The Sun. — London, England, 1868-05-25 00:00:00

BYSSINIAN EXPEDITION: Once mare the morning papers contain long and in teresting letters from their special correspondents with the ar my in Abyssinia. At the time of writing, the 'patties bad been fought and the victory won ; still, the Time, representative cannot allow the storming of Magaala to pas s over without giving us a last description of the features of the savage king who had just pay' t arn Demcity of his temerity. 161)011E AND NIS wit . Those who saw him next day, when the Way !Tad been cleansed from blood, and the face become more composed, de,elare that his personal appearance was very striking. The face, though in complexion very dark, had nothing whatever of the negro about it. The features were finely cut, thcugh generally far more expressive of power and strength of will than of delicacy or refinement ; the brow massive and thoughtful, the lips thin and closely drawn, indicative of rare determination. His frame was small and slight, but. well-shaped and firmly knit. It was strangely shrunken and emaciated, as if the constant fatigue and anxiety of the last few years, combined with almost daily dissipation, had told upon it. In his best days Theodore's whole appearance may have borne out all that his admirers have said in favour of it; but the hard life he has latterly led had stamped upon the face—at least when I saw it—an expres sion of grossness and sensuality which greatly im paired its otherwise striking effect. However, Mr. :Laolmes, a first-rate amateur artist, has taken what is de cl.red by those who knew Theodore well to be an admir able likeness of him, so that all who are curious to know w : l o,t the famous or infamous Emperor of Abyssinia looked like- will have an opportunity of gratifying their curiosity without further description from me. Theodore's body was placed at the disposal of his widow, or perhaps I ought to say his principal widow—for there are at least two royal ladies, and there is no saying how many semi-royal, who lava quasi-conjugal claim to him. The Oriental fashion, it seems, holds good in Abyssinia, that any woman upon whom the Imperial eyes have once looked with favour is thencefori - h set apart as sacred from the approach of ordi nary mortoat ; and as Theodore was constantly on the march, and hi., affections—at least latterly—shortlived (in his earlier days he was famous throughout wondering Abyssinia for hio devotion to one favourite queen), his harem grew very large. When on the first anxious day of negotiation Lieutenant Prideaux told him that honourable treatment would be given to him and his family if he surrendered himself and Magdala, he broke out with an odd mixture, for such a moment, of humour and " What does your chief mean by my family? Is , he prepared for a thousand?" However, only two vriJows have been recognised. The widow-in-chief is the daughter of Ras Oubia, of Tigr6, and therefore belongs to one of the oldest and most powerful dynasties in Abys sinia, *crushed, with so many others, by Theodore, when he for a time effected the consolidation of the empire. Those who saw her on the clay of the storming of Magdala, when her face was exposed, say that she must in her day have been a very great beauty, cruelly thrown away upon 1: byssinia, of the thoroughbred type, the features delicate and well-cut, the hands and feet small and exquisitely .shaped. . The British soldier did not, of course, understand that the removal of her veil (the pro foundest proof of submission and humiliation that an Abyssinian lady can give) was anything out of the way, and his efforts to console her by slapping her on the back and informing her that nobody should hurt her, but that " Tgdros was maffish "—an Arabic word used here to denote anything and everything not good or to the purpose—were anything but reassuring, however well meant. Happily, Dr. Blanc came up in time to rescue her, and she is now safe somewhere in our camp, closely muffled up and screened from profane eyes. She did not even affect to feel any grief at her hus band's death, and left the British to do what they thought best with his body, which was placed in the outer porch of the wretched cabin in Magdala dignified by the name of church, for as a suicide Theodore could not be o:itis tian rites or military honours. THE EXODUS FROM MAGDALA. rne Wollo Gallas, Theodore's unrelenting enemies, are among the fiercest warriors and most determined plun derers in the world. During our heavy bombardment of Magdala they were looking vigorously among the huts close under the walls, until a few rockets, in their im mediate direction, dispersed them, and they had clambered up by the southern gate, almost as soon as the place was in flames on the last day and our men had begun to retire. They rob, murder, and mutilate every Abyssinian they can get hold of, and the British force has bad far more difficulty in protecting Theo dore's army and huge host of followers than it had in conquering them. The poor wretches have been leaving Magdala for the last two days in thousands, and lining the road between this and the Dalanta plateau for many miles. I have heard them estimated at from 25,000 to 30,000, but any European estimate could be little more than a loose guess, and the Abyssinians themselves have as vague a notion of numbers as of distance. Whatever the population was, it seemed to cover with swarming multitudinous life not only the Amba, but nearly all the immediate neighbourhood, and presente3 na strung. and motley a collection as it would be easy to find out of a museum—men and women, the young and the old, the infirm and the vigorous, fathers borne on the shoulders of stalwart sons, weak women tottering under the weight of noisy, animated bundles- sometimes two or three such bundles ; the chief, conspicuous in his red-striped .sbama, striding impatiently and haughtily, albeit a little crestfallen, ahead of his overladen Shangalla slaves, negroes, big-limbed and black, to borrow Johnson's simile, as a " Cyclops from the forge ;" the lady of rank, on her sleek, gaily caparisoned mule, riding—as ladies in Rotten-row do not ride, and so closely muffled up from head to foot as to shew nothing more to the passing eye than a well shaped, but yellowish torso of nose and by no means expres sionless black eye, her handmaids making a body-guard round her on humbler animals and in coarser clothes, but, as a compensation, free from the drawbacks of rank, and thus enjoying the double feminine pleasure of seeing and being seen ; here and there a friendless cripple, unable to drag his palsied limbs further down the steep hill, and piteously imploring every passer-by for water or the support of a strong arm ; and—most startling, though not saddest sight of all —the corpse of some one fallen faint from hunger or thirst by the way side, or a rude litter carrying high above the dense throng the body of some dead or wounded soldier, a ghastly token of the recent days of blood. It was certainly a most marvellous exodus, and would have been inexpres sibly painful if one had thought the people were leaving for ever real homes in which they had lived from child hood, and for which they cared. But such sufferers were in a small minority. A few inhabitants may have been loth to leave Magdala ; some from age or infirmity were physically unable to leave it with comfort, or even at all. A few of these clung to their huts up to the last moment, and had to be hunted from hiding-place to hiding-place. Just before the gate was blown up— the last act of destruction—a loathsome cripple, covered with sores, was discovered near it by a corporal of the 33rd, whose• name, unfortunately, I have not learnt, and carried by him to a place of safety. The man will, it is to be hoped, get some other reward than that of a good conscience. There are many in the force who would only too gladly have joined the storming party and risked their lives in the narrow path, but who would have shrunk from this safe and simple act of heroism. It is, however, but one, nerhaps striking, instance out of many. A SKIRMISH WITH THE GALLAS. The Herald's correspondent, writing