The Sun. — London, England, 1868-08-12 00:00:00

BRLEIT OF TIE iIIBLIC JOURNALS, The Times is at a loss to account for the choice of Lord Mayo as Governor-General. Those who give entire credit to the report intimate that it is rather too "big a thing" for a Government under sentence and with its very days numbered. They even talk wildly of the appointment being revoked upon this ground, and hint that very shortly after the arrival of Lord Mayo at his post he may find himself telegraphed for from home. We cannot anticipate so severe and offensive a rebuke. Nor is it at all necessary that a Viceroy should be recalled simply on the ground of his ante cedent unfitness. If Lord Mayo should not be the man for India, ho will show it as soon as he begins to do anything more than he is told to do. He will soon have to take a line of his own, as every Viceroy has in his turn, and people at home will hear all about it. We will not anticipate the verdict of a Parliament not yet in existence upon questions which we hope will never arise. But is it wise to run these risks ? That we hold India at all is a standing miracle. At any moment the natural probabilities seem against its con tinuance. The spell is inscrutable, and not to be pro nounced by mortal lips. How the strands were spun and twisted, and of what material and under what planets, none of us know. The fact and the apology is that we hold India, and we must hold India. We cannot send her adrift. We cannot drop her into the abyss. We cannot see that fragile consistency broken into a thousand shreds. A heavy burden has been cast upon us, and we must bear it as we can to the very end of the chapter. All we do know is that the story of our Indian Empire is a succession of prodigies prodigies of daring, of perseverance, of fortitude, of military skill and prowess, of diplomacy, of statecraft, of tact, of all the qualities that govern the world. British India has hitherto always found men equal to the occasion. It is not surprising, then, that even courageous and san guine people should scrutinise narrowly every fresh link in the great human chain upon which so much depends. At certain intervals the fastest railway train is arrested for a few minutes while a knowing man taps every axle and listens to the ring, for 3, the slightest unsoundness in any one axle might cost the lives or the limbs of the whole train. India has passed through very great perils. Those perils, it may be observed, have each one been greater than that which went before, as if we were gradually rising to a climax of difficulty, and to a crisis beyond present anticipation. The questions upon which our dominion hangs are becoming more and more social. They relate more and more to the official relations and the private intercourse between the governing and the governed races ; and they tend towards the ultimate self government of India. A change in this direction will by no means dispense with that wide acquaintance with India, that singular devotion to Indian interests, for tunately for us all, long exhibited by our leading Indian statesmen and rulers, but of which Lord Mayo has given no sign. The Post approves of the course taken by Mr. Justice Hannen in sentencing the Ashton rioters in a batch. lle has drawn with a strong and steady hand the lino which marks the boundary between judicial action and philosophical thought. He has put—we hope we may be right if we say established—the difference between the duties of a judge administering criminal law and the sphere of an essayist discussing distinctions capable of being imagined or found in offences against it. It is time, nay, more, it has become pressing, that this should be done ; that the difference should be understood and recognised and the recognition acted upon in all the courts of justice in the country. Under the influence of the many-tongued Social Science Associations juries and even judges some times have become bewildered with words and fine-drawn disquisitions, as inane and as tiresome in their particu larity as the debates in the Courts of Love of the Trouba dours ; and to such a degree has frothy subtlety pushed Puzzledom, that refinement in definition has well-nigh neutralised perception, and positive conviction come to be regarded as a thing to be shrunk from and devoutly repusliated. We want common sense on the bench and in the courts, and Mr. Justice Hannen has given it to us, as far as one man can give it, wisely, strongly, and oppor tunely. The Daily News believes that the damage and suffering were tenfold magnified by the sheer want of a due supply of water. The season is dry, everything in our houses is more than ordinarily inflammable, the supply of water all over London is running short, and all the companies are economising. A fire in our own houses, in our neighbours' houses, or across the street, may break out any night, and if it breaks out it will make rapid progress. The engines will be sent for and will arrive, but the firemen may have to stand looking idly on, while the flames leap from house to house, and the terrified inmates vainly wring their hands, and frantically shriek for succour. And all because there is no water in the smaller mains, because we don't know how to get at the larger ones, and because the company's reservoirs are far away! These reflections certainly point to a grave defect in our municipal arrangements. We have, only last year, recognised that fires concern the community, and not merely the actual sufferers, and, impressed with this fact, we have trans ferred the control of the Fire Brigade from the insurance offices to the Board of Works, which for the present represents our municipality. But we have left the water pipes in the hands of private and separate trading companies. So when the officers of the munici pality desire to work the engines, they are paralysed because the water is private property, and cannot be got at. Here is a solution of continuity in our civic arrangements which may well startle us. It seems obvious that such an arrangement must from time to time produce the same results as those we have just seen so terribly exemplified. It is impossible to expect a public body and a private body to be always prepared to work well together. We know not indeed if it is even the duty of the water companies to provide water for fires. But even if it is, and granting that in any case they would be ready to do so, it is obvious that the service cannot be efficiently rendered so long as their servants and not the firemen have the command and knowledge of the pipes. The Herald says that the arrival of Mr. Davis at Liver pool has naturally excited a good deal of interest and attention. Nor is there any reason to wonder at the warm reception he has met with ; though there is much cause to rejoice at the quiet and unostentatious character which the demonstration of respect and sympathy have assumed. Indeed, wherever he may shew himself among English. men, Mr. Davis is sure to be welcomed with every mark of esteem and admiration. The heroes of an unfortu nate cause are always popular with us, especially when they have struggled and suffered on behalf of a people battling for national independence. Kossuth, fresh from a Turkish detention and from the Hungarian rebellion, was greeted with enthusiastic applause by every class of the community ; even Mazzini's name was popular until the recollections of the gallant defence of Rome were effaced by other and less honourable associations. Political exiles always find us predisposed in their favour, whatever their party and whatever the cause for which they suffered. It would be unfortunate, and it would be unworthy, were the American people to take offence at the welcome given to the chief of the fallen Con federacy. We may request them to remember that we have nothing to do with their present feuds and merely political squabbles—with the abrogation of Southern State rights and the proscription of Southern citizens. To us South and North are now parts of one American Union, pnd Mr. Davis is a man honoured