The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

V trb Ullitton CRICKET. ELEVEN OF ENGLAND V. TWENTT.TWO OF RUGBY. This match was commenced at Rugby on Thursday last. A finer display of cricket, on both sides, was never exhibited. The following is the result at the time the stumps were drawn on Friday night:— ENGLAND —FIRST INNINGS. J. Wisden, c R. Tinley,' b F. Tinley W. Clarke, bR. Tinley ... ... G. Parr, b F. Tinley T. Adams, c Lillywhite, b F. Tinley... T. Box. c Pickard, b Lillywhite N. Felix, Esq., run out .. ... W. Martingell, c and b F. Tinley A. Mynn, Esq , b F. Tinley J. Guy, not out... G. Cbatterton, c Pickard, b R. Tinley W. Hillyer, b R. Tinley Byes 3, leg bye 1, wide 2, no balls 1 ... 11 ... 28 RUGBY-FIRST INNINGS. Langley, b Wisden •• ••• ••• ••• R. B. Smythies, Esq., c Felix, b Wisden R. Sutton, Esq, 1 b w, b Wisden C. G. Wynch, Esq., b Clarke ... F. Sawyer, Esq., b Clarke ... ••• C. M. Caldecott, Esq., b Wisden Mr. T. I. Rose, e Guy, b Wisden W. M. Leake, Esq., c Hillyer, b Wisden E. Elmhirst, Esq., c Parr, b Wisden John Lillywbite, jun., not out ••• ••• F. Tinley, c Adams, b Wisden R. Tinley, b Hillyer ••• ••• C. Garnett, Esq., c Felix, b Hillyer C. Calvert, Eiq., h Hillyer .•• ••• ••• H. A. Pickard, Esq., c Felix, b Clarke G. Berm, Esq., run out... ..• ..• H. J. Thornhill, Esq., b Clarke ..• Osborne, b Martingell ..• C. Clarke, E,q., b Hillycr Clarke, b Clarke ..• ..• J. Atty, b Clarke ••• ••• ••• M. Barr, Esq., b Hillyer Leg bye ••• RACES T JUL 52 Newton .. Lenham North Herta Yeomanry 6 Ascot Wye l2 Knighton Sutton Park Carlisle . Newmarket Tiverton Lancaster Whittington Writtle Liverpool Ipswich Mansfield Kinneil ..... ~ 23 ... 10 AUG Ripon Worcester Huntingdon Brighton 7 Brighton Rae Club Wolverhampton l2 E4linton Park Reading Boulogne ____ SEPT: Warwick 3 Weyrnonth 4 Lincoln Rochester Lichfield Cheadle (Stafforthhire) 9 Leicester ll OCTO: ••• •?.. ... 0 ... 0 ... 1 O COME. NE. Beverley, &c. Hampton l9 Macclesfield. Newcastle Bibury 26 Ludlow 26 Stockbridge 27 'LY. 16 Norimkt. First October 1 Chesterfield 2 Chestbr Autumn ... 8 Royal Caledonian, &c. 9 Nottingham Stamford Salisbury Winchester Chelmsford 23 Wen lock 23 Odiham 26 ' Bridgnorth Goodwood Leominster UST. Great Yarmouth 2O Ilsley Taunton York Stirling 22 Eccles .. 26 Derby 27 Egham ... 28 Canterbury 29 MBER. Dover Basingstoke l2 Doncaster Richmond Bedford Manchester Autumn 26 BER. INewmkt. Second 0ct.... 14 Wrexham 1 Newmarket Houghton.. 28 RAILWAY RETURNS RmLwsv Titervic.—The following are the Total Receipts of Rail ways for the past week—that is to say, up to the date to which the respective returns are made, together with tho receipts of the same Tra.k the nrrvinti, VPI.,••••• NAME OF RAILWAY. Week ending Aberdeen ' l • • •• • • ..... . Amiens and Boulogne . ••• ... Belfast and Ballymena •• • • • • .. • • .• Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheihire Bolton, Blackburn, Clitheroe, and W. Y. Bristol and Exeter •• .... • • .... • • • • .. Caledonian.— ....... • • Chester and Holyhead.— • • Dublin and Drogheda.. •. • • .•••• •• •• Dublin and Kingstown •..... • • Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen.. • . East Anglian.... •••. • • •••••• • • • • •• Edinburgh and Glasgow. • • • Edinburgh and Perth •••.•••••••• Eastern Counties and North Eastern•• Ea-It Lancashire •• .. Ea: tern Union.... • • •• ........ .. Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr • • • • •• Glasgow and Greenock.. Great Northern and E. L. • Great Southern and Western • Great Western, &c • • •• Lancashire and Yorkshire.. • • • • • • • • • • Lancaster and Carlisle • • • • • • • • • • • • Leeds and Thirsk • • .. •• • • • • •••• • • • • Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport.... Londonderry and Enniskillen........ London and North Western, &c...." London and Blackwall. ••• • • •• .• Loncicia and Brighton . .• •• • • ...... London and South Western . .• •• Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Midland, Bristol, and Birmingham.... Midland Great Western (Irish) • • •• North British Paris and Rouen . . . Rouen and llavre .• •• Scottish Central •• •• •• Scottish Midland Shrewsbury and Chester . . Shropshire Union ....... . South Eastern and Branches •• •• South Dev0n....................... ..... •.. •• •• •• o . Taff Vale .• Ulster . • • • • ..... • • Waterford and Limerick.— ........ Whitehaven Junction York and Newcastle . ••• • • • ...... York and North Midland. •• •• Last weak. 1,103 1,347 - 580 1,313 452 4,529 6,330 3,028 884 769 167 47,617 1,076 12,117 11,774 7,679 24 604 1,389 3,403 6,114 2,650 1,441 468 1,611 540 1,173 481 433 4,575 5,455 1,518 466 13,786 1,918 2,596 877 752 1,121. 724 4,068 2,314 15,856 2,569 1,220 3,011 996 2,390 3.539 17,733 12,1 A 2,161 233 160 44,543 1)68 12,752 i 1,383 3,640 22,1,8 1,154 798 3,010 5,539 2,956 1,317 202 15,049 7,515 332 1,3,4 B,o' 8 1,739 2,164 742 191 12,907 7,209 MINING INTELLIGENCE. (From the Mining Journal of this day.) The share market during the week has continued much the ,ame as fur some weeks past, notwithstanding which, however, there is every appearance of an early improvement. From our letters, the mines, ge nerally are represented as looking remarkably well. Devon Great Consols and South Frances shares have to .11 in request, the latter at an advance. Con durrow, Mary Ann, Treleigh, and a few others have also been sought fur. The United Mines have this week declared a divi de-id of 1,000/., being 51. per share ; and yesterday a di vidend of 201. per share was „declared by the Lisburne Miner, both payable at the office of Messrs. John Taylor and Son. At WI Et.' Margaret meeting, held at Halsetown, :on Tuesday last, the accounts for three months, ending March, were presented, showing—By tin sold, 3,4531. I la. I le.; balance in favour last account, 1021. I Is. 2d. =3 5361. 31. Id.—To labour cost and carriage, 1,9971. 17b. 3d ; coals, 1131. 11s. 10d.; merchants' bills and lord's dues, 6401. 15s. 11d.; dividend declared, 61. per share, £72/ —leaving balance in purser's hands, 1311. 18P. Id. At Bo , cswen Downs meeting, the accounts for three :twills, ending 31st March, were presented, showing— Labour cost and carriage, 1,3011 4s. ld.; coals and mer chants' bills, 339/.,125. 10d.; balance against adveri in era la.t account, 4391 ss. 5d.=.2,130/. 2s. 4d.—Tin 1 1 : 14 (leas dues), 1,2691. ss. 5d.; loss upon the quarter, 42.11. 11s. 61—leaving balance against adventurers, 860/. 16s. Ild. Th e m i ne, i t i s said, is now lookingmuch ra favourable. At St. Ives,Censols meeting, the accounts for January, re'lruary, and March were presented, abowing--By black tin sold, 3,357/. 158 . 1 1 14 c .Pls"dr ores, 56/. ss. 9d.; balance of last account, 2,407/3'517 7 2 3 /. 1 8 1 s. 2d.- To labour and cost of carriag e , 2531. 129. Bd.; merchants' bills, & C ., 5 89 1 . 9s ' 9 6 l ' ; irg' present balance in favour of mine, 3 2 0 4 . 128 ow- For Wheal Iteeth adventurers a statement o f for January ancffebruary has been made, Of 5l per share, .6001.; tin sold, 2,6311. 15s. 7d.; lords and bounders' dues given up, 651. 2s. 2d.; sundries, 7s. 1.-Balance against ad venturers last 6d.=--3,297/. 50. 3 a( count, 408 L Bs. 98.; cost and wages, January and February, 1, 396 /. 3 s. 3d.; merchants' bill, 2461. 10 e . 108.; sundries, 119/. 70. 9d ; call repaid, 600 L-Showing balance in fav( ur of adventurers, 5261. 14s. Bd. At the Boswidden and Wheal Castle meeting, held at the Union 1 - 1 ,, te1. Perzanc«.. the accounts fe. January, Tebriary, and March were presented, showing-Be hikce of last account, 551. 1 ls. Id.; tin soh end of quar ter, 553/. 9s. 3d.; sundries, 19/. 45.:1d. , --728/. 4s. 5d.- Costs for January, February, and March, 4921. 150. 5d.; ctor, 4/. 65.; purser, three months, 91 . 9 5.; m erchants' bills, 112/. 18s. 3d ; tin dues, after deducting returning charges, 221. 13s. 9c1.-showing balance in favour of ad venturers, 79/. 2s. Id. At the Bollowall and Nanpean meeting, held at the Three Tuns _Hotel, Penzance, the accounts for the three months ended March ware presented, showing-Labour cost, 2201. 4s. 4d. ; lord's dues, 61. 9s. 91; merchants' bills, &c.. 1141. 33.; balance against adventurers last ac count, 573!. 19s =9141. 169. Id.-Tin sold, &c., 2051. 150. 61.-showing balance against adventurers, 709/. Os. 7d. A call of 51. per share was made. At a meeting of adventurers in the Providence Mines, held on the 22c1 May, the accounts were produced, showing -Balance to end of Jan., 863/. 13s. 10d.; sun drie9, 270/. 17s. 4d. ; sale of tin ore, 2,894/. 18s. 1 ld.= 4,0291. 10s. Id.-By labot r cost fur February, March, and April, 1,501/. 3.. 7d.; carriage, 41/. 2s. 98.; mats rials and coals, 5091. 6s. 7d.; lords' and bounders' dues, 1311 3'. 2d.; dividend of 6/. per share, paid Feb. 20, 6721.-. caving a balanc e o f 1,1741. 145., from which a dividend of St. per snare, amounting to 8961., was de clared, —,, Tresavean meeting, held on Tuesday last, the •- ' ' ^wing—Balance at the end of - 1.) 13%. ad.; At the Trethellan meeting, held on Tuesday last, the accounts fur January, February, March, and April, were presented, showing—Balance from last account, 1941. 4s. 11d.; ores sold (less dues), 1,2101. Os. 3d.=1,4041. ss. 2d.—To costs and merchants' bills, 1,0861. 6s. 9d.— leaving balance, 3171. 18s. sd. At the West Trethellan meeting, held on Tuesday last, the accounts were presented, showing—Balance last account, 1661. 7s. 11d.; ores sold (less dues), 2771. 4s. 7d.=4431. 12s. 6d.—To costs and merchants' bills for Jan., Feb.. March, and April, 1941. 85. 9d.; leaving balance in favour of mine, 2491. 