lities, of 301/. 1 ls. 11d. At a special general meeting of adventurers in Praed Consols, un Monday, a call of 103. per share was made, and it was the opinion of the meeting that an engine should be shortly erected. At Wheal Arthur meeting, on Thursday, the minutes of the previous one were confirmed, and the report of the committee submitted, which was received with much satis action. A call of ss. per share was made. At North Buller general meeting, on Thursday, the report stated that the call in January last, and the money previously in hand, amounted to 1,3091. 15s. 4d., and there had been expended 1,2811. ls. 2d., leaving a balance in hand of 281. 14s. 2d. The committee recom mended a call of 11. per share, with which the under ground operations would be pushed on with the utmost speed. At Wheal Langford and Baring United Mines meet ing, on Thursday, the accounts showed-Balance in hand 31st December, 744/. 4s. 9d.; silver ore sold, 62/. 16s. 31=807/. Is.-By January and February expen diture, 148/, 3s. Bd.; leaves balance to next acount. 6581. 17s. 4d. At the Rhoswydol and Bacheiddon meeting, on Sa turday last, the accounts showed—Balance last account, 3081. 13s. 5d.; labour cost Feb. and March, 891. 18s. 7d.; merchants' bills, 501. is.; purser's disbursements, 18/. 3s. 5d.=4661. 16s. sd. By calls, 147/. 12s. Bd.; ore sold, 99/. 9s. 9d.; leaving balance against the mine, 219/. 145.; in addition to which there are lord's dues owing about 1701., to meet which liabilities the assets are, ores sold, April 2, 671. 45.; calls due, 27/. 11s. Shares have changed hands this week in Alfred Con sols, West Alfred, Tremayne, Mary Ann, Treviskey, Trefusis, Merllyn, South Tamar, Garreg, East Gunnis Lake, Herodafoot, Lewis, Bodmin Consols, Butterdon, Trelawny, Molland, Comfort, * Condurrow, Grambler, Tolcarne, Providence. In Foreign shares, transactions have taken place in St. John del Rey, Santiago, Copiapo, United Mexican; and Anglo-Mexican Mint at 20-1. Meetings have been held during the week for the ma turing the regulations of a Mining Exchange, at the Ja maica Coffee-house, when Messrs. Thomas Field, J. Y. Watson, T. P. Thomas, H. B. Rye, and W. Trenery, were nominated a provisional committee, Mr. James Stride being honorary secretary. We are informed that upwards of 20 agents have subscribed to the rules and regulations. ST. JAMES'S LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY. A public meeting was held at Willis's Rooms, on Wednesday evening, for the purpose of promoting the establishment of an institution under the name of the St. James's Literary and Scientific Society, which has already received very influential support. The Earl of CARLISLE, who occupied the chair, was received with general applause. He said, I believe I ought, in the first place, rather to account for finding myself in this distinguished position, as I do not make out that I have any very peculiar title to it. All I can say upon that head, how ever, is that I was invited to take it by those whose in vitation I looked upon as an encouragement and almost as a command.—(Cheers.) I feel, however, that I ought to justify this act, both to you and to myself, and with that view I must consider what is the nature of the occasion which brings us together. And first, with re gard to the locality in which and for which it is intended to found a literary institution. I find, in the papers which have been put out, that this locality is to comprise the parishes of St. James, St. George, St. Martin, and St. Ann. I call them parishes; but in point of extent, of wealth, and of im portance, they are, in fact, equivalent, each of them, to many both ancient and modern capitals. Within their precincts are the residences of a large proportion of those who constitute the most wealthy, the most educated, and I the moat powerful classes of what we may, without un pCraeinteenshitosnt pretension, call the foremost people of the world— (Cheers)—the residences of statesmen and warriors, whose lives make history ; of beauties, who, if we credit history d th u e e president y, often make a great deal of underhand made him themselves ; of authors, of whom I shall name o nl y one, because I think you have most wisely —(Cheers.) And, t . of this institution—Mr. Macaulay. be filling the place which I feel that he ought now to only thing that is here is the hope that anyho compensation to his not being not of acting but Writing .—( h i c at h o e ry e , which bids fair to ry.) These parishes to which I have referred comprise, in fact, a main portion of the business, the fashion, the govern ment,' and the empire of this Country. They abound in all the p ulses of our vast civilization. They are filled with eve r y thin g which can minister to the com fort, the Use , or the luxur y of those w ho inhabit them with houses more c ons p icuous, p erha p s, f or the complete ness of their internal arrangements than for their exterior architecture (likely to be the case with nations who, as ourselves, prefer luxurious privacy to outward show). — with shops whose glittering varieties will, in any sea son, furnish in themselves an exhibition of the industry of all nations—(Cheers) —with club-houses built upon the scale and wi:h more than all the comforts of palaces. And this brings me to the point to which I particularly wish to call your attention. These club-houses, with their l • roo ms, are provided for luxuries an d t h e i r reading the w ealthy and e as y c l asses o f soc iety; but we wish to comm unicate and ex t en d t h e sam e advantages, not to tnose who are accommodated in spacious and luxurious houses, not to those who are surrounded with all the resources and appliances of wealth, who may (' have any numb er -f newspapers on their breakfast tables, or may send to the wat bookseller or the neat circulating library for any work or publication they have a fancy to read, but to those who can only pro cure these advantages by steady and combined efforts— advantages which the benefits of wealth make the ex clusive enjoyment of others.—(Cheers.) And I would ask, is there nothing in the character of the population of these parishes which makes it peculiarly fitting and appropriate that such aids and appliances should be afforded them, comprising, as they do, a very great number of young men, some of them engaged in those respectable and wealthy firms which have a greater number of persons in their employment than the feudal establishments of ancient barons, and a quantity of most ingenious and intelligent artisans and mechanics, who certainly are not debarred by any want of capacity from almost any amount of mental cultivation ? Then are there not peculiar dangers and temptations to which people who constitute such classes are liable ? Now I believe, gentlemen, that idleness is one of the most trying, as well as the most irksome conditions to which human nature is subject. Ambition, passion, covetousness may lead to a thousand excesses, to a thou sand follies, to a thousand crimes; but, at least, they en gross and employ the faculties of the mind and of the soul. But idleness is like that state of the garnished house into which, being void of any tenant itself, all other demons may enter and take up their abode there, and make the state of that man worse than any of those under their separate mastery. Now, Ido not want to prescribe to you—l should be very ill-qualified and little warranted to do so—what pursuits, what amusements may be innocently and blamelessly pursued. But, as to this, I think ail must agree with me that there are in this overflowing town many facilities and temptations to wrong about which there can be no dispute. There are ale-houses and tavern-orgies, and more refined, perhaps, but not less dangerous seductions, into which men may fall, not from a deliberate purpose, not from any practised depravity, but from the tedium of the unemployed hours, and the void of the unoccupied mind.