from Antalo, May 1, describes the following adventure :—" The Gallas have become bold and troublesome, and not a few have fallen in skirmishes with our troops. Soon after we had joined the body of fugitives we heard screams and cries in front, and riding in at a gallop with my friend we came upon a number of natives in a state of great excitement, the women crying and wringing their hands. They pointed to a ravine, and made us understand that the Gallas were there. Riding up to it we came upon a party of eight or ten men with spears and shields driving off a couple of dozen oxen they had just stolen. Before they could recover from their sur prise we were in th e i r m i dst, and our revolvers soon sent them flying up the hill with two or three of their number wounded. We drove back the cattle, and were received with acclamations b y t h e unfortunate' but mise rably cowardly natives, who could merely with stones have kept their assailants at a distance had they had the pluck of so many sheep. A few hundred yards further on we came upon another party of Gallas actively e ngage d i n looting, and at the sight of us with our rifles and revolvers in hand most of them fl al ; but we captured two of the ruffians, who saw that throwing themselves upon their fares was the only chance of escape from being shot. We tied their hands behind them and handed them over to the Byres, who drove them before them until the end of the day, when we delivered them over to Colonel Graves, bf the 3rd Cavalry, who was in command at Dalanta, and had the satisfaction of Eceing them get two dozen lashes each, well laid on. After this skirmish, seeing numbers of Gallas banging ahoutoveconstituted:onrselves a sort of rear guard to the native column, and our double-barrelled rifles soon drove them to a di s ta nce , the long range at which it sent halls into groups waiting for an opportunity of attack evidently astonishing them greatly, and causing them to scatter in the greatest haste. I think it a question whe ther the Gallas or the Abyssinians are the greatest cowards. Two or three officers coming up later upon the "same day had skirmishes with them, and three or four of the Gallas were killed." THE APPEARANCE OF THE CAPTIVES. The letter in the Pat, also dated Antal°, May 1, speaks fn no flattering terms the rescued captives : —" I have Ihitherto made but slight mention of the 'prisoners,' for so I foresee they will always be dubbed should they live to enjoy half a century of freedom. The fact is, no interest whatever attaches to them ; as long as they were in Theodore's hands, and costing us so many thousand pounds a day, they were great `lions,' but once re leased they dwindle into very commonplace individuals. As to Messrs. Cameron, &Assam, and Co., no one ..:ares a fig for their future proceedings, with the exception, perhaps, of the commissariat officer, whose duty it is to convoy the lot down to Z0n114 4 and here and there a needy paterfamilias, who will recall the now fami liar names as he groans over the call of the unwelcome income tax collector. The proverb of ' great cry and little wool' appears to me only too applicable to the case of the Abyssinian captives, and had one of the original batch possessed an average amount of pluck and determination, I cannot help thinking that this costly expedition would have been unnecessary. The rosy cheeks, `good case,' and comfortable aspect of all the principal ' victims' go far to prove that Theodore's tyranny was considerably lcs3 galling than represented." THE " LOOT" SOLD BY AUCTION. It is already well known, says the Daily News corre spondent, that the booty captured at Magdala is not remarkable for variety or value. The " loot" consisted chiefly of old matchlocks, crooked swords, spears, crosses, shields of tough bull-hide, or the still tougher hide of the rhinoceros, and books in old Ethiopic character. Trashy as the collection was, however, the articles fetched fancy prices ; one might have supposed from the bidding that the buyers were in league with Madame Tussaud or Barnum. The shields fetched from £lO to £l5 ; that of Theodore was knocked down at k 45 10s. ; although it was in no way different from the otbcrs, being a well-worn bide, ornamented with silver. Suitable presents were made to each of the regiments before Magdala. ; a valuable collection has, I believe, been made for the British Museum ; and the books, or the ma jority of them, will he sent to England for sale, as they will find a better market there, where the connois seurs are more numerous than they are in Abyssinia. HE DIVISION ON THE SUSPENSORY BILL. The division on the second reading of Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church Suspensory 13i11 was taken in a House of 575 members. The numbers voting were 31 fewer than in the division on going into committee on April 4, and 26 fewer than in that which took place on Mr. Gladstone's first resolution on the morning of May 1. The Liberal ma jority of 54 is seven less than it was on April 4, and 11 less than on May 2. The Conservative minority is twelve and seven less respectively. In the division of Saturday morning eight Conservatives voted with the Opposition, viz. : Lord Bingham, Mr. Butler Johnstone, Mr. Earle, Mr. Gaskell, Mr. Leader, Sir J. N. M`Kenna,, Mr. M`Lagan, and Colonel Vande leur. On the other hand, six Liberals voted with the Government, namely : Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord Ore morne, Lord Elcho, Sir J. Matheson, Mr. Saunderson, and Mr. Wyld. Sir Bounden Palmer was again absent. The following Liberals who took part in the division of May 1 were now absent :—Mr. H. E. Adair, Major Anson, Mr. M. T. Bass, Mr. H. F. Berkeley, Mr. C. Butler, Mr. Calcraft, Mr. M. Chambers, Mr. Colvile, Mr. Dunlop, Lord R. Grosvenor, Mr. S. Gurney, Mr. E. W. Hamilton, Captain Kearsley, Mr. Lamont, Mr. A. Mitchell, Mr. Moncreiff, Mr. W. Morris, Sir J. Power, Mr. R. G. Price, Mr. H. Russell, Mr. R. B. Sheridan, Mr. J. B. Smith, Mr. H. H. Vivian, Mr. Waring, Captain White, and Mr. G. Young. The absentees from the previous division who now voted with Mr. Gladstone were—Sir R. Bulkeley, Mr. E. Ellice, Mr. Fitzwilliam, Mr. Fordyce, Mr. Gaskell, Mr. Bulkely-Hughes, Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen, Sir T. Lloyd, Mr. M'Evoy, The O'Conor Don, Mr. Parry, Mr. J. Ramsay (new member). The Conservatives voting with their party on May 1, and now absent, were—Mr. Bagnall, Mr. C. Bailey, Mr. H. B. Baring, Mr. H. Barnett, Mr. Barrow, Mr. Conolly, Mr. Davenport, Lieutenant-Colonel Fane, Mr. Floyer, Mr. Getty, Mr. R. Gilpin, Sir D. Gooch, Mr. Hope, Mr. Hornby, Colonel Stuart, Sir- G. Stucley, Colonel Sturt. Admiral Walcott, Colonel Williams, and Mr. Wise. The Ministerialists then absent, and now voting with their party, were—Mr. H. Baillie, Earl of Bective, Vis count Curzon, Major Dickson, General Dunne, Mr. Dupre, Viscount Ingestre, Mr. .D. Jones, Colonel Low ther, Mr. Pemberton, Mr. Pugh, Mr. Sandford, Lord H. Scott, Mr. A. Thompson, and Lord H. Thynne. Mr. Antrobus, a Liberal Conservative, who in the former divisions voted with the Government, was now absent. Mr. J. Ivatt Briscoe, the Liberal M.P. for West Surrey, who on April 4 went into the lobby with Minis ters, but was not present on May 1, was again absent. So likewise was Colonel R. M. Riddulph, the Liberal member for Denbighshire. Sir Montague Cholmeley and Colonel Packe, the Liberal representatives of North and South Lincolnshire, who did not vote in the previous division, were Once more absent. Mr. Brocklehurst, Mr. James Brown, Sir George Colthurst, Mr. Fort, Mr. Pim, Mr. E. L. Pryse, Mr_ 'Dn.ylby Seymour, and the Messrs. Mackinnon have voted in neither division since the struggle on the Irish Church commenced. Mr. Barrow's absence from the division is explained by the fact that the hon. member is seriously ill. The Dublin police are to receive one week's f uil pay, as a gratuity, in consideration of the extra duty thrown upon them during the royal visit. COLLEGE OF PEECEPTORFL—A meeting of the council of this corporation was held on Saturday last. The diploma of Associate was conferred on Mrs. Shillinglan, of Castle I)onington. UN's-El:airy - OF EDINBURGH.