3s. 9d. At the meeting of Keswick adventurers, a proposition was made that, in consequence of greater power being requisite to keep the water, the directors were em powered to adopt such measures as they deemed prudent, after an inspection by a competent person. By the agent's report, we find that the bunches of ore in the shallow levels appear to hold down, and fully warrant the carrying out of the above resolution to effectually de velope this important sett. At the meeting of Exmoor Wheal Eliza, a call cf 303. per share was made. At the Craig Ddu Slate Quarry meeting, it appeared that large sums had been expended during the past year in extending the quarry. A tramway, 543 feet long, had been constructed, and another excavatec 650 feet up the mountain, and there was every reason to hope that the capabilities of the quarry would be fully developed. At the Camborne Console meeting, resolutions were passed, confirming the payments made by, and allow ances to, the directors. Reports from Captain Matthew Francis and Mr. Daniell were read, which were highly satisfactory, as to the state and prospects of the mine. At the Lamherooe meeting, the accounts showed a balance against the mine of 451. 13s. 6d., but consider able improvement bad taken place in the lodes, and the shareholders were highly gratified at their improved prospects. A second instalment of 10s. on the call of 21. was made. We understand that the sampling at Wheal Treasury in the course of the present week will be above 190 tons. Shares in the following mines have changed hands during the week:—Devon Great Consols, Treviskey and Barrier, South Tolgus, South Frances, Tincr oft, West Buller, Mary Ann, Trelawny, Coadurrow, Wheal Franco,, South Plain Wood, Moditonbam, Penzance Consols, Tremayne, Stray Park, Tregear Con sols, Pendarves Consols, Roche Rock, North Buller, West Tolgus, Heignston Down, Wheal Langmaid, Wheal Virgin, Treleigh Consols, Trethevy, Treville, Kingsett and Bedford, Cook's Kitchen, Grambler and St. Aubyn, Rocks, Providence Mines, Trebane, West Treasury, Alfred Consols, and Drake Walls. In Foreign Mines. we find that the business done has been chiefly in Imperial Brazilian, Linares, Santiago, Cobre, and National Brazilian, and some transactions have taken place in Copiapo, St. John del Rey, and Worthing. THE ARMY AND NAVY. (From: the United Service Gazette of this day.) STAFF OFFICERS OF PRICSIONERS.......We under stand that it is in contemplation to offer to 8 or 10 Subalterns of this force, who shall have attained the age of 50 years, unattached companies, the appoint ments they may vacate being offered to captains of Reserve Battalions, who have, by the recent reduction, become seconded. It is also stated that no officer below the rank of captain is in future to be appointed a staff officer of pensioners. Those officers for the companies to be enrolled in Canada will shortly re ceive their nominations. ROYAL MARINE RETIREMENTS.—Captain Caleb Barnes and Thomas Stephens, of the Plymouth Divi sion of Royal Marines, have accepted the two full pay vacancies. The vacancies have been kept open for a considerable time, to give senior officers serving in ships on foreign stations an opportunity of availing themselves of such retirement, and from whom replies could not be received at an earlier moment. STAFF.—Major- General his Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge, commanding the Dublin Dis trict, left the Royal Barracks on the 27th of May for London, on leave of absence for one month. Captain Robertson, of the 71st Highland Light Infantry, has been appointed Assistant Deputy Quartermaster-General to the Forces in Ireland, vice Captain Seton, 74th Highlanders, resigned. WINDWARD AND LEEWARD ISLANDS COMMAND.— Major O'Brien, late of the 70th Regiment, it is ru moured, is likely to be appointed Military Secretary to Lieutenant General Sir J. F. Fitzgerald, com manding the Troops; and Lieutenant Arthur Mur ray, of the 62d Regiment, has been appointed Aid-de-Camp. Captin Carden, 2d battalion, 60th Foot, Captain Bayle, 72d, and Lieutenant Bancroft, 76th, vacate their several appointments as military secretary and aides-de-camp to General Sackville Berkeley, late commanding the troops in the Windward and Lee ward Islands. Captain C. H. Somerset, of the Cape Corps, has vacated the office of Major of Brigade at the Cape of Good Hope. First Lieutenant Andrew Clarke, Royal Engi neers, has been appointed Aide•de-Camp to Sir W. T. Denison, Lieutenant• Governor of Van Diemen's Lund. Lieutenant Swinny, 15th 'Hussars, has succeeded Lieutenant Cureton, 31 Light Dragoon!, as Adjutant to the Cavalry depot, Maidstone. Lieutenant Mosse, 6th Foot, has been appointed Acting Paymaster, and Lieutenant Webb, Acting Adjutant of the depot. Lieutenant Campbell, 721 Regiment, has suc ceeded Lieutenant M'Kenzie as Acting Adjutant of the depot. Mijor Gray has ceased to command the Corps of Enrolled Pensioners at New Zealand. Major-General Sir James Law Lushiogton, the East India director, has placed a cadetship at the dis posal of the Cheltenham College, to be competed for by the pupils in November. THE FEVER ON THE SOUTH-EAST COAST OF AME RICA STATION.—Our private correspondent from Rio, April 4, states that the fatality and virulence of the fever had created some degree of excitement. Her Majesty's ship Tweed had lost three midshipmen and her boatswain ; her Majesty's steam ; sloop Cormo rant had lost one midshipman ; the flag-ship South ampton was about to proceed to sea for a few weeks, to avoid contagion. Of the French expedition to the River Plate, one steamer and two brigs had ar rived at Rio. THE LISBON SQUADRON.—Commodore Martin re ceived positive orders by the Peninsular packet not to leave Lisbon for his Madeira cruise, but to remain in the Tagus, within two days' call of the Admiralty, ready to proceed to any destination at an hour's notice. The finest feeling prevailed throughout this fine squa dron, and nothing could be more accept ible than rough cruising and hard knocks. LLOYD'S. The following communication has been addressed to the secretary at Lloyd's:— " Foreign-office, May 30, 1850. " Sir,--With reference to your letter of the 3d of April last, I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to re• quest that you will acquaint the committee at Lloyd's that her Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople having communicated to the Turkish Government an account of the assistance afforded by Captain Farren, of the British vessel Eagle, to some Ottoman subjects who were picked up by him at sea off the coast of Syria. in the month of December last, the Sultan has signified his approval of Captain Farren's conduct by ordering a present of a ring to be made to that officer. " I am, Sir, &c , (Signed) " IL U. ADDINGTON." The Earl of Hardwick had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday, at the Home-office. GREENOCK HARBOUR.—On Sabbath last, about three o'clock, a most untoward accident happened at the new harbour, which will have the effect of considerably re tarding the completion of these works. At the north-west corner there has always been a small stream of water escap ing into the harbour, passing under the wall of the East India Quay. The workmen had been engaged for some time upon the foundation of the harbour wall at this spot; and the volume of water was observed several days since to be increasing in size. At three o'clock yesterday it burst in with a violent irruption, threatening to inundate the whole of the works. The alarm was given, the men were all in stantly summoned, and measures were forthwith taken to check the current. A barge laden with clay was sunk out side the East India Quay, wheie the water obtained ingress, and about 1,800 bags filled with sand were sunk opposite the aperture. It will take a long time, however, before the mis chief done can be fully retrieved, a circumstance which is much to be regretted, seeing the harbour was so near its long expected completion.—Record. Lusa HoasEs. The vessel Duchess of Kent, arrived in the river from Cork, has brought the large num ber of 26 horses as part of her cargo. _ ALLEGED ROBBERY or 8001.—On Wednesday in last week a shooting match, at fifty sparrows each, for 1001., came W e lls, off on Odd-d own , b e t ween M r . E vans , o f and a eA'Sl'renGinrgee.a p n,oartyfLondon. which was won by the latter. In the of sportsmen connected with the event met at the house of the stakeholder, Mr. Knott, of the Crown, Market-place, Bath, and application was made by the win ning party for the stakes to be paid over there and then; but the landlord refused to hand t them over until the next morning, when the referee was backers, i lr present. This raised Green'sthm money. Upon the ir. i K re n o o f tt so h m ad e n of ot b g ir ol on whe this, a asserted landlordted t h at pulled out his purse, and said he had more than enough to pay them ; at the same time s h ow i ng notes and bills to the amount of 800/. As midnight h approached the company separated, and, at length, the party was reduced to two individuals who had engaged beds in the house, a son of one of them who was stopping at the Cross Keys, and Mr. Knott. They were all four drinking and smoking together until after three o'clock in the morning (at which hour the money was still in the stakeholder's posses sion), when Mr. Knott fell asleep. About four o'clock his three customers left the room to go to their respective beds, but he (the landlord) did not retire himself, falling asleep again in the parlour, and he did not wake until nearly two hours after. He then felt in his coat pocket, and discovered that he had been robbed, upon which he went to the Cross Keys (as the person who had gone there had been sitting next to him throughout the right, the other two being on the opposite side of the table). but could obtain no clue as to who took the money, or where it was. The sum stolen is stated to have consisted of notes to the amount of 1751., and a cheque for 111. upon the Trowbridge bank, and the remainder of bills. —Bristol Mercury. GLANDERS.--Mr. Garfit, landlord of the Sack Tavern, Waterside, Lincoln, died last week of the above dreadful complaint. He lingered in great pain for a period of - h`- - .'Pelr..7,llaving taken the disease from a horse by some boatmen.— IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 31. SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION BILL. The Earl of LIARIWWBY moved the committal of ;his Bill. Lord BROUGHAM looked upon Bills of this nature with great anxiety. No man was more convinced than himself of the necessity of the observance of the Sab bath, but ho feared the adoption of measures which, by overdoing it, by straining too hard, should make the observance of the Sabbath unpopular, and defeat the object which they all had in view. He hoped the Bill would be very fully considered in all its provisions before it received the assent of Parliament. Why should such a nice distinction as this be introduced, that you might sell milk and cream, but not tea or sugar? Now this Bill introduced this distinction. Again, it per mitted shaving and hair-dressing before ton o'clock, but not after. Then newspapers were permitted to be sold on Sunday, but not Bibles or Prayer books. If you wanted to know the odds on the Derby or the Oaks you might buy Bell's Life in London, but with regard to a Bible or a Prayer-book—oh, no! you must not buy a Bible or a Prayer-book. These were a few of the anomalies of the Bill, and he hoped it would receive the greatest consideratio❑ before it was passed. An address, it was incredible, but it was true—(Cheers)—an address had been voted by the other House that all Post-office proceedings should be stopped on a Sunday.—(Hear, and cheers.) All mails were stopped on a Sunday. The Earl of HARROWBY—This Bill does not in terfere with the Post-office. Lord BROUGHAM—Did the Noble Lord imagine he was such an idiot as not to know that ? but he feared that that Bill might follow this, and he had reason fur his fears when he considered the un qualified and outrageous address which had been agreed to by the other House by a considerable majority. Of coarse they would follow it up by an ad dress that all ships should lie to on a Sunday. There was no country in which the Sabbath was better ob served than it was in England, and there was no great city in which the Sabbath was less broken than in London, but he feared that if this course of legislation was pursued a reaction would be the consequence, and the Sabbath would be less observed than it was at present. The Earl of HARROWBY knew the Noble and Learned Lord meant to promote the object of the Bill, but it was evident ho bad not received the information which had been laid before the Committee with whom this Bill had originated, nor could he have personally made himself aware of the state of certain localities in the metropolis on Sunday morning, otherwise he would not have attempted to thwart the measure. With regard to the exceptions alluded to by the Noble and Learned Lord, they had arisen from a desire to err rather on the side of indulgence than of severity. This Bill had re ceived the approval of the parties chiefly concerned, the tradesmen and shopkeepers, who all concurred in a wish that shops should be generally closed on Sundays. To show how such a principle had worked, he would re mind the Noble and Learned Lord of the Act for closing public-houses on the Sunday morning, which he had much gratification in saying had been found to work ex ceedingly well, and even the very persons on whom it might be supposed to press with severity had come be fore the Committee on this Bill and expressed their satis faction with the alteration. He hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would allow the Bill to go into Committee. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) in viewing this subject with great apprehension, lest by pursuing too extreme a course they should excite a spirit of re sistance against more prudent measures. This was a great measure of moral and religious police, and they ought to proceed with great caution, especially as it was not a measure in any way affecting the habits, comfort, or convenience of Members of that House, or of the upper or middle classes, but which did affect the habits, com forts, and convenience of the humbler classes of the com munity. The Noble Earl, who had charge of the Bill had questioned the ability of his Noble Friend to judge of the necessity of the measure because he had not read the evidence, but he (Lord Ellenborough), had waded through the evidence—and a heavier blue book he had never encountered—and while agreeing that there were some places in London where regular markets were held on the Sunday, he urged the House to bear in mind that if that Bill were passed, they would have a riot in every one of those localities. Th• Bill gave a policeman the power at his own discretion to seize goods exposed for sale in these markets, in some of which ten or twenty thousand persons were congregated on a Sunday morning. It was absurd to suppose that such seizures could be made without ex citing disturbance. The Noble Earl ought to go to the foundation of all these evils, and that was the very late payment of wages on the Saturday night. He did not think that any termination of that system could be ef ected by tidy combination of the masters themselves, but that there ought to be a legislative enactment that wages should be paid after the close of work on Friday night. He also thought that it would be'productive of good effects it the time to which public-houses were al lowed to be kept open on the Saturday night were still further restricted; and if shops for the sale of other ar ticles than spirituous liquors were allowed to remain open longer than they now do, so as to enable the work man to make his purchases on Saturday instead of being compelled to go out on the Sunday morning. He was sure that if the House went into Committee on the Bill they would find it was essentially imperfect, and required great amendment. He thought a slight altera tion of the Metropolitan Police Act would be sufficient to remove the more serious evils complained of. Cer tainly on a subject of so much importance they ought to bestow the most serious consideration on any prupusi tion, and if a measure were necessary it ought to pro ceed f , ona the Government. The Bishop of ST. ASAPH said he had long been convinced that the Act of Charles 11., which was the only law of this nature at pre.ent in force, was quite in adequat to:carry out the object for which it was intended. The only difference between that Act and the present measure was, that this Bill placed the administration of the law in the hands of the police instead cf the parish authorities. With regard to the alarm expressed by the Noble Earl of its creating riots, he would tell him that the whole question had been discussed and examined by one of the Commissioners of Police, and he stated that there would be no difficulty in carrying it out. With regard to those places of great resort in Camden-town, Whitecross-street, and Houndsditch, people had no con ception of the extent of the evil. He was occasionally called on to g o to different parts of the metropolis on Sunday morning; on one occasion he passed through Lambeth-cut, and a more disgraceful fair he never wit• nessed, and that was close to the parish church. The same thing he knew took place in Seymour-street, Camden-town, where thousands of people as sembled every Sunday morning. He knew of no difficulty the police would have. At present if a woman had a basket which inconvenienced people, the police would remove it, and did so constantly without leading to any riot. That was exactly what this Bill empowered them to do, only on a more extensive scale. He was aware that there would be difficulties in the way of carrying out this Bill, but if any one had asked him ten years eko whether they would shut up every gin shop in London till one o'clock, he should have said they could not, but it had , since been done, and it had been found a great blessing. Earl GREY said, he, in common with the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) generally viewed legislation of this nature with great suspicion, but in this instance he believed a case had been made out for legislative in terference. What they had heard from the Right Rev. Prelate was entitled to great 'eight,' and as it was also earnestly desired by the parties chiefly concerned, the shopkeepers themselves, that all shops should be com pelled to close on the Sunday morning, ho thought the House ought not to reject the Bill without fully weigh ing the reasons w'nich had urged the Select Committee to recommend it to the House. He felt the less inclined to oppose the Bill, because it was not to be carried out through the agency of the common informer—through whom formerly the . greatest oppressions took place. was ced everyn the r ohaa to of believethe that it w The power . of enforcing the provisions of the Bill would tbheeprelaandouplodliebee pro perly exercised. Earl ST. GERMANS said, that he had entertained an opinion unfavourable to this Bill, but he was induced to alter that opinion from the evidence which had been laid before the Committee, and from which evidence he now thought that the interposition of' Parliament was neces sary. It appeared that markets and fairs were regu larly held is several parts of London, on the Sunday, and that other practices, detrimental alike to health and morality, were prevalent. This was well known to the tradesmen of the metropolis, and some of th em h a d h e ld a meeting, calling upon Parliament to interpose and put them down. That was the feeling of the tradesmen of the metropolis, and he was persuaded that it was the feeling of the working classes themselves. The evils of the present system had arisen greatly from the practice T of paying wages late on Saturday night; but now, in nine cases out of ten , the wages were paid employers early now on that Saturday,itmoarkoens little Friday differencen h4 whether they pay night. their workpeople on Friday or Saturday. The Noble Lord opposite had alluded to what he called the impos sibility of carrying out this measure. He (Earl St. Germans) did not believe that there could be any im possibility in carrying it out.