The Sun. — London, England, 1850-03-15 00:00:00

It ass ullr to them to state that circumstance. Without g" ice the length of his Noble Friend, there was now pro . t")e8l'Il to remedy the inconvenience which existed. The hi tght Hon. B arone t t h en re f erre d to t h e reprt made t. - ) • by inspectors t f feet ales in Menehester and el- , - ev showing the greet inconvenience produced by the Present Bill, particularly that portion of it which re - quired the atiendaie e E f all the labouring classes at the midis at half-pest feet o'clock in the morning. In most eas ees a great numb e r we re e mployed but for a few mi ttir'2s. for the purp ose o f com plyi n g with the Act, and were e' n compelled to go to their homes fir some bouts , beer e r sur e e i4 m work again, which was a great inc venience t e many,and pressed heavily on al', by needlessly Righ t them of two or three hours' reit. The le'ht Honourable Baronet then proceeded to observe, at he did not thi n k th a t the intention of the Legisle tiiT was so clear and indisputable as the Noble Lord bad assumed it to be. His Noble Friend laid it down us an ind. isputable fact, that it was distinctly intended that all persons. belonging to the classes affected by the law Were to work ten hours only continuously, and he had 2 1 4 1 ,? t el from Mr. Horner in support of that assumption, it to show e e the in 1844 it was directly intended to Prohibit- the emit system. He (Sir G. Grey) w Is, how te"rs of opinion that tee ststement of Mr. Horner furred to the Bill, and not ts the Act uf 1841, a dE the il t eritien of the Legislature was not t be sought, in b ut as at first introduced, or in the (let:wet upon teese, u utlt in the clauses of the Acts which embodied that in ifErni°ll. Baron Parke, in his judetment, had seed that intention of the Legislature bad been to enact that the hours of labour s h ou ld b e c o ntinuoue, and to stop- Paget_ of the children and young persons simultatEelus, et intention should hive been clearl e and definitely j a . ted. W e ll, t h at was p rec i se ly the intention of the h ae introduced in 1814 by his Noble Friend, and e s e I / e l 4 no doubt but that it was to that Bill Mr. orn er referred. In the eighth clause of that Bill was expressly enacted that all children and young fe males sh ou ld commence w ork and leave off work ." the , same hours. That clause was clear and unam biguous,and, if adopt sd by the Legislature , wou ld have left no doubt whatever of the intention of the La tslature to put an d en d to s hif ts a nd relays. But what No ble the resu l t o f t h a t Bill? It w as withdrawn by his Friend, and a new Bill, in which the eighth clause was wanting, it was not propose again. • ne Bill i n th a t respect was altogether different, and s that Bill which passed into a law. He, there ret thought his Noble Friend was not fully justified in assuming that the intention of Parliament was as he had st ated it, Th at i n t ent i on m us t be taken as it was found In the statute-book. The withdrawal of the Bill in its Pr oposing form by his Noble Friend, and his not again r i ' v r oposing the unambiguous clause he had referred to, t ee auffleient to cause doubts upon the subject. He did As however, mean to say that the intention of Parlia tent had not been truly stated by his Noble Frien d ; he ~early contended that that intention had not been so ~verly and unequivocally expressed as to justify the decided, statement made by his Noble Friend.— Is t ears hear.) Witn respect to the course proposed by 13 Noble Friend, he was gratified to find that he did net intend, as he understood him, to call upon the i 'use to pass a declaratory Bill as to what was the 2tention of the Legislature, because he thought it Was not w e ll f o r one Parliament to declare the inten tb4 of another. It would not be necessary for him on tee present occasion to uffer any observations upon e course proposed to be taken by his Noble Friend, or s t, s ' anticipate the discussion on the provisions of the Bill. would enter upon that discussion with an anxious eesire to secure to children and young persons all the 41 rantages which it was clear the measure was calcu -Iraod to make upon them, while at the same time he uld desire to lay as little restriction upon adult labour as Possible.—(Hear, hear.) Whether that was possible ' o r t euld be matter for future consideration. He should not ect to the introduction of the Bill—(Hear , hear)— • "hide at the same time he did not bind himself to any P o rtion of it. He was not ashamed to confess that on ir important subject his mind was not finally made up, fevanse he saw that there were vast and great interests I'eolved in it, and he was most sincerely desirous that 4 nutter should be settled in a way that would give sa tisfaction and the greatest amount of benefit to all the taroes interested in it. He would suggest to his Noble l iend the propriety of introducing a strict difinition of the term" Noble night." As to one point he must remark that his to Friend appeared to be in error when he stated that " certain districts it wae"almost impossible to get magis :Pea to levy the fines for the infraction of the provisions the Act. He had before him a report of the inspector rth respect to a case at Blackburn (as we understood) , which the magistrate, though by no means a friend of tee Ten Hours' Act, inflicted upon the Messrs. Hop tli,°°4 penalties to the amount of 701. for fifty cases of sot Infraction of the Act. He repeated that he would oppose the introduction of the measure, but in dis cussing the question his great desire would be, as far as feasible, to reconcile the master and the operative, whose ' ll tereets were identical. lie believed the manufacturers W ere animated by a fair and generous principle in their d 44iin g 3 with those in their employment. He saw his h en. Friend opposite (Mr. Bankes) shako his head , and „ e , Was sorry to see that he did not concur in that e xtrem e But ho thought that, without favouring an view on either side, it was possible, by a fur co nciliatory adjustment of the cl aims of each, topro duce that amity betweea manufacturers a nd o p eratives , u ich was essential to the prosperi t y and welfare of a l l---(Elear, hear.) Mr. BANKES said, the Right Hon. Baronet had ex . l l eined with his usual ability the state of his mind at ' twat moment with reference to this question. It was a ~ „l e atter- N biete must be very soon deciled, because the Present uncertainty and division among those interested W its not creditable either to the Government or the Le- Lialature.—(llear, hear.) He thought the House would t ` is reei with him that they were very much indebted to Noble Friend for taking the mutter up, after the Gie ,,errement had declined to do so. He must dissent f r om '"e statement implied in the Right Hon. Baronet's re • marks as to the course proposed by his Nob l e Friend. ills Noble Friend had most distinctly s tated that it was ta intention to call upon the House to declare that th e Act was a Ten Hours' Act o f continuous labour, to ue reckoned from the hour the first young person com menced, work. Whether that ought ts be done b y a de claratory or an enacting Bill, was comparatively of little lbasequence, though, under all the circumstances , per ,.46 an enacting Act would be the most proper. Wi th respect to the intentions of the Legislature in 184 4 , be 41 not profess to he able to give a very decided 0 Pinion, though his impression was the reverse •: 4 that of the Right Honourable Baronet at i i ) it time ; having been very gradually induced to eeol3lo a supporter of measures inteuded to lessen t ee labour of the factory operatives, he contented him• %elf with taking a very humble part. The statements N r his Noble Friend, and the high authority which be. e ted to the late Mr. Fielden as a large manufacturer , combined with the advantages which all experience had s hown to result from every approach in that direction , c ad, however, fully confirmed him in the soundness and Justne ss of the policy he had advocated. Whatever might be the case with respect to the Bill of 1844, Lucre certainly was no doubt about that of 1847. But it :as somewhat strange that there should have been such t oo between the Bill of his Noble Friend, and 141 Act which was passed in 1844. His Noble Friend, after obtaining the sanction of Parliament to that Bill, R as induced, by the belief that the Government of t h a t c were cordially with him , to leave to th em the cart e - tO 6 of of the measure. and withdrew his own upon that ;Ilderseending. Perhaps the Right lion. Baronet (Sir " t ; Gr a h a m), who was then Secret try of ;State for the Department, would inform the House how it :al the Bth clause was omitted.—(Elear, hear.) But Te he bad said, whatever doubt there wa s as to the i ll tt'otion of Parliament in 1844 . there was none as ° the intention in 1847, the Bill was distinctly argued as a Ten Hours' Bill. It wa s ar g ued 4 both by its supporters and its opponents. Not one the Hon. Gentlemen opposite had any idea of the shift system, by which the law had been subsequently revaded. Indeed the y taunted the opponents wish the et , th a t pr a ctically the Bill would restrict even adult • our to ten hours, because though it only referred to C hildren and young women under eighteen years of age, !ek it was impossible to work the mills without th ei r -a aistiince.