—Mr. Gladstone, m.P., has consented to allow himself to be proposed for the office of Chancellor of the University of Edinburgh. Sir James Y. Simpson is chairman of the committee en ga;ed in promoting the election of Mr. Gladstone. THE ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH. - A photograph of O'Farrell, the Fenian miscreant who made the cowardly attack on the Duke of Edinburgh in Australia, has just been received in Eng land, and is being published by the London Stereoscopic Company. There is nothing repulsive about the linea ments of the scoundrel. A LONG MINISTERIAL CRISIS. —A telegram, of April 26, sta'e3 that at that date Governor Sir Manners Sutton bad not keen able to obtain new advisers capable of carrying on the government of Victoria. Mr. M'Culloch and his core igues resigned their offices on the 13th of March, so that the crisis had lasted more than six weeks, and continued. OUTRAGE IN CORK. —On Saturday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, a number of armed insurgents entered Ashfield House, at the south-west of this city, in the absence of the owner, Captain Warren. They de m aided the surrender of arms in the name of the Irish Republic. Having got a sword from the terrified domestics, they decamped through the shrubbery. THE LAW OF NATURALTSATION.—Lord Stanley has appointed the following commission to consider this important subject :—Chairman, Lord Clarendon ; mem bers—Queen's Advocate, Attorney-General, Sir H. Philli 'more, Baron Bramwell, Sir R. Palmer, M.P., Mr. Card well, M.P., Mr. W. E. Forster, M.P., Mr. Vernon Harcourt, and Mr. Montague Bernard. For some little time past the judge of a metro politan county court has been unable to sit, having been arrested at the suit of a creditor. We do not state parti culars, because the scandal is sufficiently widespread already, and we here desire only to call attention to the fact that there appears to be no power of removing a county tour_ j lge who, by reason of his liabilities, is an unfit person to liil the office.—Law Times. O'FARRELL'S CONFESSION.—The telegram which announces the execution of O'Farrell states that shortly before his death he withdrew the statement made at the police-court that he, had been selected from a number of Fenians to perpetrate the horrid deed, and had committed it under orders. Either, therefore, his first statement was false, intended to intensify the fears of the excited population, or in view of the scaffold he retracted a fact inadvertently disclosed. The former opinion appears to prevail in Australia. SEWAGE NUISANCE AT BARKING.—A memorial, Signed by the vicar, the churchwardens, the medical men, and most of the inhabitants of Barking, has been prepared for presentation to the Home Secretary, setting forth the "grievous nuisance and injury inflicted on the inhabitants of all the towns below London by the Metropolitan Main Drainage, and praying for an injunction against the Metropolitan Board of Works, to restrain that body from discharging the sewage of London into the River Thames." LORD BROUGHAAL —There was a rule amongst the Scotch judges and the senior members of the bar when on circuit, that they only had the privilege of drinking claret; the juniors were limited to sherry and port. The circuit was at Ayr, and Brougham happened to sit just under the salt. The claret came down to him and then crossed the table, but each time it did so Brougham filled his glass. This had been observed by the president. "Do you see," said his lordship to his friends on the right and left," " that young impudent fellow Brougham helping himself to claret ? If he tries it again I'll speak to him." Round came the claret, and Brougham, as usual, filled a bumper. " Maister Brougham , " e xclaimed his lordshi p ore rotoulo, " that's claret !" " I know it is, my lord, and excellent." was the reply, THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 25, 1868. ROMAN AFFAIRS. (From the Roman Correspondent of the Westminster Gazette.) ROME, May 16 The impression that we are not to be left long at peace which I mentioned last week, and which many persons had gained from the address of the Pope on the occasion of the presentation of colours to the troops, continues to prevail and spread. It is curious to remark that while the parallel they draw between the armed efforts of the Holy See in the days of Pius V., and at the present time, holds good to a great extent. It calls up, also, a strik ing contrast in the altered position of the balance of political ascendancy. The Pius of the sixteenth century had but to call on the heads of the ancient dynasties of Europe to find himself at the head of a procession of kings and magnates who were followed into the field by their people as a matter of course. The Pius of the nineteenth century has no such support. if certain sovereigns send him tokens of adhesion it is in their individual capacity, not as head of their states. It is the Catholic people who now range themselves round the Holy See, nor can their rulers hold them back. We all know now how the French people sent their army to its defence in spite of the wishes of the most aristocratic of rulers. There is not a country, how opposed soever its minis tration to the principles of the Papal Govern ment, which is not represented by its contin gent of volunteers to the Papal army. True, its ranks are small compared with the vast armaments of modern times, but then every man is animated with the will and determina tion of a hero, and every man stands as the representative of his village or commune ; if he fall or fail, he will be replaced by any num ber of others as resolute as he. There is no limit to the supply. Recruits have been arriv ing lately faster than ever. Among those of this week is a party of very fine-looking young Portuguese. So vast has it been necessary to make the provision for lodging them, that a report was strongly prevalent some days back that 20,000 French were to arrive from Mar seilles, and people even went up to the station in expectation of seeing them march in. The • United States have promised a thou sand men, of whom 300 are readyto start under the captainship of a Frenchman, De Nanteuil by name. They are to form part of a distinct corps to be commanded by General Carrol Lewis of the Confederate army. A company of the 2nd Battalion of Zouaves displayed their prowess this week by captur ing and bringing into Rome a band of twelve dangerous brigands who had for some time past been worrying the Monticelli. It is said it is the Holy Father's intention to put up a monument at Monte Rotondo to the men who fell in the Mentana campaign. A Prussian sculptor, named Scheffer, has just been arrested on a serious charge. It seems that he has been an active agent for pro moting desertion among the German contin gent of the army ; he has a friend in the Prussian Consulate, Schloesser by name, and he abused the means of access to the bureau of the Legation thus acquired, to procure a number of passports duly stamped and signed, with which he provided the men whom he had previously bribed to desert. The Carbinieri Esteri, on whom he practised, are a very loyal corps, and though he was successful in upwards of fifty cases, it was not long before he came across men whose mouths could not be closed by offers of gain. There was another compromised in the same affair, a Protestant minister, who used to give reason to suspect his intentions at the time when he was allowed to visit the wounded prisoners in the hospitals. Finding their pro ceedings discovered, and the police on their track, the latter made good his escape, but Scheffer took refuge in the Legation, where he kept himself closely concealed. The means by which he was ultimately run to ground forms quite a little romance. A note was sent him in the name of a young person with whom he maintained relations of no very re putable character, appointing a rendezvous to meet her. As she was not sufficiently edu cated to be able to write, there was no diffi culty as to feigning her hand. The astute trickster was thus himself hoaxed in