and esteemed throughout one-half of that Union, as few unsuccessful leaders have ever been honoured by those whom they conducted to defeat and ruin. We welcome not the enemy of the United States, but the chief of the Southern people. We honour not so much the living as the dead ; we express our sympathy with no present party strife, no possible aspirations for the future, but with a past that, however glorious, however honourable, however full of lofty deeds and great achievements, is beyond The Times thinks that it is on the question of the Irish attention, We Church that Mr. Forster best des w . e rser on an should never dream of consultinct e lNl e r e intricate question of political science ; of social should count at Do great price his judgment on any problem economy. His reasoning is too apt to be inartfuate. It moves in jerks. There are breaks of continuity processes of proof. It is when he is expounding in his simple truth to simple men that we welcome his arguments as as useful adjuncts to the appeals of more subtle relsen The views of a candidate up on the Irish Church not only furnish the test bet ween a Liberal and a Conserv ative , but the way in which t he y are enunciated and dev eloped is the best mode of distinguishing between rival Liberals. Mr. Forster had something to say upon all the topics which have lately come before Parliament, or appear likely to be soon made the subject of discussion. lie discoursed upon economy, upon education, and upon the completion of the work of Reform, and these are all matters of importance, but they are merely subsidiary to the main question before the nation, and there is danger lest they should be disproportionately magnified. In fact, the man whose views on the Trish Church are thoroughly sound glues a pledge of economy, for the Irish Estaldishment is a symbol of wasted power ; he approves himself a friend of sound educational progress, for the Irish Establishment is the embodiment of the errors which infect our educa tional system and retard its development ; and he is a courageous Reformer, for lie does not hesitate to assist in dcst ro imr an anomalou3 institution however long• established or deep•rooted. The Telegraph reminds us that when the Archbishop of Canterbury speaks and acts, he is usually understood tc express the mind and act the will of the Church ; yet it he should continue to sanction the stratagem by which it is sought to set up Dr. Macrorie as bishop in Natal, he must sanction a policy that would place the Church is antagonism to the law by which it holds its position it this country. This would be far worse than schism in the Church-- it would be schism of the Church, severance of the Church, severance of the bonds that unite the Churci and the State. If it is true that the Archbishop coon. tenances such a c ourse, h e must answer to the grave eiarg4 of dealing a bl ow a t t h e relations between Church and State more bold anti more fatal than any of which M Aliall hns ever yet dreamed. SUICIDE BY A GIRL. An inquest has just been held at West Bromwich con cerning the death of a girl 15 years old, named Sarah Ann Wall. On Thursday elm :bought threepennyworth of " Vermin Killer," and when next seen she was crouched down on the ground near the Bush Inn. The man who found her asked her what was the matter, and on her replying that she had hurt her leg, he took her to a Mrs. Whitehouse's house. When there she seemed very sick, and trembled all over, while she was in great pain. Mr. Whitehouse asked her what was the matter, but she did not reply until her mother returned, and she then said that she had taken poison, and told her mother to look in her pocket. This Mrs. Wall did, and she there found a paper which had contained " Vermin Killer." Mr. Alfred Paget Evans, surgeon, was sent for, but as soon as he saw the deceased he said there was no hope of her recovery. She continued in dreadful agony until a little after twelve o'clock, when she died. In reply to questions put to her as to what induced her to poison herself, she said that she ran all the way there and all the way back for the poison, that she meant to die, and that ihe did it "through a chap" with whom she had quar relled. There was no reason to suppose that the deceased was insane at the time she committed the act, as she had been particularly cheerful the whole day. The above facts having been proved in evidence, and the coroner having summed up, the jury returned a verdict of felo-de-se. k THE M'KENNA LIBEL CASE. For several days the jury at the Cork Assizes have been engaged in trying the case of Sir Joseph M`Kenna, M.P., v. Thomas Masters Usborne. Damages were laid at £20,000. The alleged libel occurs in a letter written by Mr. Usborne, a holder of six hundred shares in the National Bank, of which Sir Joseph M`Kenna is manager. Mr. Usborne wrote to the board of directors of the bank in these terms of the plaintiff, in July 1867: " The name of Mr. WlCenna, our managing director, still appears as director in many schemes far more disreputable (Mr. Usborne had been before making a reference to the Dublin Trunk Railway)—viz., Peruvian Railway, Mar seilles Land Company, Lundy Granite, and other com panies, the shares of which are at a heavy discount, this fact tending to depress our shares almost to a famine price. The shareholders and depositors have recently spoken out their disapprobation upon these connec tions, so disastrous to the success of the bank, and knowing that if the directors desire to regain the loyalty of shareholders and customers, confidence can only be restored by a prompt correction of these errors. Favour me by informing me if the directors propose to take action to satisfy the minds of anxious shareholders on this particular subject.—Your obedient servant, Tnomas M. USBORNE." It was pleaded that this was a privileged communication. For the plaintiff it was represented that the letter was not written honestly, or to improve the position of the bank, cr without malice. It was stated by counsel for Sir Joseph MlCenna, that Mr. Usborne was animated by personal hatred to him, which he had avowed in other 1.-Itters ; and that this had arisen from his having refused Mr. Usborne's proposition soon after the commercial panic, that "the value of the bank shares, in a falling market, should be sustained secretly by means of the money in the bank "—a proposition, it was added, made for the purpose of "securing to himself (Usborne)a sum of money he had lent upon the faith of the shares of the bank, and which, if it had been carried out, would have rendered all those engaged in it liable to answer for it at the criminal side of our courts, as for a conspiracy." Mr. Usborne, it was further stated, said at the time that if Sir Joseph M'Kenna did not yield to the proposition it would cost him his place. " Sir .L. sll replied he did not care, bat that lie would not yield to a proposition which, to put it on the lowest ground, might bring disaster upon the institution." Counsel observed also that the relations between Sir Joseph M'Kenna and the several institutions mentioned in Mr. Usborne's letters had involved the National Bank in no loss. After hearing many witnesses, the judge summed up, and the jury found for the defendant, with sixpence costs. LAW AND POLICE. , 1. DEFAMING A CHIEF CONSTABLE'S CHARACTER.—At the Leeds Assizes, Mr. Granhan, the chief constable of Brad ford, brought an action against a Mr. Myers for defama tion. On the 11th of February the plaintiff, who seems to have been much respected, returned from London to Bradford, and was partaking of a glass of spirits when an alarm of fire was raised, and Mr. Granhan at once went to the scene of the conflagration. When there he • saw the defendant interfering, a grea: deal, and told him that he must not. On hearing this the defendant seemed annoyed, and a few clays after wrote a letter to the Watch Committee, stating that the plaintiff was the worse for liquor ; and this was the libel complained of. Mr. Granhan and several witnesses deded the truth of Mr. Myers's allegations ; but, on being examined, that gentleman stated that Mr. Granhan was " the worse for liquor," and in this he was in some measure borne out by witnesses. —The jury, after two hours' deliberation, found for the plaintiff, with 40s. damages, and appended to the verdict that they believed the plaintiff was under the influence of liquor, though not drunk. lIEAVY COSIPENSATION CASE.