—(Cheers.) And it is for this that we tender that which will have a direct tendency to employ and to interest the mind, and, at least, a possible tendency to refine and to ennoble it. You will hear the exact details and the precise plan of operation proposed, if there shall be good will and energy here and in these pa rishes sufficient to justify the formation of such an institution. You will hear the proposed details and plan from those who have taken an active part in setting on foot this laudable and public-spirited un dertaking. It is intended, if proper support shall be afforded from without, to procure suitable premises— a reading-room, where the best newspapers, reviews, and other periodical publications will be taken in; a library, for works of more bulk and more pretension ; a lec ture-room, where lectures upon proper subjects will be delivered by approved and competent lecturers—and as well as this, it is intended to open classes for the different branches of useful knowledge, such as drawing or chemistry, or other pursuits which have a tendency to interest men and to improve the stock of valuable knowledge. Now, gentlemen, it has been said by a poet whom I should be the lest to undervalue that "a little learning is a danger ous thing." Supposing this to be true, which I will not stop here to discuss, what is the course which it would indicate? Is it that we should have no learn ing at all? I think that would be a dangerous thing, bat I know, and I am glad to know, that it is an impossible thing. I believe there is no one class in this country which will be content to have it laid down that they seek not to have any learning at all. I believe there is no class or society of men who will put up with its being said to them—Learning is the appurtenance of the wealthy and the high-born, of a titled aristocracy, of privileged places of education; it may dwell among the leafy bowers and quiet waters of the infant Isis, but when those waters broaden into the life and business of the imperial Thames, it must no longer mix with the expanding stream; it may inhabit pale cloisters, and feed the contemplation of robed doctors and capped students, but it must not come into the cur rent of daily life, into oar marts of business, into our streams of busy concourse. I believe, gentlemen, one and all of you will put aside this ignorant policy, and will assert that, as no longer is there any mo nopoly of the food of the body, so also no longer shall there be any monopoly of the food of the mind. —(Enthusiastic cheers.) If, then, a little learning is a dangerous thing, and if no learning at all is happily out of the question, then the only course of feasibility and of safky before us seems to be, to take the best means in our power to make that little learning larger, and to see that the learning which is ignorant of its own littleness, which is apt to be conceited and puffed up and presuming, and therefore dangerous, be taught, by timely and wholesome growth and educa tion, to supplement, and to steady, and to protect it self. I am sure that I need not remind an audience so intelligent as this—remembering the class of persons for whom this institution is proposed to be set on foot—l need not remind them that not even any amount of individual study or diligence can succeed in making them all prodigies of learning or miracles of ge nius. If the poet Gray could have called from their turfy heaps all the rude forefathers of the hamlet, he would not have expected that they all could have. been set down by him as a villa-se Hampden, a mute and inglorious Milton, or a guiltless Cromwell. It will be, indeed, a proud dis tinetien for this proposed institution, if it should even be the means of eliciting such an amount of genius as to leave an impress on the literature and science of the country, teach some new truth to philosophy, or add a new string to its lyre.—(Cheers.) It is the more limited object of our ambition to afford to all—es pecislly to those whose lives are engrossed with the drudgery of labour, or distracted with the clatter of this busy, heaving, steaming life around us—the means of innocent recreation, of refined employment, of useful and ennobling instructions.—(Loud cheers.) It is, as I have already intimated, intended that in this institu tion encouragement and facility shall be given for the ht bit of literary and scientific pursuits. Now, with very little pretensions to hold forth upon either science or literature—as to science, I feel I am not en titled to say a word; but adverting for a moment merely to one which perhaps holds the noblest place in the whole family of sciences—if Sir Henry de la Beche will excuse me for what lam saying—with reference to the noble science of astronomy, I cannot help quoting a very brief extract from a statement, lately fallen under my notice, and which seems to me to express most forcibly, and in a popular manner, how the ascertained truths of that science, so far transcending what could be imagined or guessed at, have now become the property of multitudes. This is the extract to which I allude :—" Our own lunar satellite turns monthly on its own axis, and revolves simultaneously round the earth, and again sweeps with the earth in a vast annual circle round the sun, and with the sun itself careers with the whole stupendous solar system round another prodigious stellar centre. Let us take the ex treme diameter of our planetary system and try to form some notion of the distance represented by three thousand millions of miles, and when we have altogether failed, let us acknowledge, as we must, that even this incomprehensible extension into space is an inadequate unit of measurement for meeting the stellar distances as we see them scattered about on a fine evening like a careless profusion of gold dust on the dark purple of the skies." Now by the side of this transcendent revolution, I feel that human literature must seem at first sight to pale its pretensions and to droop its wings. But, as ever after the con templation of the loftiest architecture of the heavens, or the most brilliant embroidery of the earth, or the most solemn sublimities of the sea, still upon the human eye and the human soul the form and face of human beauty will exercise their most potent witchery, so also the promptings of human emotion and the utterances of human genius will ever strike home to the heart of man.—(Cheers.) Perhaps some of you may feel inblined to avail yourselves of the pro posed classes of language, and to master for yourselves the abundant treasures of style, thought, and fancy which the other nations of Europe have amassed for themselves. But still, in our own Saxon language, you will all be able to appropriate to your selves, to say nothing of our vigorous and noble p rose, the universal and unparalleled opulence of Shak spere, the sacred harmony of Milton, the gentle fancy of Spenser, the nervous energy of ? Dryden, the faultless brilliancy of Pope, the eagle flight of Gray, the tender flow of Goldsmith, the moral dignity of Cowper—not to go lower in the list, because controversy may arise with respect to more contemporary prepossessions. Such, then, are the mere glimpses and dashes of the pur suits, whether scientific or literary, to which we will often invite you. There are two points in connexion with this institution which have mainly encouraged and induced me to support it. One is—and if it were otherwise I feel I must have kept quite clear of it—the one is, that it lays down no exclusion in respect of differences in religious connexion or opinion. The other is, that I know it has engaged the sanction and active sup port of a minister of religion so exemplary and judicious as the rector of the parish of St. James, and his agency will be a guarantee that it will not be allowed to take any improper or questionable direction. Now, gentle- . men, having addressed a few words both to science and to literature, I do not propose to give any to the support of religion. These ,lips have no special privilege for so high a theme. It is assuredly not because I undervalue its importance, but as I should consider the religion which will oppose or thwart the growth and diffusion of science or of literature as traitorous to her own claims and suicidal to her own existence, so by watching, guarding, and directing their course, s hel may impart to each of them a portion of her own divinity; and with the fervent hope that your proposed institution will move steadily forward under the combined influence of science, literature, and religion, I thank you for the attention you have given me, and now, I confidently leave the subject in your hands.