—(Hear, hear.) The po lice magistrates examined before the Committee said that they would find no difficulty in enforcing this mea sure, and some improvements had been introduced at their suggestion. He did not say that it was not sus ceptible of improvement, but he approved of the measure as a whole; and if their Lordships refused to go into Committee on the Bill, they would disappoint the hopes of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of the me tropolis. For himself, he thought that every man should at least have one day in the week of cessation, from his ordinary employment, and he hoped, therefore that their Lordships would go into Committee. Lord MOUNTCASHELL said that the only opposition to the Bill emanated from the Chartist body, and the petitions they presented, upon examination, were found to contain a great number of fictitious and forged names. The great majority of shopkeepers took no part in this opposition, in fact the Bill was the Bill of the shop. keepers, and it had emanated from them. It was quite evident that Sunday trading must be put a atop to. There was one fact which had nut been alluded .to. A great deal of diseased cattle was sold and slaughtered on a Sunday. When such things took place it was high time that these practices should be put a stop to. Their Lordships then went into Committee. Upon the first clause ----- Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that ho wished to know at what hour the Sunday was to commence. Was it to commence at midnight? It was important to know that, because a great deal of trading went on after midnight. Whatever might be done often% arcls, in the first instance he recommended that the Sunday should be made to commence one hour after midnight. The Earl of HARROWBY said that the Noble Earl should recolle3t that the enforcing of the Bill was not in the hands of common informers, but of the police. However, if the Noble Esrl persisted in pressing his amendment, it was hardly worth opposing. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that his desire was that the law should be observed, and that it should not be left to the discretien of police officers. Earl GREY thought, that upon the whole the clause was better as it stood, but if the amendment was pressed, it would be better to add a clause declaring at what time Sunday was to commence. The clause was then agreed to. Upon clause 2, which provided exceptions as to the rale of various article; The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said, he would sug gest that the words " bread, butter, and sugar," should be added to the exceptions. Then again with respect to the hour of opening shops for the sale of milk or cream, he thought that nine o'clock on Sunday morning was too early to open these shops. Ile would suggest ten o'clock. Earl ST. GERMANS said that they should except fish, and numerable other perishable articles, as well as fruit, pastry. prepared victuals, Earl GREY aaid that the intention was clearly to draw a distinction between perishable and imperishable articles. Lord BROUGHAM indulged in some observations respecting bread and butter, and morning tea and even ing tea, which were very indistinctly heard. Earl ST. GERMANS said that the sale of milk or ,cream was excepted, because milk could only be bought on Sunday, when butter or tea cuuld be bought o❑ Fri day or Saturday. The Earl of HARROWBY said that this should not be a subject lightly dealt with. They were dealing with the happiness of the people. They were bound to secure to every man on a Sunday as much rest and re creation as was consistent with the general comfort and welfare of the community. He would ask their Lord ships to agree to the clause as it stood. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he would not move any amendments in Committee, but would re serve them for the report. He would, however, ask one question. Did the words "fermented liquors" apply to ginger-beer and sods-water ?—(Laughter.) They-were to some extent fermented liquors, and in hot weather were most desirable. When he suggested the insertion of the words " bread and butter," it was rejected on the ground that they were not perishable articles; but were stamped newspapers perishable articles? He should like to know if Bell's Life and other Sunday papers were perishable articles. The Earl of HARROWBY said that of all perishable articles newspapers were probably the most perishable; fur generally they were not heard of after the day of their birth. The Earl of MOUNTCASHELL said that newspapers were printed on Saturday, and not made on a Sunday. The clauses were then agreed to, and their Lordships resumed. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES GOVERNMENT BILL. Upon the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill, Earl GREY said that before moving the order of the day for the second reading of the Australian Colonies Government Bill, he begged to present a petition from Australia, very numerously signed, in favour of the measure. Earl FITZWILLIAM said that, considering the pre sent state of the House, perhaps it would be better to postpone the discussion on so important a measure. Earl GREY said that next week there was abundance of business, and it had been publicly announced that there was to be no opposition to the Bill. He therefore begged to move the second reading of the Bill which was intended to provide for the future government of the Australian colonies. It was little more than 70 years ago that the oldest of these colonies was founded. Many of these settlements were of much more recent date. These colonies had now risen both in wealth and in numbers—in numbers now more than 300,000. Their rapid progress during the last 20 years was remarkable. In 1828 the population was only 53,500; in 1838 the po pulation was 145,600; and in 1848 the number had in creased to 333,910. But their progress in wealth was still more remarkable. Of that wealth the value of the ex ports was the best test. In 1828 the value of the ex ports to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land was 181,500/., and in twenty years the value of the exports had increased to 2,800,000/.—(Hear, hear.) The num ber of emigrants to those colonies was yearly rendering them of greater importance. Last year the number of emigrants was no less than 32,000.—(Hear, hear.) The object of the measure was to provide for the constitu tional development of the government of these colonies, and it was now his duty to point out in detail the mode in which that object was to be accomplished. But be fore proceeding to that ho must observe, that the leading principle of' the measure was to avoid any great or ex perimental change. He now thought it necessary to remark, that in 1824 a regular form of legislative autho rity and judicial power was given to those colonies, and that through the instrumentality of Mr. Huskisson this Act was considerably improved in 1828. He assured the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) that his main and principal object in pressing the necessity of this Bill was to pre vent the evils of jealousy among those colonies which would be inevitable if the slightest scintillation were af forded to ignite the fuel of their local attachment. He should at the same time remark, that by this Bill the Go vernment proposed to afford the same privileges to those colonies as these already afforded to New South Wales, and that electoral divisions would be establisheA on the same basis as in that colony, and he felt it necessary t add that two-thirds of the re,resentatives should be elected,by the people, and that the Crown was to have the prerogative of appointing the remaining one third. Ho also wished to remark that no alteration in the constitution could be made by the governor or others in power without the sanction and consent of the colo nists. Ile could say much on the subject of the negli gence of some Members of the Legislature who had slighted their duty, 'particularly in the locality of Port Philip ; but to that he would not further allude than to say the inhabitants of that place complained that they had no one to represent their wishes or their interests, and that they did not enjoy the slightest benefit from their mock constitution. Then, after some time of suf. fering, it was deemed necessary that the grievance should be redressed, and ultimately the cure was worse than the disease. In consequence of this and other circumstances, he perfectly coincided with the Council on the point that the line of demarcation should be drawn between the territory of New South Wales and the northern district at latitude 60 degrees north. He should next add that he fully concurred with the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley), on the grounds that some system of government was necessary for the local go vernment of those colonies, because the great source of vitality to most of the institutions of this country, and the very vitality of its constitution were owing to the influence and good effect of local government. Such self-government he belived to have been the source of the independence of Englishmen iu America, and for that reason he wished that municipal institutions should be carried into effect, and supported in those colonies, par ticularly as they proved so beneficial to this country, when established in 1835, and for that reason he pro posed to have a legislative power to control local bodies, for this country could never be aware of the require ments and exigencies of those remote colonies. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of outlay of the revenue for the preservation of order, the survey of the territory, and also for the education of the rising generation of those colonies, which he looked upon as new features, as compared with the Act of 1842, and he therefore considered that another system of taxation on the land, according to its value, should be established. For that reason he fully con curred with the colonists that they should have full control over their own resources, and considered it alien to a representative government to be at the disposal of persons who were almost totally ignorant of their con cerns, and should therefore opposed the idea of a central committee. He would call the attention of their Lord ships to the state of the revenue of New South Wales in 1842, when, out of 500,0001., no less a sum than 81,600/. was separated from the control of the Legislature, which be looked upon as unwise and unjust. A similar ar rangement was proposed with regard to the Australian colonies. It of course would rest with the advisers of the Crown to exercise that discretion; but in cer tain respects it was provided by the Bill on their Lord ships' table, and the Government would not be at liberty is alter those regulations without the sanction of the. Colo nial Legislature. But in respect to the salaries of the judges, the Colonial Legislature was not to have the power of altering or reducing the emoluments of thejudges by any Act of their. He thought it of great importance that they had now, by the proposed Act, a recognition of the princiPle of the Colonial Legislature to deal to a cer tain extent, and in certain matters, with questions relating to their, local affairs. He should certainly support the principle of a reduction of the expenditure, not only of the judges, but of other functionaries in the colony, but under certain restrictions of the home legislature. — (Hear, hear.) He thought that existing interests should be respected, and he hoped, with respect to any future changes or reductions that might be called for or neces sary, that they would bo attended to. With respect to the proposed Act, he was of opinion that, in its amended form, it ought to be applied generally to all the Austra lian colonies, with the exception of Western Australia, to which it was not intended that it should at present be extended. Having directed their Lordships' attention to the various amendments which the present Bill pro posed, the Noble Lord said that he thought it possible that some time would elapse before it would become necessary to overrule the colonial wishes ; but he thought that a necessity now existed for the Parliament of this country to take such a course as that proposed. Of the various clauses, the most important was that which prposed - a power of summoning the Australian Legislature. It appeared to him that a mere inspection of the map of those colonies would show, distantly situated as they were from each other, that some machinery or other was necessary to enable them to combine for some common object. His Lordship then took a geo graphical view of the colonies, and said that it appeared to him that there was a necessity for such a combination as he had alluded to. In North America, in 1764, he might remark that a congress was attempted to be drawn together, and Dr. Franklin 'prepared a plan for its insti tution. Now his (Lord Grey's) own opinion was, that had such a course as that been at the time adopted, so far from having the effect of hastening the separation of their North American colonies from the mother country, it would have had an effect of a very contrary kind, that of preventing the separation that afterwards took place—at least, of preventing the occurrence of the most expensive war into which the Government and Parliament of this country entered; and he believed also that if the course to which ho had just alluded had been carried out, that the home Government would not have taken the violent course they had; and, on the other hand, such a show of justice would have taken away from the colonies any motives for separation. —(Hear, hear.) All that was now proposed was that her Majesty should have the power to appoint a governor-general of the colonies, and that it should be in the power of one or more of those colonies to legis late. He trusted, then, that their Lordships would re cognise the principle of the Bill, and consent to the se• cond reading, by which course they would be discharging an act of great justice. He believed that the form of government proposed was well adapted to the present state of the Australian colonies, and he was firmly of opinion, that from the advances which the colonists were making, the time was not far distant when the Parlia ment of this country would find it necessary by their intervention to make such modifications in the Bill as the circumstances and condition of the colonists might demand; but that time was not yet come, and he be lieved that if hastily resorted to, such a course would be attended with great inconvenience. The governor, for instance, would have the power of objecting to any changes; and with respect to the great distance of Australia from this country, and the length of time that must elapse in communications on the subject, he thought it would be most desirable. He had little to add beyond the assurance that the Bill which was now proposed had been accepted by a very considerable ma jority of the colonists in Australia, whither the draft of it had been sent out, and where very considerable dis cussious had taken place between all parties on its merits., He was convinced that their Lordships would that even ing give a second reading to this Bill, which might re ceive several improvements in Committee ; and they would, he might add, by the Bill, be providing for the rights and liberties of millions of their fellow-subjects in future axes, who were destie el to spread themselvet over the vast expanse of the regions of Australia—regions now almost unpopulated in some districts, and that they would be thereby confirming to them the protection and connexion of the British flag, which they now enjoyed. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst cries of " Hear.") • Earl FITZ WILLIAM bad no doubt that this mea sure was the most important that ever came before a re formed Parliament—he said a "reformed Parliament" emphatically, because he should like to see its acts in substance what they professed to be in principle. He did say, then, to his Noble Friend, that of all the Acts which the Government of which he was a member had brought forward, there was none of more importance than that now before their Lordships' House. He looked upon it as a measure most desirable, and he rejoiced that it had received the sanction of the other House of Par liament. It was a Bill which, as his Noble Friend had said, was destined to give a constitution to millions of theirAnglo-Saxon brethren, and he rejoiced, ho repeated, at seeing it brought forward. But while he so expressed himself, he must at the same time express his regret that the measure had nor, in some respects at least, been brought forward in a different form; and he believed that it was the duty of her Majesty's Government to have brought it forward in a far more perfect form. There was a feeling about the principle of the measure, which was to give free institutions to their brethren in Southern Aus tralia. That principle he was undoubtedly in favour of. This, however, was not the sort of constitution, the Noble Lord himself admitted, which it was the inten tion of Government to give to the colonists; their inten tion having been to place in the hands of those colonists the means of establishing a constitution for themselves. When the Noble Lord talked of giving to the colonists the means of forming a constitution, he ought to place in their hands the means of establishing a constitution. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord was not about to form two chambers, but was about to form a constituent assembly, out of which a constitution might be in time formed; and whether he (Earl Fitz william) looked at ancient history or st modern circumstances, he found that peace and prosperity were the objects aimed at, and he was of opinion that it would be desirable to make, in some way or other, a second chamber. It was all very well that the light of the sun should be felt in those distant colonies, but he thought that their re flected light should be seen here. It would be quite as well if some persons were to try some little experiment whether a constituent assembly might not work as well in this country. They ought to determine who might be elected by the electoral districts. While they gave popular assemblies, some might think it would be quite as well to put some alloy into the crucible. If they had two assemblies, the governmental element and the popu lar element should find a place in each assembly. The great advantage of this House was that it acted as a drag when things were going too fast in the other House. If this was found necessary in this country, as fortiori it would be beneficial in those colonies. They should give them further opportunities for dis cussion and consideration than they could have in one assembly. He did not intend to give any opposition to the second reading of the Bill, which he approved of generally, but he wished their Lordships to consider this particular detail. Lord MONTEAGLE said that he agreed with the Noble Lord that this was a very important part► of the measure. The Noble Lord (Earl Grey) had opened the Bill with the principle that there wes every desire to stand upon the old ways, but as he went on his argu ment showed that there was a disposition to abandon the old ways. He had recommended and endeavoured to enforce a departure from them. Iu 1847, with respect toNew Zsaland, he proposed a double chamber, and in the Cape now a similar plan was proposed. Now they called upon the Noble Lord to show from what authority modern or ancient, he derived his plan of the present chamber in Australia. They relied upon that constituent assembly for the preparation of the constitution itself. Nothing could be more unanimous, said his Noble Friend, than the acceptance of this Bill by the colonists. Now, which of the governors was in favour of a single chamber? There did not appear to be any authority in favour• of the Bill. Where, then, did the recommendations come? Why, said his Noble Friend, there was an extra ordinary union of the newspapers on the subject. There was a want of tact, and an extraordinary generosity iu this avowal. He did not seem to perceive that if he made the newspapers authorities in one instance. they were equally authorities in another. In some of these colo nial newspapers there were accounts of meetings, which passed resolutions loudly vituperative of the Govern ment and this measure. He did not admit that there was not the materials in those colonies of forming an other chamber. In 1842 he (Lord Monteagle) had sup ported a Bill similar to this, introduced by a Noble Earl opposite (Lord Stanley). He did that believing it to be adapted for the state of society then