—(Hear, hear.) That . was a view of the ',batter which the supporters of the measure did not con -4,,te• It was, in fact, their opinion that for the benefit Z' all parties it was better that it abould ba so—(}deer, ,: 111 )—and that opinion had been amply borne out by fain general results of the measure wherever it had been i a ltly tried. All the expectations of its advocates had Zee!) fully realised, and all the predictions of its oppo eats had been felsified. Under these circumstances it would have been atrauge, indeed, if Government had ° Posed that confirmation of the law which the rec ent de cision in a superior court had rendered neces s a r y . But e..had a great authority to adduce to show that there had :tell in 1844 been no doubt as to the intention of the Promoters of these Bills; that Hon. Gentleman was at that and was now, a Member of that }louse, and a great a uthority not only in that House on these matters, but also in the country. In 1844 he said that if we extended ' ° „ 111 ' markets, and thereby enhanced the value of our productions—if we opened our ports freely to the corn, e .,tfree, and sugar, which were then excluded by heavy dut• ies, then ten hours labour would be as good as twelve :ours was then, because the advantag e of lar g er markets e _ 4o r our own produce and the saving from cheapened im- Ports, would go into the pockets of the la bourer. Such Were the opinions of the Hon. Member for the West Vding—(Hear, hear)—in 1844, then the Me m ber for tockport, and then, as now, an auth orit y with the ma nufacturing interest. He trusted that in the course of t he - i debates on this question they would see that Hon. 7ernber in his place, and that as we had now g ranted ' l a demands for the cheapened importation of corn, coffee, A nd sugar, the Hon. Gentleman would redeem his pledge, 4 M support the Ten Hours Bill. Mr. M. GIBSON said that the Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House had st ated that the ob j ect of the Bill was to limit adult labour. Mr. BANKES denied that he had said so. What he il eid was, that such would be the eff .ct of the Bill. M. GIBSON wonld accept the explanation of the '"▪ On. Gentleman. In giving his support to the motion eir the introduction of the Bill proposed to be brought 1 . 4 by the Noble Lord, he must not be understood to ittPport the various provisions of th Bill shadowed forth ' t •IY the Noble Lord. Ho admitted,e however, that the ner, as it stood, required alteration. lie could not t rash that the manufacturers of Engla nd had systems ' 'eally evaded the law. although he thought they were tuStiti e d in feeling jade:slant that this House should h ave interfered with factory labour in the wa y it had 'Pile. The Nobl© Lord had allowed his feelings to go far in saying that to his factory Bill he attributed re improved state of the people engaged in fa ctories. A° (Mr. M. Gibson) thought that much of the system .ll4Provement in the state of the people was to be attri utei to the alteration which bad taken place in the com mercial laws of the country. The Noble Lord referred to : 11 e Bistiop of Dundee—(A laueli) — the b i s ho p el that locality, and had spoken of the large " l ereale in his congregation, which be attributed • to the improved charac'er of the people n gaged in fealties, arising out of an al erasion in th' law. He really did not think this was the way in whieh that House ought to be addressed. The address of the Noble Lord had a social or sentimental tinge un suited to the a•Anosphere of that assembly, which was business assembly, one of whose duties was to be sure to look to the social wants of the people ; but'then the re quirements of the people were to be dealt with in a dif ferent manner from that suggested by the Nob'e Lord, who seemed to exhibit more of the enthusiast, than the practical men of business, in his observations that HIGh WAY BILL. On the motion that the High Nay Bill be read a second time, Sir W. JOLLIFFE expressed his opinion that the measure was of rueh vast importance that it could not pass through a second rending in its present form, with out eliciting some discussion. Ile considered that the matter was intimately connected with labour, and would suggest the appointment of "way wardens," as preferahle to leaving the management in the hands of the poor-law 50 masters, and found that 20 of them approved of the Ten Hours Bill, 22 of them were for an Eleven Hours Bill, and 15 for a Twelve Hours Bill. The same inspec tor personally, and assisted by others, took the opinions both of the men and of the women employed in fac tories. ' The result was a very decisive ove as to their desires. He took the opinions altogether of 1,153 per sons, which were stated in the report of the belle, e it ending October 31, 1848. The number of male opera tives was 651, of whom there were 441 in favour of a Ten Hours Bill, 96 for an eleven hours, and 114 for a twelve hours system. Of the 502 women who were consulted, 272 were fur a ten hours, 51 for an eleven hours, and 179 for a twelve hours system. This curious result showed sufficiently that any a•tempt at a compromise was most unlikely t be attended with success.—(Hear, hear.) He did not regard the Ten Hours Bill as being the sole cause of the improved state of things which had of late been observed in the manu facturing districts. He ogre et' with his Honourable Friend near him, that it was to be ascribed to those measures which had made food more cheap and abun dant, but he would remind him at tho same time that this change would not have produced such results had it not been accompanied by the Ten Hours' Bill, for no cheapness of food could have given to the operatives those opportunities of improvement of which there was such abundant evidences of their not being neglectful.— (Hear.) If it was not the cause, still it was one essen tial condition, without which these results would not have been realised. He trusted that the Noble Lord who in troduced this discussion would adhere most strictly to his declared purpose of deviating not one hair's breadth. from what was understood to be the inten tion of the enactment as it now stood. He thought it as well, as the Noble Lord proposed, to leave the Bill in its present integrity, as to the purpose wLich was most distinctly declared when the Bill was last before the House. Perhaps there might have been a violation of the statute, but it must not be forgotten that the millowners, operatives, and proprietors had been equally desifous for the settlement of this question. The parties most deeply affected by the statute were, the women and very young persons, whose dependent con dition frequently rendered them the subjects of very harsh treatment, not only by their masters but by their husbands, of which there were unfortunately many in stances. This was an example, amongst others, of evils for which this Bill provided, and with reference to which the greatest of living political economists—he meant Mr. John Mill—said, in the case of women and child ren—" Freedom of Contract meant nothing more than freedom of coercion."—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Fox) trusted that, the law being decidedly declared, there would be a more general concurrence between owners and employed than had yet existed; and that they might speedily attain to the final close of en agitation, the con tinuance of which was everywhere to be deprecated—an agitation which was much worse than any political struggle; because it struck deeper into the social system, and inflicted snore wounds on the best and purest interests of society, and on the harmony which should bind so ciety together.—(Cheers.) Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR said he only rose in consequence of an observation which fell from the Hon. Member for Manchester, by which he understood that in case any Hon. Member should state a grievance and propose a remedy, the efficacy of which was not doubted, he should immediately render himself liable to the im putation of Socialism and Communism. That was an alternative that not only could not exist but in the most illiberal mind, but had a signification elsewhere, which peculiarly ought to recommend its being avoided. He thought the Noble Lord the Member for Bath, who had brought the subject before the House, had very properly put it upon the footing he had, and that he would remain true to his original intention.—(Hear.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that as he understood there was to be no opposition to the introduction of this Bill he was unwilling to prolong an unnecessary discussion. He must say, however, that he was dis posed to approach this question in the most dispassion ate manner; and his Noble Friend the Member for Bath would excuse him if he said he (Lord Ashley) had prepared him for a discussion of an opposite descrip tion, when before ascertaining whether there would be an opposition to his motion, he went through all the arguments that were urged three or four years age. An lion. Member who had spoken in the debate had threat ened, in a prophetic manner, the discontent of the manu facturing classes if this Bill were not passed. The ear lieA of his (Sir J. Graham's) political experience had taught him the folly of dealing in prophecy, and there fore he should cautiously abstain from prophesying any thing.