The Sun. — London, England, 1845-03-12 00:00:00

e yo tbe ll'4 r [ leo - r, l . ' i s t ° hose 0 oio pot e°' oi r the o ter ,a he iii Ea rle e la ili ,ro , c t o e c ° a ll ' 0 01 1 0 bee l° i' p TilE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 12 1845. I h e ' l t a ti, t i , "° ,! n um ee Uf h in 'Fe ff. Some two years ago he had drawn the House to the state of the colonies, and 'ton aita ? express his thankfulness to the House for the atten le had" also they had favoured him on that occasion ; and t he to express his gratitude to the House and lor e , ry for the weight with which public opinion and the d'a thi s th e `: s h t ',ch public feeling had 'been brought to bear us au ion in consequence of that attention —( Hear.) Na t t a; again apply to that public feeling, he would again bad e a " t Peblic opinion, and be did hope that both would be vadahl No t , e on the present occasion for the be^efir of the had al e ' and the country.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. C. Buller) tot t ~ e ' lYs in former days understood ' that when an Enghsh !itht'orft the land of his birth he carried with him the birth isßet ta art Englishman ; that he was entitled to the same privi- Ne s t'," wsg in hi* native land, and that he was nowhere se tt e'F? gad;xed without his consent. But now matters t heywere only thought of as the colonies of the w hat the Hon. Gentlemen of the Colonial-,•ffice know la Cro t this wn colony was ? When the colonists, in early days, they en t ry to f oun d th ose sp l en did em pi res i n th e w es t, w ith thi s at s 0 long as an Englishman retained his connexion ks fea t tha nountry he felt that he was entitled to its privileges. C; oat t he was entitled to all the benefits of a representa ,,aorfe la , r orrisnt ; and when the State of Pennsylvania and sa e w and other of the American Sta' es, were founded, t ' ilL 'ata r a „ e "ra care taken to secure a repreentative Gover n e'sds C e m. Indeed to such an extent did this go, that it, i o ' h and had a domestic Legislature, though the number ie sy abit ants did not exceed five thousand. But now, a uesa o 7 . l ° Pursued towards the colonies was one of despotism, 7l P „'°' which, but. for the supervision of that House, would r 'ect d e ,• oti t sPesm and this was the system they pursued °J the Yew Zealand—a system which prevented all liability ;es Par t a of the Governor to have his conduct or his mea itlaet awe d by the colonists. They had in the island a a o le ! it was true, but it consistedof the ttorey-Gener, Oepe ed et al Secretary, and the Colonial Tre A asure n r, and thre al e th e en t memb ers • but the three official members, Zia to as sistance of the Governor, were always t o ao di oUtvot e the independent members. These v per fectd 'grace in that matter. The whole thing was v t k "Polisra—a round-about despotism it might be, ti !to ra, t"Potism nevertheless. Of these three despotic go t:: ta t w ° of them had belonged to the Royal Navy. He la4t hem e ari to speak disrespectfully of the Royal Navy, a Oa st ' t say that the Royal Navy was the very „tha t 0 choose a governor from who would be vested with t4itsetooProwers. They had no light charges to make against if 'sg trroy He would stateahree instances of his mini h' er t'erit • • tate yvhile governor, that must convince every person la s , sod , i neompetence for that onerous position. It was ,Oi et ii".aintained, that the Government of the Right Hon. :d disseminated the soundest views with respect to ips t o; and it was therefore the more extraordinary r f New Zealand should, upon the subject of ' finances t 4o 4 t; wl delY as he 'possibly could ' from the Right Hon. did t h e W ould the House suppose that in any part of the i;:sy atiae2rienezisted an inconvertible paper currency ? Could esa i b e e , any thing more monstrous ? And yet such had a a ld rai a ra to t d neci in New Zealand Governor Fitzroy. In a ,nor ree they had, at a considerable sacrifice, returned to a se l atre a ,'_'}e but in the colon• of New Zealand they had get Q s. silovvertible currency established. In this country they kt ul e tt p o e d a paper currency to be issued for any amount waiZslalialidn'a 4 1 , 3 s u i t Captain Fitzroy had issued five shilling gnats. There was something wicked in s s °. 5401itical econotny. What was the object of this issue ea 2 a s • assieriats? They were issued to pay work ist'" • And what were the consequences of se as? • e a This—she depreciation of that currency. IV 4 th a4 g n ats were in a course of deprecia t slap e very time the Governor issued his proclamation. it ' a. Pat t P a e t ' i ng that some accredited party had stated that th e country gave no authority to the Governor to a l ?, a assignats. what would then be the consequence ? 4 1 1 *Z I P naturally have followed, that the credit of the i h dsp,„ suffer by the conduct of the Governor, and that l ta elatio n of the currency would he reduced to the hilt,'l theta' stale. What would be the further consequence • el 41 •• , • • , le t • , assignats would perhaps have been depreciated li at lis a t "Y. that they would have to p 15," 00l . on as kivleatd which, they would not get 15,01)0 pence. Was not "t te 'd ? W•as it to be tolerated that any Governor Qa,"l'p„:"ne with the community, and so violate the most li t s t stl a l . n ciriles laid down by the Government which had ap lhawas ' , ra ? Captain Fitzroy was not merely incompetent. fa de s sitively mischievous and dangerous, as in every de t e 'rs h ear kind he entailed the most extensive harm.— Y a tu g. Such blunders as these were enough to eon l'iltha` 4 ro an, no matter how superior his other qualities ta tl (l4l 4 th Let them now turn to his system of taxation. kse se er ep ,!Y find there Why they found that the,Governor ths - ure ' sheep imported 10s., and cattle 20s. Let them a let - a re an doing all he could to destroy the resources ef 'is f 111 ll a ,",er which he was appointed Governor ; if he tried he a could not do more than Captain Fitzroy had i 'l,; t h ld t e ar ' hear.) Since the time of the Houynyhins, (t e l)srt te r , heard of such a thing blg the customs ef province and allowing s it to remain in another. 11 1 . 4; e 4 a ti rl ,tt e c bet a t r l . d r cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member complaining of the misrule in the Island. Tie nl Ill ' a ' n " e gged to have the custom-house abolished in the q r atat and they ended by pulling down the flag-staff. s,,it, r iti e , " „ °l " sent t 'dries , for forces, he alarmed the If 7litt a "'nere out o f th ' ' ). - "ts and 150 men were sent to oea~ds, t' : e • The natives requested him to send them back. ~.tto' r o : 11 ) (1 in order to conciliate them further, he abolished Its"' oth el ' s e in the Bay of Islands, and left them standing 4 a sti a 4 :_ita t the:parts of the colony. What could the man mean la ti r? c ustom-house in one place and abolishing it in 9 tli t s a ad sb el Ping the Bay of Islands and ruining the pora k a •Lee ta nhat would the think of the Government if it t „ 11) 11 "'toms at B • 41 ; I and left them in full and active l'ist 'hiie i • a „ er the rest of rs ( t ) lie country ? ( Hear, hear. ) n 4 P l) ° , e that any ship would unload at any other Sol a tt ry "ristol l e s it be was so privileged ? Did they think that the 'a t •° b e d come down to the House and say that they Rt, who at.'olsported because they had abolished the custom 'a'at°l? The Duke of Buckingham, he thought it k 1 ) , e ; t C t i,' e° n l public meeting lately held, came down i nformation, and complained to the audience— litt sea t oral audience—of the Right Hon. Baronet, and of ( l tiOlios ati ert the budget. He complained that the Right ""dd et r d , id not mention the agricultural interest at all ; t ,l t !retie -4 We are treated as if we were a colony.' ;an t 'sin ah 'attglate r .) That was the way in which the Duke L . 1 14 t !'l a . °Poke of their colonies. " They care for us no t;h l ,, r t h w e were a colony."—(Renewed laughter.) I Lilt .atiathe literal for us—let us legislate for , ourselves." at t,, Cl f or literal interpretation of this remark, They care tliqthailcoloa The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Aglionby) altsl,!4 who lightly on the subject of the proclamation. By . fatl s 'Y t h of Victoria it was enacted that no waste land in lea th e ° tlld sell for a less sum than 1/. per acre, and the sot!efore was, whether land held by the natives was Nsd t'ideed and sold as waste land. If the House sells God that 23d section of that Act, they is the laas waste lands were intended to de- Thl t ris vested in the Crown with the sanction of the I t :ltta'ate ad Rua a most just and a most humane enactment. i t it ta P eaeh td to protect the savage by making all such sales ''tat a atia a ', llO hands of Government. All lands held by the I kle,a 4 „of -s ' fti d to Europeans became vested in the Crown as is . 4t r •s"lt and, the terms of the Act, lands sold ao _ m old nattp i neei d ,u came part of the waste lands of the Crown. o t i„ sra s „ . "Guist that such was the proper reading of the I tlti tli t - ,ltr o l i s 'ent. He (Mr. C. Buller) complained that by Alt e °f the Governor's pen he reduced the value of W tt lis col° tar tip„ nY from 20s. to 10s. They had asked for in le..httlaaesis4,,,six subjects connected with the administration • sa o ;° . l e , and they had only got information one r ed s m la e u nt h io t n r had f been i m ne ade e o n % l t e h m e en a w r h o o u rn ha s , - 1 t L N a tl i. q tt a t i ° the g e natives.—(The )n g Honourable and rt e s e e ,, l ;'!rnan was so much affected, that for several a" ,. l 4 l t Zlee dim not proceed.) He trusted the House would t g alle felt upon this subject. He knew oue of these o aa t a e a h ttffi e meant Captain Wakefield,—one of the most, a ' ‘es, l ' e tt tish,• n eer s in her Majesty's navy ; and to think of such Sha i 'ree aa g in a distant colony, by the tomahawk of the Oft," . ' the incapacity of a man like Captain Fitzroy, Sliii t "tet - 7 ard s come forward and said that the conduct of at e di e leerin g to those unfortunate gentlemen) was an all' a _ a Cala rtes to their country. He should be more ,ge i,illtaseatida'n Fitzroy than he was to the unfortunate Cap , toada l and he would not go into that matter. It had p't isl e al L a dispute about land, in which the Commissioners a t Ods would or could not decide the point of sale, ' y es were not resent The parties in the other tiNdthe~4°N3b_e,fore him, and he ' had . decided that in . those 4Si tt ,tloe . ,',Y had been sold fairly . and for its_ full t e aor s a ney . thought they . had a rieht to that land, wise a Les, s a veY it, and the natives came down and burned 'eelaats he magistrates at Wellington, on information t at 'aa snees being communicated to them, very un- Oa !Pie TP r OPerly issued a warrant against the natives. aaistpalaßil'iiras i rrational. They wont out, and he must say qt tt :tit s d I ::tes Mr. Johnson, and the other gentlemen who la i ts t r s es : k r °, that they were grievously misled in the kia` th e '',People with whom they had to de. The 1 1 a : 11 14,1 1 ot at 11 , 61 ghbOUrbOOd of Nelson were few in num ka•loa" to ,! . ` 1 of a warlike temperament. They generally siM a as% 'Fie decisions of the law, and the unfortunate l tsih e an d his fri e nd s were not aware of the for ttt a • tittle 11 "pitaegainst whom they were proceeding, or of their litA e a l '. 