— At the Westminster Court the case of the Emmanuel Hospital v. the Metro politan District Railway was heard. The plaintiffs claimed £24,000 for a piece of land in the rear of Emmanuel College, Victoria-street. About 37,000 feet of land was required, and the surveyors for the hospital said that it was worth £22,C0), whilst the railway company contended that its value was only £3,303. The jury as sessed the compensation at £10,475. SERVANTGALISM.—An action has been brought at the Bloomsbury County Court by a domestic servant for com pensation for being discharged without notice. Her master stated that after the family had been served for some time with weak tea the woman was watched, and it was found that she poured out the first brew into a jug for herself, then watered the remainder, and took it up stairs. When taxed with the offence she was abusive, and was at once dismissed. His Honour gave judgment for the master. CURIOUS ACTION FOR DAMAOR.-At the Manchester Assizes an action has been I:ea. d in which Mr. Beeely, a priest at Ashton-under-Lyne, claimed compensation from the inhabitants of Salford Hundred for damage done to ...... the Roman Catholic Cl.apel during the riots. The learned judge (Mr. Justice Hannon) held that to make the defen dants liable it must be shewn that the chapel was feloniously demolished ; but if the chapel were damaged by the mob in the same manner as they most likely at that time would have attacked any house, then the defendants were not liable. The jury found for the defendants. THE PRO3IOTION OF BUBBLE COMPANIES. —At the Guildhall Edward Yelland has been brought up for his final examination. The magistrate decided to send the case for trial. ASSAULT UPON A RECORDER. A pitman, named William Thompson, living at Brasside, was charged before the Leeds magistrates with an assault upon Mr. John Bramwell, recorder of Durham, and stealing from him his walking-stick. On Saturday Mr. Bramwell was enjoying an evening walk by the Wear side, when the prisoner came up to him in a narrow lane and offered to lay a wager. The learned recorder indignantly refused this offer, and the prisoner attempted to seize his (Mr. Bramwell's) dog, without success. He then made an unprovoked assault upon the recorder, seized his walking stick, and then ran away. The defendant was fined 23 and costs for the assault, and the charge of stealing was withdrawn. THE WIFE MURDER IN LIVERPOOL—Thomas Howard, a coalheaver, was charged at the police-court, Liverpool, with having murdered his wife. It was proved that a few days previously he and the unfortunate woman had a quarrel, when he seized a table-knife and thrust it into her mouth, severing the carotid artery, and causing almost instantaneous death. He admitted his guilt, and was sent for trial for wilful murder. ROBBERY AT THE LEEDS EXHIBITION.—At the Leeds Town Hall, Joshua Hobson was charged with stealing a shilling. The prisoner was employed at the turnstile at the Exhibition, but should not allow anybody to pass with out a ticket. Suspicious of the prisoner's honesty were entertained, and a person was instructed to tender a marked shilling, which the prisoner took and said nothing about it. He was committed for seven days' hard labour. THE MURDER AT WELLS.—Before the Wells magis trates, William Bisgrove, Robert Sweet, and Elizabeth Drew were charged with the wilful murder of George Cornish. When going to work a reaper named Stevens saw a man lying on the ground, and another, who was proved to be Bisgrove, leaning over him. Witness, on going up, saw the man was nearly dead, and he then asked Bisgrove for his name, which he gave, and said that another navvy came ever a stile into the field, and threw a great stone at the deceased's heal. On being asked why he did not raise an alarm, Bisgrove said that he could not speak, be was so much frightened. Evidence was adduced shewing that the three prisoners had been together during the night, and that shortly before the occurrence the female prisoner had quarrelled with the woman with whom the deceased cohabited. Medical evidence as to the cause of death having been given, the accused were remanded. THE Tu RKTSH EMBASSY. —His Excellency Muslims Pasha and family have left the Turkis'i Embassy in Bryan ston-square for Cowitantinoi e. PROSELYIISING AGENTS IN ITALY. • - The following letter has been addressed to ,he Guardian : read, some years ago, an essay by Mr. Meyrick on the "Theory of Equivocation," and his letter to this week's Guardian is a sufficient proof that he has mastered that theory in all its bearings. I said that the Anglo-Continental Society was bringing discredit on the English Church by connecting itself with men of bad character in Italy. Mr. Meyrick replied that I " pro bably alluded " to a certain person who was in the pay of the Anglo-Continental Society ; and that with respect to him the charge of immorality, which had been made against him, was " baseless." And then, in order to dis- credit my testimony, Mr. Meyrick quoted an impudent libel upon " six or eight English priests," with an oblique hint that I was one of them. Mr. Meyrick made this quotation from " a Neapolitan journal ;" but he did not think it necessary to tell your readers that the journal in question was in his own pay, and had for its editor the very man whose character was in dispute. I met Mr. Meyrick's letter with a plain statement of facts, and this he characterizes as " totally untrue," and declares that I am " mis- informed on every point regarding which I profess to give information to your readers." Letus see. I said that the editor of the Einancipatore Cattolica and President of the Societe& Eman- cipatr•ice was " a renegade Dominican priest ;" and as proof of that assertion I mentioned that he had practically abjured not only his monastic vows, but even Ills clerical character, by assuming the garb and dress of a layman. Mr. Meyrick replies that " Signor Prota is not a renegade," but " an Italian Churchman," " striving to reform his Church from within, on the basis of Holy Scripture, the Catholic Creeds, the Catholic Councils, and Catholic antiquity." Let Mr. Meyrick show me from any of these sources a sentence or syllable which indicates that " Catholic antiquity " re garded a priest who broke his monastic vows and abjured his clerical character in any other light than as a renegade, and I will admit his right to monopolise the virtue of " a calm judgment." Till then I shall continue to con sider " Signor Prota" a renegade. But lam glad that Mr. Meyrick has avowed so plainly the character of the reformation which he is seeking to bring about in Italy. It is well that the supporters of the Anglo-Continental Society should be aware that they are doing their best to reform the Italian priesthood by simply abolishing it. So much for my first " totally untrue" state ment. _ I made one mistake in my last letter, which, however, rather strengthens than weakens my charge against the Anglo-Continental Society, as I shall presently show. I represented the grant which had been withdrawn from Prota as made by the Anglo-Continental Society. On reflection, however, I began to doubt the correctness of this, and I lost no time in ob taining from Naples the true account of the matter. I found that my misgivings were well founded ; and you, Mr. Editor, will bear me witness that I sent you a correction of my mistake four days before Mr. Meyrick's letter appeared ; though, as you were pressed for space, you were obliged to postpone its inser tion till this week. Of this mistake Mr. Mey rick has greedily availed himself and by dex terously breaking it up into parts, has manu factured several mistakes