turn, and, instead of finding his mistress at the appointed spot, he fell into the clutches of the officer of the law. Schlcesser was naturally suspected of complicity, and though he has justified himself to the satisfaction of this Go vernment, it is probable his own will recall him in token of indignation at the negligence of which, to sav the lf• It, he h. •b. y Le least, las been guilty. I have already once or twice expressed doubts of the possibility of the necessary work being got through in time for the Council to assemble this year. It is expected that on SS. Peter and Paul's day it will be proclaimed for the feast of the Immaculate Conception, 1869. L' Osservatore Cattolico, a Milan journal, has opened a subscription at its office towards defraying the expenses of the council : other papers, I am told, are following this example. The telegrams will have informed you already of the death of Cardinal d'Andrea, which took place on the night of the 14th. Though he has been long out of health, this termination was quite unexpected. He was born at Naples in 1812, and created cardinal on his fortieth birthday. The funerale is to be at the Chiesa Nuova, and it is expected the Holy Father will himself assist and pronounce the absolution. This rather sudden death has proved a most prolific subject of speculation for the bigoted enemies of the Papacy, as well as of the idle quidnuncs always glad of some new theory of spiteful conjecture to season their gossip ; and I can fancy I see their circles of wild talk ex panding over the surface of the whole sea of European journalism for nine days to come. It may not spread to England, for our writers at home are more sober in their views, and are generally confined by a matter-of-fact pub lic within the limits of probability. But it may amuse you to hear some of the sinister sus picions a certain party have caught this op portunity for setting in circulation—romances which seem to have escaped from the plot of a sensation-piece of some second-class theatre. First, then, it is suggested, with a knowing look, " Does it not look odd, two such sudden deaths within a few days—Count Crivelli and Cardinal d'Andrea? Who would have thought, a week ago, that both would be already num bered with the dead P . . ." " Very strange," echoes, another ; " there is something beneath the surface here." Then there is a whisper about Jesuits and poison, and the knot of news mongers disperse to scatter the welcome scan dal among congenial listeners. But mark the self-contradiction•into which passion and pre judice hurry men ! If there were anything in the suggested connection it would imply that the two distinguished men in question had been sent to their account by the same hand. Yet could it have been to the interest of the same party to destroy both the devoted ser vant of the Holy See, whose faithful loyalty protected its interests so fearlessly, and the alleged corypheus of alleged Liberal tenden cies in the Conclave ! And, besides, it is not the first time we hear of Cardinal d'Andrea's weak health. Has it not been the reason adduced again and again for months and years past for his absence from Rome, and from pub lic functions, and again for his but now pro jected journey to a climate better suited to his complaint ? Do the party who invent the calumnious report know that this was an ex cuse without foundation, and are they now letting it out ? I do not say so, nor do I think it. But their feigned surprise at the fatal termination allows the question to be asked. Enough, however, of this. English men will generally be found to believe much more easily in death by pulinonary asphyxia than by secret poisoning. There has been a triduo held this week at S. Carlo alle Quattro Fontane, commencing on Tuesday, in honour of Sta. Maria Fran cesca delle cinque pidghe, who was canonized on the centenary of St. Peter last year. The little church was very elegantly draped ; the whole interior, including the cupola, being covered with ornamental hangings. On the evening of each day the exterior was illumi nated, and concerted pieces performed by a military band outside. The saint was a Neapo litan, born in 1715, and belonged to St. Peter of Alcantara's reform of the third order of St. Francis. Her life, though passed within the limits of a dull home of humble condition, was a model of the most heroic virtues exercised in patience and silence, and hidden from the admiration of the world. The marriage of Prince Gaetano (Count of Girgenti) with the Spanish Infanta, and the betrothal of Prince Alfonso (Count of Caserta) with his cousin, Antonietta, Prin cess of Trapani, leaves only unmarried of the late Ferdinand IL's children the Count of Bari, the little lad who may so often be seen driving a pair of spirited ponies about Rome. The remains of Count Crivelli are to be car ried to Bell'agio on Lake Como, a noble villa belonging to his family, which is one of the most distinguished in Milan, and counts seve ral names known to history, among others Pope Urban 111. A considerable sum was distributed in alms on the occasion of the funeral function at Sta. Maria del' Anima. Cardinal Borromeo took possession of his titular church on Sunday, with the usual cere monial. Though commonly called S. Carlo al Corso, it is dedicated in honour of the two Milanese patrons —S. Ambrose and S. Charles; and the Ambrosian hymn, which always closes the function, seemed to belong to it on this occasion of special right. Before leaving the church his Eminence passed into the tribune behind the altar to 'generate the heart of S. Charles, which is preserved there. The Academy of Archaeology resumed its public meeting last week in presence of Cardi nals Barnabo, Bozzarri, Monaco, and Guidi, Mgr. Tizzani, Cavaliere di Rossi, P. Tongiorgi, and P. Garucci, lately returned from Spain. The report was read by Comte Visconti, who passed an elegant eulogium on the members lost to the society during the past year, the ex-King of Bavaria and igr. Pila, and pro posed Cardinal Berardi, Canon Fabriani, and several others to be elected members of the society. He then gave a very interesting ac count of the excavations at Ostia, Villa Cecca relli, and at the Marmorata, and announced that Prince Torlonia has put at the disposition of the Pope, in order to facilitate the works, the land he holds on the bank of the Tiber contiguous to the present diggings. P. Ferrari read an elaborate paper on cuneiform inscrip tions. The medal annually struck here in com memoration of the most important work of the year's reign will record for 1867 Mentovani's completion of Giovanni da Udine's decorations in the Vatican Loggie. There is no excuse for presenting such a monstrous proposition as this to the Senate. The appellate ju risdiction of the Supreme Court is limited to cases of law and equity, and under neither is im peachment embraced. These were the Manager's words:— "The gentleman from New York (Mr. Evarts) took occasion to refer to the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850, a bill that was disgraceful to the Congress which enacted it ; a bill that was in direct violation of the letter and spirit of the Constitution ; a bill of which I can say at least, al though I doubt much whether the gentleman from New York can, that it never found an advocate in me ; a bill of which Mr. Webster said that in his judgmentit was un warranted by the Constitution ; a bill which offered a bribe out of the common treasury of the nation to every magistrate who sat in judgment oa the right of fleeing bondman to that literty which belonged to maa when God breathed into his nostrils the breath of life and he became a living soul ;' a bill which offered a reward to the ministers of justice to sharpen the judgment of the poor; a bill which, suiting the conscience of the American people and the conscience of the civilized world, made it a crime to give shelter to the houseless or a cup of water to him who was ready to perish ; a bill enacted for the purpose of sustaining that crime of crimes, that sum of all vi)lauies, which made merchandise of immorta which transformed a man into a chattel, a thin trade