—(The Noble Chairman resumed his seat amidst the vehement cheers of the assembly.) Dr. LANKESTER read a report and the rules of the proposed institution. On the motion of Sir HENRY DE LA BECHE, it was resolved to found the society, and, as a consequence, other resolutions followed explanatory of its scope and principles; after which the meeting separated. THE LONDON GAZETTE, April 1.1. BANKRUPTS. Robert Gadesden, coal merchant, Brompton.square, to surrender April 25, at half-past eleven, and May 23, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall-street; Lloyd, Milk-street, Cheap side; Cobb, Brecon. Frederick Ernst Daniel Hast, merchant, Alderman bury, City, May 2, at twelve, and May 29, at eleven. at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Birobin-lane; Nicholson and Parker, Lime-street. William Prangley, music seller, New Sarum, Wilt • shire, April 28, and May 23 at half-past twelve, at the Court or Bankruptcy. Stansteld, k , ffictal a::sigue,; Ed wards and Ratcliffe, Delahay-street, Westminster; Rad cliffe, Salisbury. William Matthews Hill, builder, Charlton-place, Islington, April 28, at half-past eleven, and Miy 23, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfelt I, official assignee; Parker, Rooke, Parker, and W'nitehouse, Bedford-row. John Horwell, cheesemonger, Lower Marsh, Lam beth, April 19, at one, and June 2, at ele yen, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, offici at assignee, Basinghall-street; Goddard and Eyre, Wood -street, Cheapside. William Andrews, merchant, Liverpool, April 14, and May 12, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court ; Morgan, official assignee, Liverpool ; Anderson and Collins, Liverpool. Robert Ellison Gorst, apothecary, Rock Terry, Cheshire, April 23 and May 12, at eleven, at the Liver pool District Court. Cazenove, official assigiaee, Liver pool; Duncan and Squarey, Liverpool. Thomas Cave, innkeeper, South Kilworth, Leicester shire' April 24 and May 14, at twelve, at ththisßirming ham District Court. Valpy, official assignee., Birming ham; Wratislaw, Rugby, Joseph Mann, victualler, Warwick, April 29 and May 28, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham; Smith, Bir mingham. George Powlesland, dealer in seeds, Mee th, Devon shire, April 25, at one, and May 21, at eleven, at the Exeter District Court. Hirtzel, official assignee, Exeter; Burd,Okehareptoa; Terrell, Exeter. William Frudd, draper, Barnsley, Yorkst ire, May 1 and 22, at eleven, at the Leeds District Cou rt. Young, official assignee, Leeds; Atkinson, Saunders and Atkin son, Manchester; Bond and Barwick, Leecls. George Robson, horse dealer, Osbildwick, Yorkshire, May 2 and 22, at eleven, at the Leeds Die trict Court. Freeman, official assignee, Leeds; Single ton, York; Harle and Clarke, Leeds. Richard Whalley, draper, Accrington, Lancashire, May 3 and 16, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court. Lee, official assignee, Manchester; Blair, Man chester. THE SUN, , LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 11. LAW OF EVIDENCE AMENDMENT BILL. Lord BROUGHAM moved the second reading of the Bill to amend the law of evidence. This Bill pro posed to admit parties interested in the ea use to give evidence in civil cases. It had been decided by the courts of law that a party was excluded from giving evi dence only by having an interest in the event of the suit; that point had been settled by the decision of the Court of Common Pleas, when presided over. by Chief Justice Tindal, in the case of Worrell w. Jones. Since then the evidence of persons having an interest was admitted under the provisions of Lord Denman's Act, passed in 1843. The Bill which he now proposed was merely a corollary of Lord Denman's Act; since that Act bad passed the County Courts Act had passed, and in every cause tried under that Act the parties to the suit were examined, and in the majority of instances they had been examined. He proposed to extend this provis sion to all cases. It had been said that this provision would be an encouragement to perjury—(Hear, hear) —but the refusal of such an enactment was a temptation to subornation of perjury, and there were not a few reasons to show that witnesses tendered by parties were much more likely to commit perjury than the parties themselves. No one could be better acquainted with the case than the parties themselves, and under cross-examination the perjury of such persona was much more likely to be discovered than that of a bsuborned witness. Again, how many persona were there who would have a scruple at foreswearing themselves who would not scruple to suborn others. Again, how often did not partial witnesses give a colour to transactions who would not commit the foul crime of perjury. Again, the man who committed perjury in support of his own case would make much greater shipwreck of his character than the man who should give exaggerated evidence as a zealous partisan. But those who opposed the principle seemed to forget in how many instances they already admitted the testimony of parties, both in affidavits before a court of common law, and in answers to interrogatories in the Court of Chancery. le both these cases there was far more real &Anger of false swearing than in viva voce examinations, and be sides there was sure to be concealment of truth—almost as great a moral crime; for the party swearing was not sworn to tell " the whole truth," but only that what he swore was the truth. He considered that it depended on the principle of the form of the prooeecEng whether it was right that the litigant parties should be examined. Should an action for assault or battery be brought into a civil court for damages, the plaintiff is not at present ad mitted as evidence, whereas, if he happens, to be de feated in the one court, he can have recourse) to the cri minal court, and then he alone can give evidence, as the Crown is the prosecutor; and thus the plaint if may, on his own testimony, convict his adversary. He did not mean that a system that is irreconcileable with one court should be admitted in another. He should now refer to the testimony of some very eminent and ex perienced men in favour of hisSopinionu. Mr. Ad dison Who was a judge in the county courts in the north of Lancashire, a gentleman of some nine or ten years' experience in those courts, gave it as his testimony, that there was no apprehension of perjury taking- place, and that it was wrong that an examination of the parties on the grounds of perjury should take place, as such did not often occur. He (Mr. Addison) gave several cases dur ing his experience, when the defendants did nut plead a denial on oath, and that out of 64 cases, consisting only of the plaintiff and defendant, that came under his in vestigation, 87 were decided in favour of t net defendant, and 37 for the plaintiff, and such did not ocour through the examination of the parties. Mr. Docking, chairman of the county courts, for forming a system for them ; M r . Childers, another chairman of county courts, and Mr. Gale, county courts judge of Hampshire; Prof essor Amos, of the University of Cambridge, who had bes3n for many years the Recorder of Oxford, and afterwards of Cam bridge, a gentleman distinguished alike fo r his eru dition and legal acumen; all these distinguiahed lawyers were strongly in favour of such a mode of proceeding. He did not think that he need go further, any more than s that he thought it unjust and unf a i r th a t i n t h e case of a difference between merchants or other em ployers, the proprietor, as plaintiff, would not be per mitted,jhough his evidence might be most potent in fur thering the ends of justice, whilst his servants end others who could not clearly elucidate the case, svere. admitted as evidence, very frequently to the prej adice of their masters. He considered that it would be most invaluable to admit the testimony of the masters. No whe would ask, was it not equally right that such plain tiffs should be heard in the high courts as well as its the county courts, for he believed that there would be greater secu rity in the supreme courts, as the case would be tried before a jury and an experienced judge, who would di rect, instruct, and superintend the jury in .cases of diffi culty, and be felt assured that there would be no appre hension of perjury or bribery before such a , tribunal. He would add that it was much more probable that perjury would take place in the county courts than in the su preme courts. He then moved the second reading. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he had no ob jection to the second reading of the Bill, but ho should say that he considered that those who knew most of the proceedings of the supreme courts were the fit test persons to examine all matters appertaining to such proceedings. He should say, from his experience, that ehe Adminis tration of justice would be best promoted and facilitated by the parties being examined.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He looked upon the judges of Westminster-hall as the most suitable persons to entertain those proceedings, and not the judges of the county courts, who wore not so ca pable for the examination of the litigant parties. He also thought that it would be judicious that each side should put interrogatories to the adversary, for fre quently the most able counsel would influence a jury; and, in addition to that, a false witness often deceives a jury by the manner he details his testimony. He be lieved that the Legislature had taken a long stride in favour of the Bill. There was another nuttier which he looked upon as a very important one, and that was, that by the present Bill the wife could be coerced to come into court to give evidence against her husband. Such a course he looked upon as very unjust, because by it do mestic confidence would be risked to a very great extent. Ho hoped that their Lordships would not support that clause of the Bill, and he intended when the Bill went into committee to move the rejection of that clause. Lord BROUGHAM said that he did noe see why the wife should not be brought into the higher courts as well as in the county courts, where the wife could be brought witness against the husband for a sum under 501. Lord CAMPBELL said that he wis'ned to see the maxim always upheld, namely, that the wife should not be examined against the husband. As it was in common law so should it be in Chancery. It was a disgrace to the 'administration of justice that parties should now go to the Court of Chancery in quest of having their claims sanctioned, while before that could be done they were sent back to the courts of equity, and had to go through an interminable course of litigation, so that in many oases years rolled on before their case was decided. He considered that, the measure now proposed was a movement in the right direction, and, while he objected to some of its details, he must give his support to the second reading of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Lord CR ANWORTH also supported the second reading of the Bill, and confessed that, in his opinion, Jeremy Bentham was right when he said that, were the wife examined in cases affecting her husband, in five cases out of six no other witnesses would be re quired. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, the Bill was read a second time. • Their Lordships then adjourned. ROUSE OF COMMONS, April 11. ASSESSED TAXES ACT.. On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. BANIES w i s hed to know whether the Chancellor of the Exchequ er h a d yet made up his mind upon what principle he m ean t t o ascertain the assessment for the house-tax? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the rating would be made on the annual value of the house, to be ascertained a 3 it best could be. Mr. DISRAELI then said—l proceed now to the consideration of the amendment of which I have given notice, on the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir, the manner in which the Government, and I may say, in a certain degree, the House of Commons, have considered the position of the agricultural interest of this country since the meeting— since the commencement of the session o f Parliament, appears to me so perplexing and so contradictory—so wanting, I may say, in consistency—seemingly influenced so much by a spirit, however unintentional, of injustice— tending so much, I think, to hurt the feelings, shake the confidence, and offend the jut and honest pride of a very important portion of her Majesty's subjects— tilat I 111,ufett, Sir, bourn the ajutionatem of the Ilouse, before we wect back to our constituents, I would make an effort to induce the House and the Government dis passionately to consider, and after a fair discpssion, influ. enced, as I unsure it will be, only by a desire to arrive at a just and true conclusion, to induce them to adopt that opinion which I have expressed in the resolution which I shall put into your hands, and which I believe to be dictated by a principle of justice and sincere feeling of sympathy and conciliation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The suffering and distress of the owners and occupiers of land have for a considerable time occupied the attention and consideration (and naturally too the consideration) of Government—as the admissions by confession, and expressions which were continued for several sessions in the speeches of her Majesty's Minis ters; but it was only this year that the Government, no doubt seeing the gravity of the circumstances, felt it to be their duty to counsel her Majesty in her most gracious Speech from the Throne, publicly and authori tatively, to recognise and deplore the existence and con tinuance of these difficulties. Sir, lam far from pre suming to blame her Majesty's Ministers for not having counselled her Majesty on previous occasions to have made an acknowledgment which then would have been only a just one, for I am aware that it is no light re sponsibility which is incurred by a Government when they counsel the Sovereign to acknowledge the distress of an important interest in this country. No doubt that such a recognition raises, and naturally raises, the expectations of the community that the acknowledgment will be followed by a remedy. It is difficult to under stand what can authorise Government in a manner so public and so authoritative to call the attention of Par liament and the country, I may say even of the world, to the condition of a class, unless they felt that that condition was pregnant with important conse quences to the whole community, and unless they wished to prepare Parliament and the country for the undertaking of measures which should at least attempt to mitigate, if not remove, the distress which they de. plore.—(Cheers.) After that important act—after the meeting of Parliament and the Speech from the Throne, when expectations had naturally and unusually been ex cited, not only throughout the country generally, but particularly amongst that class that were suffering, and whose sufferings, difficulties, and distress, after the re cognition of them by the Throne, were no longer a theoretical evil, no longer a question of doubt, but a ! great political fact, a Parliamentary consequence, to which the political council of the country was called upon to address their attention—(Hear)—the First Lei. baiter of the Crown said to this House while he de plored with well-expressed sympathy, and in tones almost of despair, the distress which existed, confessed to the House of Commons that he was unprepared and unable to propose any remedy.—(Hear.) What, Sir, was the conduct of this House under those circum stances ? Duly respecting and appreciating the commu nication from the Throne, and astonished at the confes sion of the Minister which followed it, the House felt it to be its duty to interpose, and a discussion of great gravity and considerable length occurred.—(Hear.) A proposition wns made in this House expressing its opinion that under the circumstances of the case, and . after such an acknowledgment, and in consequence of the existence of such distress and difficulties, it was the duty of the Minister to introduce a remedial measure which the circumstances of the case re quired, and which the acknowledgment of the Crown rendered in evitable, as it seemed to us.—(Cheers.) What was the result of this motion? In one of the fullest Houses of the session that expression of opinion was negatived by a majority so small—(Hear, bear)—that upon a subse quent occasion the Prirhe Minister of the Crown con fessed that the result of that division shook the Govern ment to its centre.