out of one. And now I will show Mr. Meyrick that his correction of my mistake makes his case even worse than I represented it. The representative in Naples of a society of English Churchmen, including several dig nitaries of the English Church—the Dean of Chester, I think, among them—found it neces sary, for the fair fame of the Church of Eng land, to cut off all connection with Prota. He sent an account of the whole matter home to the society in England, which, having examined into the facts, deliberately endorsed his decision. Mr. Meyrick then came forward, threw the rgis of the Anglo-Continental Society over the character of Prota, set at defiance the remonstrance of all the Church men at Naples, who were living on the spot and had an intimate acquaintance with all the circumstances, and still persists in subsidising Prota, and his crew, and belauding them in the reports of the Anglo-Continental Society. In other words Mr. Meyrick went out of his way to commit, as far as he could, the Church of England to the doings of a man whose only recommendation is that he is a clever and un scrupulous controversialist. The letter which you have just published from the British chaplain at Naples shows how much credit is due to the infamous fabrications of Signor Prota. It also gives your readers an opportu nity of judging who is more open to the taunt of acting in a " hasty way," and " asserting as facts things that he cannot know"—Mr. Mey rick or I. lam sorry to see that Mr. Meyrick, in spite of all he knows, does not scruple to tout for subscribers to Prota's paper. Mr. Meyrick says "the British Chaplain at Naples is not and never has been ' a friend of the Anglo-Continental Society.' " The British Chaplain and I do not agree on all points, and among the points on which we differ might probably be included the best mode of helping on a reformation in Italy. But lie is an earnest Churchman, anxious to promote a reformation in Italy, jealous for the honour of the Church of England, and inti mately acquainted with the ways and doings of the so-called reforming priests at Naples. He wishes well to the cause which the Anglo- Continental Society professes to aid; but he loves the Church of England too well to have anything to do with a society which is making the Church pr of England a overb of derision among thoughtful Italians. Mr. Meyrick's laboured witticism on a mis print in my letter is sufficiently answered by the note which you were so good as to append to his letter. " Prota," says Mr. Meyrick, "is not, and never has been, personally 'in the pay of the Anglo-Continental Society.' " Mr. Meyrick must excuse me for saying that he is taking refuge in a quibble. The money is given to Prota as a subsidy to the Yuan cipatore Cattolica, and therefore the money is given to him, and, in matter of fact, he dis poses of it as he pleases. I have a good deal more to say on this sub ject, but I shall reserve for another letter. Meanwhile let me beg Mr. Meyrick to keep to the points at issue between us. They are these :- 1. English Churchmen at Naples, including the British Chaplain, after a careful investiga tion of facts, stopped a grant which they had made to the staff of the Einancipatore Gallo lica ; and one of the reasons of their so acting was the discovery that Prota had misappro priated part of the grant to his own personal use. Prota admitted this misappropriation in a letter which I saw. 2. Prota was employed by the Government to distribute some funds, and he lost that ap pointment. 3. Prota and his editorial staff had free quarters, by favour of the Syndicate of Naples, in the convent of S. Domenico Mag giore. Here Prota was for some time in the habit of giving devotional tea-parties to the friends of Reformation in Italy. The company were attended to by a female in a Garibaldian jacket. Some of the visitors expressed their surprise at the apparition of a resident female among a band of reforming monks. But Prota assured them that the Garibaldina was the wife of the convent porter, and a most excellent woman. Some time after this, how ever, a street fracas took place, of which this most excellent woman was the heroine, and she had to appear before the police-court, when it turned out that she was not, and never had been, the wife of the convent porter. 4. The Syndicate of Naples was at last con strained, for the credit of the municipality, to expel Prota and the whole staff of the E nand patorc Cattolica from their free quarters in S. Domenico Maggiore Your readers will ap preciate the significance of this strong measure when I tell them that the E»iancipatore Callo lica was an eager supporter of the Govern ment, and that its editor is a very clever writer. 5. Mr. Meyrick knew all these facts, as he admits, " two years " ago. And yet he did not hesitate, at the last meeting of the Anglo- Continental Society, to put up Lord Harrowby to denounce, in language not usually current among gentlemen, all who ventured to expose any of the underhand doings of the society. I read Lord Harrowby's speech at Naples with extreme amazement, and it convinced me that the reports of the Anglo-Continental Society are utterly untrustworthy. I spent more than three months at Naples last winter, and I de clare, as the result of my knowledge, that the last published report of Mr. Meyrick's agent in that city is a ludicrous romance ; and that is the opinion of all Church-people at Naples. In short, I went abroad predisposed in favour of the Anglo-Continental Society, and I re turned to England with the conviction that the good (if any) which it does is infinitessimal ; the mischief certain and incalculable. And now I call on Mr. Meyrick to produce the evidence on the strength of which he affirms that the scandals in connection with Prota " are an invention of the enemy to dis credit an able writer and reformer." Who is " the enemy ?" M. MAc C OLL July 30, 1868. THE .110. V. THADDEUS STEVENS' SPEECH (From the Anglo-American Times.) The New York Tribune read the lion. THAD. STEVENS out of the Republican party in ita issue of 21st July. If the Tribune could hand back to the Democrats the bad coin they managed to pass into Republican circulation, the biggest piece being BEN. BUTLER, they would do a real service to the party. Mr. STEVENS, in his late speech on the payment of the Bonds, declared he would vote for SEYMOUR and BLAIR if he thought the Republicans intended to pay with gold, and in that case, as he preferred the Democratic platform, he would join the Democratic party. While admiring the un quenchable energy of THAD. STEVENS'S spirit, the unsubduable nature of his courage, we have always regarded his moral qualities with a mixture of con tempt and dislike. Ile appears to be wholly want ing in that just perception of things relating to obli gation, which tells on which side is the right and on which the wrong. Perhaps, on the whole, he rather prefers the wrong, and, like the Irishman's pig, selects that way with a characteristic obstinacy. TIIAD. STEVENS has two grand ideas : the one the principle of universal suffrage, the right of negroes to the ballot ; the other, the pay ment of the Bonds in greenbacks. Though he finds the former in the Republican scale, and the latter in the Democratic, he is not like the donkey between two bundles of hay, for, not hesitating which to choose, he goes straight to the Democratic ranks. Now, his actin in this is indicative of his whole career, and we learn how men of the meanest capacity as regards the finer qualities of brain and culture I can rule others by indomitable " pluck" and resolu tion. In proportion to the ignorance of the assem bly is self-assertion valuable, and that TIIAD. STEVENS should have exerted so great an influence on the Representatives is a proof of the inferiority of that body to the average intellect of the United States. If true, this is a strong argument against universal suffrage, as it shows that the lower the qualification the more inferior the Representatives, and the greater the chance of leadership falling into such hands