existing in the cold vies; but for the very same reason, the state of a popula tion growing in wealth and importance, he now opposed this ineesure; therefore there was no inconsistency in his conduct. He asked, was it not just that the repre sentatives of one chamber in those colonies should have the power of disposing of their waste lands? And why, therefore, deprive them of that power, which is the only object of their wishes, for the improvement of their co lony, particularly when you, the Parliament of Great Britain, propose to give them an extension of authority, and of power over their own revenue, by the proposed alteration in their constitution, as appears according to this Bill? He should therefore add that, if discontent prevailed, as he was certain it would, among the inhabit ants of New South Wales, and should therefore move, as an amendment to the second clause, that there should be in each of the two colonies, a legislative council and a legislative assembly. Earl GI ANVILLE thought the objection to the legislative council being a constituent assembly was in ' valid, inasmuch as there was no analogy between them. The Government only gave to those colonies the power possessed by the English Constitution of adapting their constitution to the growing wants of the colony. The next objection was that of a single chamber. Nobody could deny the advantage of a house of Lords in this country; but the state of things in respect of the compo sition of a second chamber in the colonies was different from that of England. The Government would willingly give a constitution with two chambers if they were un fettered in the matter; but they were not. In 1842 a constitution of ono chamber was given to New South Wales, with which the colony was perfectly satisfied; and it was not desirable, for the sake of giving one theoreti cally more perfect, to destroy this state of satisfaction. With respect to the elective franchise, he considered it better that it should be settled by the local legislature than by the Imperial Parliament, and let the colonists imitate the mother country by working out their own constitution, suited to their own wants and requirements. Lord WODEHOUSE said that he considered that this measure was worthy of the character of this country, and he looked upon it as the turning point of local legis lation, which, as an Englishman, he felt it his duty to support; as he considered that the interests of all British colonies should be advanced, and that the more they were succoured and supported, the more was the strength and vitality of English independence promoted. And why, he asked, not grant the same privileges to New South Wales, as have been granted by America and other nations, as well as by England to her independent colonies. Whatever might be the character of the Bill, they should take care not to lose sight of the maintenance and stability and interests of the colonies. He would now ask their Lordships whether they were not satisfied in their minds that they were legislating for a great country; and seeing that there were thousands, and tens and hundreds of thousands of their own race in those colonies who entertained the same feelings with them selves, he hoped that their Lordships would so legislate on this question as to give them no cause of discontent. Lord STANLEY would not detain their Lordships long, but there were one or two points in the Bill now oefore their Lordships on which he wished to make a few remarks. With respect to the constitution of 1842, to which such frequent reference had been made, and of which he might say that he was the father, be would here remark that he had never looked upon the establish ment of a single chamber as anything more than a tran sition state.—(Hear.) He might here observe that in Newfoundlsnd, where there was an assembly constituting an upper house, little numerous, and another assembly, still less so, there was a system of squabbling carried on between the two conflicting - parties in both chambers, which led to the greatest interruption of the public bu siness. He found in that case teat the Speaker of the Upper House threatened to commit the Speaker of the House of Commons, who was in opposition to hire in his views, and by those petty squabbles the whole bu siness of the Parliament was at a stand-still. He, therefore, recommended a fusion of the two parties, and during the short time of the experiment it hall produced the best effect, and the petty squabbles of the two parties had been re conciled—there were mutual concessions, the best feel ing was restored, and the business went on better. He did not say that the time was not come when, in New South \Vales, there would not be a demand for a second chamber; and he was clearly of opinion that as a prin ciple, founded on reference to ancient and modern his tory. that two chambers were most desirable. 'le could not but remark that he hoped the Government and Par liament would retain in their hands the power of alter ing, modifying, and extending the constitution proposed to be given to the colony of Australia; and be must say that he for one was not for yet extending to the colonists of New South Wales the same power to alter the con stitution given to them which the Bill now on the table of their Lordships' House proposed to give to the colo nists of Australia. With regard to the check proposed to any alterations which the colonists might propose to make in their constitution, it merely consisted in giving to either "House of Parliament a period of thirty days, in which to object to such change, and that he did not consider sufficient. The point to which he most objected, and which he thought most uncalled for, because most unnecessary, was the introduction into this measure of the machinery of the federal government of the continent of Australia, a course which would be extending tJ the federal government the power of overriding the whole of the local governments. He thought that the powers to be given to the federal government should be such only as the whole of the local governments would be satisfied with. He was quite sure that it would not be wise to give to those colonies the power of making al terations in their constitution, and that that was a power which the Government and Parliament of this country ought to retain in their own hands; and he was of opini , m, also, that they should not give to the federal government power without knowing exactly the nature and extent of the power, and without reserving to the Minister of the Crown for the time being power to deal with the subject. Earl GREY replied. The representatives of the co lonists, by their silence, ha►d shown their approval of the Bill. He would now propose Monday, June 10, fur the Committee upon this Bill, and begging those of their Lordships who had amendments to propose them in time, that they might have full consideration. He moved the second reading of the Bill. The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lord ships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 31. SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. On the motion for the reading of the order of the day, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that as on a former occasion the lion. Gentleman who had a motion on the subject of slave-grown sugar on the paper had postponed it at the request of the Government on the understanding that a Government night should be given up to him, he hoped the House would agree that the orders of the day should be postponed until the Hon. Gentleman's motion had been disposed of. Sir E. BUXTON then rose, and after presenting nu merous petitions from Glasgow, the Island of Grenada, St. Viucent, Belfast, Southampton, and other places, proceeded to move, that it is unjust and impolitic to ex pose the free grown sugar of the British colonies and possessions abroad to unrestricted competition with the sugar of foreign slave•trading countries. He said he came forward with great diffidence, and with a great feeling of inefficiency, to bring forward such a great and important question as this before the House of Commons, but teelieg that this question was of great importance to the West Indies, and it seemed to him of stilligreater importance to the interests of humanity, he had there fore ventured to throw himselt upon the kindness of the House of Commons. lie must say, in beginning, that he brought forward this motion in no spirit of hostility to her Majesty's Government. If he were to turn to the men who had done the most to promote the interests of humanity, so far as the slave trade was con cerned, he should certainly turn to those gentlemen who occupied the seat below. He must return thanks e to tnem for what they had done at various times and in various ways to put down and to prevent the extension of the slave trade. It was his intention not to bring ter ward this matter as a matter of trade, though he was well aware of the great importance of this question to the West Indian colonies, He would shortly enter into the condition, because the question of the West Indies was so connected with the question of the slave trade that it was impossible to separate the two. But his object was to consider this question as a question of high principle rather than as a principle of trade. It was in 1846 that the measure was introduced by her Majesty's Government, against which he now directed his chief complaints. The effect of that Act was in some degree mitigated, at least for the time being, by the measure which was subsequently passed by the Govern ment in 1848. No one would deny that in that year, when the late Lord George Bentinck was the chairman of a Committee on the importation of foreign sugar, the greatest distress existed in the West Indies. Ho did not mean to say that the same amount of distress now existed in those colonies, because, as he had said, it had been much mitigated by the Act of 1848, but he be , lieved that the accounts of the great prosperity which now existed were far from being true; and he had no doubt that when the duties on our colonial sugar were brought down to the level of those on foreign and slave grown sugar, the same distress which existed in 1848 would exist again. In British Guiana, where the soil was equal to any in the world, the value of property was very much reduced in value; the estate of the bishop, which cost - 30,000 dollars, was sold a short time back for little more than a third of that sum That showed that very little permanent prosperity was anticipated in British Guiana from the Act of 1848. In the West Indies, he learnt from a communication which he had received, that owing to the low prices of sugar, a great number of estates were now out of culti vation. Great stress had been laid on the Act of 1846 as improving the condition of the West Indies, whereas if any improvement had taken place, it was to be attributed to the Act of 1848. Let them turn for a moment to the condition of Cuba. 