'Ow was the principal object of their i t4 l 4 Tliet took place ; the gentlemen stood their la l , a o d a rl a el were massacred by the natives. s a ti tt 4 ;ea rril.sle as the customs of those people were, they Vtaget ft' ° a rfilng to their established usages, and God Oio 'lrt a to ti s a „,` ) uld say they were to be punished for them, l 't ' N; i zo a - usages of English law. All he said was, that stto t ` itist4,7ught to have protected the European in estanetia," of encouraging the native aggressors. But eed " was, that he would severely punish those who td'eja k "et, t i,, °4l the tomahawk of the savage. The conse- IN for th tt the inhabitants of Wellington, who had held eaal e i ,Purpes e of defending themselves against their li i7isc a 'ate of L a ntS, were thrown into the greatest alarm. In e aa t h i ngs a wise Government would have said to Sh a ul y n ar med themselves to protect the settlement, ts a asse a u for wh a t you h ave en d eavour ed to do, but ltta, rh" ae tvt or ut a body of soldiers for your protection, and t ' th t° your peacreable pursuits." —(Hear, hear.) tt th att la : Governor actually do? He issued a procla !Asti, o e ' `4 4 ' o nl a eet_ , inv of the inhabitants were treasonable, asti r plc again, those who took part in them ;M e to 'nhah,- - , wr i by the soldiers. He called a meeting da t vee,"dtiee "'ants of Wellington, and denounced 14 '0 1 04d. 1 ,, the words which he (Mr. Buller) l e at a d he 'laving given every encouragement to the % % I LI ta-a•a gentlet to Nelson. Now, there were in that set ita Ne ttaa r nen in the commission of the peace—and it ea t %etti - u nimportant to observe, that in so small and ti t ta 'lnent there were five or six gentlemen of pro t'un tl t r htl (il ear St to be placed in the commission of the 4 1: a 4 krt era est 1 1 : , ) Well, Captain Fitzroy called those a l 4l tessa t e '.°re him, and rebuked them for having issued 44 p 14 e wart. it r emembered that he (Mr. Buller) did not I N 'tie''' . ar ' t • The parties were in a state of war, and thos 411...,,warrant was foolish—it was most imprudent and tiet t° it it, wa tta - g oat a extraordinary, that when officers were ey rn in any of the colonies, they sometimes 44 0 1, 4, aed e a r e Privileged to overlook the feelings of other PI, N N . ' 0 violate the common decencies of life. Captain sats N 'ugly thought wi th • ye a . tlohaving written some statement in the news taW's 1 ° th tut Captain Dillon, said that he had not 4 l lte ttl at • e u evsso a e t it R t e aPer. Captain Fitzroy told that gentle 'ttj) not true !"—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) 14,1tti114,1141,wer: iwo,uld say lo tt 'st o ' 3 llt h these things were not important.—( Hear, that they were of importance. If °at, th e u tak e n uuced to go out as settlers to your colonies, %s t 'te o 4l a t "re that those who represent you should si Do t gentleteee_( Hear, hear.) Captains Fitzroy to,. [ te tc, 4 months in the lon ' and he had in that. time " °at 'd the • colony p,, a4 . e feelings and to endanger the property (11 inh abitants. The amount of the expenditure aesis th - Year II e • ..e Duller) thought that was pretty i‘sa,l,,,(te,as)as°a7r,nor of a colony of 14,000 inhabitants — 'ear, a °) rlY new and struggling with every &M- N, rim of a "an.) 36,0001. expenditure for the ll a gtti tli "'es - th Population of 14,000 was two and a tt ' lv ; '1)1 11 . d ebt e expenditure of Britain, including 'is t Y aid Fit' In justifying an increase of the expendi sid toeroY said that the greatest calamity which a "s id w as ,Ugi aN to deprive the officers of their gala . - e 'a•( '4 4 .4 Accordingly he proceeded to make up his 4 ' s sr, h e ' °- He laid a tax epee the importation of Bit .site c a :9'_a tax upon sheep-dogs—( Hear, hear) arh ! slinata of 2s. and ss. for the payment ot ell he aborigines rebelled against the customs' duties, to please them he abolished three custom-houses out of four.---( Hear, hear. ) He ( Mr. Buller) did nut want to make Captain Fitzroy a monster. He did not want the House to impeach him. He wanted to show what the Go vernor was worth by his own acts; and he asked the Govern ment to pass no further censure upon Into than to say that he was a very foolish =re—( Hear, bear.) lie asked them what right they had to commit the safety of 14,000 Englishmen in New Zealand to such a man as this ?—Hear. hear. ) He did not want to he hard upon the infirmities and d,ficiencies of human intellect, but he did not think that they were justified in putting at the head of a colony a man whom they would not entrust in the common affairs of life.—( Hear, hear. ) When they had the proofs of his incompetency, what was the duty f the Government bet to reeal him ?—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Buller) did not ask that as a pueisement (though he deserved it)—he did not ask it as a warning to future governors, (and the warning was wanted) ; —but he asked it for the sake of the colony, which could never be prosperous or safe whilst such a man was at its head.—( Hear, hear.) NVhat it was the duty of the Government to do was—to send nut a keeper for Captain Fitzroy, and to send out his successor at the same time.—( Hear, hear.) They ought to have recalled him before this, and they ought to explain why they bad not done so.— ( Hear, hear. ) He trusted the House would so express its opinion on this subject as to prevent the colonies from being exposed to reisrale inch as this. —( Cheers.) Colionel R. TREVOR would not, on this occasion, have troubled the House, but that he was the only near relation of the Gallant Officer whom the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard had so unjustifiably assailed in his absence. The Hoe. and Learned Gentleman had said, in the course of his speech, that he did not wish to hurt the feelings of any one. (" Hear" from Mr. Buller.) He (Colonel R. Trevor) was glad that he, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, assented to his' statement. With the charges which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman made against the Colonial-effice, he (Colonel R. Trevor) had nothing to do. He had only to deal with the charges against the Gallant Officer at the head of the colony. There could be no objection to a Member of that House mak ing charges against any servant of the Crown. But he thought any Member went toe far when he drew unfavourable in ferences from general statements, without any specific facts. He thought it would have been better to wait until the Govern ment and Captain Fitzroy had an opportuniq of communicat ing the facts to the House. The Horn and Learned Gentleman said that Captain Fitzroy made up his mind upon the informa tion he received from the murderers, without hearing the colo nists. But this was not the fact, for the opinions stated by that officer were the same as were expressed by the Colonial Secre tary before Captain Fitzroy went out to New Zealand. The Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard himself admitted that the warrant was illegal, imprudent, and injudicious. Mr. C. HULLER—I did not say illegal, I said imprudent and injudicious.—( Hear, hear.) Colonel TREVOR—The Attorney-General of the colony denied that it was illegal. He would not have risen but for the extraordinary, unfair, and unbecoming language used to wards Captain Fitzroy.— ( Hear, hear.) That officer had de voted all the energy of his mind for the benefit of the colony, and it was very hard that he should be assailed in his absence at so great a distance. No voice could be raised in his behalf in answer to these charges, for four or five months, whilst those charges rested only on partial information.—( Hear. ) Captain Fitzroy had been so much occupied with the affairs of the colony, that not one of his relations had received one line from him.—( Hear.) It would, therefore, have been only justice to an absent officer to abstain from attacking him, until his friends were in a position to explain his acts. Colonel WOOD would not go into the merits of the case, but he would protest against two epithets applied to Captain Fitzroy, who was a distant connexion of his (Colonel Wood's). He trusted the Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard would, on reflection, regret that he had applied to a gallant naval officer the terms " foolish and incompetent."— ( Hear. ) Captain Fitzroy had been many years in the service of the country. He had been long employed in the survey of the coast of South America, after which he brought his little vessel, at great cost to himself, round the world. ]n that voyage he touched at New Zealand, and he ultimately accepted the Governorship at the request of the Company itself, after he had , refused two or three other lucrative appointments.—( Hear.) Mr. BULLER—Not at the request of the Company. Colonel WOOD found that he was wrong, it was at the re quest of the Colonial Secretary.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh. ) If the whole transaction were before the House, it would bear a very different complexion. Sir W. JAMES said it should be remembered that the at tack upon Captain Fitzroy was founded upon very imperfect intormation.—( Hear. ) The Hon. and Learned Member for Liskeard himself said that nine-tenths of the information on the affairs of Zealand was from the newspapers. He hoped, therefore, that it would go forth to the country that this was newspaper information and a newspaper spirit.—( Hear, hear. ) He could not conceive that any facts could be brought forward to justify the assertion that Captain Fitzroy had, on any occa sion, been guilty of conduct unbecoming either a gentleman or an officer, nor did he believe the statement the Hon. Member had made would increase his character or repetation in the country, unless ho were prepared substantially and most accu rately to prove it.—( Hear, hear.) He would sympathise with the Honourable Member for Liskeard, when he lamented the death of his friend, and if the Hon. Gentleman had not made use of language in reference to Captain Fitzroy which was un justifiably strong, he would not have ventured to trespass upon the time of the House. He hoped, however, the Hon. Mem ber would see the necessity of retracting some of the expres sions which he had thought proper to use. The expressions if unfounded in fact, were certainly unbecoming a gentleman, and he therefore hoped the Hon. Member would either bring forward some exceedingly strong facts, or else withdraw the expressions altogether. Captain Fitzroy had, in more than one instance, proved himself to be a valuable servant ; and if there was a peison upon whom lie could lay his finger as a man remarkable for public integrity, or remarkable for his pri vate virtues or humanity, that man was Captain Fitzoy. Sir CHARLES I'APIER admitted the justness of the eu logium which had been passed upon Captain Fitzroy by the Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House. He was a remarkably clever man. He had made discoveries and surveys in a most singular and peculiar manner, but the House must re member that a man might be able to make a very good survey, and yet be a precious bad Governor.—(Laughter.) The Govern ment, in his opinion, made a grand mistake when they sent Captain Fitzroy to govern New Zealand. He would have made a much better Chancellor of the Exchequer.— (Laughter.) Nevertheless, he was a gallant officer, but in stead of shaking hands with the murderers of Captain Wake field, he ought to have executed them.—(Cheers.) An HON. Mesraza said he knew from other sources than the public prints that, from some cause or other, the conduct of Captain Fitzroy had not been such as ought to be expected from a public officer. He should not, however, have addressed the House had riot the Hon. Member for Liskeard alluded to a gentleman with whom he was personally acquainted. He knew from private information that the conduct of Capt. Fitzroy to wards Mr. Dillon had been, he would not say, ungentlemanly, but certainly it was not such as generally characterised the usual courtesy which was due from one gentleman to another. Sir R. PEEL regretted that the debate had extended so far. It would, he thought, have been much better if Hon. Members who had lately addressed the House had, like the Hon. Gentleman who moved for the papers, allowed the motion to pass without remark. Had this course been pursued, he did not anticipate that any opposition would have been offered to the motion, as his Noble Friend at the head of ,the Colonial Department, and the Hon. Gentleman who represented him in that House, were perfectly ready to give the Hon. Gen tleman all the information he required. If they had de sired to call in question the acts of Captain Fitzroy, he thought it would have been fair to postpone it until they had got the papers before them. But, as it was, he thought injustice had been done both to his Noble Friend at the head of the Colonial-office, and to Captain Fitzroy, by the comments which had been made that night. One Hon. Gen tleman had gone so far as to say that the Colonial Department showed great ignorance in their policy towards New Zealand, because they, as well as the public, had been in possession of certain information three months, and yet his Hon. Friend had not recalled Captain Fitzroy. Another Hon. Member had made use of language which, he must. say, was highly unjus • tifiable. The Hon. Gentleman said it was the duty of his Hon. Friend to send over a keeper for Captain Fitzroy. :Now, in his opinion, there was nothing to jusiify this remark as di rected against Captain Fitzroy.