—(Laughter.) Neither would he make assertions at this period of the debate; for if he had bad the honour of speaking to the House before the Right Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary, it was his intention to have offered evidence on the subject to the House; and he should have stated that his object in framing the Bill, as he introduced it, was to prohibit the" shift" or "relay" system in any form whatever. That was his original intention, and he would • now state to the House what occurred on the occasion. He could not say that at any time, following the bent of his reasoning, he was favour able to a restriction on the rights of capital and of labour, and he was not favourable to a twelve hours Bill. But finding that restriction provided for by an Act of Par liament, it was represented to him by the factory in spectors that it worked unequally and unjustly, and it was said that unless restrictions were placed on the limit of time very injurious consequences would ensue. They pre ised on him also the necessity of a direct enactment. Reluctantly he assented, and directed Mr. Horner to have a clause framed embodying these views. That was accordingly done in the first drefi of the Bill, and here as the impel feetion of the measure; for he was not aware until then that the course originally determined upon ,had been materially altered in the second. He con sidered that it was very desirable that the House. before the discussion proceeded farther, should see the mea sure which his Noble Friend proposed to introduce on this subject. lie believed that the object of the work ing classes was to see justice fairly carried out, and he felt that this was the object of his Noble Friend, as related to the Tea Hours' Bill. His Noble Friend's argumeat would go the length, that manufacturers had nothing to fear on this subject. He had be stowed much consideration on this question, and his feeling towards the working classes was very fa vourable, but his belief was, that if this experiment was carried out with all its intentions' the time .would come when the working classes would themselves be convinced that the measure would be conducive to their welfare. He believed that the working classes were of opinion, with regard to the measure of 1844, that they should have the benefit of shifts and relays. When the short hours Bill was first brought forward, ho confessed he was, as far as his own opinion went, reluctant to in terfere in the question of employment between the em ployed and the master manufacturers, having a strong disinclination to meddle with the► interests of labour; but a gentleman now no more—Mr. Stuart—having ex pressed his views in so strong a manner to him on the subject, he instructed him to embody those views in a clause, although his own feelings were opposed to them. It was necessary, in his opinion, that they should have one uniform system and one rule; and he was quite sure that they never could work this measure unless they came to a better regulation of machinery. Ho should be most anxious to see the Bill of his Noble Friend before they approached this discussion, and he should, before the second reading, endeavour to refresh his memory as to his former views on the subject. As between the shit t and relay system, it was quite possible to repudiate the one without condemning the other. After a few words from Mr. EDWARDS, the se conder of the motion, in relation to an allusion made to him by the Right Honourable Baronet Sir James Graham, Col. THOMPSON observed that it was well known to all who took an interest in this question, that when a restriction of the period of labour was first proposed he had opposed it, conceiving it to be an attack in some sort upon the manufacturing interest. Times, however, had altered, and perhaps the position of things had changed. lie had received instructions on this subject from many of his constituents, but it so happened that all their communications pointed one way. They all said they. were anxious that the Ten Hours Bill should be restored to its integrity; and the manufacturing ca pitalists particularly represented their anxiety that li berty should be given to all persons in their employment at the same time—(hear, hear)—for they stated that they had set on foot institutions of various kinds for the education and improvement of their workpeople, the success of which mainly depended on the ' point thati all in their employ should be liberated from work at one and the same hour.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. BROWNE, Lord ASHLEY replied. He had no other intention than Co settle the point in question, and he intended, therefore, to bring in a Bill that the hours of labour being at present limited to ten hours a day should be continuous labour, and date from the time at which the labour began. That was the sum and substance of the Bill which he meant to bring in. He had been charged in the course of this discussion by the Honourable Mem bers for Manchester with inimical feelings towards the master manufacturers. By one of the Honourable Gen tlemen he was charged with being a " hired" advocate in this cause; and by the other with entertaining " So cialist" views upon it. In those respects he had beet much misrepresented. Ho rejoiced at the manner in which his motion, generally speaking, had been received by the House, and should the Bill be carried his hope was that it would be productive of allaying the agitation which at present prevailed between the working classes and the master manufacturers; and should the Bill not to passed, what would the effect be?—(Elear, hear.) He declared that the whole tendency of his political and public life (now extended over a period of 'seventeen years) had been towards a restoration of good feeling between the working classes and the master manufac turers.—(Hear, hear.) He had only one word more to add. Depend upon it there was no subject on which the people felt so strongly as this; and with respect to the motives attributed to him by the Hon. Members for Manchester, he couldonly say that he rejoiced at such a manifestation of the feebleness of their cause, for ho saw that they had recourse to the :old and coarse rule- 0 If you can't refute your antagonist, why then abuse him."-- (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT explained that he had recalled the word " hired" immediately after he had used it, and substi tuted the word " pledged" advocate, and he trusted that the Noble Lord would not suppose that he meant to be personally offensive to him. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. Mr. PEW gave notice that he would bring in a " Bill to render more simple and effectual the titles by which congregations or societies, or persons for religious pur peses, held property required tor such purposes." The Bill, the Hon. Member said, was so simple, and would so tar recommend itself to the House, that he should not at present make any observations upon it. The House then proceeded to the orders of the day. On the motion that the Speaker leave the Chair, The House resolved itself into Committee (Mr. Ber nal in the chair) on the Titles of Religious Congrega tions (Scotland) Bill, which passed rapidly through that process. guardian,. Mr. RICE gave his support to thetheasure, and hoped the second reading would be carried. Sir G. STRICKLAND objected to the Bill as being of a compulsory nature, and affecting districts of England where the roads where in good repair, as well as those where the roads were neglected. All the farmers would oppose the measure most strenuously. Ile hoped that it would at all events be put off to another evening. Mr. F. O'CONNOR thought that the speech of the Noble Lord was plain, straightforward, and practical. It clearly pointed out the hardships to which the fac tory operatives were subjected, led the mode in which he ought to be relieved. The Bill which the Noble Lord proposed to bring in was the only way in which the factory operative could be benefi:ed, lie con tended that a limit ought to be placed on male adult labour in factories. The much maligned agricultu rists did not ;employ their labourers beyond, ,eleven hours a day, while the factory operative was obliged, by the relay system, to work fifteen hours. The consequence was, that the ag icnitural labourer was healthy and strong, while the letter was sickly and Keck. The truth was, that the factory system was an abomination, and its exist-nee reflected a disgrace on the Legislsoure,,of the count.y. The average length of a factory operative's life was 28 years, while that of the agricultural labcurer, even in Dorsetshire, was 53 years. The syst en had been well explained by the Noble Lord who had male a powerful speech on the occasion—a speech that would speak to the world, while that of the Right Hon. Gentleman M. Gibson) was only in tended fur a district. Most audacious attacks had been made by the Noble Lord opposite on that excellent man Mr. Oastler, who had properly exhibited to the world the character of the millowners, and he (Mr. O'Connor) would say that if he wanted to put his hand upon a set of tyrants he would do so by placing it on the master ma nufacturers of the north.—(Elear.) Sir R. INGLIS rose to defend his Noble Friend against the imputations cast upon him by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. M. Gibson), who had stated that the speech of his Noble Friend was marked by enthusiasm. All good works had been effecte'l through the influence of enthusiasm, but enthusiasm was not a marked attri bute of his Noble Friend's speech, for it was filled with fact;, which the Right Hon. Gentleman had better meet than attempt to upset them by unfairly describing the speech which contained them. The law which had passel the Legislature bad been decided by the judges to be that which the Legislature never intended it should be. This being so, it was the duty of the House to amend the law generally. . He must say that he thought the proposal of his Noble Friend was that best suited to meet the exigencies of the case. He would support with pleasure the proposition of his Noble Friend. Mr. BRIGHT said, it seemed to be admitted by all parties that it was deriirabli to bring in a Bill to settle the question to which the measure referred. He only rose to express an opinion on a subject which might have its influence at a future stage of the Bill—he meant the number of hours which operatives should be engaged in factories. It was well known that he was extensively engaged in factory employment, and observed that in order that a measure, in respect to factory employment, should work beneficially for the employer and the em ployed, it was essential that the view of both parties should be taken into carefai consideration, and that the legislation should not be all on one side.—(Hear.) It was a fact that the Ten Hours' Bill did not pass with the concurrence of the master manufacturers, and the result was, that, in many instances, the working men had been suhjected to disadvantages in certain factories. But this was the result of the estrangement which took place between the employer and the employed, owing to the Act of 1847. He appealed to the Noble Lord whether he would limit his Bill to ten hours. He was not bound to do so, for not a small portion of the operativee, and the great body of the employers, were anxious to meet each other in a spirit of conciliation, and come to some terms by which this matter might be adjusted.