as Than. STEVENS'. Men like MORRIS SEY, who, we suppose from his renown as a pugilist, has more thickness of skull than capacity of brain, are better qualified to judge of courage than of in tellect. Those who can pick out with an unerring instinct the most vicious of rats or the best worry among terriers would be bad judges of intellectual capacity, and naturally follow his lead who com bined the rat and terrier qualifications. We can appreciate a man taking Senator SUMNER'S position, and devoting nearly all his energies co the elevation of a race; for, even allowing that he was more guided by enthusiasm than judgment, that his imagination was victorious over his reason, yet we can hold in high esteem one who acts the part consistently and with self-sacrifice. When those who aspire to benefit a great section of their fell° A , creatures, and profess to devote themselves solely to this work, are actuated by the purest and most elevated motives, they com mand alike the respect of men who desire their success and their defeat. But when they show up as impostors, the world which has been imposed o.i feels doubly aggrieved in having decreed the high honours of philanthropy to such cheats, and that man makes his crime appear at its worst by putting it into juxtaposition with the charity that covers a multitude of sins, and then men who have thus thrust on them the glaring contrast be tween profession and act, condemn the more heartily. Now it appears to us that THAD. STEVENS has in a measure done this. Taking it how you. will, the elevation of the negro is a noble object for which to strive. Taking it in any way you will, the payment of the Bondsin greenbacks is a poor, sordid question. When a man devotes himself to the former, whe ther it be wise or foolish, he enrols himself in the band of philanthropists ; but when he goes over to the enemy, that he may aid in what nearly all man kind consider to be a swindle, then we assert him to be an impostor. If THAD. STEVENS' conduct really be in accordance with his own declaration, we feel constrained to apply this language to him. He has raised himself to power as the advocate of a noble sentiment which took possession of the national mind. To carry that sentiment to its legitimate conclusion in the Abolition of Slavery the people had to pass through a great trial, accomplishing it at a fearful' sacrifice of life and treasure. A rem nant of the cost remains in the Securities held by the creditors of the nation, and a question has arisen regarding the mode of redemption. By one means these creditors will be mulcted, and the nation will make a direct gain at an indirect loss. By the other, the creditors will make the direct gain. Now the whole debt is but a remnant of the cost of the war, and the question of payment is but a percentage of the debt. Yet Mr. STEVENS considers this bit of a bit the price the nation willingly paid to attain its object as of more importance than the object itself. His enemies have always asserted that his nature from boyhood to old age is summed up in one word " spleen ;" misanthropy, not philanthropy ; hatred, not love. He has used, they affirm, the Negro to degrade the Southerners, not to elevate the former, but to sink the latter, and fuel has been added to his hate by the injuries inflicted on his Pennsyl vanian works in the raids of the Confederates. Having accomplished his object and gratified his malice by seeing SAMBO'S foot on the neck of the Southern aristocrat, he goes over to the enemy reckless as to SASIBO'S future, that he may have the pleasure of seeing the wings of the bloated bondhclders clipped. In answer to the ques tion—What harm have they done him ? they assert that he has the fierce animosity of the Red Republi can against anything savouring of superiority. For the most part the advocates of coin redemption are the best class of Republicans, among whom, if the United States now have an aristocracy, it is to be found. This is sufficient for Mr. STEVENS. Is he that has broken down the Southern Aristocr..,t to endure the presence of a Northern oligarchy—and was it not but the other day that these men defeated his cherished scheme of driving the PRESI DENT out of the White llouse ? The Southerners are irrevocably floored, and SAMBO has served his turn. To pay off the haired conceived in the bit terness of his heart against the most estimable of the Republicans, Mr. STEVENS finds his best weapon in the greenback redemption. When lie had pounced on this card and played it, detecting with the keen instinct of a demagogue its value, were not these the men who stigmatized him ? and what a feast of malice to cut them down with this weapon, while he brought the noses of the Northern aristocrats to the grindstone. 'With that utter disregard to character, to consistency—he is pre pared to throw over every principle for which he has striven that the speculators may be checkmated. As regards THAD. STEVENS, personally, it is a small matter whether he shows the truth of the bitter description given of him by his enemies, though all must regret the degradation it entails on the House of Representatives. The withering scorn Ism:Nit felt when he described the gods his people desired to worship as wood, a por tion of which they•set up as a deity, the other por tioir being burnt for warmth, must be in the hearts of many of the Representatives who had set up THAD. STEVENS as a deity i❑ their house. While ISAIAH contemptuously showed what benefit could be extracted from these wooden images, the Ame rican god shows that no good can be extracted from him. If ISAIAH had desired to terrify the children of Israel he would have shown that they had set a devil up, and this is we fear what the House has done. THAD. STEVENS has been the cause of much harm in the Republican ranks. If he goes over to the Democrats he will work an equal amount of mischief with them, and if they refue to have him he should be removed from the political arena. Parties talk of an imaginary "whipper-in ;" but what they most require is a physical whipper out. The cow-hide of the Tribune is all very well, but a real material party lash is wanted, which stock-drivers know so well how to use, and which men who concern themselves with the purity of their parties should adopt, when they can drive off beasts stricken with pleuro-pneumonia who desire to herd with sound cattle. THE PRESIDENTIA G ELECTION. No. I. (From the Anglo-American Times) As this is the subject of the greatest interest to Americans, and of importance to all civilised coun tries, we will follow its history as we did that of Im peachment, till we seat the successful candidate in the Presidential chair. Those who file our paper have therein full accounts of such interesting and historical events as the trial of the President as they transpired, and they will find we hope in the future such particulars carefully recorded, with a view as much to future reference as to present information. The men who choose the President and Vice-Presi dent are elected on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in every leap-year in November, and meet on the following January in the capitals of their different States, whence the votes for a President and Vice-President are sent to Congress, which are counted in February, when those having the ma jority of the whole number cast are to be sworn into office on the 4th of March. Senators, Repre sentatives, or public functionaries of any kind, are ineligible to vote in the Electoral College. This year the day will be Nov. 3, the period being now less than three months, when this momentous question will be settled. In last week's issue we showed that eleven small States, containing only half the popu lation of New York and Ohio, had nearly an equal number of votes in the Electoral College, and the reason is, that small States send two Senators to Congress just as large ones do, so that the eleven small States count 22 votes for the number repre senting their Senato:s, while the two big States only count four. In the aggregate, therefore, the States with small populations have an undue ad vantage over' the States with large populations. i The Electoral College is composd as follows : NEW ENGLAND STATES. Maine .. ... Vermont ... Rhode Island ... Now York . Ohio ~. Delaware West Virginia Indiana lowa ... Kentucky ... Missouri ... Michigan ... Minnesota ... Tot California • 7 New Hampshire ... 