—( Hear, hear.) What were the facts of the case ? Why, true it was, his Hon. Friend had net formally made a statement to the public with respect to this paper currency, but he had nevertheless declared the fact that Captain Fitzroy had, from some cause or other, omitted to send any information on the subject. It was possible, however, that there might have been some cause to prevent Captain Fitzroy forwarding his papers. But be that as it may, Captain Fitzroy had omit ted to send them, and it would be fur bim to give some reason why 'this deficiency should be overlooked. There was nu doubt, then, that his Hen. Friend was not in possession of any official information on the subject, and would it therefore be just to condemn, still more to rent an officer performing duties in a distant colony upon newspaper information ?—( Hear, hear. ) Such information as the Colonial-office was in possession of, should be freely given. His Noble Friend was perfectly right in postponing any comments upon these acts of Captain Fitzroy, until he should have received an explanation from that gentleman. It would be unjust for his Hon. Friend to condemn Captain Fitzroy, without giving him an opportu nity of explaining his conduct. They were not in possession of the ordinance relating to the unconvertible paper cur rency, and still less were they in possession of any official ac count from Captain Fitzroy, stating the circumstances under which that order was issued ; and therefore the com ments of the Hon. Member upon the ignorance of his Noble Friend were entirely out of place, and unwarranted by the facts. With respect to debentures, there was no act of Captain Fitzroy of which: they had not taken official cognizance, and when they thought them good they approved of them, and when the debentures were unsatisfactory they directed them to be modified.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman con demned his Hon. Friend for appointing a naval man to the office of governor of a colony. The Honourable Gentle man said it was not proper to take a man from the quarter deck, and set him to perform functions which attached to a civil Government. Now he was not prepared to acquiesce in this doctrine. He should be serry, indeed, to say that either a military or a naval officer was incompetent to per form such functions. He could see no reason why gen tlemen who had distinguished themselves in one of the two services should not be appointed to these offices. Bat they were talking of a man who had distinguished him self not merely in active naval service, but in the scientific part of that profession. He was a man, moreover, who had a kindly disposition, and had throughout life been distinguished for strict honoar and integrity. The New Zealand Company did not object to his appointment, because he found, after the appoitnment was made known to the New Zealand Company, Mr. Ward, the Secretary of the Company, addressed a letter to Captain Wakefield, wherein ho expressed himself warmly in favour of Captain Fitzroy. Then the Company had a personal conferenec with Captain Fitzroy, and afterwards they con sidered it to be their duiy to notify to their agent in the colony what were their impressions with respect to this officer ; and, again, Captain Fitzroy was spoken of by the New Zealand company in the most favourable towns. That was the opinion expressed by the Company after communicating with Captain Fitzroy, and therefore whatever the Honourable Member opposite might now say with respect to the disqualifications of Captain Fitzroy, his answer was c naclusive and complete. It must be remembered that Captain Fitzroy relinquished a seat in Parliament, and gave up a lucrative situation, to un dertake the government of New Zealand. The gallant gentleman could not, therefore, be said to have taken office with a view to remuneration. On the contrary, he believed that Captain Fitzroy was actuated in such a step only by a sense of public duty, and by a benevolent desire to become an instrument of good. He fully sympathised with some of the feelings and sentiments of the Hon. Member for Lis keard, for it was not to be wondered at that the Hon. Memlier should lament the untimely fate of his friend.—( Hear, hear.) But still he must ask the House to suspend its final opinion upon this ease of Captain Fitzroy until they could hear from the gentleman himself. It was consistent with justice that they should wait until they had a report from Captain Fitzroy, who certainly had omitted to fotward them certain in formation, but he would ask the House, whether it was not within the range of probability that this omission had been occasioned by some accident or other? The Hon. Member for Cockermouth had delayed a motion on the subject of New Zealand and the Colonial-office, to give him an opportunity to make himself master of the subject ; but he could assure the Honourably Member that whenever he brought his motion forward, be should be perfectly pre :rife r , to take his psrt in the debate. His Noble Friend huh laid on the table of the House the dispatch rela tive to the report of • the Committee. It was in pos session of the instructions be had given. His Noble Friend did not shrink from any examination of his conduct. He would say nothing epon that subject now; but the time was coins when Hon. Gentlemen should be prepared to bring forward a motion, if they intended to do so, so as to enable his friends in that House to vindicate his Noble Friend. . Lord HOWICK said that, as it was evident this subject must be brought. forward in a shape which would enable the House to pronounce a judgment upon both the conduct of the Government and Captain Fitzroy, he would not on the present occasion enter upon the field of discussion. He rose for the purpose of saying that he did not think there was anything in the language used by his lion. and Learned Friend ( Mr. Buller) of which the Right Honourable Baronet could justly complain. His Hon. and Learned Friend felt strongly upon the miscon duct of the Colonial Government, and in a speech, no less dis tinguished by moderation than ability, imputing no blame to the motives of Captain Fitzroy, he condemned—what every person was at liberty to condemn—the exercise of his judg ment, and in his (Lord Howick's) opinion his Hon. Friend could not condemn that judgment too strongly.—( Hear, hear.) He concurred with his Hon. and Learned Friend in the opinion that the conduct of Captain Fitzroy, so far as his judgment was concerned, was utterly without defence. The Right Hon. Baronet said that they ought not to condemn Captain Fitzroy unheard, and that the reports of newspapers were not to be de pended on. But the newspapers gave formal reports of what took place in the colony, so that it. was not mere rumour. When they had dependencies at such a distance, care should be taken to inform Government of what was going on. Cap tain Fitzroy might, at least, have sent home a dispatch which would arrive as soon as the newspapers, and there was no pos- sible justification for his not having done so.—( Hear, hear.) While the welfare of 12,000 or 14,000 persons was in peril from a total disorganisation, and while accounts of an alarming na ture had been brought home far a long time, it was v, ith sur prise he learned that her Majesty's Government had not sent out some gentleman, in whose judgment they could rely, to supersede Captain Fitzroy.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion, her Majesty's Government were, to a great extent, as respon sible as Captain Fitzroy, and as this was a matter of import ance, he hoped it would soon be brought forward, when they could pronounce a more distinct judgment upon it. Mr. MANGLES said that it might appear presumptuous in him to answer the Right Hon. Baronet, but he had so strong a reliance on the justice of his case, and such a strong confidence in the justice of the House, that he would attempt to reply to the Right Hon. Gentleman. He had heard three definitions made by the friends of Captain Fitzroy for him, and he had heard his conduct strongly upheld by the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir R. PEEL—Certainly not. Mr. MANGLES—The Right Hon Gentleman, at all events, said that they ought to suspend their judgment respec ting the conduct of Captain Fitzroy until they had further information. The lion. Baronet the Member for Hull ( sir W. James) said that Captain Fitzroy was at a distance from the Government at home, and that he had to act upon his judg ment. But it should he recollected that there were others at the same distance in whoee behalf the Government ought to be watchful and vigilant. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government had alluded to a letter in which the New Zealand Company, at the time of the appointment of Captain Fitzroy, expressed their confidence both in Lord Stanley and Captain Fitzroy. That letter was written, believing that Captain Fitzroy had given up a lucrative employ ment in this country, and that he had undertaken his appointment in ?few Zealand solely upon public grounds; and they did not now question his motives, though they condemned his judgment. When they wrote that letter, they were also in a state of deception as to what had been done by the Colonial-office. He believed that Captain Fitzroy went out to carry out the agreement en tered into by Lord Stanley and the colony, and which was substituted for the better agreement made with the Noble Lord the Member for the City of Lonilon. They were under the iron foot of the Colonial-office, and they were ob liged to submit ; there were now ten thousand of their fel low-subjects in a state of ruin, because they could not get one acre of land from the Crown. They had not known at the time that Captain Fitzroy had instructions from Lord Stanley to explain away the agreement they had made with him, and they had never seen the letter containing those in structions, till many months after Captain Fitzroy had left the country. If they had known of that letter, they would have thrown up the affairs of the Company altogether, and resigned themselves to the loss of tl:e money they had ex pended rather than submit to such treatment. Unhappily for for them the state of the law was such that they could not sue the Crown to fulfil its engagements. In India, which was unfortunately under the Board of Directors—( A laugh)— Lord Cornwallis had, in 1793, placed the Government and the subject on an equality in the courts of justice. If that were the case in New Zealand, they would apply to the laws of their country, and require redress for the monstrous injuries which they had received horn the Colonial-office. Their only resource was now to appeal to the justice of the House; and as this was not a political or a party question, but an appeal ; made by men who believed themselves to be grievously injured, and not only themselves, hut thousands of their countrymen, whom they were the instruments of sending out to New Zealand—he hoped that they would not appeal in vain. On looking over the correspondence between the Co lonial•office and the Governor of New Zealand, he found that in 1842, 12,4141. were expended, the greater part of which expense arose from blunders sanctioned by the Government. Whatever else the New Zealand Com pany might be guilty of, they were guiltless of the bankruptcy of the colony which was to be laid entirely at the door of the Government. With regard to the outrages which had been committed—those outrages in the north, where the Governor had full sway—•the natives and the Company were on the beat terms; there was no dispute between them, the dispute was alone between the Government and the natives, with which the Company had nothing to do. It was owing to the conduct of the Government that their countrymen were plundered, that their countrywomen had been outraged, and that their flags had been torn, and, after all this, the Governor was obliged to conciliate them, and Captain Fitzroy did not want testimony as to the conduct of the waives in the imme diate vicinity of Auckland, for he found in a debate which had taken place in the Assembly, that Captain Fitzroy said, in reply to Dr. Martin, that the Hon. Gentleman seemed to desire that be should drive the public from the towns to the bushes, where they had neither safety nor food. He thought that when the whole case of the Government of New Zealand and the con duct of the Colonial-office was brought fully under considera tion, justice would be awarded.