—(Hear.) He would not condescend to reply to the coarse vituperation pouredupon the master menu f acturere by the lion. Member for Nottinghatn.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had tried his hand at improving the position of the factory operatives, under which he had deluded them from their employment, and ultimately succeeded in placing them in-a quagmire, from which they could not escape.—(llear.) When the Hon. Gen tleman returned to these deluded men their subscrip tions, which he bad received from them to carry out a most fallacious system, then be might be permitted to have some claim to assail the master manufacturers, if they deserved his attacks; but, until that time, he thought he might fairly say that the master menu facto; ers would not be much affected by anything which fell from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman.—(Hear.) Heretofore the Noble Lord declared himself to be the pledged advocate of the factory operatives, and in that line of policy it seemed to be his object to do all in his power to blacken the character of the factory employers. The Noble Lord row attributed all the improvement in the factory operatives to his Ace of 1847. Now, seeing that the Bill did not come into operation until May, 1848, it was rather too much to attach to it all the improve ment which he admitted the factory people manifested. Much of this improvement he assigned to the altered state of the law in respect to the commercial policy of this country. He should be sorry to see a system of things which should compel men to work for ten, eleven, or twelve hours a day. The factory owners did not de sire it, and any further legislation on this subject ought, in his opinion, to make some diminution of the margin, and thereby afford the means of remedying at least some of the grievances compleineel Of. In carrying - out this object they should avoid giving cause for the hostility of manufacturers, supposed 'to bo represented in that House; for they must not shut their eyes to this fact, that unless there were a fair amount of agreement between the capitalist who pays the wages, and the la bourers who did the work, their legislation must of ne cessity prove unsatisfactory. Within the last two years he thought there was not a good feeling between the employers and the employed. The exasperation still existed, and would continue to exist, so long as the law exi,ted in its present shape. He would now ask the Noble Lord whether, with the influence he possessed with many persons out of doors connected with the manufacturers, and representing as he did a very large portion of them, be could not persuade them to take the rational view of this question— (Hear, hear) —whether it was not possible to come to some arrangement which should meet with the concurrence of all parties concerned. If the Noble Lord did not think that plan impracticable, and the House came in that spirit to the consideration of the measure, he hoped they would discus's and settle, and settle fur ever, a question which had done more to desecrate a cor dial interchange of kindly feelings between ' the two classes, and to foster beart-burnings in the manufactur ing districts, than any question which had arisen there, at least since he had been connected with them. Mr. AGLIONBY observed that the discussion, so far as it had proceeded, had not been unattended with ad vantage, though from the concurrence of opinion upon it he had certainly hoped that it would have come to a more speedy conclusion. He agreed with much of what had fallen from the lion. Member for Manchester, who spoke last, especially that which had reference to the im port mce of procuring a certain amount of concurrence from all the parties concerned in the question, before proceeding to a final legislative enactment, but he dif fered from him entirely with respect to the conclusions at which he would arrive, because be believed that be would find it utterly impossible to obtain that harmony of feeling and reciprocity of purpose which he so much and very properly desired. It was fir the character of the Legislature to take care, by passing well-di g ested measures, that the public should not have to say that they were unable to give effete to their intentions. Here their intention cis arly was to restrict the hours of labour to ten, an intention which the language of the Act the reverse of seconded. The judges' construction of the Act was undoubtedly right, but their intention re mained the same, and should now be properly borne out by the law if it befere was defective. He should never make a single remark of censure on these mill owners, who had construed the law according to an in terpretation which it it had been held to admit of. Still less would he think of charging them with having evaded the law, as the judgment showed that they, had a right to construe it as they' did ; but he would say that he would do his best to carry out the intention of the Legislature with respect to this Bill, that of render ing it bone fide a ten hours working Bill.—(Hear.) Lord JOHN MANNERS said he wished to state most emphatically that he and those who thought with him were firmly resolved that there, should be no com promise. That the manufacturing people of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Scotland haehng, after thirty-three obtained an enactment which years' incessant biencetessramnetdetffrts, hoeMagna Chart% of their rights, were determined to preserve it, in which intention he promised that they should be backed by their represen tatives in that House. During the progress of the agi tation of this question he had endeavoured to promote the unity of feeling between the millowners and the factory hands, which the Hon. Member for Manchester had spoken of. The lion. Member had, in his opi nion, very wrongly censured the Noble Lord the Member for Bath, who introduced this motion, for not going into the details of the system which he proposed. What he thought the House required was to know the grievance that was to be redressed, and then the diffi culty of providing the remedy would be reduced within very narrow limits.. The Honourable M ember was still more incorrect in calling this a hasty and inconsiderate measure. After 33 years of agitation and discussion, which ended in its adoption, he did not think that was the mode in which an enactment should be spoken of, the intention of which was to provide a remedy for many grievances, under which a large portion of our working population had been admitted to liebour. The amended Bill was most necessary, and it should have his ready support.—(Ha ar, hear.) Mr. W. J. FOX said he wished to say a few words, and a very few, on the subject, before the discussion was brought to a close. Particularly agreeing with the Hoc. Member for Manchester, that, a satisfactory settlement of this question must have as great a concurrence as possible of the employers and the employed, he ques tioned whether there might he any possibility of a shorter road to that consummation than what had been suggested by the Noble Lord who opened the discussion. For he believed that not only was there a difficulty, which arose from a determined pursuit through a long course of years in search of this very measure against any com promise materially affecting the Ten Hours' Bit!, but this difficulty also, that in the intention of the Legisla ture, and with the concurrence of a large portion of the manufacturers, the hours of labour were to be curtailed in the manner pointed out by the statute.—(Hear, hear.) From the statements of the inspectors, and the reports of other parties whose opinions had been taken on the subject, the masters and operatives, with reference to virtues questions put to them, shewed that there was no appearance of any other scheme being brought into operation. Mr. Farmer took the opinion of upwards of session. Mr. HENLEY suggested that the second reading should be postponed until eLer Easter. The Bill would overload the boards (f guardians with additional work, and distract their attention from duties which ought to claim their earnest attention. Sir J. PAKINGTON could not join in the advice eithar to postpone the Bill until after Easter or to next session. The Bill at all events had simplicity to recom mend it, and on the whole he thought the Government entitled to support in the measure. After a brief conversation, in which Mr. Hildyard, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. lloldsworth, Mr. Philip Howard, and Cap tain Harris. took part. Mr. LEWIS stated, in reply to Mr. Cardwell, that the Bill was not intended to extend to any districts that appointed surveyors under local Acts. Mr. HODGSON moved that the second reading be postponed for six months. Sir GEORGE GREY said there was a great desire that some more efficient system should be adopted for the improvement of the highways, and he trusted the House would consent to the second reading of the Bill. It was no argument against the Bill to say that the roads in one part of the country were good and in another part bad, and therefore, for the general improvement of the present system of management, he should press the se cond reading of the Bill. Mr. P. BENNET supported the amendment, as he objected to the poor-law guardians appointing the sur eerveyors of those roads. Mr. FREWEN also objected to the Bill, as it would completely change the syetem throughout the country. The roads in many places were good, and why introduce such a sweeping measure as this, which included the whole country. He also objected to the powers con ferred on the poor-law guardians by the Bill. Mr. DEEDES supported the second reading of the Bill. He believed that anything which might appear obnoxious in it could be remedied while in Committee, and as there was great reason to find fault with the .pre s sent system he should Support the second reading. Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE considered that the principle of the Bill was to make the improvement of the roads part and parcel of the poor-law, which would occasion great inconvenience ; and he should vote against the second reading. After a few words from Mr. Adderley, Mr. Ferrer, Mr. Henley, and Mr. C. Lewis, The House divided, when there appeared— For the amendment ... 55 For the second reading ... 144 Majority for the second reading —B9 The Bill was therefore read a second time. CHIEF JUSTICES' SALARIES BILL. The order of the day for the second reading of this Bill having been read, Mr. GOULBURN said he wished to know whether the measure was to contain soy provision upon the sub ject of the retiring allowance of the chief justices ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the Bill did not contain any privision upon that point ; but they might, if they pleased, take it into their consideration in the Committee. Mr. MULLINGS said be thought they ought to defer the second reading of that Bill until they should have before them returns which bad already been ordered of the amount of patronage in the hands of the chief justices. It certainly appeared to him that in the present circum stances of this country, and after the recent fall in prices, 8,000/. was too large a sum to pay as a salary to a chief justice. That learned functionary did not per form duties more onerous or more responsible than those of the Secretary for the Home Department, who received only 5,000/. a year. He believed that many Hon. Gentlemen were not aware of the amount of dis ress which at present prevailed throughout a great por tion of the country. But he had himself suffered from that distress. In the year 1842 he had invested in the purchase of an estate the earnings of a long and labo rious life, and he found that he could not derive a re turn for that investment if the most rigid economy were not practised in every branch of the public service. Mr. R. PALMER (said, that as he did not belong to that branch of the profession -front which chief justices were usually taken, he believed that he could speak impartially upon ;that subject. It appeared; tot him that it would be a matter greatly to be deplored if that House were to go too fast in the way of the reduction of judicial salaries.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more essential to the good working of our constitution than that justice should bo administered among us with efficiency, learning, and purity, and that object could net be attained unless they gave to the judges such salaries as would enable them to command the services of the most eminent members of the legal pro fession. It might bo true that the duties of the Chief - Justice were not more onerous or important than those of a Secretary for the Home Department ; but then it should be remembered that secretaries of state in this country were usually men,,of ,independent fortune,. an d . that in accepting the office they did not g iv e up a pro fession from which they derived considerable incomes. In the United States judges received very small salaries; but the consequence of that was' that the most eminent members of the legal profession in that country were un willing to allow themselves to be raised to the judicial bench ; and after they had been so raised it was no un usual thing to find them accepting the more profitable office of registrars in the very courts in which they bad presided. He again implored the House not to proceed too fast in the system of reducing the incomes of judges, for he believed that a more ruinous economy could not be adopted.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. SPOONER said that although the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just addressed the House was not a member of that branch of the profession from which chief justices were usually taken. he was a mem ber of that branch from which Lord Chancellors were commonly selected, and from the talent displayed in that House by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, be (Mr. Spooner) should not be surprised if he was one day to become a candidate for that office.—(Laughter.) But it was clear that the amount of salary paid to one judge ahould, more or less, regulate the amount of salary paid to every other judge, and the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman might not, therefore, be able to decide upon that point as impartially ei 14 appeared to imagine. It cer tainly appeared to him (Mr. Spooner) that if 8,000/. bad been found a sufficiently large salary for a Cniet Jus tice seventeen years ago, it was an excessive salary at present. Sir G. GREY said that some Hon. Members seem to forget that that was a Bill, not for increasing, but for reducing the salaries of the chief justices. It would a' one reduce the salary of the Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench from 10,0001. to 8,0001.; and it would prospectively reduce the salary of the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas trom 8,000 1 . to 7,000/.; so that the result of rejecting the measure would be that a reduction in their salaries could not take place.—(A laugh.) He thought that the Committee would be the fittest place for deciding what the precise amount of either should be. Colonel SIBTHORP trusted the second reading of the Bill would be postponed until after the financial statement. He considered all official persons too highly paid. The Bill was then read a second time. PROCESS AND PRACTICE (IRELAND) BILL. The several clauses of this Bill having been agreed to i in Committee, Mr. SADLEIR rose and moved the addition of several clauses, the object of which, he said, was t r prevent the frauds which the existing system of simple attachment gave rise to in Ireland. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the clauses pro posed by the Hon. M em b er were similar to those which had been submitted to h er M a j e sty's Government by the Chamber of Commerce i n Dublin; but, after full consi deration, he had arrived at the conclusion that they could not be introduovd into the present Bill. After a short conversation, in which the Attorney- General, Mr. Sadleir, Mr. G. .A. Hamilton, Mr. Rey nolds, Mr. Grogan,:and others, took part, the clauses were understood to have been withdrawn. The House then resumed. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Friday, the 22d inst. The Committee on the Marriage Bill was postponed until Thursday next. Quarter t One o'clock. and T d htheeoHthoeursoerdaderiosuronfetdhset a da g y were then disposed of, SIR JOHN FRANKLIN. To THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sut,—A s the utmost anxiety pervades all classes respecting the safety of Sir John Franklin and his brave companions, I am induced to beg the favour of inserting in your valuable journal the following suggestion, which would undoubtedly be an improvement on the ex perimental balloons recently invented for the purpose of distributing printed slips of paper at stated inter vals. There is every probability that paper would soon be destroyed by t h e atmospherp of the Arctic climes • therefore, in lieu of paper, slips of thin calico or muslin, different colours, or thin printed slips of silk, various colours. There would also be an ad vantage in adopting this latter, as the natives would preserve them either from curiosity or a desire to adorn their persons. Your compliance would confer a favour on your very obliged, humble servant ART, HUR GUINNESS. Grenville-place, Brighton, March 13, 1850. num.—A lady in Kent has offered prizes of 51. every year as a onnstening present to such of two mothers of the peasantry class, whose first child shall be born at the regular time after a marriage contracted on the following conditions: — " Ist, That the young woman shall have been engaged twelve months to young man of good character. 2d, That .the engage ment shall have been declared to the clergyman of the parish twelve months before the marriage. 3d, That the clergyman shall have approved the general conduct of t)e parties during that period. THE SUN, LoNtIoN, 1 1 It I DAY EVENING, MARCH is, 1850. cost not exceeding the present expense of water to the South• Eastern and Brighton Companies, at their stations at London-bridge and the Bricklayers' Arms. —(Hear, hear.) The directors thought it their duty to bring this matter before them ; and those who had money to spare—(Laughter)—might perhaps like to form a company for the purpose ; but if no other re sult should follow than the rental arising from the right of way of such a supply of water over their line, it would be a great object.—(Hear.) With regard to the net earnings of the company, the shareholders would hardly believe him when he told them that they had even in this session been called upon to de fend their property against the construction of new lines—(Hear, hear)—the extension of the North Kent line—and though the,scheme had been defeated, yet it had cost them 1,200/. ; and that sum, he might observe, had been charged to revenue. Their earn• inga were further lessened by the sum set apart for the renewal of rolling stock or permanent way ; so that the net earnings of the line were at the rate of 2i per cent. per annum, and a very small per centage it was.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") But there was some consolation in this—that if all the capital were rendered productive, and if the conti nental lines were developed as he anticipated, their pro perty would stand in a position not very different from Consols.