—(Cheers.) Indeed he intimated that it was, if not the proximate, the real cause of the disso lution of the Cabinet and breakup of Government,— (Cheers.) Thus far, on considering the events of the session, we observe , that the Crown, under the advices of the Government, has recognised the extreme distress of the agricultural classes of tho community, and at the same time that Government, not coming forward to fulfil as it were the implied intentions of the Crown, the House of Commons stepped in; and although it did not for mally obtain on the part of the Government an agree ment, still there was a favourable expression of opinion that it was the duty of Government so to interpose. And interpose the Government did, because, when within forty-eight hours of that division it, became the duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make his financial statement for the year, he made a proposition of two measures, the object of which was to mitigate the die. tress of the owners and occupiers of !sad—(Oh, oh, and Flear,thear)—proving, therefore, that the interposition of the House had created the necessary harmony that was requisite in the Ministry—(Laughter)—and that the recognition of the distress of the owners and occu piers of land made by the Crown was now likely to be followed up by measures proposed by the Go vernment to mitigate, if not remove, that distress.— (flea-.) I enter at this point into no controversy on the amount of the possible relief to be afforded; all I wish to remind the House of is, that after Government had de clared it was not in their power to propose any measure to mitigate the distress, the House of Commons ex. pressed their opinion, and immediately afterwards a pro position is made with the object of mitigating those dif ficulties.—(Hear, hour.) Sir, the financial statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex chequer met with a reception which was extremely un favourable. lam bound to say, speaking, as I shall continue to do in all I shall have to say that which I be lieve to be really true, that as fir as the quarters from which that opposition principally emanated, I think the obloquy which the scheme of the Right Hon. Gentleman met with was unjust. I think that although in his finan cial statement, so far as my own views and principles and those of the gentlemen with whom I have the plea cure of acting are concerned, these views are not fa voured; yet so far as those who are supporters of the Right lion. Gentleman aro concerned, I think they had very little cause to impugn and find fault with what was proposed. It was in accordance with the principles of the Government and of those who are its general sup porters. But having made that admission, of which the Right Hon. Gentleman may make as much use as he likes, he is himself the last man in this House who will deny that his financial scheme was blamed by his friends in a manner not very flattering to a Minister of Finance. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) There was a great out cry in the country, especially in the towns, against the Budget of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(clear, hear.) There is hardly any term of vituperation, any epithet of obloquy which was not showered on the luckless Chan cellor of the Exchequer.—(Laughter.) He was abused, he was denounced, he was described as the Jonah that ought to be thrown into the surging waves to save the other passengers on board the vessel.—(Laughter.) In deed it was generally understood by all the Members of the Liberal party, and declared by them, that they were ready to make any sacrifices to support the Government, but that a sine qua non of their adhesion was that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche quer should never appear again behind that red box.— (Cheers and laughter.) But, together with this general dissent, there was also that which I must describe as the metropolitan howl—a peculiar outcry, which has its characteristics, which threatens a great deal, but does very little.—(Laughter.) It does not carry Reform Bills like Birmingham, nor corn-laws repeal like Manchester —(Laughter)—which always deports itself in the most alarming manner, and which always commences by say ing " Stop the supplies," and ends by supporting the Minister.—(Laughter.) But, Sir, if this is the state of the urban community, if this is the manner and spirit in which the propositions of the Government were wel comed in the country, what was the manner in which another proposition for alleviating the distress and assisting the difficulties of the agricultural class was received?—(Hear, hear.) Sir, on the evening of the financial statement of the Right Honourable Gentleman, when he was denounced by his intimate supporters, and attacked by his most confidential adhe rents—(Hear and laughter)—the Right Hon. Member for Stamford (Mr. Herries), who took the lead on this side in the observations offered during that discussion, made no allusion whatsoever to the measure brought for ward for the relief of agricultural distress. If I speak of myself, my mouth was silent all through, for I took no part in the debate. Two other county Members made some reference to the proposition of the Government. One of them was the Hon. Member for Oxford, who no ticed the proposition of the Minister indeed, but, with his characteristic caution, gave no opinion on the sub ject; the other was the worthy Baronet the Member for Essex, who shrewdly accepted the proposition, because it seemed to involve the concession of an important prin ciple. This was the reception which the Right lion. Gentleman's statement met at this side of the House, and as for its reception with the agricultural community out of the House, certainly there would be some diffi culty in selecting any terms of panegyric—(Laughter) —in which it might be spoken of, but this even the Right Hon. Gentleman himself could not have antici pated—(Hear, hear)—but I think I may defy even the powers of research of the Treasury to bring forward any expression of blame.—(Hear, hear.) It was indeed con sidered insignificant, but so little was expected from the present Ministers, that there was not even any great disappointment on the part of that class of the community which were prepared to receive any substantial measure with contentment and grati tude. Such being the state of things considerable events occurred. Thera occurred a Mi n i s t er i a l cr i s i s . The public business was arrested and suspended for nearly six weeks. I threw a veil over that chaotic pe riod which has nothing to do with the circumstance to which I am now calling the attention of the House. But after that interval of agitation and anarchy the House of Commons, having recovered its usual sobriety of tone, was naturally very anxious to receive the financial statement of the Minister. Great difficulty was expe rienced in arriving at thi s , an d e ff orts were ma d e on both sides of the House, and by various contending sections representing all views and shades of opinion, to procure this statement. But after almost convulsive efforts on the part of the Government to avoid any ex planation, the day was fixed—the House assembled— and the explanation was made.—(Hear, hear.) Great anticipations existed in the public mind and in this House that there would be a considerable alteration in the scheme of the Minister. The Hon. Gentleman, who had described the Chancellor of the Exchequer as Jonah —(Laughter)—and others with him, naturally felt some awkwardness in supporting the same Budget which they had thus coarsely denounced. We were all waiting in great expectation. I give great credit to the Right Hon. Gentleman that under the circumstances of the case ho mainly adhered to the financial scheme which he ori ginally proposed. It showed that moral courage on his part which both sides of the House must admire — (Hear, and laughter)—but what surprised me most was, that in the alterations made, the only persons considered were those who had declared the Right Hon. Gentleman unworthy of all confidence, and they were considered at the expense of that party which had at least treated him with the courtesy and the respect due to his eminent position.—(Hear, hear.) On that occa sion the Rieht Hon. Gentleman, on re-adjusting his ecneme fur we repeat wi - ach required greater funds than had been originally at his disposal, found this resource in a quarter unexpected, and i n a manner unprecedented. The Eight Hon. Gentleman APRIL l2, 1851. wanted some 200,0001. more than his original plan do mended, and what does he do? He takes up his pen end scratches out the two remedial measures intended to mitigate and assist the difficulties of the suffering land owners of England, and then he gives for his reason that the proposition was received in such an ungracious man ner, ho will now show his sense of our want of grati tude. I have always thought, Sir, that Ministerial propositions in this House wore the result of grave counsel and the mature deliberation of Cabinet confi dence and communication; that they were suggested by a sense of public duty; by taking an unimpassioned sur vey of public circumstances; that they were not brought forward in levity or merely to gain party support; nor, on the other hand, were they to be withdrawn from any feeling of personality, nor in a tone of flippant ca price.