—(Hear.) Sir R. INGLIS defended the conduct of Captain Fitzroy, and the Government of New Zealand. Much had been said against him and her Majesty's Government; but he could not but think that a fundamental error—a fundamental sin—had been committed by the New Zealand Company.—( Hear, hear.) His sympathy would always be with the poor and the weak. The inhabitants of New Zealand were those with whom sympathy ought to be enlisted ; they were not children, because they could trace their descent front thirty generations, or from the time of the Norman Canquest, and in that he was borne out in the statements of the protector of the aborigines — Sir George Clarke. He maintained, therefore, that the inha bitants of New Zealand were entitled to respect, and this country had recognised their national character. The course to be pursued by this country was clear—they must either make it a case of conquest or a case of recognition. They had adopted the latter course, and therefore they were bound to recognise New Zealand as a free nation—( Hear, hear)—and from that moment all their proceedings ought to be upon the footing of equal rights. The case at present was a case be tween a Company and the inhabitants, the object of the Com pany being pecuniary interest. It was not high principle alone that brought any of the individuals connected with the Company together, •hut a commercial speculation.—( Hear, hear.) Party bad nothing to do with this question, it was pounds, shillings, and pence alone—( Hear, hear)—that ac tuated all parties to become connected with the Company.— ( Hear, hear.) Captain Fitzroy, he was assured, had no sordid motives in view, and he therefore had no hesitation in giving his support to her Majesty's Government on the present occasion. _ . The question having been put from the Chair, Mr. (3. W. HOPE rose to move the amendment of which he had given notice, namely, to leave out the words, " fulfil Lord Stanley's agreement of May 12, 1843," and to insert the words, " execute Lord Stanley's instructions." In the fifth paragraph, to more to leave out the words, " at a less price than that fixed by the Act of sth and 6th Vie. c. 36." He thought if the Company chose not to bring forward their case, they ought to abstain from making the assertions they had done. Mr. C. BULLER hoped the House would not go into a discussion to-night upon such an unsettled verbal distinction as that now attempted to be drawn. He thought the course that had been pursued by Lord Stanley was a direct promise, but how had that promise been performed? He contended that between men in private life the course which had been pursued would not be advisable. Suppose' he were to make an agreement ? Mr. HOPE—There was no agreement. Mr. C. BULLER—Suppose there were an agreement, and suppose his own servant came to him and said, " I don't know why those instructions were given without consulting me," in such a case there could never be faith between gentlemen and public officers. He did not care a rush for anything but the substance of the case. They had received the news of Captain Fitzroy's proceedings in the colony for the first nine months, and it did not appear that he had taken a single step to carry out the promises everything which had been done with regard to the company's title had been upon the sense of the old un derstanding. He did not care whether it was called a promise or an agreement, but he did want to know what were the in structions given to :the Governor-General of New Zealand, in pursuance of the promise in Mr. Hope's letter of the 12th of May. Mr. HOPE said the instructions given were in pursuance of the words of the letter of the 12th of May. (The Hon. Mem ber then read the letter.) Mr. C. BULLER wanted to know what had been done to fulfil the promise ? Mr. HOPE said the Hon. Member knew that the course was to select portions of land, for which they were to obtain a grant. It was not for the Governor to make a conditional grant without application being made to him for that purpose ; and the only intelligenee which th , :f had on the subject, after a great deal of discussion, was the compensation which it was proposed to give to the natives. Mr. Hope then consented to the insertion of the words "in pursuance of Mr. Hope's letters of the 12th of May." The motion, as amended, was then agreed to. NEW POOR LAW. that the mandamus he issued- at on( o, on the alle gation that the toor at the time were starving. This was not the case, as the overseers of Rochdale, in pursuance of the in structions from the Commissioners themselves, continued to relirve the poor as before, under the local Act. The people of Rochdale. made every exertion to escape the infliction of this law; they wished by every legitimate means in their power to prevent its operation taking place, and to avoid also the ap pearance of any resistance to the authorities. The Board of Guardians signed a memorial to the Secretary of the Home Department; another memorial was also addressed to the Right Hon. Gentleman by the rate-payers of Rochdale, each praying his interference to prevent the law being forced upon them. The memorial of the rate-payers was signed by 11,415 persons, and of the whole number of rate-payers in the district, only fifty-one refused to sign it.—(Hear.) He, therefore, stood there as the representative of a consti tuency which, though consisting of many political parties, was on this subject completely united. The answer of the Secre tary of State to the memorials was—that he had no power to interfere to prevent the operation of the law. Under these circumstances, the inhabitants of Rochdale appealed to that House for relief ; they came there to ask if that House could not prevent the infliction of this law upon them. Though no reason had been assigned for enforcing the law—though no regular document had been produced—he had an indirect knowledge of a document which had been drawn up with the view of establishing a case for the Commissioners. That document stated that the expense of the relief of the poor had greatly increased, and instituted some comparisons with other districts to prove it, which he contended were not fairly drawn, inasmuch as the three towns of the district of Rochdale were compared with three other towns. In reply to this, he asserted that, taking the whole number of paupers in England, the expense of each of them was 2/. 145., while the expense of the poor of Rochdale under relief was not more than 28s. per head. Was not that an argument in favour of Rochdale, and a reason why they should continue a system with which the people were contented ? This was not the first time he had had to defend the people of Rochdale. In 1841 he stated in that House the distress of the town, and in consequence an inquiry was insti tuted, which also extended to the system of poor relief then existing. This inquiry was conducted by Mr. Tuffeell, and he reported that'the poor were sufficiently relieved, and that there was a general desire on the part ;of the people to avoid applying for relief. Now, if the poor were sufficiently re lieved, and eeonomy also preserved, surely that syss tem ought to be continued. He had presented a petition from the people of Rochdale, which con tained a variety of allegations, and he would not be doing justice to those who had sent him if he did not call the attention of the House to the allegations of that petition. The petitioners stated that the new poor-law was unconstitution I awl was destructive of the principles of civil Government. Were they not right ? They went on to state that the new poor-law destroyed the desire for puhlic liberty. The peti tioners.allege that the Poor-law Commissioners had the power of levying money by weans of the poor-law guardians. They contended that this power ought not to be vested in irrespon sible parties. The guardians were machines to be worked by the hands of the Commissioners, in order to sanction that taxa __.. tion which they had no power in themselves to control. The petitioners contended that the Parliament had no right to dele gate any power which was contrary to the Bill of Rights. Why was this power, to which the petitioners had alluded, given by the Parliament to the Commissioners ? It was intended that the Commissioners should do that which the Parliament did not choose to do. The intention of the framer of the new Poor-law Bill was to abolish all out-door relief. The poor man had a right to demand relief when he could not obtain ork. It had been stated that five-sixths of the poor received external relief. He did not deny this, but it was contrary to the intention of the framers of the new Poor-law Act. ° The dietary was the next point which he would take up ; and here he would say that this was one of the greatest inflictions of this law upon the poor. He saw by the returns of the Poor law Commissioners, issued in March, 1841, that the dietary for five days in the week was, for breakfast, seven ounces of bread and one pint of gruel ; and for dinner one pound of pota toes. Now, lie would ask, what was a pound of potatoes? Per haps some Hon. Members were not aware that one potatoe was so large as to weigh more than pound—( A laugh)—and it was quite a common occurrence to find two potatoes weigh more than a pound; and he would just ask the House to imagine a working-man having only one potatoe for his dinner ? ( A laugh.) Why, he knew many working men in Ire land who would make but a poor dinner on seven pounds of potatoes.—( Loud laughter.) In fact, this scale of dietary was not at all suited to the wants or habits of the poor ; and he would have no hesitation in saying that it was a starvation scale.—( Hear.) The whole of this oppres sive and unchristian system of treating the poor had made such an impression upon the inhabitants of Rochdale, that they felt themselves driven to make the appeal they now did to that House through him.—( Hear.) It appeared that, al though out-door relief would be the best possible system that could be adopted, yet the guardians had made a rule against it. He had often spoken of the hardship of this system ; but surely it was not necessary to go this length with it. The law gave a power to extend out-door relief to the poor in towns ; but that too, had been rendered useless by the order of the guar dians, which went to the extent of depriving the justices of the power of declaring who were, and who were not the fit and proper objects of charity. He would be far from wish ing to vest too much power in the hands of magistrates ; but surely they should not have been deprived of this useful power ?—( Hear.) There was another point to which he would allude, namely, the evil of compelling a person who had once been industrious and respectable, but unfortunate and pauperised, to associate with the very worst characters in society when they sought relief in the workhouse.