—(Laughter.) This was a very diffe rent result from what they had a right to expect; but if they looked those difficulties fairly in the face, the company would be in a position to borrow money at the rate of 3i per cent., and they would go to Parlia ment, as they proposed to do, on Monday next, and show that they had met ) every obligation without paying a dividend. With regard to their Ashford and Hastings line, there was a clause in the Bill pro viding that if \ the line were not fini s h e d by the autumn of 1848, no dividend should be divided after that till it was completed. They had received legal advice, however, that this only applied to the capital employed in the construction of that branch, and they were further advised that they must pay interest upon that capital, because interest was not dividend.— (Laughter.) But to-day they had been served with an injunction against their paying any dividend whatever till that branch was completed. He had no fear, however, of such an injunction being found valid.—(Hear, bear.) With regard to the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate line, he had to state that when they came to the agreement with that line, which was now in existence, they were lured into it by the expectation of a great reticulation of lines on the narrow gauge running from Reading to Oxford and the north, thus giving the South.. astern a direct communication with the north of England. Notie of these lines had been completed, but the South-Eastern Company had ful filled their agreements; and when the lines he al luded to were made, he still hoped that the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate line, which was certainly at present in a disaitrous condition, would be greatly im (proved. A compromise on the existing agreement had been proposed, by which this company was to pay 5f per cent. on the 600,0001. already raised on the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate line, and 4 per cent. upon 200,0001. still remaining to be raised, thus making the permanent guarantee on the whole capital stock of that company 5f per cent. This compromise he strongly recommended the share holders to accept. He concluded by proposing that the report be adopted, printed, and circulated among the shareholders. Mr. RENSHAW seconded the motion. Mr. Josien WILSON objected to that part of the re port which recommended Mr. Barlow's discovery of iron sleepers and chains. He said the Greenwich line was at first laid upon stone sleepers, which were found to shake the engines to pieces, and it cost them 20,0001. to relay the line with the ordinary sleepers. He, therefore, warned the shareholders not lightly to go into this enormous expenditure which might, perhaps, land them in as much more to return to the old system. He complained of the extravagant salaries on the establishment, not except ing that of the chairman, who, since he got 2,0001. from the shareholders, had become the sole dictator of the concern.—(Hear, hear.) Would they believe it, that his honest and straightforward Friend, Mr. Thompson, had not been called to a single com mittee meeting since he dared to say that the money of the company was unfairly used ?—(Hear.) What had proved Mr. Hudson's ruin had been applauded in the case of Mr. M'Gregor. He had taken dividend out of capital while the opposition of the North Kent Company existed, and he was applauded for it. He then compared the salaries on this line with those on the midland, those on the latter being much lower than the South-Eastern, Mr. Wilson proceeded in this way for some time, now cheered by the share holders, and now assailed by cries of " True" and " Question," declaring his opinion that the chairman was mismanaging the affairs of the company, and that he rendered the funds of the company sub servient to the interest of a banking establishment in Liverpool. He concluded by asking whether all the funds for which the No. 2 shares were created were paid off. The CHAIRMAN said that the No. 2 shares were not created for discharging bond debts only—the ether purposes bad absorbed those shares, so far as the bond debt was not discharged. Mr. WILSON asked bow much of the bond debt was not paid off? The CHAIRMAN said the bond debt was set forth in the report. Mr. Wilson said the debt was not to be found in the report. He would ask another question—How much the steam-packet company owed the rail way ? The CHAIRMAN—The amount was under 7,0001. Mr. WILSON was then proceeding to denounce the steam-packet company, but was met by the universal hisses of the meeting, when he said he would not touch further upon that. He then came back upon the question of the directors, and said that the books of the company were taken to the Chairman's house and locked up there. The CHAIRMAN — That is positively untrue. Mr. Wilson—Grant him a committee, and be would bring a man upon oath to prove all he said. He did hope that the shareholders would, ere long, propose a committee of investigation, and they would find that their accounts were cooked, that dividend had been paid out of capital, and that dissatisfaction with the management was general all over the world. —(Cries of " No, no.") He concluded with moving that they only appoint one of the directors now going out of office. Mr. SMITH seconded the motion. The CHAIRMAN replied to Mr. Wilson, and said he had no doubt the meeting would listen to him after several years of faithful service which he had devoted to the company.—(Cheers.), Mr. Wilson had rung the changes upon the liberal sum of 2,0001. which had been allotted to him, but he had to say that if they chose to revoke the sum voted last year, it was as much at their service as on the day it was voted.— (Cheers.) He declared that neither he nor the rest of the directors would meet with Mr. Thompson, the director alluded to by Mr. Wilson, as it was impos sible for them to meet with any man on other terms than mutual confidence and good will. The charges brought against him by that gentleman had been in vestigated by the committee appointed last year, and he was ready to submit to any further investigation —the only painful thing connected with it being, the horrid sacrifice of his own property which had taken place on this line.—(Cheers, and cries of " Who's in the same boat ?") Yes, he admitted that; but he could say that be held every share in the line now that he held from the beginning.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He then defended the officers of the establishment and their salaries, and retorted upon Mr. Wilson that his interest in the Blackwell Railway and the Gravesend steam-boats, induced him to find fault with all that had been done on the North Kent line. He challenged Mr. Wilson, or any other, to compare the South-Eastern expenses with the Brighton or any other line in similar circum stances. With regard to the directors, be declared that nothing would induce him to sit at the board with that man (pointing to Mr. Thompson). [This expression led to loud cries of " Shame," and " Hear, hear."] He trusted that this meeting would re-elect the retiring directors, and proposed, if they did so, that the directors should, at their first meeting, ballot for the retirement of three of their number. Mr. Thompson, the director alluded to, then read a written statement of his complaints against his co directors. These referred to alleged misstatements i n former accounts, 4 debiting the capital account with what belonged to revenue, and lending money.to other parties in an irregular manner. The meeting listened to the statement with considerable impati ence, .and there were several calls for Mr. Thompson to state the cause of his quarrel with the chairman and other directors, He said he had been attacked because he denounced the mode in which the affairs of the company were managed, and every insult bad been heaped upon him to induce him to resign his seat at the board ; but as be knew his own integrity, he disregarded thei tactics which had driven twenty of his predecessors to resign.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. RATCLIFFE would like to know if any of the other directors knew anything of these matters ? Mr. Renshaw, raid that some of the affairs re ferred to took place before he was a director ; but he had investigated the whole of them, and he could declare upon his honour that there was not one word of truth in what Mr. Thompson had stated.—(Loud c ries of " Hear, hear.") He had further t o say, that if they were to extract the truth out of Mr. Wilson's statements, they would find it reduced to a very small modicum indeed. Mr. THOMPSON here (in a state of great excite ment) declared that Mr. Renshaw, who had contra dicted him in that infamous manner, was qualified by the chairman, who had given him twenty shares to enable him to be a director. He threw the charge of falsehood back in his teeth.—(Loud cries of " Order.") Yes, he told him to his teeth that it was a falsehood.