—(Hear.) But what remains? The fact is, that we were as guilty of ungraciousness who were only silent. Recollect that that which was proposed by Government as a consequence of mature counsel, as a matter called for by a sense of public duty, was withdrawn on the plea of our ungraciousness, and was extended to that— I will not say adverse—interest, which had been parti cularly distinguished for the mean and almost indecorous manner in which they treated the financial statement of the Minister. The Right Hon. Gentleman had no right to expect gratitude from us. He had done very little for us—and if it was received without any demonstra tion of practical gratitude, he had no right to be as tonished. But according to his own notions he ex pected differently, although they who spurned him and his Budget were treated with additional favours; while we, who treated his suggestions with respect, had our claims to consideration depreciated, mol had it an nounced in the face of the House of Commons that if we had any claim it had been forfeited by our disre spectful conduct. —(Hear, hear.) But them are slight considerations, though important in a certain sense—for all this time remember that the interest suffering is that which the Government are every night admitting to be the only suffering one in the community, the interest of which they counselled their Sovereign to recognise the distress. Yet it is proposed to extend that which is taken from us to a portion of the community which we are every night informed is in a condition of unpa ralleled prosperity.—(Haar. hoar.) I beg Hon. Gentle men at either side of the House dispassionately to con sider the circumstances at which we have arrived, and the incidents which have occurred in this short but eventful session. 13 it not true that the circumstances I have detailed are an accurate narrative of what has cc curred?—(Elear, hear.) Is it not true that the distress which prevailed in one particular class was announced and noticed in the Speech from the Throne, and that the First Minister of the Crown, notwithstanding the expectation raised by that announcement, acknowledged to Parliament that ho can do nothing to remedy that distress? Is it not true that Cie House of Commons in terferes to assert that this remedy should be prepared? Is it not true that, forty-eight hours after, the Govern ment brings in a Budget in which no remedied measures ore contained? and is it not equally true that this Budget is withdrawn, and another substituee into which remedial measures are admitted (Hear, hear.) I would ask any men of sense and honour, can they sanction a course of proceeding as unjust as inconsistent, ? Is this a line of cenduet which tends to establish confidence in a certain class ? Is it one which necessarily offends the feelings of that portion of the community, and leads them to believe that their claims aro not viewed in that spirit of justice which ought to prevail amongst all classes of the community? I would ask, has anything occurred in the condition of the owners and occupiers of land since Parliament met which makes any difference of opinion as to their con dition? No one can say there is any such. There is no doubt, whatever may be the cause—whatever opinions may be held of the expediency or tee necessity of the legislation which occasioned it—no man in this House will deny that the owners and occupiers of land in the United Kingdom are in a state of unprecedented diffi culty,—(Flear, hear.) Look at the main features of the case. You have a diminution of rents, which we are informed may be taken at the rate of 10 per cent. IA " More."] I am told more. I will say, however, a diminution of rents to the amount of 10 per cent. I do not know whether it is more, but I know it will soon be more.—(Hear, hear.) Tele° the rental of the United Kingdom at a moderate computation—at, say 60,000,000/., as that amount is accepted by the most eminent statists. Well, here you have a loss to one class of 6,000,0001. I do not say that this is a sufficient ground on which to come forward and ask Parliament for relief. This is not the point I stn going to put before the House. You have, and will have, it continued diminution of rents; but I must remind the House that at a certain period the diminution of rent ceases to be a mere loss to the proprietor of the lend; for when you have ae• complished a diminution of twenty-five per cent,, you have, by an unnerriog law of economics, thrown certain lands out of cultivation—your cold clays and your thin land can never be brought into cultivation on a diminution of 25 per cent. Now, I will not say that any such diminution affords per se the slightest claim for any class to come to this House to ask for relief. But I mu not of that school which looks upon any diminution of rent as an abstract accession to the naeional prosperity.—(Hear, hoer,) And this you will ail admit, that a diminution of rent, even to the amount of 10 per cent., or 6,000,0001. a year, is a cir cumstance which has a tendency to create distress among the class which has to endure it.—(Hear, hear.) Let us look first to the case of the occupiers of land. I shall take a very moderate estimate of the amount of capital invested in the sell by the farmers of the United King dom before that change in the law which has occasioned this diminution of their capital. I shall take the whole amount of the capital of the farmers of the United Kind dom at that which has often been stated, and by very eminent authorities too, as the amount ef the capital in vested in the soil by the farmers of England alone. I shall take the amount of the capital invested in the soil by the farmers of the United Kingdom at the time when the repeal of the corn-laws took place at only 300,000,000/. Now a third of that has disappeared. I do not mean to say that that circumstance alone con stitutes a good reason why the farmers of the United Kingdom should come to this House for relief ; but it is indubitable evidence that the class which has undergone such a vicissitude of fortune must necessarily be in a state of greet distress and difficulty.— (Hear, hear.) We cannot suppose that since that pub lic recognition of that distress and difficulty was made by her Mejesty in her most gracious Speech, and more especially as that recognition was not made until the suffering had become chronic—we cannot suppose that anything had occurred, or that anything is likely to occur, to remedy that evil. Well, then, I think I have established this position, that if her Majesty's Ministers are in the happy position of having at their disposal a surplus revenue—if, as they themselves admit, there is only one, although a most important, class in this coun try suffering great distress at this moment—if all other classes are in a state of unprecedented prosperity, it surely became her Majesty's Ministers to consider whether, if they had resolved on a distribution of that surplus in the way of remissions of taxes, it eves not in their power to propose such remissions as might alleviate the distress and mitigate the suffering of that class.— (Hear, hear.) And now I have to consider whether it was in the power of her Majesty's Government to pro pose in the construction of their Budget any measures which would have that tendency. I must admit that I have considerable advantages—such as seldom fall to the lot of a Member of this House speaking from the Opposition side—in arguing that point. Her Ma jesty's Ministers cannot call upon me, although the task were but too easy a one, to substantiate the statement that distress exists.—(Hear, hear.) They have themselves given the most authoritative evidence upon that head; and it must have been after frequent councils—after profound deliberations—after lengthened and mature researches—that they counselled her Ma jesty to make that declaration to the country.