—(Hear. ) He contended that this alone would be sufficient to make many people recoil with horror from the workhouse relief, as would also what was called the workhouse test of destitut'on, which was the only test applied, or that the law would be allowed to apply, and hence its total failure. —( Hear. ) The working men of England claimed subsistence or employ ment. It was a birthright which they possessed by the laws and constitution of England for a number of years, and was as sacred to them as any right by which:property of any description was held. The working of the present law was well described in the words of a distinguished individual, who said that the law might be defined in these words :—" And be it enacted that the Poor-law Commissioners have unbounded dominion over the poor and rich of the land," and it might be added, to exercise this dominion in the most arbitrary manner. He was most anxious that the House should inquire into the mode in which the poor-law was administered, as he felt confident that many Hon. Members were not aware of the injuries which it inflicted. Let there be a public inquiry—a full investigation. His constituents were determined to resist with all their might the introduction of this law, and would suffer the penalties of an attachment rather than concur in a measure which to them seemed full of injustice and severity. The motion he made was, " that the petition of the people of Rochdale be referred to a Select Committee, to inquire into the administration of the roor-law in that district." He had modified the tesolution, that it might, by its practicability, receive more general sup port, but would not push it further if the Right Hon. Gentle man would promise to appoint a Commission to inquire into the matter. Mr. FERRAND said he was rejoiced that he caught the Speaker's eye, for he was anxious t o b ear t es ti m ony to the re spectabiery and unanimity of the mee ti ng a t R oc hd a le, when this petition was adopted. He wished to call the attentisn of the House not only to this law, and to its administration, but to the pledges which had been given when this law was first introduced in that House. The p eop l e o f R oc hd a l e w ere, he c onsidered, fully justified in resisting this law ; in fact, under such circumstances, he thought o b e di ence was a cr i me , an d re sistance a virtue. The most solemn pledges were given, when this law was introduced, as to th e m ild mo d e i n w hi c h th e l aw was to be administered, and the restrictions which were to be kept up ; but these pledges, without which the House and the country would never have consented to the law, were most flagrantly violated. Lord Althorp said, on the 17th of April, 1834, in reply to an observation of the Ho nourable Member for Marylebone, that the law would not interfere with well regulated parishes, but the administra tors of it would copy their example; and his Lordship further said that when the parish was well regulated, the slightest ap prehension might not be entertai ne d o f i n t er f erenc e on the part of the Poor - law Commissioners. This pledge, continued the Hon. Member, was given by the mouthpiece of the Go• vernnient, and such was the condition upon which the House gave its consent to the Bill. The Hon. Member then quoted the remarks of Lord Brougham on the old poor-law, which he said destroyed all sense of dignity, erased all manly and honour able feeling, and fitted its victims for acts of violence. The volume on the table of the House, said the Noble Lord, was a record of the violence entailed by it, of the idleness which it engendered, and the guilt, the sister of idleness, which stalked over the land, notwithstanding the progress of education, and the more extended and impartial administration of justice. The Noble Lord said the new law would remove these evils, and restore to industry its proper reward, and lift once more the character of the English peasantry to that proud eminence which they were naturally qualified to hold. The Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had en titled himself to the respect of the country for the consistency with which he had adhered to the views which he entertained of this law. But what was the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury, and the Secretary of the Home Department ? They had been elevated to the places which they now held by an express understanding that they would oppose the proceedings of the Poor-law Commissioners. The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that the New Poor-law would put an end to the giving of alms in this coun try. But what was the language used by the Hon. Baronet this night, and what would be the effect, when the effect of these declarations was made known in all parts of England? But how different had been the conduct of the Noble Lord the Mem ber for the City of London, on the motion in 1839, for the ex tension of out-door relief to parties who had been married before the poor-law came into operation. The Noble Lord had opposed this extension on the ground that it would be a continuance of the allowance system, which system it was ono of the main objects of the poor-law to abolish—that it would have the effect of dividing the poor into two classes, and render the law, in fact, a dead letter. Why it was a dead letter already. There was one law for the east and another for the north—another for the south and another for the west. The whole system was a system of force, and which nothing but force would carry into effect. He well remembered the speech of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ; on h ear i ng th a t speech of the Noble Lord he jumped up in his place and declared that he had no confidence whatever in the poor-law Commissioners—that he desired . rather to see th e i r powers re stricted than extended—that his object was to secure to the poor all the benefits of the law, whilst he endeavoured to elevate the character of the noble peasantry o f E ng l an d, an d place them in an independent position. What was the inde pendent position of the peasantry of England now ? Expe rience was a sufficient reply, The Cabinet Ministers sitting on that bench had been elevated to their places by advocating the privileges of the poor of the country, either by :peaking for them on the hustings, or strongly against the new poor-law in that House. They stated that they were apprehensive of disaffection in the country. Why, he would tell them that the greatest inciters of disaffection were themselves and the Poor-law Commissioners. They attempted to cary into effect the discontinuance of the allowance system, but what had been the course they had pursued? They had introduced the new poor-law into Bradford —they d ar e d not introduce it into Leeds —within ten miles of the very place which they had deformed by its odious regulations. They had one law in England on one side of the brook, and another on the other. They professed that this grand panacea was to elevate the wages, and secure the comfort of the poor. But what was the consequence ? They had wages in the north of Nottinghamshire, 13s.' a week, while in Northamptonshire they were only 9s. a week. It was thus that they raised wages. Now came some startling facts, which he should adduce, in order to prove the dreadful malady which the y had inflicted upon the country. In 1841 the population of the country was 19,681,841. In the year 1842 the number of persons who received in-door relief was 222,642, while those receiving out-door relief was 1,204,545, making a total of 1,427,187. In 18,43 the number who received in-door relief was 238,560, those receiving out door relief was 1,270,930, making a total of 1,509,490. These were strong facts, and the House should remember that the years 1842 and 1843 exhibited a progressive i ncrease o f pros perity in the manufacturing districts. In 1842 the sum pa;d for in-door relief was 15,9111., and that for out-d oor re li e f was 93,1841. more than in 1 841, making a total increase in 1843 over 1842, of 112,0001. In 1442 the total amount of in-door relief was 944,382/., of the out-door relief, 3,481,0601., making a total of 4,425,4421. In 1843 the total amount of in-door telief was 985,8701., and for out-door relief, 3,773,0191., making a total of 4,758,9891., showing an increase in the in-door relief of 23,8931., and of the out-door relief 230,6241., making a total increase in those two years of 254,5234 That was the result of their attempts to save the poor-rates to the country. But he would now call their attention to the frightful increase of crime which had taken place under the operation of this Act. He held in his hand a report extracted from the " British Almanack for 1845," published by the " Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge," of which Henry Lord Brougham was chairman. It was compiled by Mr. Red grade, from the " Home-office Records," and the Right Hon. I3aronet might study them to-morrow at his leisure. The amount of crime, as evidenced by this document, was in round numbers—in 1836, 20,000: in 1837, 23,000 ; in 1839, 24,000; in 1841, 27,000; and in 1842,31,000; thus showing an increase of crime in 1842, over 1836, of 10,000. The poor law increased crime in the country. This was a remarkable fact. But he also took from this book a further extract of the sentences of death, and of the transportations for life for various classes of crime; and he found that crime was frightfully on the increase. He would, if the hour were not so late, read them to the House—(Hear)—but it might suffice to say that the capital punishments in 1832 were 1,444, and in 1843 the numbers were 1,735, showing an increase in this latter year, through the operation of the poor law, of 291. But in 1838 they had repealed capital punish ments for minor offences—the very period when this law was first introduced into the manufacturing districts. He would take the average of the three preceding years, 1535, 1836, and 1837, and he found that the average amount of those capital punishments was 807, while in 1843 capital punishments had increased to 1,696, showing an increase of 889 over the ave rage of 1835, 1836, and 1837, or more than double. But that was not all. They were obliged to have a winter's assize in order to sweep off this mass of crime from the face of the people of England. At one of those assizes—that held in York in the winter of 1841 Judge Coleridge, in charging the grand jury, had stated that another cause for the winter assizes was the startling increase of crime throughout the country ; and in Yorkshire he stated that crimes of a petty kind had net increased in the same proportion with those of a more serious character. Crime, he stated, had doubled, and though the population had increased, yet he did not think that that could possibly satisfy or explain away the great incubus which hung over them. During the last six years ! Why, that was the exact time when this obnoxious law was introduced into Yorkshire. What would the Right Hon. Baronet say to-night to justify this law ? Had he one word to sav in its favour. That report, the prisons, the re bellion in Wales, evinced the operation of the law ; and how the Right Hon. Baronet could justify himself to the inhabitants of Rochdale was more than he could say. Would they adopt the same plan of thrusting this law upon the people that they did at Bradford when the bayonet was drawn, and when the cry was, " Cut down the populace !" The feeling of England would be raised, and the people of Rochdale would be justified in the sight of their countrymen. The Right Hon. Baronet, the other night, had stated that a million and a half of the population were dependent on the poor-rates. The best feelings of the British peasant now shrunk from the workhouse, and he cried, " The workhouse ! a gaol rather— the gaol for me." That was the result of their infamous law ; and he had told them a short time ago that that law bad wrapped the south of England in flames. The Right Han. Baronet had admitted that it had produced the rebellion in Wales ; and the Hon. Member for Finsbury, were he in his place, could say that he held inquests every day on persons who would rather starve