—(Cries of Shame," 6, Order," t' Chair.") IVISIONS. (From the V OP.II and Proceedings of the Sousa of Commons.' THURSDAY, MARCH 14. HIGRWAYS BILL. Order for Second Reading real; Motion made, and Ques tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time :" Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months." Question put, "That the word' now' stand part of the question." The House divided : MAJORITY-AYES, 144. Adderley, C. E. Fortescue, J. W. Peel, Frederick Aglionby, H. A. Glyn, G. C. Pelham, D. A Ansley. Thomas C. Goulburn, Henry Perfect, Robert Arkwright, 'I. Greens.ll, Gilbert Plowdcn, W. H. Armstrong, R. B. Greene. John Power, Dr. Arundel, Earl of Grenfell, Charles W. Power, Nicholas Bagshaw, John Grey, Sir G. Piney, Philip Bailey, Joseph Grosvenor, Lord R. Rawdon, Colonel Baines, M. T. Hard... Agile, J. A. Reynolds, John Baring, Sir F. T. Harris, Richard Ricardo, J. L. Bass, M. T. Hatchell, John Ricardo, Osman Bernal, Ralph llawes, Benj. Rice, E. R. liouverie, E. P. Ileneage, G. H. Rich. Henry Bowles. Admiral Henry, Alexander Romilly, Sir John Boyle, Colonel Ilerbert,:Sidney Romilly, Colonel Bramston, T. W. Heywood, James Rusbout, Captain Brocklehurst, John Heyworth, L. Brockman. E. D. Ilobhouse, Sir J. Brotherton, J. Hobhouse, T. B. Brown, W. Holland, Robert Buxton, Sir E. Howard, P. H. Cardwell, E. Howard, Sir R. Carew, W. P. Jackson, William Carter, John B. Jermyn, Earl Cavendish, G. H. Jervis, Slr John Christy, Samuel Keating, Robert Clay, James Kershaw, James Clerk Sir George Legh, G. C. Clive, H. B. Lennard, T. B. Cobden, R. Locke, Joseph Cocks, T. R. Lygon, General Compton, 11. C. Martin,lC. W. Cowan, Charles Masterman, John Cowper, W. F. Matheson, Colonel Deedes, W. Mettle, Fox Denison, Edmund Mitchell, T. A. Douglas, Sir C. Moffatt, George Duckworth, Sir J. Monsell, William Duncombe, 0. Morris, David Duneuft, John Mulgrave, Earl Dundas, Admiral Mundy, William Dundas, Sir David Muntz, G. F. Ebrington, Viscount Mare, Colonel Ellis, John Norreys, Lord Elliot, John E. Ogle, S. C. Emlyn, Viscount Pakington, Sir J. Ferguson, Sir R. Palmer, Roundell Foley, J. H. y Parker, John Forcter, Mathew Fatten, W. Sandars, George Sell°Wield, William Seyraer, 11. K. Seymour, Lord Sheridan, ii. B. Simeon, John Smith, A. J. Smith, John B. Smollett, A. Somerville. Sir W. Spearman, 11. J. Stanley, E. 11. Stansfteld, W. B. Tenison, E. K. Tennent, R. J. Thesiger, Sir F. Ihicknesse, It. A. Thompson, Colonel Thornely, Thomas Walinsley, Sir J. Walpole, Spencer Westhead, J. P. Willcox, Brodie Williams, John Williamson, Sir H. Wilson, James Whoa, Matthew Wood, W. P.: Wortley, J. S. Wyvill, Marmaduke %Tuxes. Lewis, George C: Hayter, W. G. MINORITY—NOES, 55. Bennet, Philip Grogan, Edward Long, W.' Blackall, S. W. Guernsey, Lord ; Mackenzie, W. F. Bremridge, Richard Gwyn, Howel Manners, Lord G. Broadley, H. Halsey, T. P. • Miles, P. W. S. Chaplin, W. J. Hamilton, G. A. Mullings, J. R. Chatterton, Colonel Harris, Captain Naas, Lord Chichester, Lord J. Ileathcoat, John Newdegate, C. N. Coles, 11. B. Henley, J. W. Portal, Melville Dodd, George] Hildyard, R. C. Sibthorp, Colonel Edwards, H. Hildyard, T. B. Smyth, J. G. Farnham, E. Hood, Sir A. Spooner. R. Ferrer, James Hornby, John Stanford. J. F. Fellewes, B. Hudson, G. Stanley, Edward Elmer, Sir E. Inglis, Sir R. Sullivan. Michael Floyer, John' JoWife, Sir W. G. Vesey, Hon. T. Forbes, Wm. Lennox,;.Lord A. Waddington, H. S. Frewen, C. H. Lewisham, Visc. TELLZIII. Gaskell J. 2.1. Lindsay, Colonel Strickland, Sir G. Goddard, A. L. Lockhart, W. Hodgson, W. N. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. SOUTH-EASTERN. The half-yearly meeting of this company was held yesterday, at the Bridge-house Hotel, Southwark, opposite the terminus of the company. The at tendance of shareholders was large, and more than usually boisterous, though it may be observed that the meeting, which appeared at first to be dead against the chairman, and received him and his brother directors on their entrance with a storm of hisses S and other marks of disapprobation, ended by carrying every proposition which the board submitted to them. Mr. HRBBBRT, the clerk of the company, having read the advertisements calling the meeting, and the special objects which were contemplated to be brought forward, The CHAIRMAN proposed that the seal of the com pany should be affixed to the share register. This was done without opposition. On its being completed, Mr. JOSIAH WILSON asked to look at the book so sealed. The CHAIRMAN . said he would put it to the meet ing whether Mr. Wilson could be allowed to see if or not. Mr. Anaurta, the solicitor, on being appealed to on the law of the case, gave it as his opinion that the Act of Parliament did not permit shareholders to in spect the book containing the shares sold by the different proprietors, though they were entitled to see the names and places of residence of their parties. Mr. WILSON then moved that, in future, a printed list of the shareholders, with the number of shares held by each, should be printed on the Ist of January of each year, and sold for ls. Mr. SMITH seconded the motion. An angry discussion took place, which ended in Mr. Wilson's resolution being put to the vote, and carried. The Csantatan, on declaring the show of hands, said—Gentlemen, the resolution has passed—for what it is worth. Tnis gave rise to great outcries on the part of se veral shareholders. Mr. Wilson declared the remark was foolish and improper, and one shareholder sug gested that the chairman should apologise to Mr. Wilson, and another that his words should be taken down. The CHAIRMAN, who scornfully rejected the idea of any apology, disclaimed all intention of insulting any one, but remarked that, if he were advised that this resolution could not be legally carried into effect, he certainly would not act upon it. This gave rise to further uproar which gradually subsided, and the subject dropped. It was then agreed that the report, the substance of which ap peared in The Sun of yesterday, should be taken as read. The CHAIRMAN then rose to call their attention to the various topics treated of in the report. He need scarcely point out to them that the results of the past half-year were not so favourable as they had at one time anticipated, the returns even from the North Kent line, though large, not being equal to their first expectations. But he was able to say with truth, that on comparing the returns from the South- Eastern line with those of other railways they did not present an unfavourable aspect, while they must bear in mind that the causes which had reduced their receipts were of a more difficult and embarrassing character than those that affected other lines. Their continental traffic had not increased as every one ex pected it would when the continental lines were opened. This arose, he had no doubt, from the un settled state of of tirs on the continent, and he trusted the depression would be of a very temporary nature. The shareholders would find that a very large sum had been reserved for the renewal of their rolling stock and permanent way. The sum was larger he believed than had been set apart by any other com pany, but he would remind them that this was a critical period in their history, and it became them therefore to look to the state of their revenue account with peculiar care. If the sum set apart should event ually prove too large, the proprietors would reap all the benefit of the surplus ; should it prove after all not more than sufficient, they would have no reason to regret that they had at this early period looked the evil fairly in the face. After alluding to the in• crease of traffic on the main line, and the deficiency on the Greenwich line, he said that the question of the postal communication between this country and France was now under the consideration of a Com mittee of the House of Commons, and he had no doubt that the present mutilated system of communi cation would be much improved, and that the mail being sent from Paris at seven o'clock instead of eight through Boulogne to Dever or Folkestone would arrive in London by half-past six. He did not doubt that such facilities would be of great advantage to the railway, - not only in the postal communication, but also in the passenger traffic, and he appealed to the influential ,body of shareholders on the South- Eastern line to use all the influence they possessed in urging upon the Government of this country to con fer with the Government of France in giving all possible facilities for the passenger traffice. He might state that all the annoyances which formerly existed existed still, and that the new system of passports was fully as vexatious as the old. He believed if the Government of this country were to signify to the Government of France—which, by the way, bad never been done yet—that they were ready to meet them in conferring facilities to t i p t a w sse o n u g ld er b s which this company su stained from the want of egroeiendgilyfroamgroeneed c te ou . ntg e e t e o ti t te he at o e t d he t r h , e p os e ! de velopment of the traffic on the continental lines at no less a sum than 50,0001. a year; for he considered, though it might be looked upon as unneighbourly to say so, that when the lines to the east of France were opened a great portion of the traffic which now went by Southampton to the east would then come over their line. With regard to the renewal of the per manent way, he was bound to notice the remarkable discovery of Mr. Barlow, their engineer, who pro posed that the chains and sleepers, as well as the rails, should be made of iron, which would be much cheaper than the present system, as these articles when once made would last for twenty or thirty !ears.—(Hear, hear) Mr. Barlow had also ascer tained in his examinations connected with the North Kent line, that there was in the chalk district imme diately adjoining the line, a superabundant supply of water, which could be brought to London at a very trifling expense. They had been too late to bring in a Bill upon the subject this session, but in order that the merits of the scheme might be brought fairly before the House, they had petitioned to be allowed to bring in a Bill, notwithstanding the standing orders. That petition was refused, however, and they were advised to bring the matter before the Sanitary Commission. But the fact remained that they could bring along their North Kent line a supply of water adequate to the wants of the whole metro polis, and its cheapness might be estimated from•this fact, that they could bring to the terminus at the Bricklayers' Arms a supply of water adequate for the wants of all the districts south of the Thames, at a PARLIA3IE The CHAIRMAN said, if he spoke a month he could not give the meeting a better proof of the relations of the board with that gentleman.—(Loud cheers.) Ile entreated Mr. Renshaw to make no answer to these statements.