5 ... 5 Massachusetts ... 12 ... 4 Connecticut ... 6 39 MIDDLE STATES. • 33 New Jersey .. 21 Pennsylvania • 3 Maryland ... 5 WESTERN STATES. ... 13 Illinois ... ... 8 Kansas ... ... n Tennessee ... ... 11 Nebraska ... ... 8 Wisconsin ... ... 4 ... 7 ... 26 ... 7 11 CIFIC STATES. ... 5 Oregon ... ... 15 -. 3 10 3 8 ... 3 Nevada.. 3 These 27 States, constituting the "North," have, therefore, a total elev oral vote of " RECONSTRUCTED " SOUTHERN STATES. North Carolina 9 South Carolina 6 Georgia 9 Florida 3 Alabama ... 8 Louisiana ... ... 7 Arkansas 5 " UNRECONSTRUCTED " SOUTHERN STATES. 40 Mississippi Virginia Texas Total number of the Electoral College 316 The London Times in a good article on the sub ject s tys :—lt is generally supposed that Grant and Colfax will be successful at the approaching elec tion, and thus give a new triumph to the Republican party. According to the elections as they have heretofore been decided in the several American States, if there has been no change that can add any weight to the Democratic side, the Republi cans will choose the majority of the electoral votes. Within the past year elections have been held in every American State, and in the following statement will be found the side that each will take and the num ber of its electoral votes, provided the next election be decided the same way as the last one. The North is separated from the South in this state ment : REPUBLICAN ELECTORAL VOTES. Maine Vermont Rhode Island... West Virginia Illinois ... Kansas ... Missouri ... Michigan ... Minnesota ... No RTII. 7 New Hampshire ... 5 5 Nlassachusetts ... 12 4 Ohio ... ... ... 21 5 Indiana ... ... 13 15 lowa • 3 Tennessee ... . 11 Nebraska 8 Wisconsin ... . 4 Nevada ... SOUTH. 9 Louisiana ... • 6 Georgia 5 Florida ... ~ 10 North Carolina Texas ... Arkansas Virginia ... 10 ... 3 ... 7 - - 9 ..• - - 3 •.. Total Republican Vote ... ... ... DEMOCPATIC ELECTORAL VOTES. NORTH. ... 6 New York ... ... 7 Pennsylvania ... 3 Maryland ... 11 California Connecticut ... New Jersey ... Delaware Kentucky Oregon ... Alabama. Tota . • 33 • 26 -- - 7 ••• --- 5 ... Mississippi SOUTH. ... 8 South Carolina ... 6 ... 7 -122 - 72 Total Democratic vote Republican majority ... But a change of less than 10,000 in the popular vote will turn the vote to the Democratic side, 6,000 giving Indiana, 2,000 New Hampshire, and 13,000 Ohio. The Times considers that " Kansas, Nebraska Michigan, Wisconsin, Georgia, and Florida quoted as Republican—are as nearly ba lanced, but these three are sufficient to elect Sey mour by six majority in the College. For two years the tide has been running that way, and if it con tinues, the folly will be shown, once again, of con sidering future success assured because there has been success in the past. In this connexion neither the merits of the candidates, nor of the parties sup porting them, is considered, attenticn being only drawn to the nearly even balance of the parties, which at the elections above referred to showed that the Republican total in the popular vote of the North was very little greater than the Democratic total. Whether the tide is still running as it has done, however, there will be plenty of opportunity to discover before the final test comes. Maine holds a State election in September, so does Cali fornia ; and Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and others vote for State officers iu October." It asserts that the country is so large that parties can support different and opposite politics in widely separated sections. " The Democrats will preach Free Trade in the West and Protection in the East; the Republicans will do likewise. The De mocrats on the Atlantic seaboard will forget their platform, and point the bondholders to Seymour's speeches favouring gold payment ; while in the West they will preach the greenback gospel to the echo. The Republicans in the East will, in the same way, talk of fidelity to the national obliga tions, while in the Mississippi Valley their orators will quote Thaddeus Stevens and General Butler to show that good faith means greenbacks. . . . These, however, are what may be regarded as the side issues of the contest—questions about which each party is itself divided in opinion. The great issues of the election are two—whe ther there shall or shall not be be universal negro suffrage, and whether the reconstruction of the South according to the Congressional plan shall or shall not stand. Grant represents the affirmative of these questions, and Seymour the negative ; and according as men feel about them will they enroll themselves in support of the one or the oth. r, with very little reference to the bonds or the tariff, or the past history of either candidate. It is about the3e matters that the election is to be ought, and about which the States will be stirred up into frenzy long before November. The people not only decide who shrill be President at the elec tions this fall, but they also vote for members of Congress to go into office on the 4th of March next with the incoming President. This will add to the nterest of the contest, for all the gre.tt Congres- sional leaders will be personally in the field, advo- eating their own claims for re-election. It is im- possible for the Democrats, however, in any event to get a majority of Congress, whether they elect their President or not. The Congressional districts throughout the North are so arranged as to secure a majority of the members of the House of Repre sentatives for the Republicans, even if that party be in the minority. The Senate will have a Repub lican majority, owing to the long terms of the Senators, for at least two years to come. It is pro bable, however, that the Democrats, whether sue- cessful with their President or not, will secure a much larger representation in Congress than they now have, and certainly control more than one- third of the House." The New York Notion July 23, differs materially from the London Times in its estimate. It rejects Mississippi, as being thrown out by the refusal of the State to accept the new Constitution, as well as Texas, where it has not yet been framed. It is probable that Virginia will also be excluded by its delay in ratifying the Constitutional Amendment. This makes the electoral votes 294, or including Virginia 304, which it divides as follows :-- GEANT.—Alabama 8, Florida 3, Illinois 16, Indiana 13, lowa 8, Kansas 3, Louisiana 7, Maine 7, Massachusetts 12, Michigan 8, Minnesota 4, Missouri 11, Nebraska 3, Nevada 3, New Hamp shire 5, North Carolina 9, Ohio 21, Pennsylvania 26, Rhode Island 4, South Carolina 6, Tennessee 10, Vermont 5, West Virginia 5, Wisconsin 8. Total, 205. SEYMOUR.—Arkiinsas 5, California 5, Connec ticut 6, Delaware 3, Kentucky 11, Maryland 7, New Jersey 7, New York 33, Oregon 3, Georgia 9, Virginia (if restored) 10. Total, 99. Some interesting information is given of the in side working of the Tammany Convention. "On the morning of the nomination the New York dele gation had agreed to present the name of Chief Justice Chase as soon as the vote for Mr. Hen dricks should fall off. But, contrary to their ex pectation, the vote for Hendricks did not decline, and he regained all that he had lost the day before. This arose in part from the willingness of manyde legates to vote for any one rather than Chase. It soon became evident that Hancock had no chance, and a bargain was struck between his friends and those of Hendricks, to combine on the latter for President and the former for Vice-President. While arrangements were being made to secure a two-thirds vote for this combination, the Pendleton men hastily resolved to do anything which would prevent its success, partly from in lignation with the betrayal of Pendleton by the friends of Hendricks, and partly to keep the field clear for Pendle ton in 1872, by the nomination of an Eastern man Eat this time. Obviously there was only one name with which this could be success fully done, and although it was a bitter pill to nominate the one man who had made Pendleton's -102 -9 - 11 ... 