into what, for want of a better name, wo call a slave, with no acknowledged right in the present, wit hope of inheritage in the great hereafter, and to whose darkened soul the universe was voiceless and God him self seemed silent.; a bill under the direct violation of which that horrible tragedy was enacted within our own commonwealth, within the sight, Mr. Chief Justice, of your own beautiful city, when Margaret Gardner, with her babe lashed upon her breast, pursued by the officers of the law, iu her wild frenzy forgot her mother's affection in the joy she felt at sending before the appointed time by her own hand the spotless soul of her child back to her God who gave it, rather than allow it to be tossed back into the hell of human bondage under American law ; bill, nevertheless, by the American people even on that day when Anthony Burns walked in chains under the shadow of Bunker Hill where ' every turf beneath your feet is a soldier's sepulchre,' and' where sleep the first just martyrs in the cause of American independence, to be tried before a magistrate in a temple surrounded it self with chains and guarded with bayonets, and yet the people stood by and said Let the law be executed until it be repealed.' Talk to me about the American people recognizing the right of any President to set aside the law. Who doesnot know that two years after this enactment of 1852, the terrible blasphemy was uttered in the platform of the party whose Representatives to-day insist on the Exec u tive prerogative to set aside your laws, and annihilate your Government; that all discussion in Congress and out of Congress, tauching this very fugitive slave bill, should be suppressed. The body that adopted that resolution should have remembero I that there is something stronger after all than the resolution by mere partisans in Convention assembled. They ought to have remedied that. God is not in the earthquake or in the fire, butin the still, small voice, speaking to the enlightened conscience of men, and that voice is omnipotent. God knows that for the honour of our common country I would take the step backward, and cover the nakedness and the shame of the American people in that day of American disgrace. They nominated their candidate for President, and he accepted their terms, and was carried into the Presidential chair by the votes of all the States in this Union. With such a record as that; With such a law, offensive to the judgment and con science of the people of the United States, and of the civilized world, executed, how dare gentlemen come be'oro the American Senate, and tell us that it is the traditional policy of the American people to allow their laws to be defied by any executive ? I deny it. There is not a line in our history that does not give flat denial to the assump tion. It has never been done, never." He next considered the references of the counsel for the defence to Mr. Lincoln in saying that he had violated the laws and furnished precedents for Mr. Johnson's crimes, and charged that they were bold and calumnious slanders on his memory. The sus pension of the habeas corpus was not made by Mr. Lincoln, but by the civil war, which rendered it necessary. Congress had passed an Indemnity Act to furnish authority to the Courts to dismiss cases brought against the President's agents for what they had done in pursuance of the Constitution. If such Acts had been unwarranted, indemnity laws would have been of no avail. The Tenure-of-Office Act, which was in dispute, did not allow the President any discretion whatever. It was his duty simply to see that it was faithfully executed. The counsel for the defence had referred to the successful resist ance that had been made to the " brokers' tax-law" in New York, on the ground of its unconstitu tionality, the brokers refusing to pay the tax, and the Supreme Court sustaining them in their refusal, and this had been cited as a precedent for resistance to the Tenure-of. Office Act. Mr. Bingham said that counsel making such an argument were not lit to discuss grave constitutional questions. He then considered the constitutional provisions relative to the passage of bills over the President's veto, main tainieg that it was easy to settle the question whether or not the President broke a law. Read ing the list of powers granted to the President by the Constitution, he called attention to the fact that no power of suspending laws until the Courts could test their validity was anywhere given, and such a claim for both executive and legislative functions was in contravention of the express terms of that instrument. This claim, he also insisted, involved, in addition, the assumption by the President of judicial power, and he characterised the entire pro position as an absurdity. By the exercise of this assumed power the President could suspend legisla tion of all kinds ; could prevent the creation of judicial districts, the erection of States, and the election of members of Congress, the enactment of revenue laws, and, in short, could destroy the whole framework of American Constitutional Govern ment. Whether he shall be allowed to do this is a question now to be determined by the Senate, and for a righteous decision the prayers of millions ascend. As to what crimes can be considered impeachable, Mr. Bingham said that all offences under the com mon law are indictable in the district of Columbia, and that the same offences are also impeachable. If this proposition was not self-evident, he need not argu e it, for as to the offence s spec ifi ed i n the Im peachmeut Articles, he held that no one could deny that an open violation of law by the President was an impeachable crime. No one would deny this who was not destitute of honour and a s3nse of duty. The defence of the President, as exhibited in his answer, rests on the assumption that he pos sesses the right to resist and bring to a judicial de cision any law which he supposes to intrench on his constitutional prerogatives. This assumption could readily be made an excuse for refusing to execute any law whatever. Mr. Bingham then read from a pamph let, written by Judge Curtis, one of the President's counsel, in 1862, expressing a directly contrary view to that now claimed by the defence, and he coin mended it as good law. He then went on to say that no man who did not admit the assumption that the President possessed judicial as well as executive powers could deny that his written orders clearly showed his violation of law, and proved him worthy of conviction and removal from office. Numerous legal authorities were here cited to show that the averment and proof of real intent are not necessary in proceedings; that no class of persons are exempted from this, and that in the case of judicial officers only can ignorance of laws be admitted as an excuse for error. With reference to the allegation of the defence that the President suspended Secretary Stanton under the Constitution and supplied the vacancy with a Secretary ad interim as provided by law, Mr. Bingham claimed that the President's answers showed a violation of the law on his part, for that limited the tenure of such appointments to six months, while the President appointed Lorenzo Thomas for an indefinite period. The argument that the President is bound to intervene and protect the people from unconstitutional laws he spoke at length to show was a fallacious position ; and he declared that the people are the guardians of their own powers, and that Congress is responsible only to them. If Congress transcend- its powers, it is the people at the ballot-box and not the President who is to apply the corrective. He has no other. check but the veto, and when that is constitu tionally overcome he must submit. Mr. Bingham here yielded to a motion for the adjournment of the trial. He proceeded to argue the question whether the President had power to remove a head of depart ment, and to 6. 