—(Hear, hear.) And, therefore, it were hardly necessary for me to advert to these great statistical facts, which, never theless, with the indulgence of the House, I shall briefly allude to. I have another great advantage upon this oc casion. I might under ordinary circumstances have been asked even if her Majesty's Government admitted the distress as they did on the first night of the session—l might have been asked by her Majesty's Ministers, " What can we do?" But I can hardly be asked that upon this occasion, because her Majesty's Ministers have themselves in this session proposed measures to remedy those evils—(Hear, hoar)—have themselves, after due deliberation, of course, proposed measures to the House —lhe efficiency or inefficiency of which may be matters for future controversy and discussion; but the great fact remains, that they have themselves, after having deli berated on the sufferings of the owners and occupiers of land, devised schemes for the relief of those sufferings. —(Hear, hear.) Those are very great advantages—dis tress admitted by the Crown, nay, announced by the Crowe, and remedial plans not only suggested, but proposed by the Government. Happy interest ! which finds itself in such a position.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, we have at once a measure—and it is the first measure to which I shall refer—we have at once a measure, the object of which is to relieve this distress, and which to a certain degree, in the opinion of the Government, is efficient for that pur pose. It is the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers—and it is the only one of their proposals which I shall pro ceed to consider—that it is desirable, or rather that it was desirable, that the expense incurred by the owners and occupiers of land in the maintenance of pauper lu natics should be borne by the community which is generally interested in that subject, and that the tendency of such a measure, if it were adopted, would be to afford relief to the agricultural i n terest. In the maki ng t h at suggestion her Majesty's Ministers acted on a recom mendation in the report of the Lords Committee on the burdens upon land. That temperate, painstaking, and thoughtful Committee , the business of which was con ducted by men consisting of both parties, and second to none in either House of Parliament in their knowledge of the rural life and inter ests of England— many of whom were warm supporters of those prin ciples of political economy which regulate our present commercial legislation—that Committee gave it as their opinion that the charge for pauper lunatics was one which ought to be removed from the land, and borne by the community at large. Her Majesty's Ministers, atter having deliberated on that suggestion, made a proposition to th e H ouse o f a part i a l c haracter, but completely r ecogn i s i ng t h e principle of the Com mittee of the H ouse o f L or d s, and b roug ht forward that proposition as one the tendency of which was to mitigate this distress and to remove this depression. Well, then, we have a practical measure before the House for this object —no matter what may be the amount of the con cession or its degree of efficiency—we have a practical measure introduced by the Government, after due de liberation. I do not myself consider that that proposi tion of her Majesty's Ministers was by any means to be &seised I , Vr:e with is floneureble Friend the Member for Essex (e .r J. Tyrell) that it conceded a great principle•, and I myself, on a subsequent occasion reminded the Right Honourable Gentleman the Chan cellor of the Bxehe quer of that fact; but the Right acla. do , a Gentleman misunderstood the tendency of my ob tions. I valued the admission of a principle Ma de 1 that proposition of the Government, not would found upon that circumstance a precedent, l_ ° _, removing from real property, and more especially trf 6 the hind, the administration of the local taxation of the country, or, rather, the local administration of , se country. There is nothing I more deprecate, or wial' flt ' I should more deplore, than a removal of e w ,,, local administration, and such a course I O a never advocated.—(Hear, hear.) What I valued c loccause,l that that was an admission that the local taxatio n, which is a consequence of that local ndministration, ro:. a peculiar burden upon a particular kind of PreV is That was the admission which I valued as embodiedn. the proposal of her Majesty's Ministers, and that slat sion might have led us to the consideration of some poeto.o ri , 61, important circumstances, into which, however, I think it necessary to enter upon this occasion. " la m edert . now, I have placed before the House one very but eminently and essentially practical measure, the,.t!,,l'e dency of which would be to alleviate the distress of '' r agricultural interest; and here I must observe 040 wish to confine myself solely to a consideration of ,`„ overwhelming difficulties which are now experienced `;'„ the occupiers of the soil.—(Hear, hear.) This is ti In e p d sure, mind you, that has been sanctioned and al'P rev e 'a of by the Government, that has been submitted to 01 3 1 6 examination, to their mature deliberation, and that the been introducer' to the notice of Parliament under ' ea most remarkable circumstances. These circurnstaefi, prove how deeply they must have considered the nrat' e li ; and how anxious they must have been to arrive at e6b. tiefactory conclusion with respect to it, because, dereel)f convinced as they were of the distress of the occupiers the soil, end notwithstanding the admissions of the Cr e w , upon the subject, they had themselves declared thei r ; a s ability to suggest a remedy for that distress, and it a not until after a declaration of opinion on the part I the House of Commons that they were i n duced te, e " e l their ingenuity to work in the matter.—(Hear, hear'id • shall now remind the House of a no th er meas ure, to o ld rate in its character, but which in the relief that it w e t h e afford would be very much valued by th e f ar mers 0 e ,1 1 0 country. lam not, however, no w recom mending t fo r measure; for I tam only going through this catalogue ea , the purpose of showing that it is not difficult to find ID sures of a remedial character fo r th e agr i cu l tu ral inte' o by one of which had already be en se l ecte d an d adopte d ea the Government. Many leading country gentleree°4 both sides of the House—men well acquainted wit i ll „ w dy provincial life and wants—have suggested that as 311 : - tbe the community at large have taken upon themselv e- t est ' cost of public prosecutions, they should complete 0 duty which they ought entirely to fulfil, and takel f e themselves also the expendit ure o f t h e gao l s o f the u:, t he try, which are maintained f or p u bli c purposes s° t t eit public advantage.—(Hear, h ear .) I cannot sta te a' I; moment the exact amount o f t h e re li e f w hi c h snot measure would afford to the agricultural interest-mX'as. lost the account of it; bat it i s ono mo d erate in it s id - be ratter, and yet it is one th a t f rom i ts nature Wee' tbet extremely appreciated by th e f armers. Th ere are e bi measures which the Government might have hr e ;sll forward of a much more important c h arac t er , but w o o might have been adopted and would have afforded g t oe relief to the occupiers of the soil, whil e th e ir ad e l l s of would not have interfered with any o f t h e principlerio, our present commercial system, or any of the L et cipli s of our local administrati on; an d - 1 - to now before me one of th ose measures. I wish r call the attentio n o f th e H ouse f or a moment t o te e i r penditure in thi s coun t ry on t h e poor. The tantit:et pencliture on th e p oor i n E ng l an d and Wales, oluw i et the county rate, amounts, eccording to the last C O 01 1, return, to about 6,200,0001. a year. Less than 5, 00 % tee of that sum ie expended on the in-maintenance a e- 0 1l out-door relief of the pauper population of the coup, d o while on other charges connected with the relief e g l o r poor no less a cum than 1,300,0001. is upended in e - eich land and Wales. Now observe that the items," l ; i ito form chat very considerable amount are items whit " el' little, if at all, affected by the agency of your 1 0 °40' ministration. They consist mainly of your esta a ' s l etl ment charges—of the fixed salaries of the 13,000 ole;,/ come cted with the administration of the poor - l a te i (Hear, hear)—all of whose offices have been in re p u s il and devised in consequence of your recent chs°,,g;oo l the poor-law system.