than enter the workhouse. Treat them with mercy as our forefather did. Give them the protection of the old poor law, and they would forget and forgive, for they were a loyal and peaceable people. But the worm itself would turn when you trampled on it. With pleasure he seconded the motion. Sir J. GRAHAM had frequently been called on to address the House on this subject, in consequence of motions brought forward by the Hon. Member for Rochdale, and on all occa sions he had acknowledged the candid spirit and the excellent intentions of the Hon. Gentleman. But at this time he might be allowed to remark on the conduct of his Hon. Friend. --(Hear, hear.) He trusted, therefore, the Hon. Member would bring forward his motion at the earliest possible period, and then the question of misgovernment would be finally dis posed of. When he (Sir J. Graham) came down to the House this day he was prepared for a. motion to hear Counsel at the bar, and he found that the motion was altered to a de mand for a select Committee. The Honourable Gentle man (Mr. Crawford) had bestowed great industry upon this subject; but he would permit him (Sir J. Graham) to say that he had not heard one new argument in the Hon. Gentleman's speech. lie must be permitted, also, to observe that the speech itself was an accusation against the whole of the existing poor-law, and was well adapted to preface a mo tion for the repeal of that law. The Honourable Gentleman said, himself, that the question was not a local question, but the Honourable Gentleman would pardon him for observing that his motion was altogether of a local nature. The Hon. Gentleman, although he had bestowed much attention on the subject, still laboured under this disadvantage, that he had no practical acquaintance with the subject which he studied. The Honourable Gentleman spoke of the destitution of the people of this country, and he said that they had a right to claim re lief. But the Honourable Gentleman was not aware of the circumstances of the people of this country, or of the operation of the law. In the country which the Hon. Gentleman himself inhabited, there was very great destitution, but the people had no claim for the smallest dale of relief from the wealth of the land. Here it was quite true they lived under a different law, with the effects of which the Hon. Gen tleman had no practical acquaintance. It was true, that after the present poor-law was passed, a considerable time was al lowed to elapse before it was introduced into the manufactur ing districts. But in 1837 it was introduced into Rochdale, and officers were appointed under it. At present the case of Rochdale was under consideration in the courts of law, and the Court of Queen's Bench had issued a mandamus calling on the poor-law guardians to carry the law into operation. 'They had refused to comply with it. They had made a return to that mandamus which the Crown had since traversed, and the case now stood for trial at the ensuing Liverpool assizes. Under these circumstances the House, no doubt, would agree with him, that no practical good could result from the inquiry which the Hon. Member sought. _ _ . Mr. BRIGHT merely rose for the purpose of offering one or two observations with respect to the motion which had been brought forward, because he was a rate-payer of Rochdale, and acquainted with the circumstances under which that memorial had been raised. He could bear the fullest testimony to the truth of a statement made by his Hon. Friend, that the people of Rochdale were averse to the introduction of the new poor-law into that town. He believed there was a general feeling amongst those who paid the rates that the interest of the poor, and the interest of the rate-payers had been very well and wisely attended to by the local vestry under whose direction the old law was carried into effect.—( Hear.) He said this with perfect impartiality, for he believed he was one of the fourteen or nineteen rate-payers of Rochdale who did not sign the petition which had been presexted to the House a few days ago. He must, however, admit, that among all classes of the people there was but one opinion upon the new poor-law. They were attached to the local government, and entertained great disinclination to be placed under the control of the poor-law Commissioners. —(Hear, hear And he eould not help thinking that they had some reason to be afraid of the Commissioners, for although they might have been extremely useful in some instances, in the generality of cases they had administered the law in any thing but a wise and temperate spirit.—(Hear, hear. ) Captain PECHELL lisped the testimony which had been borne that night of the feeling the people entertained against the New Poor-law would convince the Government of the existing necessity for a change being made in the law. The people of Rochdale, seeing what had taken place in the Ken sington union, the Cirencester union, and the Lambeth union, would rather go to jail than submit to be placed under the Poor-law Commissioners. The Right Hon. Baronet had not given any reasons for resisting the motion except that the Hon. Gentleman who moved it was not acquainted with the law in this country, and that he had better remain in his own country and assist in carrying out the poor-law there. All the people of Rochdale wanted was inquiry. Let them get an inquiry and they would not fear the result. Colonel SIBTHORP would vote for the motion because he thought the poor-law was oppressive, and the commission use less and expensive. He could not agree with the Hon. Member for Knaresborough with regard to the feelings of the people of the country. He thought the people would remain loyal under all their trials, though he admitted that their feelings would be changed if the law was continued.—( Hear.) General JOHNSON would vote for the motion. He would not go so far as the Hon. Member for Knaresborough with re gard to the feelings of the people, but he was as certain as he was of his existence that they were much changed in conse quence of the law. Mr. BORTH WICK supported the motion of the Hon. Member for Rochdale. Mr. ENTWISLE also supported the motion of the Hon. Member for Rochdale. Mr. S. CRAWFORD shortly replied, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it Majority against the motion Sir J. Y. BULLER obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law affecting the collection of county-rates. The Consolidated Fund Bill was read a third time and passed. The House then adjourned, at One o'clock. Mr. S. CRAWFORD rose to call the attention of the House to the petition from the ratepayers and inhabitants of Rochdale (presented Feb. 25), against the introduction of the new poor-law into their district ; and to move, " That the peti tioners be heard at the bar of the House, in support of the allegations contained in' that petition." Although he rose at that late hour of the night, under considerable disadvantage, yet he thought it better to proceed with his motion than trespass on the time of the House on another occasion. From the nature of his motion, the question might appear to be a local one, but it was in reality a question of great public im portance. The question was, whether the authority of the Poor-law Commissioners was to be forced into every corner of England, whether all the great districts now under local acts were still to manage their poor under the Vestry Act, or were to be compelled to bow their necks to the yoke of that cove reign authority which had been, not inappropriately, called that of the three kings of Somerset-house. There was also another question arising out of this one, whether the New Poor law Act should continue in its present form, or be amended in such a manner as to render it more conformable with justice, policy, and the constitution of England. These were the ques tions raised in the petition presented from Rochdale, which he had brought before the House, and he would shortly relate the circumstances connected with the petition. The dis trict of Rochdale had been managed for twenty-six years under the Select Vestry Act, and he believed no fault had been found with the manner in which the relief of the poor had been conducted under that Act. In the year 1837, a union was formed for the purpose of registration, under the New Poor-law Act, but the relief of the poor was to continue as before under the Select Vestry Act. But on the 25th of October last, an order was issued by the Commissioners, that this mode of relief should cease, end the district be brought under the operation of the New Poor Law. Notwithstanding this order of the Commissioners, it was found impossible to obtain a Board of Guardians to carry out the order ; neither guardians nor official magis trates could be assembled to carry it out. They were de termined not to be the instruments of doing what they thought would be injurious to the poor and the locality. On the 24th of November a mandamus was applied for by the Commissioners in the Court of Queen's Bench, and it was something strange that when the mandamus was applied for, it WaS not in the usual way of moving for a rule, compell ing the guardians to show cause why they had not complied with the order, but a motion was made FLANDERS MAIL. BRUSSELS, MARCH 6.—The Senate in its sitting to-day was engaged on some projects of law relative to the votes of credit. The Chamber of Representatives continued the debate on the budget of the Minister of Public Works. The Indastriel, of Verviers, says—" We are informed that the Directors of the Civil Hospitals have just passed a resolu tion by which admission to the hospital is forhidden to the Jesuits who have settled at Verviers, and to those who may be settled there in future. This resolution was adopted una nimously." This morning (the sth), about nine o'clock, just as the Princess Victoria was going to leave the basin the depar ture was delayed by a melancholy accident. The second mate was at the wheel, when a mass of ice struck the helm and caused the wheel to revolve with extraordinary rapidity, so that it struck the mate in the stomach and wounded bins in a most dreadful manner. All possible assistance was im mediately given him. Our readers will recollect that in the month of May last there was an explosion of fire damp in the coal-mine of Horlevy, in which twenty-eight workmen lost their lives. After a long investigation the proprietor, the director, and head workmen, have been sent before the correctional tri bunal, as having by imprudence and want of attention to the regulations been the involuntary cause of the deaths of these twenty-eight workmen. BRUSSELS, MARCH 7.—ln the Chamber of Representatives M. Mast de Vries read the report on the project of law for proroguing the law relative to the tolls on the railway. The Chamberi mmediately discussed the project, which was agreed to unanimously by the fifty .four Members present. The debate on the Budget of Public Works was then continued. Lord Wellesley, who has so long resided at Brussels, which he left only on Saturday last, has already taken the oaths to her Britannic Majesty, as Earl of Morning - ton, having suc ceeded to that title, on the death of his father, with a fortune of 60,000 francs sterling per annum. Captain de Bonings, commanding the Comet, schooner, ) belonging to Ostend, who has just arrived from Messina, states that, on the 9th of February, about one in the morning, being off Cape St. Mary, and fifteen miles from the Spanish coast, he fell in with three light vessels, with lateen sails, which opened a brisk fire of musketry on his Vessel, which was struck by several balls. Having a good wind, he lost sight of them about four o'clock. They were, doubtless, pirates. FROM THE RUSSIAN FRONTIERS, Fan. 24.—Recent accounts from St. Petersburgh, which may be depended on, say that neither the Emperor nor the Empress will visit Germany this year, as was at one time supposed ; nor is there, at present, anything said of the intention of the Empress to visit Southern Russia. The health of the Emperor is good, but the Empress is still suffering. BRUSSELS, Blanca B.