1 ,1 the vacancy thus created during the session of Me Senate, and argued at length the nega tive of the proposition. If the negative was true, the President had to violate the Tenure-of-office law and violated the Constitution. He denied that the framers of the• Constitution even intended to invest the Pre sident with the absolute power of removal, but in tended that the Senate should concur. The power of removal is a legislative grant, and is subject , to legislation. There could be a doubt of the guilt of the President. There could certainly be no doubt that all the crimes chargeable were impeachable offences. To deny it is to place the President above all law. The President had no power to remove Mr. Stanton, and he denied the position assumed by Mr. Stanbery that the Tenure-of-Office A et made auy dis tinction as to Cabinet officers. It might be proper to invest this power in a President who had proved faithful, but not in one who had betrayed his trust. No President had ever claimed such power as was claimed by Mr. Johnson. But even admitting the President had the power be claimed, he was nowhere vested with power to construe laws for himself. ' The law must be obeyed by the President and people until the judiciary declared it unconsti tutional. When the people once recognize the rig:it of the President to select what laws he should obey, then there would be an end of all liberty. In this connection Mr. Bingham adverted to Mr. Evarts' remarks that Congress was trying to make itself supreme, and denied any such purpose. At 2 1 .12 Court took a recess. Mr. Bingham resumed at 2.40, and repe tted his accusation of the guilt of the President, and entered into a defence of Mr. Stanton. The President had, in the removal of Mr. Stanton, abused the powers conferred upon him. Mr. Bingham agreed with the President's counsel that an unconstitutional law was no law, but it was not for the President to decide that point, and he was therefore guilty for the violation. lie doubted whether the President's purpose in removing Mr. Stanton was to have the law tested in the courts. A case could have been made in some other way, and he believed the statement about the test ques- tion was only another of the President's falsehoods. He denied the position assumed that the President could be convicted for the attempt to remove Mr. Stanton. Mr. Bingham then proceeded to argue upon the validity of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and was referring to the practice of the Go vernment in relation to appointments and removals when he was interrupted by adjournment, and the argument was continued the next day as usual before a crowded audience. He claimed that the Tenure-of-Office Act repealed any power, if the President had any previously, to fill vacancies in the bead officos of Departments without the consent of the Senate. The Act of 1789 permitted him to create a vacancy in one department, but restricted him to the choice of a chief clerk to fill it; another, the Act of 1795, went further, applying to the other departments, but limited, the commission of the ad interns successor to 'the period of six months, and was then clearly a grant of power made by Congress to the Executive, and that, too, a re stricted grant. The third, the Act of 1863, abro gates both these laws, and again restricts him in his choice of ad interim appointees. All the legislation that had been taken assumed the entire control of Congress over this matter. Mr. Bingham claimed that the Tenure-of-Office Act superseded all these previous laws ; that Congress had the right to pass it; and that it covered the cases of all the Cabinet officers, Mr. Lincoln's appointees, or Mr. John son's. This point be argued at length, maintain ing that the President's term of four years con tinued on his death, his successor serving out the unexpired portion. The wording of the Act was not " the term during which they were ap pointed," but " the term of the President by whom they were appointed." T here was no such inten tion in the minds of its framers as that claimed by the Defence, and the Act could not be so construed. He then went on to argue that whether Mr. Stanton was affected by the law or not, the President by his appointment of General Thomas had committed an impeachable offence, because the Tenure-of-Office Act repealed all the powers of appointment granted by the previous laws. He asked why the counsel for the defence made such lengthy arguments to prove the unconstitutionality of this law if they did not feel and know that Mr. Stanton was protected by it ? They felt and knew. also that it repealed all former grants of power to remove and appoint heads of departments. Mr. Bingham next spoke of conferences between the President and Gen. Thomas relative to the policy of suspending the execution of their schemes until the result of the trial should be known ; and, referring to Mr. Nelson's remark that the President was will ing to abide the trial, he regretted that his High ness had not signified his pleasure to abide the judgment as well. lle characterized the President's intimation through his counsel that he did not believe the Senate was constituted to sit as a Court so long as States were unrepresented as a piece of arrogance, and said he would not be surprised if the President to-morrow should issue a mili tary order dissolving this Court. He referred to the President's language to General Emory, as a suggestion of the Commander-in-Chief to his subordinate that he would stand by him in a violation of law. This, in connection with his de clarations to General Grant, would in any other country have been sufficient to cost the President his head. This charge of an attempt to create in subordination in the army was not one to be sneered at as the counsel for the defence had done. Mr. Bingham then considered the 10th Article, founded on the President's speeches, and argued that his language in those speeches not only violated decency, but was the language of sedition. The sedition laws of 1798, so often referred to as un constitutional, were never pronounced so by any Court. Such laws were necessary in times of danger, and he further claimed that seditious utterances by any President were indictable by the common law in the district of Columbia. Mr. Bingham said he favoured virtuous, constitutional liberty of speech, but was opposed to seditious licence, which would shake the security of peaceful Government, and reach even the dead in their graves. Mr. Bingham then considered• the 11th Article, founded also on the speeches, and claimed that the President in referring to Congress as a " set of individuals," used the language of a conspirator, and not of an honest man. His whole purpose in opposing the Constitutional Amendments was to revive the " lost cause." The people had rightly judged the President's intentions. The averments l i in these two arguments are undeniable, and he re minded the Senate that many of the offences charged are indictable in the district of Columbia. Believing that he had made it clear to every Sena tor that the substance of the averments of all the articles was established on the evidence adduced and on the law admitted, Mr. Bingham denied that the American people would coincide in the opinion of the defence, and considered the character of the confes sions made in the President's answer, which he held were of themselves sufficient to warrant his con viction. He insisted that the President's assump tion of judicial prerogative was a crime in violation of the Constitution, which of itself called for his deposition. The people were determined that the supremacy of the Constitution should be main tained, and Mr. Bingham from this passed on to an eulogium upon the majesty and divine cha racter of law. He drew a parallel between James 11. and Andrew Johnson, and said that, as his usurpations were similar, the President's punish ment should be analogous and equally severe. The triumph of liberty in the war j u st ended he could not believe would be thrown away, and American principles of free Government denied by countenancing the assumption by the President of legislative, executive, and judicial functions com bined. Then he proceeded in eloquent terms to give the considerations which in his opinion should in fluence the Senate to convict and remove the Pre sident and his assured confidence that such would be the happy result. Mr. Bingham's speech occu pied the 4th, the sth, and closed at half-past two on the 6th May. May 6.