—(Hear.) Then, again, in ' ll- ,OIP we find a similar expense of shout 370,000/. per ell 3 ; 0 8 You have therefore altogether in the United ICing,,% ° ol; sum of 1,700,000/, which is fastened on real prof sa d which presses grievously on the land, which in -" r t'bisp presses entirely and especially on the land, and ° desk is scarcely affected in any degree by that local a oil nistration and that local government with whi e e b i'si' all agree that it would be most impolitic anti S ad pedient to interfere. Now, the surplus of thle, inly amounting to 2,000,0001., would have permitted tu e e dil vermeent to have dealt with this great sun:oi l- Or is my belief, that if her Majesty's; Ministers ha l :, t ` , i pounded a well-devised measure for that ohi e ' n idi l , after that important recognition from the Throne ' r e continued distress and difficulties of a most iraP e ° ' - eel l class of her Majesty's subjects, they had introduce" a rt' a measure they would have done more than morellos, lieve a suffering interest fro m a great incunlh il te/, 1 They would have laid the found a ti on o f t h a t wise ' o 3 temperate, and that remedial l eg i s l at i on which "eel have adapted the cultivators o f th e so il i n the Kingdom to the novel circumstances and the ne v i ( 01 dition in which your unexpected, and, perhaP s ' '`totii say, your hasty legislation has placed them. Yee Rote t):1# have commeeced a course of legislation the telld"i i- d P which would have been to put an end to that vv f ; e sel classes, end that fatal controversy that is raging b e t paid the rival industries of this country.—(Hear.) yoll';;a15 , have laid the foundation of a great system o f r ein legislation, which would have done much to bring t'%st 6 good feeling to the community; and you would e e' found all men of mod era t e m i n d s an d temperate d',s,orseli lions rallying round y ou i n suc h an effort. And si t "; 0 ° they could not have acknowledged that this yo b first step was equ a l t o th e occas i on, they woulti c ,lo l re cognised in it an earnes t en d eavour on t h e part- io: Government of this country to do justice to a ra e ; r etir portant interest, which all men now, although P`," pl e ,, not openly, acknowledge has been dealt with With, - It'' capitation which is to be regretted.—(Hear, beatni k° 11 16 not my intention now to make such a proposal y r etto' House, or even to convey to the House that by th e de sit l i lution which I bring forward I have any covert b eo, , of recommending it. I d o not hi ng o f t h e ki n d. I s ,et l ' have bean happy to have s u pp orte d t h e Goverlaff; or they had brought forward suc h a proposal. Un der te a dinary circumstances, after th e announcem ent 0 . ,`, ill subject of agricultural di s tr ess i n th e S peec h fr e e 7oll l° , Throne at the commenc ement o f th e sess i o n, 1 i d o°' not, with such a surplus in the Treasury—l w eli e bol eil have shrunk myself, if the Government had not ". 0 0P: to undertake the task, from offering to the House - , 4 13 : portunity of accepting the commencement Of 6- 1 3 0' happy system of legislation. But circumstane e4 ;ø: since occurred which, in my o pi n i on , ren d er it re'olle" expedient far me to prop ose t o y ou t o sup port e cla ir)/ measure. More than two m on th s h ave now e lapse p et e, the meeting of Parliament. Th e fi nanc i a l stater e „ - soP the Chancellor of the E xc h equer was ma d e e ight - c olll: ago. It held out to an important class in tb e e fro m munity the expect a ti on o f cons i dera bl e re lief „pee' a tax of a very unpopular character. Circurn e t e ". helm permitted the intenti ons o f t h e Mi n i str y to r- Pi; for a considerable time before the communitP te rlL Ministry themselves having again been reinsta' is sir. power, have come forward and again proposed a s ibec scheme with regard to that important class, or I.3 fs 'you'i scheme still more calculated to attract popula r jee eCe The expectations of th e commun i ty , t h ere fo r e w' n ' o e only dwelt upon that pl an , b u t tie, y have dwelt of t ' as a probable event, and have be en accus t om ed 0' t or e ; consider it as a gain entirely realized. I thillke, b Olt fore, it would be most inexpedient t o i n t er f e re w h " o fer i arrangement which Ministers have p ro p ose d Wit', 0 1 1C , ence to the repeal of the window -t ax . B u t tha t oil ' the main reason that prevents me from offering f , proposal as that to which I h ave re f erre d as an e .',: is oo ll , t : tive for a repeal of the windo w -t ax . I s h ou ld flu'; Or ( sistently with all that I h ave sa id i n this 11°°tt'elit's what is much more imp or t an t, ' s h ou ld act inconsn#l6 with my profound and sincere convictions, if I tooecor which would do exactly that which I a always st t 'elft ing to avoid and always attempting to deprecate—h am d l/' place a question betoro the House hich woo sea essentially and entirely a question betveen tol°4o le , country.—(Hear, hear.) The object of those 13 :, 10 . ; efforts which I make with respect - to our taxati ° ; e itr been, if possible, to terminate that controversy, t e a - st r e ' those feelings, to put an end to that strife apd rival I, tween the great interests of the eountry; because ;v itil ; ', lieve that it has already been productive of great ' 0 ',. to the community, and because I sincerely believe., oa' rife with very perilous consequences, national institutions.—(Hear, hear.) Totally W id e e oV e tive, therefore, of any considerations, I never ev°, e 'ee t o °. sent to bring forward a proposition which would - e tlr' s . the relief of any one class and the injury of a g e; 1 11 " 4 if continued %pee' I would never attempt to obtain that ju stice ,:, ° ;0 li ' landed interest, which I am most anxious - to tw i t' - o sst e ' s such means and in such a method. But it may - litr 9 awtire that it is often said, that there i t ti i e g , e ° a n d I advantageam comparatively to the land in atteolP',oo o ,;l deal with . the amount raised for the poor-rates , Le9 e t a considerable portion of it is borne by other h n t; OIL real property than the land. Now let us estu° 3t ," o o ol. o statement which is so current on the benches °Ktega: f a Now, in the first place, the adoption of such a r e ei 00' 1 as that to which I have referred would gill esters to the amount of nearly 400,000/. to the lande d . rich d; of Ireland—('fear, hear)—that portion of the g .- t ierie:s tural community which is probably the most eti o od ) for if in England we have distress; if in Se e. (ele e „ - ;$ have dismay; in Ireland we have desolation• - ", be lS e y a s As regards Ireland, therefore, the benefit would el , Pio considerable, and would be greatly appreciat e at loa„, let us view the incidence of this remission of to; t eoll;d England, and we shall find, I believe, that ill t hi t , A,, g try the benefit would scarcely be less imports°. • oo', f3 o.o here I must observe that I am rather amused al o isel h f that in the case of any suggestion I make for a re u set ih e of taxation to the landed interest, I am alvi t aL s idee ‘ ,7 0 , the retort that I shall assist other interests L" - t he "be owners and occupiers of land. It is certainly r is s e i e g t oe rious that we, who are always twitted with , A u t eat in onampions of a particular class, should be 4 9 , iu te eell° e s are perpetually fighting the battles of other l° o f O ho t every ata mpt that we make for the remissiOn t oe tr io tion.—(Hear, hear.) But l e t me show the I.3e o leee be the remission of taxation which would be i i rl ,,,, old dr taking off these 1,700,0004 from the 1 50 " ;bat 001 d very considerable; and that the statement ' Ol sv I s a change in the system of raising this all 3 ° o i 9 m. afford no relief to the agricultural int erest 0 0 ",), su ffering beP fallacy which the farmer who is e tar e 6 5 ' 1 the burden of the poor-rate never can -, e , ea, no Observe his position. Here is a farmer psY' P ref id 3 i i "to or 7s. in the pound for poor-rates. But be :o .I;:l c ,,"se nee speeers. it. d fieds t.L. , t the Chancellor of tit` beetw i d, quer tells him that that is no burden on hin t is. %II the averege of the poor-rate in England is l ea f v i o s in the pound.—(Hear, hear.) Averages a re s elle 11:/ ' to guide us is our researches, but they are 00 ii‘MMUM