—The average price of wheat in the week ending on the Bth of March, wsa 16f. 36c. ; and that of rye 10f. 63c. for 1,000 kilogrammes. The duties on im portatien and exportation remain the same as before. The Senate has discussed and adopted to-day the articles of the first chapter of the budget of the Minister of the Interior ; and the Chamber of Representatives continued the debate on the budget of the public works of which it adopted several articles. Several journals announce that their Royal Highnesses the Duke of Nemours, Aumale, and Montpensier, will arrive at Brussels on the 15th, but we believe there is no foundation for this statement. The llfoniteur publishes a law, dated the 7th instant, by which the Government is authorised to grant to Richards and Co., the iron-railway D' Entre, Sandre, and Meuse, and its branches as the basis laid down in the convention of 21st of January, 1845, between the Minister of Public Works and that Company. ALExlsmnlit, FEB. 6.—Mr. John Galloway, who arrived here yesterday on board the Hibernia steamer, has been com missioned by Mehemet Ali to survey the desert between Cairo and Suez, and to make an estimate of the expense of an iron-railroad on that line, and if it should not prove too great, the work is to be commenced as soon as possible. Mehemet Ali, who has quite recovered from his late indis position is gone with Linant Bey, from Cairo to Fayound, to be present at the opening of a a canal ; he intends afterwards to go in a steamer to Upper Egypt.—Allgemeine Zeitung, March 5. BELGIAN FUNDS.—Bausszts, Mmtcui. Actual Debt, 21 per Cent ••••••• • • • • • • • Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent — Loan of Thirty Millions, Four per Cent •• • 9814 Ditto Three per Cent. Ditto Thirty-seven Millions, ditto •. • • 77 Ditto, ditto, 1840 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 0 3!i3 Ditto, ditto, 1844 • Ditto of the City, 13.43 lO3 Ditto, 1832 Bank of Belgium • ... • .. 626 —Brussels Papers. March 8. AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—VIENNA, MARCH I. 5 per Cent. Metalliques ••• • • ...... 112 4 per Cent. ditto • 3 per Cent. ditto Loan, 1834 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Ditto, 1839 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Bank Shares Esterhazy's Loan •••• • • . • • •• • • —Aligemeine Zeitung, March 4. : : :. 1640 • --- ANCIENT WROUGHT -IRON WORK. In ancient works, such as hinges, locks, bolts, rivets, railings, or screens, the g reatestingenuity to produce beauty, in addition to skill to render the work_ sound and fit for its purpose , is apparent. You see that the man an artist as well a s a smith, t h at he understood the was ma terial on which ho was working, and knew h ow an effect was to b e obtained by it. The beauty o f th e foliage in som e works of .the sixteenth century formed o ut of thin iron plates, simply twisted up by a tool, is marvellous. Tracery was produced by plates differently pierced, laid one over the other, without any attempt at disguise, and fiat bars were rivetted together, and made ornamental by the very rivets. Those men, as we said before, were artists as well as smiths : on o of them, in deed, Quentin Matsys, shows himself so to the world in another material; but his reputation as the worker of the iron screen of King Edward the Fourth's tomb in St. George's Chapel, at 'Windsor, is as great as it is for his well-known picture of the 'Misers, at Windsor Castle. That extraordinary piece of ironwork is now under repair at Messrs. Bramah's, and must be considered one of the finest specimens in the country, presenting panelling and tracery, crockets, finials, and minute orna ments, wrought in the most perfect and art istical manner. Inquiring of one of the firm wh,ther lie would be able to produce a similar work, his reply was, " Certainly ; but not by contract, or under limitation of time:" era these, there is no doubt, are the great bars against th.s improvement of our own mechanics and artisans. Thy master cannot afford to develop a man's ability; what h© is obliged to seek for is, the greatest quantity of work in the smallest space of time: excellent work won't do; work that will pass is all that he can hope to give. And the result, as might have been expected, is a lamentable decline in many of the constructive arts. — The Builder. DEBATE ON THE INCOME-TAX...-. DIRECT TAXATION. Though the wisdom and honesty of Parliament have inflicted the income-tax for a further period of three years, thus exacting the same sum from the uncertain. and contingent funds of professional men, as from fixed. and enduring property, nevertheless there is much in. the debate wich calls for congratulation. Not by one but by several Members, was the great prin ciple of direct taxation announced, as the most politic and the most just.. This doctrine was enforced by us iu the earliest numbers of this journal, and it formed a. distinctive feature in our original prospectus. We then. were told, that the doctrine was wild and chimerical ; that it might be good in the abstract, but was absurd in the concrete ; we were charged with advocating the impracticable ; and when we referred to the first six centuries of the monarchy, when direct taxation obtained, we were told, that the system might suit a comparatively barbarous age, but wasincompatible with a high degree of civilisation. We remember Sir William Clay dtlivcring a long philippic against our views in the House of Commons, and not a single Mew.- ber opposed him. Opinions, however, are now materially changed, and the debate of Wednesday night very sig nificantly in,licates in what direction the mind of the country is running. Mr. Evart supported the principle of direct taxation ; so did Dr. Bowring ; it found a, friend even in the Conservative Lord Sandon ; while Mr. Hawes gave notice that he should take the sense of the House upon the question of direct taxation, either upon the bringing up of the report, or on the third reading of the Property-!ax Bill. The movement is thus fairly commenced, and the circumstances of the country will impel it forward, in spite of every resistance. A direct tax on property is the necessary condition of genuine free-trade. Mere anti-protectionists are not free-traders ; mere anti-monopolists are not free traders. It is true, they claim the title of free-traders, but only throu,4ll an abuse of language. To abolish a differential duty—for instance, on sugar—shortens the fiscal chain, by knocking off some of its links; but, if any iinpoi t duty whatever be retained, whether oit foreign or colonial sugar, it cannot be said that the trade is free. It is a contradiction in terms, nor is the absur dity weakened by saying, that such import duty is for purposes of revenue, not for protection. We shall never arrive at just conclusions on this sub ject, till we broadly and clearly separate commerce from revenue. If we desire free-trade as the end, we must will all the means by which it can be established. Hence it follows, that the abolition of Customs and Excise must precede any practical realisathai of free-trade. Let us endeavour to point out some of the more im portant consequences that would follow the introduction of this relation to property as it now exists, with our public indebtednes;. Under a perfectly free trade the price of wheat in this country would fall to 335. per quarter. During the last war, when our national debt was doubled in amount, the average price of wheat was 87s. per quarter. If we repay that debt at the rate of 335. per quarter, the debtors would be givin the credi tors nearly three times the amount borrowed; or, w hat is the same thing, we should, de facto, swell the debt from 800 millions to nearly 2,400 millions. This would amount to a complete revolution in property ; it would be better for the landed proprietors at once to transfer all their title-deeds to the fundholders ; for, with such burdens as they would have to sustain, on the hypothesis we are now considering, their possession of the soil would be simply nominal, and in no respect beneficial. Under this view of the subject, we may consider direct taxation, because of our public indebtedness, im practicable. It would involve a wholesale confiscation, and create a ruin of existing interests, as sweeping and as desolating, as though the united hordes of Gen giskhan and Attila were to be resuscitated from their graves and renew their work of devastation. How, then, shall we introduce direct taxation, with out these awful consequences ? Let us first understand what we propose by direct taxation. It seems to us to be a system by which all the burdens of the State may be shifted from industry to property, so that the poor may be relieved from all fiscal assessments what ever. This may be accomplished by an indirect mode of direct taxation, which simply requires a free-trade in the precious metals, so that gold may no longer be tied down to a Mint price, but rise and fall in value according to the laws of supply and demand. The true law of the Currency is nothing more than the law of ratios applied to the instrument of exchange, and may be reduced into the form of an algebraic equation. It is because that law of ratios has been violated by the Legis lature, that the country is constantly witnessing the al ternate sacrifice of the -agriculturists and the manu facturers. . Assuming corn to be the standard of value, and the precious metals to be the measure of value, we must first ascertain the relations that gold ; silver, and corn bear to each other in their natural or untaxed state. It has been proved that they stand to each other in the following re-. lations of equivalency. 1 Quarter 0' Cor❑ = (lwts. of Gehl which = 6!,joz._of Silver 7. Taking our present standard, according to Peel's Bill of 1819, which makes the ounce of gold the equivalent of 67 shillings of silver and 100. of copper (allowing lid. for mintage), then the price of the quarter of wheat, expressed in silver, would be 335., taking silver at 58. od. per ounce. So long as direct taxation was maintained, these ratios would be permanent and unfluctuating. Bat introduce the principle of indirect taxation—apply it to corn, and put a tax upon it, say of 50 per cent., then the corn, to repay the producer, must rise from Si dwts. of gold to 124 dwts. of gold ; for, if not, the funda mental ratio between the two would be disturbed, and the original equivalency would vanish. Now, this is the very error Peel committed. He tied down the gold to 8} dwts., while he indirectly taxed the corn, thus confounding value with price. It is clear that taxation does not increase the value of the commodity taxed ; but it renders a higher price neces sary, exactly so much higher as is the amount of taxa tion. If tLe measure of value remains a fixed quantity, it can only measure natural values ; therefore, with this restriction, there is nothing to measure the tax added to natural value. Consequently, where indirect tares are levied, with a fixed price of gold, such taxes must fall on the producer, not on the consumer ; in this manner, industry is depreciated and property appreciated, or, to use the popular phrase, the rich grow richer and the poor poorer, precisely because, under such a system, the rich escape all taxation. Now, the remedy for the evil is simple and efficacious. Liberate gold from the Mint price; let it be sold at the market price; and let all Bank-notes be convertible into gold, not at the fixed Mint price, but at the fluctuating market price: then wages and profits would rise exactly to the height taxation required, and competition would prevent them passing that limit. The excess of price, over and above natural value, would be condensed in commodities, and, therefore, he who consumed most, would pay most: thus the taxes would fall on the rich as the great consumers. In this way, then, we arrive at direct taxation through an indirect process; and, to effect this, we ask no more than a free trade in gold. This is the remedy for all our ills; and when it is per ceived, the League and the Protection Societies will shake hands, their antagonism will cease, and they will be united in the bonds of amity.