—After Mr. Bingham had concluded his eloquent address, the audience, carried away by en thusiasm, expressed their sentiments by loud clap ping, which grew into cheers, when men and women arose, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and giving utterance to uproarious applause. The Chief Jus tice ordered silence to be restored, and, failing this, he arose and directed the galleries to be cleared. For a moment the din ceased, then broke out afresh more violently than before, 'when Mr. Chase pe remptorily ordered all to be turned out. Senator Trumbull advised the arrest of the disorderly, and both Mr. Johnson and Mr. Grimes aided the Chief Justice, Senator Cameron hoped the people would not be driven out, but the Chief Justice and the Senate were inexorable, and the Sergeant-at- Arms with his myrmidons proceeded to clear the galleries. The general public in great wrath were hustled out of the Chamber, and then the corre spondents and reporters were expelled, the police eventually entering the gallery of the Diplomatists, which they cleared notwithstanding Mr. Thornton's expostulation, who was compelled to leave. Silence soon reigned within, but riot without ; 4 - 4 Old Grimes is dead, that good old man" being proposed as a song to the " indignation meeting," which was lustily roared for an hour. The Senate remained in secret session, when a recess took place, after which the galleries were again closed and the Senate continued to deliberate in secret. PROGRESS OF IMPEACIDIENT May I.—The Hon. Henry Stanbery began his argument after Mr. Evarts had concluded. He read from a printed document ; but as he was too weak after his recent illness to speak long, his secretary was allowed to continue his able and exhaustive argument during a large portion of the time. It fills twenty newspaper columns, and is mainly directed to summing up the points of the defence. He commenced by showing that the case of Mr. Stanton did not enter into the Tenure-of-Office Act:; even if it did, as the Act was unconstitutional it must be void. To prove that the President had a right to construe laws, Presidents Jefferson, Jackson, and Van Buren were cited, their acts having been sanctioned by Congress. Et was the President's duty to defend the Constitution against such encroachments as that attempted in this Act; that if he erred in judgment, such an error was not an impeachable offence ; and he concluded this portion of his argument by asserting that Mr. Stanton had not been removed as charged in the Articles, as he still held possession of the War Department. Thus he discussed the first eight charges, the ninth being wholly unsupported by evidence was un worthy of notice, and the tenth and eleventh inter fered with the citizen's right of freedom of speech, a right guarded by the Constitution with jealous care, and provided for in the Bill of Rights ap pended to that document. The prosecution had failed in making out a case sufficient for the con viction of the President. He rnaintainea that this was clearly recugnized by the country, which gave no support whatever to Impeachment, people being disappointed in thu wretched evidence brought forward by the Managers, and dis gusted with the proceedings. He pronounced a warm eulogium on the President's character and services. Then he alluded to the open state ments made, that the Senate had been canvassed, and the matter arranged previous to the trial — concluding an eloquent address in these words : " But if, Sanatlrs, as I cannot believe, but as has been boldly said with almost official sanction, your votes have been canvassed and the doom of the Pre sident is sealed, then let that judgment not be pro nounced in this Senate Chamber ; not here, where our Camillus, in the hour of our greatest peril, sin gle-handed, met and baffled the enemies of the Re public; not here, where he stood faithful among the faithless; not here, where he fought the good fight for the Union and the Constitution ; not in this Cham ber, whose walls echo with that clarion voice that in the days of our greatest danger, carried hope and comfort to many a desponding heart, strong as an army with banners. No, not here. Seek out rather the darkest and gloomiest chamber in the subterranean recesses of this Capitol, where the cheerful light of day never enters. There erect the altar and immolate the victim." Mr. Stanbery ended his argument on the 2d May, and closed the Pre sident's defence, when the trial was adjourned till the 4th instant. May 4.--The galleries were filled to overflowing to hear the closing speech of the prosecution by the Hon. John A. Bingham, chairman of the Managers. He said he did not approach the discussion in a partizan spirit, but as a Representative of the people sworn to deal justly. He then noted the fact briefly of the termination of the war and the subsequent assassination of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson's inauguration. The people had overlooked Mr. Johnson's conduct in the Senate on the day of his inauguration, and believed he would obey the oath of office, and they demanded on his part obedience to the laws, and it was because he had violated the law that the Managers were here to day. He cared not what demagogues and others might say, the whole issues joined, and the whole question to be decided by the Senate was whether Andrew Johnson violated the law, and whether he had the power to interpret the laws only as he understood them. The Senate could decide in the case as questions of law and fact, and yet although this proposition would appear self-evident, hours had been spent here upon this very point. The Senate is sole and final arbiter between the Presi dent and the people, and is made solely the Court, and he did not therefpre see what necessity there was for so much discussion upon that point. He conceded once for all that the Senate sitting as a Court of Impeachment was the highest of all courts, and ibis was all that was necessary to be said. The Court, he repeated, gave the Sena te all the p ower over the law and fact, an d what then became of Mr. Evarts' rhetoric to show that the President wanted the Supreme Court to decide upon this case before the Senate did so, and when the Senate has the sole power to try impeachment? Referring inci dentally to Mr. Evarts' speech, Mr. Bingham said that the gentleman seemed to think that the best way to make his speech immortal was to make it eternal. (Laughter.) He then proceeded to argue that the Judiciary of the United States had not the power over all questions arising under the Consti tution. He then proceeded to controvert the pro position of some of the counsel that the heads of departments were mere recording scribes, and must execute the will of the Executive, and he denied the proposition, quoting the case of Marbury v. Madi son. As the Senate has sole power to try impeach ment, so it has sole power to decide all questions under impeachment, and it is in no sense within the judicial power of the United States. If the theory is admitted that a President may violate a law in order to have it tested in the courts, then the Senate is depriyed Of its original right to try impeachment. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Tinzes) The jury i❑ the case of General Co!e, for the murder of Mr. Hiscock, failed to agreo, and have been discharged. ➢lr. Evarts in his great speech declared, in allu sion to Me. Butler's argument that the Senate was not a court, that ho had often heard a defendant plead coran non judice, but had never heard a plaintiff plead it be fore. In citing a furious passage of arms which took place between Mr. Bingham and Mr. Butler, which took place a year ago, he drew a striking caricature. Mr. Bingham taunted Mr. Butler with his military failures, who retorted that ho (Mr. Bingham) had shed the blood of but one per son throughout the whole of the rebellion, and that one an innocent woman. " But what do you think," continued the counsel, " was the subject those honourable gentlemen were debating upon?