'They found that the exports of sugar from Cubs had increased from 145,000 tons in 1840 to 270,000 tons in 1850, and the increase was likely to continue. True, the number of slaves in Cuba - had alto gether diminished, but while the production of sugar had increased the growth of coffee had been greatly reduced, in fact the production had fallen from 24,000 to 10,000 tons, and the result had been that 38,000 slaves had been transferred from the culti vation of coffee to the cultivation of sugar. He need not enter into the sta•As of the Brazils, but he might observe, in passing, that there also the quantity of sugar exported had considerably increased, and there also a great degree of prosperity pre vailed amongst the planters. Wee J, the Emperor of Brazil, in making his speech to the Cortes, informed them that the empire was greatly in want of labour, thereby showing, that notwithstanding the increased export of sugar, notwithstanding the great degree of prosperity which the empire still enjoyed, the growers were nevertheless desirous of further extending their cultivation. It was, however, not on account of the West Indies that he made this motion, but on behalf of the great cause of humanity.—(llcar, hear,) In 1815 we gave instructions to the Duke of Wellington, by which he went abroad; and at that time he proposed that a convention should be made with the different states of Europe, stipulating that we should prohibit the im portation of the produce grown in countries where the African slave trade was still carried on—not only in our own country, but into all the countries of Europe which should enter into the treaty. At that time we gave 300,0001. to Portugal, and 400,0001. to Spain, to induce them to put down the slave trade. It was quite unnecessary to remind the House that we gave 20,000,0001. in 1833 in order that slavery should be extinguished in oar own colonies. He thought every one would acknowledge, that if there was a iy principle which this country had maintained during the present century, at home and abroad, in our treaties with foreign powers and in our domestic concerns, it was, that having once for all abolished the slave trade in our own colonies, we would do all that in us lay, as a great and Christian nation, to put it down in other countries. He hoped that the time would never come when this country would give up that great princi ple.—(Hear, hear.) Au American slave owner said, on one occasion, he trembled for his country when he re membered that God was just. He (Sir E. Buxton) thought that we might tremble in this country if we should see the day when we should give up the' great principle that the slave trade was to be opposed by every means which was likely to be effective. He was told that if we kept out sugar we would also keep out cotton and tobacco from this country. He saw no reason why he should not make an attempt to put down sugar, which was one crime, because, unfortunately, we were so involved that we could not avoid introducing slave-grown cotton. The plan which was adopted by the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite (Sir R. Peel) to keep out slave-grown sugar was a wise one, and he for one should have been glad to see it carried out fur ther than it had been. If it were said that it was impossible to return to that plan, he would be rather disposed to increase than to decrease the duties on foreign grown sugar.—(Bear.) Let the House reflect upon the consequences of the present system, the miseries of every slave who was engaged in the cultivation, from his first seizure in Africa to his life of toil and misery across the Atlantic. There might be some difference of opinion as to the present state of the slaves, but into that question he would nut then enter. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded read the sentiments of Mr. Wilberforce in his letter to his constituents in 1807. Ile thought that the most miserable condition to which a man could be condemned was that of a slave on a sugar estate in the island of Cuba. If they placed our colonists in free competition with the producers of slave-grown sugar, they must make up their minds that they were creating at the same time the greatest amount of sulfuring, misery, and degradation which could belong to any civilized condition, and not only would that be the case, for they would also put a stop to the pro gress of civilization in Africa, that part of the world to which the exertions of missionaries and others had been mainly directed. He admitted that it was a great desideratum to give the people a cheap supply of sugar, but:they should take care that in attaining that end the did not give rise to a greater evil than what might be produced by the dearness of this particular commo dity. He was quite satisfied that the people of this country would willingly and gladly forego any advantage that they might derive from cheap sugar, if the douse took upon itself to maintain a high principle on the ground of humanity and justice, and he believed that it might cal culate on the support of the great majority of the people, if it bad the courage .to pass such a measure as that which he proposed.—(Cneers.) The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by making the motion of which he had given notice. Mr. W. EVANS seconded the motion, and in doing so he begged it might be understood that he was no sup porter of protection against free trade. He looked upon this question as one of either freedom or slavery. If, in the course he was now adopting, he was inconsistent with what he had hitherto done, he was in the situation of those a ho considered second thoughts the beat.—(Bear.) All the aecounts he had received from the colonies made him fear that if the duties were reduced to an equality the colonists would be ruined, and the greatest injury would be inflicted on a class whom they had hitherto legislated for—the negroes.—(Hear, hear.) He there fore deprecated the carrying out the Act of 1846, so as to reduce the differential duties lower than they now were.—(Hear, hear.) The question having been put, Mr HUME said that he had put a notice on the paper of his intention to take part in the debate. He had ever been of opinion that it was wrong to put free labour into competition with slave labour; but the policy of this country had been to place the colonies in a posi tion to make them compete with slave-grown produce, ----- while they refused them that supply ;th ief' would ( 11 J 1 able them - to compete. He did not bel ieve, that the colonies wanted that protection which the Hon. Gentleman contended they should have, and he had n• doubt that were they placed upon a proper footing theY would find that free labour, when brough t into compefi• lion, was cheaper than slave labour. Th e Hon. Gen but tle man had referred to the horrors of slavery in 1807, ress notwithstanding all the means they had taken le rep slavery, it was as bad as even.. It was well loom to th e House that Sir F. Buxton moved f a• a Committee of th House in 1832, in order to inquire how a former re o ut. so lution, proposed by Mr. Canning, bad b een carried d e _ h e at - Then came that of the Noble Lord now at the the Government, but who was then Secretary for the Colonies, in which he proposed th e abolitieu of negr o e Boil slavery at once. He (Mr. Home) p or ressed th not to proceed with it in such haste hurry. Ile L es t k :ll to have witnesses examined before a Committee, un - - his exertions were vain. A trial was now made, every assistance was given to carry it out, for if ever there ri" a Minister characterised by assiduity in doing so, the Noble - Lord at the head of tbe Foreigl Department was the individual, and yet slavery st. ll , continued. The Noble Lord entered into treaties W ith every state likely to assist him in his views --he w: and perseverance ready on every occasion to do all in his power for ° suppression—he was the means of baring a Ing l e . squadron kept on the western coaseof Atnerica-: entered into a treaty with France, and did a ll th e : power and sagacity could do, but with all their sacr.i§tive of lifa and money the evil still continued. Twenty -the thousand slaves were now sacrificed every year coas t a middle passage between Africa and the west s 1 r Ameri ca . And was it not time for them in that House to see if the policy so long pursued was a just or a pre s pel one. The Hon. Baronet the Memb er for South kfiec; read a letter from the island of D emerara, to wn bt was desc r ibed the distress that exist ed ; but he wi g have st en from returns laid on the t able of the Hoae: the vast depreciation in the amount o f West lndititt s Pr s °_, perty, and that estates formerly worth hundred r thousands of pounds would now be dis p osed of fot; few shillings. They had also before thew, in In h e s e t o f deuce given before the British Guiana ComPaci. b , s; „„ is Governor Light, who described that c olon y so v''srery a most deplorable state, and the wretc hedness and 0 31 i.a d of the colonists were daily increasing. And if theY I' 6 thus failed, he Mr. Hume) would ask the Hon. Bale why he wished ( that such a system should be coatinuicd Their colonies were now admitted to be a wildernestalur. the remedy proposed was to keep up a s ystem ot P i r ° ooo gent e but tive duties. It was said the