—Sentiael PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the rotes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) TUESDAY, IiARCII 11. POOR-LAW. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Petition of the Ratepayers and Inhabitants of Rochdale, presented on the 25th day of February last, be referred to a Select Committee of this House, to inquire into the administration of the relief to the Poor In that dis trict." Tho House divided : MINORITY—AYES, 16. Ainsworth, Peter Hindley, Charles Sibthorp, Colonel Blake, M. J. Johnson, General Williams, William Borthwick, Peter Manners, Lord J. Duncombe, T. Morris, David TELLERS. Entwisle, William O'Conor, Don Ferrand, W. F. Escott, Bickham Paget, Lord A. Crawford, W. 5. Hamner, Sir J. Fechell, Captain MAJORITY-NOES, 59. Aeland, Sir T. D. Gladstone, Captain Nicholl, John Alford, Viscount Gordon, Captain Packe, C. W. Arundel, Earl of Goulburn, Henry Fatten, J. W. Baird, Wiliam Graham, Sir J. Plumptre, J. P. Baring, W. B. Greenall, Peter Praed, W. T. Boldero, H. G. Hale, R. B. Pringle, Alexander Bowles, Admiral Hamilton, W. J. Shaw, Frederick Bowring, Dr. Hope, G. W. Smith, T. B. C. Brotherton, J. Hussey, Thomas Somerset, Lord G. Bruce, Lord E. Hutt, William Stuart, Henry Buller, Sir J. Y. Jermyn, Earl Sutton, Henry Cardwell, Edward Legh, G. C. Thesiger, Sir F. Clayton, R. It. Lincoln, Earl Trotter, John Clerk, Sir G. Mackenzie, W. F. Vivian, J. Ennis Compton, 11. C. Marsharn, Viscount Warburton, Henry Corry, Henry Martin, John Wawn, John T, Denison, E. B. Manic, Fox Wood, Colonel T.l Dickinson, F. 11. Maxwell, J. P. TELLESS. Fitzroy, Henry Meynell, Captain Forbes, William Neville, Ralph Young, John Gaskell, J. M. Newry, Viscount Lennox, Lord A. DEAFNESS. TESTIMONIAL from John Sawyer, Esq., of Hay wood Lodge, Maidenhead, Berks, to Messrs. S. and B. Sole mons, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Gentlemen, having been deaf for some time, I was induced, in the mouth of No vember, 1839, to make trial of your Invisible Voice Conductors, and, although at my advanced age, at that time past my 77th year, I had no hope of obtaining any relief, yet immediately I applied them I could hear the general conversation, and my hearing has become so much improved by their use, that I can now hear acutely without their aid. I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient servant, J. Sawyer. 22d June, 1842.—From the late Henry Cowper, Esq., of Tewen Waters, Herts, - . Messrs, S. and B. Solomons:—Gentlemen, having been dea for many years, I was induced to try your Invisible Voice Conductors. They enable me to hear persons in company, and at a place of worship most distinctly. The Spectacles and Handglass which you have sent me are very excellent, and suit my sight perfectly, the transparency of which is so bril liant, that although I have passed my 86th year the 22cl of May last, yet they enable me to read , an d b y candle-light, with the greatest ease and comfort to myself. I return you my best thanks, and remain your obedient servant, Henry Cowper. 22d June, 1839.—Telescopes, Opera Glases, Microscopes, &c. of the same kind of Lenses.—Caution. —Messrs. S.arid B. So lomons, Opticians and Aurists, arc not in anyway connected with a person of the same name in their immediate neighbourhood. Nor n any part of the country. To prevent mistakes, be eau tious, and Observe, —Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, oppesite the York Hotel. THE WEST INDIA MAIL. SOUTHAMPTON, MARCH DESTRUCTIVE FIRE AT BAIIBADOES. CAPTURE OF SANTA ANNA. The Tay Royal Mail steam ship, Commander Richard Sharp, arrived this morning, at half-past eleven o'clock. She is four days over-due. The reason of her non arrival will be found stated elsewhere. She brings dates down to the following . Honduras, January 20 ; Tarripieo, 25th ; Vera Cruz, 31st ; Tobago, Feb. 6th ; Jamaica, 7th ; Trinidad, 6th ; Demerara, 4th ; Jecmel, 10th ; Barbadoes, 9th ; Gre nada, 11th ; Havannah, 10th ; Porto Rico, 13th ; St. Thomas's, 16th ; and Bermuda, 22d. The Tay brings 151,907 dollars, 10,000 of which are on account of the Mexican dividends, being 6,000 from Vera Cruz and 4,000 from Tampico; 2,207/. 15s. in Bri tish coin, 191 b. of gold dust, 1731. ss. in silver, 1011 b. of plata bruta, and 59 serons of cochineal. She also brings 22 passengers, amongst whom are the Marquis de St. Croix and Lieut.-Colonel Taylor. I am sorry to announce that a most destructive fire has destroyed the principal portion of the town of Bridge town, in Barbadoes. I gather my information from private sources, and not my usual file of newspapers from that island, which unfortunately did not come to hand. It may, however, be strictly relied upon for its authenticity. It broke out, it appears, on the morning of the 4th or sth, in the house of a JeW storekeeper, and was caused by a little girl, about nine years of age, playing with lucifer matches. It commenced in the part of the town principally devoted to commerce, and where the stores and houses are thickly studded. The buildings being built principally of wood, old and worm-eaten, it may be readily imagined that the fire spread with the greatest rapidity, and denied all human efforts to suppress it. The tire having been observed by Admiral Sir Charles Adam, he immediately landed his officers and the whole of his sailors, together with the fire-engines on board. It is almost needless to state, that such ef ficient servi ces, although they could not put a stop to the devouring clement, were instrumental in effecting a great amount of benefit by arresting the progress of the flames. Sir Charles himself was most indefatigable, and directed his men with untiring energy. The fire, notwithstanding such powerful aid, continued to burn with great fury for three days, and was, in short, smouldering when the packet left on the 9th. The negroes stood by, and looked on with the greatest apathy, and could not be induced to assist cheerfully. Thtdr conduct resembled that at the great fire at Kingston, about two years since. The whole of the public officers of the town were at their posts, and ex erted themselves to the utmost. A great many of the principal inhabitants were sworn in to maintain order and regularity. I cannot give you a succinct account of the damage done, but the Barbadians assert their loss will exceed half-a-million of money. The Post-office is amongst the public buildings destroyed ; and so is Caroline Lees's hotel. The house of Moore, Brothers, and Co., are suf ferers to the amount of 40,000 dollars ; and there is a house connected with the Irish trade in Cork who are also great sufferers ; I could not learn the name. Nearly all the principal stores, being in the locality of the fire, are of course destroyed. I understand that the fire has caused a great rise in the price of wood, shingles, &c. at Martinique. The accounts I learn of Santa Anna are—that, after his attack upon Puebla, he fled, with 1,000 cavalry, to San Antonio, and from thence he stole away in the night, with four atteudants only, and left his followers in the lurch. He attempted to reach his farm, that is, his private property at Encerro, but, on his way, was caught by a small party of Indians, who captured and made hies prisoner. This took place at the village of Hico, about three leagues from Calopa, whence they escorted him, their party having been reinforced, and delivered him over to the authorities. He was shortly afterwards removed to the castle of Perote. Tho general impres sion is, that he will be shortly put upon his trial, after wards banished the country, and the whole of his pro perty confiscated to the State. He was careless enough to write to some friends at Vera Cruz respecting his money and other treasures, and giving directions for their safe disposal. The letters were, however, seized, and an embargo laid upon the whole. General Bravo, it is supposed, will be the new President. The country is now tranquil. The commander of the Tay reports that he ex perienced very bad weather in the Gulf, and was obliged to stand off Tampico in a heavy " norther," in which a sloop upset, and ail hands perished. Her name could not be ascertained. Ho also experienced another heavy norther off Vera Cruz. A fine American schooner went ashore there, and soon became a total wreck. The crew were, however, saved. The Tay had a heavy gale all the passage home. On the 6th and 7th she could not average more than 130 miles, and indeed one day her speed was down to 80 miles, but she performed admirably against such a tempestuous sea. On the 7th she passed the barque Adams, outward bound, ail on the 10th, 60 miles off the Lizard, passed a brig, bearing up with fore-yard gone. The Tay not having left Bermuda till the 22d, and that in severe weather, and being the short month of February, occa sions her apparent lateness of arrival. Indeed, she can scarcely, under these circumstances, be considered more than due. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert walked out yesterday morning in the Royal Gardens of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert, attended by Sir Edward Bowater, rodo out on horseback yesterday forenoon. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, and the Princess Royal were taken an airing in an open carriage and four yesterday, accompanied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton. Her Royal Highness the Princess Alice was taken au airing in the Royal Gardens yesterday. The Royal Dinner party at Buckingham Palace yes terday included her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden, his Excellency the French Ambas sador and the Countess de St. Aulaire, the Duke of Wellington, the Marquis of Exeter, the Marquis of Douro, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lady Wharnelifte, the Right Hon. George Dawson Darner, and the Baroness de Strumfeder. A military band was in attendance during dinner. Her Majesty's private band afterwards attended in the Palace, and performed the rema i nder of the evening. The Viscountess Canning has succeeded the Countess of Dunmore, as the Lady in Waiting to the Queen. Viscount Hawarden has succeeded the Earl of Morton, as the Lord in Waiting to her Majesty. And Colonel Berkeley Drummond has s ucceeded Mr. R. Ormsby Gore, as the Groom in Waiting to her Majesty. Si; William C. Ross, RA., had the honour of waiting on the Queen and his Royal Highness Prince Albert yesterday, on his return from Italy. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a meeting yesterday afternoon, at the office in Whitehall ,' place. There were present the Archbishop of Canter bury, the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Bangor, the Bishop of Chester, the Bishop of St. David's, the Bishop of Hereford, the Bishop of Lichfi e ld, th e Bi s hop of Lin coln, the Bishop of Rochest er , th e Bi s h o p of Worcester, Lord Ashley, the Right Hon. John Nichol!, and the Dean of Westminster. The Judge Advocate-General had an interview with Sir R. Peel yesterday. Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had an in terview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in Downing-street. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office from the Lord High Commissioner of the lonian Islands. Mr. Bell, M.P., and Mr. 11. Kemble, had inter views yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Rev. Mr. and Lady Harriet . Moore have left Far rance's Hotel for their seat, Staplehurst, Kent. Private letters have been received from India, which, we regret to say, contain the melancholy intelligence that the Bishop of Calcutta, the Rev. Dr. `Nilson, was suffering from severe indisposition : his medical ad. visors had recommended a sea voyage as the best means of restoring his health. His Lordship intended re turning to England immediately ; but, as he was at a dis tance of 800 miles up the country from Calcutta, it was ap prehended that this great distance would be almost too much for him to accomplish without very great fatigue. It is now thi r teen years since his Lordship putted his native country. 1