—why it was Charity." " What ?" asked a Senator. " Charity," repeated Mr. Evarts, using the Apostolic description most effectively. Anna Dickenson delivered her popular lecture "Idiots and Women" in Steinway Hall, New York, on the Bth instant. It was expected that she weuld proceed to Europe in the autumn. The next annual address before the students of the Indiana Stato University is to be given by Fred. Dona-lass. The Rev. S. M. Merrill, formerly of North Adams, Massachusetts, whose escapade in connection with a young lady of that place was the subject of so much comment a year ago, was formally expelled, at the recent session of the Troy Methodist Conference, from its membership and from the church. George Topley, a celebrated English pedestrian, undertook to walk 50 miles in 10 hcurs on the Fashion Course, New York. On the`434 mile he fainted, thereby losing his wager-500 dols. • 'The Canadian House of Commons, by a vote of 94 to 36, lowered the Governor-General's salary from sso,ooo—at which it was fixed in the Act of Confedera tion—to $32,000, about the old rate. A man named Bremer lately died of spontaneous combustion at Cleveland, Ohio. Ho drank on a wager six large drinks of whisky and a pint of stock ale at a sitting. With blazing face and starting eyes he reeled towards 3 gas jet, in order to light his pipe, when the noxious gases issuing from his mouth were instantly ablaze, and the poor wretch was soon being consumed by an inward fire. A requisition has been in course of signarure at Oxford, pledging the electors to return Mr. Goldwin Smith free of expense, and assuring him that he should be saved the trouble of a canvass if he would consent to ba put in nomination. Mr. Smith's unalterable determination to visit the United States has, however, induced the pro moters of the movement to suspend their operations. General Schofield has appointed George Cahoon, United States Commissioner, Mayor of Richmond, Vir ginia, n place of James Mayo, removed, and has also filled the minor municipal &Rees by appointments of his own. The Pall Mall Gazette says an English officer with the Abyssinian expedition, in a letter dated Alag dala, April 20, writes:—" We are now on our way back, and all are delighted to get out of the God-forsaken coun try. For the last three days we have tasted no drink at any time but muddy water—no rum, no milk. Our food has been preserved vegetables, tough beef, and Abyssinian black bread, which is the most awful compound of straw, gravel, hair, unground wheat, and beastliness of all sorts that you can imagine. The very thought of English bread and cheese and beer makes one nearly mad." The New York Sun says Governor Fenton is " nu such man" as to sell out his faded Vice-Presidentia l chances for a Cabinet seat. The Now York politicians are all virtuous, of course. Just now in Albany they have voted t hemselves honest men, and voted out a member of, the Legislature who dared to suspect his fellows of anY lack in that particular. But we shouldn't like to see the governortempted too strongly, for all that. President Lau rens P. Hickok of Union College at Schenectady, New York, has tendered his resignation, to take effect July 22, when the sixteenth year of his connection with the c llega will terminate. Among the causes of resignation, of which there are several, the principal is " the deep disagreemen t in spirit and action which now prevails, and for years haq existed in the college faculty, and which has spread its influence into the board of trust." Mr. Anthony Trollope is described by a reporter, who saw him at the Impeachment trial, as bald, with heavy and re idish side whiskers. He wears spectacles with perfectly round glasses, weighs at least two hundred pounds, and has the general appearance of a heavy busi ness man of considerable intelligence. Dm. Wade is reported to have said, after hearing speeches on both bides, about a hundred hours, that be considered Demosthenes and Cicero two of the greatest pests and mischief-makers that ever existed. Charles Dickens carried off with him to England three large packing boxes full of all sorts of presents. General Phil. Sheridan was at Burnet House, Cincinnati, on the sth inst., and was present at the no" riage of Colonel L. M. Dayton, of General Sherman staff, and the bride Miss Nellie Phillips, of that city. TV' following were the groomsmen and bridesmaids; General. Turner, U. S. A., and Miss Kitty Phillips; Corn. Breese , U. S. N., and Miss Ward, Major Howell, U. S. engineers , and Miss Perry, Captain Woodruff, U.S.A., and Mien Neave. Colonel Forsythe, of General Sheridan's staff, an d several other military officers in uniform, were presen t and witnessed the ceremonies. The screw steam sloop Alert, 17, which arrived at Plymouth on Tuesday, spoke the United States slliP Italia, May 3, lat. 31 42 N., long. 40 42 W. Professor Charles P. Bronson, a well-known teacher of elocution, has just died in New York. His last work of importance was a Bible, so printed as to show so cont, rhetorical pauses, and emphatic words. He had jes t , cotnpleted a new edition of his "Elocution," which be' reached in its old form a circulation of 120,000 copies. The immigration at New York this year has 11(:4 kept up to last year's figures. For the first four rnontb e of 1868 the total number of arrivals at New York W 3S 37,579 as compared with 43,061 for the corresponding ye" riod of 1867, a decrease of 11,482. It is stated that in an investigation now pending in a St. Louis court, evidence will be brought to show tb° use of a corruption fund of $350,000 by one of the PaciP Railroad Companies to secure the passage of a bill in its favour. The llungarian Government has opened with the United States of America negociations with the view ° I extending to Bavaria the stipulation of the Americo-Prt ts " sian treaty relative to naturalization. GOAT IsLAND.--Orders have been received to make this island, which is reserved by the United StateS for military purposes, an engineer depot. The company , at Black Point will be transferred to it, and a permanent station established. Iu Calabria and in the southern districts of Sar' dinia, every scrap of vegetation is being devoured 1 1 myriads of locusts. The Illinois Agricultural Society offers premium s of $lOO, $75, $5O, and $25 for the best groves of yotin s forest trees. California might do well to offer similar it': ducements for the encouragement of the growth of fores t trees in the Sacramento and tributary valleys. Births. HALLIDAY—On the 21st inst., Otterbourne, the w i f e e Of Capt. T. E. Halliday, Royal Marine Artillery, °' daughter. • LANE—On the 22d inst., at 7, Radcliffe-gardens, the lof of Capt. Lane, Royal Body Guard, of a daughter. .0 LANE—On the 22d inst., at Plymouth, the wife of Gae l° Lane, Royal Marine L. 1., of a daughter. Marriages. CURE—WESTERN—On the 23d inst at St. Peter's Ch u- 1 Eaton-square, Robert C. Cure, Eaq., eldest so:i of Ca, Cure, Esq., of Blake Hall, Essex, to Margaret lea of eldest daughter of Sit Thomas Western, Bart., Felix Hall, Essex. MACFARLAN—TOMKINS —On the 19th inst., at St. Georg ., Church, Hanover-square, John G. Macfarlan, of Upper Norwood, to Ellen Tomkins, youngest daug ter of the late Wm. Tomkins, of Kensington. Deaths. Q . DICKSON—On the 21st inst., at Folkestone, Col. Pi' Dickson, of Sydenham, Roiburgh. oat EDWAUDS-011 2' st inst., at Parbury, Frome-Selw _ . Wm. Edwards, Esq., aged . B6. f or llArsonn—On the 22.1 inst., at Wistow Hall, Leices— shire, Sir Henry Halford, Bart., aged LEWIS —On the , 23d inst.. at 33, Westmoreland-13' dor Westbourne-park, Thomas E. Lewis, late Cotnll33° in her Masty's Indian Navy, aged 40. • o at PALMER—On the 22d inst., at 136 Kensington-park -1 Mary P aged 65. „ode f SMITH— On almer, B, the 22d inst., at C . raven-place, Aic -- Smith, aged 98. __..••••% . - ______ --________•---virs London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM' AND W.% of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRH SUN ODIC% r“ ' t l 0 Str3,nd, in the Precinct of the Ss voy, in the 003" blicicllesta,—Monday, May 26, 1868. Prize W K Sold the Af. 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