246 - 4 - 23 -101 -2. nomination impossible, yet common sense pointed out the necessity of such a course, and perhaps c6m forted the Ohio delegation with the thought that the honour was, after all, a barren one. At any rate, the nomination was resolved upon, and the fact was privately communicated to Governor Seymour by Mr. Vallandigharn. Governor Seymour resisted to the utmost, but in vain. He was assured that his remonstrances would be disregarded, as they were. And no one who witnessed the uproar of enthusiasm with which the Convention received the nomination, and the terrific clamour with which it drowned the candidate's objections, could wonder that he lost courage to resist it. We have ourselves no doubt of his sincerity in declining the nomina tion. He is sagacious enough to know that he can not be elected, and yet he will be tormented for months by a natural hope that some lucky chance will give him success—a hope which his rea son will always condemn, but cannot banish. The can vass will wear upon his mind, therefore, just as much as if he were ultimately elected, yet will end in dis appointment and comparative obscurity. It is no kindness to Horatio Seymour to make him a Presi dential candidate, and he knows this as well as we do. Mr. Seymour cannot be elected, for the simple reason that he will get no votes worth mentioning, except from the regular Democratic party ; and the next election is notoriously to be decided by the votes of lukewarm Republicans. Bat if other rea sons were necessary for his defeat, they may be found in the fact (highly creditable to him) that he cannot arouse the enthusiasm of the Western De mocracy, who are more interested in effecting a covert repudiation of the national debt than in any other issue of the day. He is the chief of that wing of the party which has all along opposed such schemes. He. is well known to be in favour of a return to specie payments. He lives in the midst of a community which-would be ruined by national repudiation. The savings banks of this State are alone a guaranty that Horatio Seymour can never consent to a breach of the public faith. His assent to the platform makes no difference. Every repu diator instinctively feels that he can receive no practical aid from the favourite of New York bankers, the intimate friend of Belmont, the relentless oppo nent of Pendleton." The Nation considers the nomination of Frank Blair as a singular freak of party necessity. A Western soldier was wanted, and the most prominent favoured Grant. M'Cler nand and Ewing were brought forward, showing to what straits the party was reduced. It asserts Blair's military record respectable, but his political vagaries have destroyed his influence, and while repelling many votes, he will bring none to the support of the ticket. The Nation considers that the Conven tion, on the whole, acted wisely in choosing Sey mour. Chief Justice Chase would have lost every thing in the West, Pendleton everything in the East, while Hendricks would have aroused enthu siasm nowhere. Besides, Governor Seymour's strength, which makes Pennsylvania more than doubtful to the Republican party, the Democrats will come out of the contest unbroken, well orga nized, and with a fair prospect for the future. Filially, the Nation congratulates the Republi, cans on the failure of Impeachment, which has saved their party. Had Wade been installed in the - White House, he would have destroyed every chance, anticipating Grant's appointments, dragging down the tickets by his candidacy for the second office, with Butler as Minister to England, and other equally appropriate selections for the leading offices—all certain to have been inaugurated, and as certain to be in the highest degree injurious. STORIES OF THE CANDIDATES. A most amusing book might be written by dili gently gathering the stories told in the American papers during the electioneering campaign about the candidates nominated for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. No sooner are they named than ferrets go to work burrowing under the mole-hills of their lives. A pack of these animals are on the four trails—Grant and Seymour's—Colfax and Blair's, from their birth, aye, to under the table where the candidates now sit. If they pick up little of interest they dig deeper, and follow along the trail of their parents, and sooner than work in vain they bring imagination into play and invent. Frank Blair furnishes a fine subject, as he is one of those impetuous, determined fellows that manage to put through what they are about. When Frank and Montgomery were small boys they were bathing with others, and Frank, supported by Montgomery, " lit on" a very small boy, took away his shirt, and sank it in the water. The very small boy has grown into a delegate, and was present in Tam many Hall when the Convention met. It further appears that on this occasion Blair made a mistake, as it was his own shirt and not the delegate's he then sunk. This is in proof of his tyranny as well as of his stupidity. But perhaps he made a greater mistake when in passing down the Mississippi last fall he flew at a citizen of St. Joseph who avowed his belief that Sherman was abler than Grant, exclaiming with many oaths that "Grant knew more than Sherman, and all the balance of them banged into one." How does Blair reconcile this with his letter accepting the nomination, wherein he calls Grant the tool of Radical despo tism, writing of that mailed warrior whose bayo nets are now at the throats of eight millions, whom no perversion of truth or audacity of misrepresen tation can hail as an angel of peace. 'The ferrets are working at Yale, through which college this cleverest of the Blair family passed in less than a year, and no doubt we shall shortly learn the re sults. We have already his bill at the Allyn House at Hartford, Connecticut, where he was campaign ing lately :—" Two days' board, $lO ; lemons and whisky, $65 ; total, $75. But they forget to state how much of the whisky Blair drank, and what proportion was consumed by the voters. Colfax once informed " a boy in blue" who called on him that " he had no time fcr soldiers," and be is to be taught next November " that the soldiers have no time for him." But Seymour has been let in for a much worse case than this. When General Wads worth was nominated for Governor in 1864, Sey mour, on being informed of it, said, " He will be 3 strong candidate. Our soldiers run well this year." As for Grant, the libels against him are legion. He is known, they assert, to ba a frightful drunkard; but we are indebted to a kind friend for a photograph lately taken of him, which we have received as We write, and it is a moral impossibility that that face and form could represent a man that drank to excess; and we assert that either the story i s a lie or the " photo." is a lie. An editor in the West where Grant now is, states that " his complexion is beautifully fresh and clear," which gives this libel its most effective contradiction. Doggerel verses, of course, find their way into every paper and over the country; and if the singing soldiers sing an that is written, they will be actively employed. Useless Hiram came to town To buy two pups of Marshal Brown is the last thing that appeared in the World about Grant. The allusion is to a question by which Grant fenced off a politician who wanted to pump him as he treated Wade when he " talked horse.' No doubt the politician felt rather sold when Grant said, " Have you seen Marshal Brown's black pups ?', It was the best answer that could have been given , and will tell in Grant's favour. The World has 3 story of a prominent Union officer who knows Grant well, and who, while driving with a friend not