—(Cheer.) Mr. Wilson's amendment with regard to the dire°. ters was then put to the meeting and lost, and the re port was agreed to. On the motion of the CHAIRMAN, a dividend for the half-year, at the rate of three per cent. per annum, was agreed to, to be paid on the Bth of April. A long discussion then took place with regard to the directors. Mr. T. H. SMITH said he had attended the meeting determined to vote against the re-election of the re tiring directors, as he was of opinion the number should be reduced to nine ; but, after the exhibition of temper shown by Mr. Thompson to-day, he did not wonder that the other directors declined to asso ciate with him, and, therefore, h e wou ld support t h e re-election of t he retiring directors on the understand ing that at the first meeting of the board afterwards they should ballot their number down to nine. This motion was agreed to, Mr. Thomp son de claring that he would not be bound by it ; and the retiring directors, Hon. Mr. Byng, Mr. Bradshaw, Mr. Jack, and Mr. Kirwan Smith, were re-elected. A long discussion then took place on the election of auditors, which ended in the meeting adjourning. for a month to receive the names of properly quatifiea candidates ; the salary meantime being fixed at 1001. per annum for each of the three auditors. The consolidation of the different shares into the capital stock of the company was also agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then brought before them a Bill which was now before Parliament, for an increase in their capital account, which he said was rendered ne cessary by the purchase of the Gravesend and Roches ter Canal, the extension of the St. Leonard's and Hastings line, amounting in the whole to 1,200,0001. The Bill, after some discussion, was approved of. Another Bill to empower the shareholders to de termine when the payment of interest out of capital on the No. 3 and 4 shares should cease, was also brought forward, and was also approved by a majo r rity of the shareholders, the minority handing in a protest against it. The CHAIRMAN then brought forward the contract with the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate Company, and recommended the adoption of the compromise now suggested by the directors. He said the pill was as bitter a one to him as it could be to any one in the room, but he believed he was doing his duty in proposing the compromise. He concluded by pro posing a resolution, agreeing to a lease of this line, at a rate of 5} per cent. on the paid-up capital of 600,0001, and 4 per cent. on the calling up of the remaining Parliamentary capital of 200,0004, at the rate of 4 per cent.; further, that a Bill shall be in troduced into Parliament for the amalgamation of the two companies, at the rate of renting the shares of the Reading, Guildford, and Reigate Company as perpetual debentures, at the rate of 51 per cent. After some discussion, the resolution was agreed to by a large majority. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the meeting adjourned. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, ISIAp.cH 14. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The market to-day has been some.. what depressed. The transactions were as follow : Great Western, Quarters, 1-Ili—Wilts, Somerset, &c., 10 1 / 2 dis.— Taff Vale, 13 p. LIVERPOOL, MAR.CII 14. STOCK ExcirANGE.—The share market was very dull to day, and prices had a downward tendency, the market closing heavily at the quotations. The transactions were as fol low : Lancashire and Yorkshire, Fifths (West Riding Union), 71.4 dis.—London and North-Western, ML A —Ditto, New Quarters, 6s. 3d. dis.— Ditto, Fifths, p.—Midland, 39 1 4 c. ex div.—Ditto, Halves, 25 dis.—Shrewsbury and Birmingham (91. 12s. 3d. B.), 6 dis. —York, Newcastle, sad Berwick (Extension Nos. 1 and 2), 11 3 / 4 dis. ex div.— Ditto (G. N. E. Purchase), 6 per Cent. till 1850, 64 dis. MANCHESTER, MARCH ) 4. &rocs EXCRANOIL—Business on our Stock Exchange to-day was very inactive, and prices remain almost station ary. The transactions were as follow :—East Lancashire, B=n c.—Ditto, Preference, Quarters (min. 6 per cent.), Lancashire and Yorkshire, 40% ex div.—Ditto, 321. (tate Extension), 11% ex div.—Ditto, Halves (H. and S.), 20 —London and North-Western, 104—Ditto, Manchester and Birmingham (C), Quarters, 7-16 n. p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Eighths, 1 13-16—Ditto, Preference, 6% —Ditto, 121. 103. Shares, 1 3 A n.—North Staffordshire, 11 n. d.— South-Eastern and Dover, 17—Ditto, Scrip (No. 4), 554. BIRMINGHAM, MARCH 14. STOCK EXCHANGIL-Our share market was brisker to day, but there was no improvement in prices. The transac ctions were London and North-Western, 104—Ditto, Fifths. p.—Ditto, New, It dis.—Midland, 3v,4—Shrop shire Union, 3S I die.-- South Staffordshire, 4 1-16 dia. YORK, MARCH 13. STocz EXCHANGE.—The transactions to-day were as follow :—Great Northern, Preference, 71. 16s. 3d.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick, 13" A—Ditto (Newcastle Exten sion), 8%. GLASGOW, Matter' 13. STOCK EXCTIANGL—The transactions today were as follow : Caledon'an and Dumbartonshire, 70s.—Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee, 6—Glasgow General Terminus, 9 Midland, 39% SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TA CTERSA LL'.S.—YESTERDAr. The very 'united amount of business transacted yes terday afternoon renders it unnecessary to give more than the closing prices:— WARWICKSHIRE HANDICAP. 3 to 1 agst Lord J. Scott's Defaulter 4 to 1 sgst Mr. Meeson's Dart 4 to I agst Mr. Irwin's Ballinafsd 6 to 1 egst Mr. Lawson's Keleshea THE NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. 6 to 1 agst Mr. Ilalford's Harriott, 3 yrs, sst 101 b - to 1001. 13 to 2 apt Mr. H. Hill's Osterley, 4 yrs, 7st 9 to 1 agst Duke tf Bedford's Mahratta, 4 yrs, sst 111 b 12 to 1 egst Lord Eglinton's Belus, 4 yrs, 7st 51b—t 14 to 1 agst Sir J. Hawley's Fernhill, 5 yrs, Est 41h —taken 20 to 1 eget Mr. Jaques's Chantrey, 4 yrs, 6st 131 b METROPOLITAN STAKES. 2 to 1 eget Mr. Gratwicke's Cheerful, 4 yrs, 6.1-- take 5 to 2 CHESTER CUP. 40 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Chantrey, 4 yrs, Est lolb 2,000 to 25 sgst Mr. Lawson's Beleshea, 6 yrs, 611 61b —taken 2,000 to 20 agst Captain Low ther's Tarn Wadlin , 4 yrs, Est 111 b—taken 10,000 to 50 seat Mr. Sneering's St. George, 3 yrs, 4st 41b—taken DERBY. 6 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Ghillie Callum 7 to 1 agst Mr. W. Edwards na Bolingbroke—taken to 1001., and afterwards offered 22 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Mayors—taken to 1001. 25 to 1 agst Mr. J. Scott's Cyprus 30 to 1 agat Lord H. Lennox's William the Con queror 2,000 to 25 agat Duke of Bedford's John o' Groat—taken DONCASTER SPRING MEETING.—THUBSDAY. The Handicap (Hurdle Race) of 5 soya. each, and 30 added, the second to save his stakes. 2 miles. (12 Subs.) Mr. Lister's Wharfdale Maid, lOst 81b (Frisby) 1 Ur. Gardner's Little Queen, 4 yrs, 9st 71b (G. Arran) 2 Capt. Reynard's Jack-in-the• Corner, lost (Marwen) S The following also ran:—Mr. Perceval's Dunchurch, aged, 10st 6d (Frost)—Mr. Hargreave's na Chintz Print, aged, lOst 21b (Brooke) —Mr. J. R. Scott's Good Girl, 5 yrs, 9st 131 b (Clark) —and Mr. Foster's Fanny, aged, 9st (Smith). Betting-7 to 4 agst Little Quest), 3to 1 agst Wharf dale Maid-4 to 1 aget Jack-in-the-Corner, and 6to 1 agst Dunchurch. Fanny made the running beyond the stand, and then bolted, Wharfdale Maid took the lead, was never after beaded, and won by half a neck. Run in 4 min. 38 secs. The Grand Stand Stakes of 5 sous. each and 30 added; for 2 yrs old, 7st; 3 yrs, 9st, &e. Red House in. (7 Subs.) Mr. Dawson na Mark Tapley, 3 yrs ...(Cartwright) 1 Mr. Hesseltine's Timothy, 3 yrs (Langstaff) 2 Mr. Barker's Tordesillas, 3 yrs (Templemaa) 3 The following also started:—Mr A. Shepherd's Emma, 3 yrs (owner)—Mr. G. Barton's Leonidas, 3 ' yrs (W. Oates), and Mr. Jameson's Tower, 3yrs (Dean). Betting -5 to 1 agst Mark Tapley-3 to 1 agat Tor• desillas, and 7 to 2 agst Timothy. The favourite waited till within the distance, when he went up, and won easy by a length. Run in 1 min. 17 sec. The Grand National Steeplechase Handicap of 15 sou. each, 10 ft., &c., with 100 added; the second to save his stake. About three mile and a half. (13 Subs., 4 of whoth declared.) Mr. Skipeorth's Rachel. aged , lOst 41b (Frisb y ) 1 Mr . Hessall's Lucy Neal , ag ed, lOst 121 b (Ta y lor) 2 Mr.. E. Thorpe na Young Lottery, 9st 6lb (Butter) 3 Mr. Smith's Pestling, 9st (G. Muirbouse) 4 Mr.Cunningbam's Quadruped, 10st 2lb (G. Arran) 7 to 4 agst Rachel, 2 to 1 apt Lucy Neal, 6 to 1 sgst Young Lottery, and 6 to 1 agst Pestling. Eaohel lay in front throughout, and won s fine race by a short neck—run in 9 min. 1 see. The Municipal Stakes of S soya. each, and 30 add e d, the second to save his stake, &c. St. Leger course. (4 Subs.) Mr. J. Condron's Peasant Girl, 4 yrs (Keegan) 1 Mr. Blacker's Theory, 4 yrs (Arnold) 2 Mr. Millwood's Lodona, 3 yrs M 6 yrs r. Plamley's Billy from Brigg,(Osborne) 3 (Templeman) 4 Won cleverly. The Sheffield and Rotherham Stakes of 6 sovs. each, h ft, and 40 added. Ono mile. (12 Subs.) Mr. B. Eddison's Eliza Middleton, 3 yrs, 6st 2lb ... 1 Mr. B. Green's Osbaldest on , 3 yrs , 6st 121 b ... 2 Several others ran. Won by a length. - - ----- Porr-oirtca NOTICE.-All letters for Belgium, intended by the writers to be sent in the closed mail by way of France, must be specisily addressed either " via France," or " via Calais." rADVERTISEMENT.]—THE EI.IL OF ALDBOIIOI7O, AND HOLLOWAY'S PILLB.—An astounding cure by this mireculouli medicine, alter every other means had failed. See extract from his Lordship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1545. Professor r e of : I beg to acquaint you that your pills h ave at . fected a care of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all the mom: eminent of the faculty, at home and an ever the continent, had no t been able to effect; nay, not ever the waters of Carlsbad or Ma. rienbad. (Signed) " ALDsolocon.” These wenderfti pills w in cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also Holloway's I by all medicine Tend9ra th raughnt the dAlintwod, ,