other day, by a addressing the Anti-Slavery Society, that nothin slavery,g free labour in their colonies would put down oo ld an ew as neither that of heth coolies or the Chinese wor. answer so well as t labour of the Africans' hie d Or one or two years, Hume) would suggest that they should be apprentle o rder to acquire h. knowledge of their duties. Persons:7o under legal bonds and forms, in sere bound to an apprenticeship in this country for . e: 0 , years, and there could, therefore, be no objectiontauTo tying out a similar principle in their eoloniel- , o o Hon. Baronet held out no remedy, or means to provide fur the present evil, except a conwilli:h ance of a di ff erential duty; but that was at ° be s the British public could not endure. Lot there. . is. free communication allowed with their colonies---letis. bour be given to the colonists—and they would criol, the world with sugar ; but if that were not don e ' t h e ir would be found in a few years to revert back to _ cry suggesteettn _. the o°` 0 original state of barbarism. He thought fre e e for ment ought to supply the colonies with labour expense, for it would be but a very poor recotaPens the immense losses they already sustained . Mr. MANGLES did not intend to vote for the 1130°.0 tion of the Honourable Baronet. He believed it w e a d s t he -, duty of the Government when they enettociPt go o ' slaves in the West Indies to have taken e v er y r a ,, e- f, ie to promote free labour. He stayed long en n i s e of India to see these men come back with larger sclir e ver , money in their possession than they ha , a cted , . had before, besides being comparatively weil ic" r ere is and fitted to convey that instruction into vehatiji,,b the reality barbarous parts of the country. ','L e felt opinions he held on free trade, he s hould 7; 1 . . 9 - tic' some difficulty as to the vote he should give °II Th i iftot ° ' Faction if he had not perused that morning the cia --- .., the issued by the school of which the Hon. Baronet went io . representative. They persisted in that docalcef free saying that they would not allow the importation 0 _ hicb labour into the colonies unless under regulations vibrog practically prohibited it. Tney insisted on ther e t; o of an equality in the sexes maintaied in any emigrerif t heir free labour. Now the coolies would not l ik e °l the () women with them. In this respect they vvere , t h e ir hinese, and our own • sepoya, who never to' 0 ser women with them in any of their marches on sail iv y vice, being averse to expose them to the hardsbilg6o e ir would necessarily undergo. Seeing, under t ne h s o ol t a , cumstances, that the Hon. Baronet, and the sc h ool which he belonged, would virtually continue to V oil a! the supply of free labour into our own colonies, nberoDet. not give his suppert to the motion of the Ilon• 'l a cer 8 q Colonel THOMPSON held that there Was n a . 0f P i West in Freetraders supporting the ca de b' ba, West Indians. In his advocacy of free tea t eed: always made the declaration that it was never a r ' t oe 0 , to operate for the promotion of immorality. - 1° bs 0 1 rude example, he would ask if they ever tb °ll , s o f t b . carrying the principle of free trade into that par' s tore' metropolis called Field-lane, which was a g ees I T n ab ; house f or stolen handkerchiefs, because there t he. o ket• be able to buy in a cheap rather than in a dear s 113 facie —(Hear.) There was nothing in the free-trait,,Porto ° I ple tae that we prevented them voting for a duty in *" a clO r supporttrom t t h a e k taki lndia ng tapecouldhadottihonatofe°tuhrese.4 ts:l72llliefi - eve n t under the name of • •eshiP• °d b e apprentie i isto , en bat governor of Sierra Leone • in 1809 an° -3biPf found that there existed a nominal apprenti c e s.e 010 real slavery, negroes being introduced into inooo,lo on the pretence of being made atice 3 ; Vi d e r II • appre e ull ea point of fast, • it was nothing e l se tha n s laver/ be tes new name.—Hear, hear.) If this turned out ta, iu tha case in tierr a Leone was it likely to be d i fitl nor e f be colonies of the present day? He would, Or . . e no party to a system of apprentices.—(lleac') rotiot. Mr. G R AN TLEy BERKELEY sa:d,baviof .ii. 00.0 on that sutject before the House, he was ,ut s ;, - t ooti°,„ t/ - stating the grounds upon which he supporteat"-oe if . ile A of the Hon. Baronet. However, he could ooLg h - be 0. ; the Hon. Baronet in the congratulations wat e- b oil* addressed .ea to her Majesty's present Ministers "13,,,,,,1affe done anything effectual for the suppression of " t or igr rade. Whatever had been done in that o r i ss uer rally, had been neutralised by ltio the Ol e . the permi airy , ductionof slave-grown produce into this couogfer Hun. Baronet said that the West Indies were n o t „icier ing as much as they haul been. He could,o° w e lo g stand u from what sources the Hon. Baronet had dra st, to t . i formation. Wi h respect to one colony, th e ler% ost r tr of British Guiana, he could say that from were i° cent accounts which they had received, foaU, e e rs ,,. NEI; a most deplorable condition indeed. The i''' )--- b of t" - f bee then read several extracts from a diePt ic e oth a " governor of the colony referred to, to Prov e 1-e t d °fr. else s et' his assertion. As a further proof of the def i r. ut e 10., dition of property in British Guiana, he coulu h ° h - a 11 b a d his own knowledge that an estate there, wh i f e "o - 0 6 014 " i ' r e years ago produced a clear net income of 1 ,,":; eolla h :i s t within the last six months been sold ill t "tabli s " - 1 for 20001.—(Hear, hear.) He wished to see es - o f ill in our West India colOnies a eYs teD : he C t . 4 ' and free immigration; but he found , th,..L' ye rncl,s; get no assistance from her Majesty's rtiite, o; . get for the attainment of that object.. He C0 111u . a , 5 ,, -- rei Ii°1; f ever, that the proprietors in British Guiana m e re Pi"' present in a condition to import free laboUrt kin soy had not the money to enable th em to colb ar t aof oe. Colt/ 01 _ 4 00g, such speculation. The heads o f th e o f pru"„ool threw every possible obstacle in the wa l e` , - „ o rtivzo for that colony free labourers from the Deer, S e la u ee t the African coast. But what right, he W° .- -* oar they to prevent labourers from going t° the f 0 40 1 ; where they could obtain the largest arnottot o c , l i t tb a He said that the conduct of the tree. trade Poiti, a at matter was contrary to their own most cher" m e e et ;- trines. He called upon her Ma'esty's G nleri3 s P als? take the only straightforward cou rts which it 1 o ff tli • ble for them to pursue in that case, and to,eare.eshoUr, demand for slave sugar by refusing to sdolit In a to ea' ' produce into our markets. He called upoa the ni e d it Oe treaties into which they had ° e r r sA d , P. , foregn states for the suppression of the slay? j o t P r d - ; contended that it was impossible for free -1 , 8 /0 .10°,0 duce to compete on equal terms with i'' c l i t he P . ' bh p produce. The :Act of 1846 had COMPlete b a d e of our West India colonists. Those colonist ha d be e 't told, as the agriculturists of this coutitcY " w oes °, told, that they should meet the shoved civ nuats d P r° i cre 6se Olf their condition by increased activity an d --6 A 0 0 the ft ° duce. But Parliament itself bad destroY e . - t iog hi means the colonists had possessed of etlitlvaro o ld estates. ' He asked how the West India Pla a l ;Oe in 1 0 , grow sugar with the slightest profit to the n " d e o e. P° be face of a market supplied by slave-labour aril no t t to v ii 110 a t he Gentlemen denounced slavery as an . rairl‘efr• Our tolerated, and yet they admitted into our . 00 of - o e, produce of slave-labour, to the utter prostrati _heal kno w 1 Vial own tree-labour colonies. He wished to do a t he or not her Majesty's Government meant to 0 to ', ? with the differential duties on butter, and to I", re lia' ~ West Indian proprietors no hope whale the of el The West Indian packet would sail on th e a she Goa (this) day, and he could assure the House ff .id he to7 o , vernenent that the account of that debate tv'•' . Iles o anxiously expected throughout those colon.les.hesr., from the lutest accounts that the slave trade If:: noto bio ti ' c i was on the increase, and that a 'pestilence 1 1 ; 1 110 derri e r e with the legislation of that House to augaie i n; bo s the P r o for slaves in that country. He also foun d in t he Oa he duction of sugar in the Brazils bad C e as ed iocreas to Oahe ratio in which the production had 11 British colonies. That fact clearly showed p rods given a great impetus to foreign slave-labour P doe fro. r ro • tsf He believed that by excluding slave.labour P wo re , • times ipte our markets, the House would do ten ti .110 De .., the suppressi nof the slave table than 11 to ` heft nanee of a thousand African squadron'. A,‘ . 13 00 00 o were in the position of a man who should al i n 0a sge 4 and yet receive stolen goods. But w° li a n a with re - extremes, both with regard to religion . .. 1 00 0 0 to politics. Nothing co uld be more curiou__nlecti;l vote of tee House last night, when taken to cy be i _Pi c with their policy upon the present questioaboverpiotebuio resolved, iu opposition to her Maje)'s Ace ill c ot that there should be no labour in the oet:, i ,diffr e l country on Sunday, and yet they re us ivi.eseno, to the tact, that while every person 41 0 ° 14 ti de tbetil ag od , his tea with cheap sugar, the hands that amt m a de were working fi fteen hours on the Sabbar,h " ii ;r e d . et ~,,„. cries of '' Hear, hear.") In fact, they stra, ossee...t h o slaver a p esce i ' - Post-office gnat, and swallowed t , mos t g o (Hear, hear.) He believed that the s i e ee 0 : 0 means they could adopt for pa ssing down . th!.. nredee4, would be to refuse to purchase slave-lee°,°°_,,' Le . 1 7.0 : h ., and as the Hon. Member for the West 11 1 °, 1 feb e d he (14 shire was a great tidy °eat° far peace,' he DUI: ,OW r Solelk G. Berkeley) should have the pleasure of I , .E . a at T. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING- 1 JUNE 1, 1850.