long ago, staked his reputation that Grant would pro claim himself a Didator within 12 mouths after his inauguration. But these are mild things when compared with the deep, villanous plots attributed to the four great actors who have now stepped IV ° the political stage. Our readers will be horrified to learn that the scheme is to assassinate Seymou r • unless Providence interposes by enabling the cow spirators to remove him, if the ticket be elected, s° as to make Blair President, who would s mother Congress in the Reconstruction Acts, re-establis h Slavery; and re-erect the Southern aristrocraci, We will do our best to supply the collectors ot curious stories with materials, and those who filt 3 this pAper may have on record the little sayings ° f the American people about the men they design for the highest posts previous to their inauguratin °, while our readers will understand that we do nc 4 vouch for their truth. PENDLETON'S FINANCIAL VIEWS• These were frankly stated by himself in a spee ell A at Grafton, West Virginia, on the 23d July, 312 ‘ . as his opinions have been much discussed, we ta ke this opportunity of giving them in his own words' —"I am hostile to no class or interest in t he country. I simply desire to be just—just to the bondholder, just to the people. I would live t i P with scrupulous fidelity to the terms of our con' tracts. I would pay the interest of the Five - T Wea o ties in gold, because the Government promised , do so. I would pay the principal and interest o f the Five-Twenties in gold, because the Govern promised to do so, would pay the principle e a the Five-Twenties in Legal-Tender notes, beca use the bondholders agreed to receive them in payine n , as I would not repudiate an honest bargain to 1113% money for the people, so will I not repudiate , honest bargain to make money for the public ne ditors. (Cheers.) Ido not think that p ol' f f o would give us a depreciatory currency, but, on tu t contrary, am of opinion that just as the public de li is thus discharged will the certainty of its ultirca, redemption be more apparent, and its value be l o pidly and steadily increased. These bonds oper 3 m as a mortgage upon the property and labour of country. There are two thousand millions of th e ill Pay off these two thousand millions, and 4 4 e not the legal tenders be first in the proportion ivr, valuable? I know the evils of a depreciated e e t , rency. I would not aid in depreciating our eed rency. I fought against it when it was prope s o , by the Legal-Tender-Act, but since it was ae ee d l plished—since the debt was contracted in le l l,l tender—since it may be lawfully and honestly V' in legal tender—l am in favour of continti4d until we can secure the people who have alr e : s , suffered all the evils whatever good may b e petted from the system." ° „ajCi f LA DYERTISEMENT. I—Holloway's1—Holloway's Pills.—This In'.'„ o K, has been constantly increasing in public estiMatTiooA many years, and is now acknowledged to be the I.o° s rilW 4 derful remedy in the world. It acts directly on the" li'l` of life, and purifying the blood, totally eradicatingdige r , complaint, that mainspring of so many diseases- -- , ia .10, 0 , tion, loss of appetite, lain in the side, &c. It ' 6 ,„"gtup remedy on which the asthmatic may place the great" 004 pendence, and obtain perfect restoration to healthiooo, loway's world-renowned pills expel all gross h a 0, from the system, maintain functional regularity, a%litto' consequence, dispel low spirits, common to hunutg 18 and at all ages and under all circumstances. aWle , [AnvERn sEmExT.]-I.lenceforth no one will doubt th e has! ' d properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalent 6 4 o olo Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of L' ar i re ao , it has already received from Invalids whose position li,eff:ot deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness 0"jil whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thirtli ze tg o il unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the' fe l e 1 Midi," July 25th :—" Rome, July 21,1866. The health 0 ' o re, Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all utbool e ol dies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barr Y's li d 0 .0 4 Arabia , . Food, of which he consumes a plateful at O re i at!lt'ile, It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his D,, e iy,' ,60' his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too llirbs,tial , extract a few out of more than 68,000 cures :—Cure IN e'„oraoli the Marchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver e: I pi01 io' wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous ffr", : o o , go all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and t rstl l _,°psi! tolerable nervous agitation. Cure No. 1.771: 1 ,01. `: dys p e p si a ' Decies, Lord-Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years ~,s p e, 00 , No. 49,832: " Fifty years' indescribable agony f roll " s ps.'gf. nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, fla.tulen, e t'7o, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Joly." Cure No. ' s 'ed / 1 , James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' diset e ge. ail spitting of blood, liver derangement, and pariial deaf more portant Caution—Beware of the many unsavoury an d 0 Lie sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Be'" OS.; name is most audaciously attached. 511 0 ' 0 1C I In tins, at ls. 10.; 1 lb., 2s. 9d.; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d.; AO # 12 lbs,, 22s ; 241bs ,40s.—Also Du BARRY'S RENTALS: O' i/ 01 ) 0; 1 CHOCOLATE POWDER is packed in tin canisters; Fo r „ 0 0 ,t e S°4 25., for 24 cups at 3s. Gd., for 48 cups at Gs., for 28 8 t„ . ' l_ e celli, for 576 cups at 555. Being about one penny per et l Y 0 0 Z, ' and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in Engla t c d o ., +' . of Post Office Orden—BAßßY DU BARRY and „. ............„,,,, Regent-stree London and all Grocers and Chenlis Births. inst. HAWKEY—OiI the 10th Dtt CO W f ''' a Widmore V % ':° c '' ° , p(1 Kent, the wife of Jameson Alors Hankeil t daughter. . 9' s ' REA— On the 10th inst., at 15, War • k-gartlea,bter• Kensington, the wife of Wm. Rea, E w sq le of a citl9l ;l7 os°' STRONG —On the 10th inst., at Thorpe'''. - a7l, roterl/0 the wife of G. J. Strong, Est., of a daugter. liti fcli ‘ Marriages. ..,,4, 6 11 c k 'cl', , Horr IRK R ' --"" -COTT— On the Bth 'n t, at the 1 3 '••, 101, - i i 0 of St. Paul, Charlton, Kent, last., * Francis Lewl-,110„-tftft E s Fq., to Miry, youngest surviving 'ran d'au,liter •''' Al -- yin g ~, ,,,.,1 5 Du e cctt, Esq., of Old Charlton, and ti."' Des ti :j Woolwich. gav e 0' VERN ON ' . —IIIoLLER—On the 6th •st at the A s , os d Cathedral, George V. Vernon, le i,.:' OL P— .' O c- Trafford, Manchester, to S•irah J. I.tcol"AclolPliii,Dee' daughter of I. J. Moller, Esq., ‘ of thei 5513 10 P .3--* Deaths. ~j oi tia: (1 .i.' reP BAnNEs—On the 6th inst at Chrendon-roa 1 til hill, Charles Barnes, Esq . :, formerly of viel ' pil'' aged 91. FENS—On the Bth inst, at eh ham Jolla re J,4 . 0 ip , AJO formerly of Lloyd's, aged . 75. s tew HYDE—On the 10th inst., at Groat Derklioni ,401/ Hyde, Esq., aged 88. Clarvy OUSELEY On the 9th inst., at Brooke 1f0i15‘1,..0.1 Major Richard Ouseley, on the retired list Bo& 41, ,en d` son of the late Sir Wm: Ouseloy. li l ie, i• PARKER—On the 9th inst., at Lower Cowleretil4ll;eit 0 v Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Henry Parker, BA; ' aec .,l 3lsc SELBY - Ou the 9th inst., at 4, Mttidonstonee'r heath, James Selby, aged 84. i t • __________________-- ... 1 . 9 j3f: , .0 ..,,,,TA-JA.S I L ' t o 1 'of London : Printed and Published by r , .-- () a 3 . i tl of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at by SUN - 01 : 'OA' Strand, in the Precinct of the Se voY. la Middlosex.—Wednestlay, August 12, IW. THE SUN LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 12, 1S 38. rt Th i Prize Soli the A; ohs ban's ADS* hold ablo For, El Tra Ali and DA. the Mei the Bat app