The Sun. — London, England, 1868-02-11 00:00:00

SPIBIi. CP IHE PDBLIC JOURNALS, On Thursday Parliament will reassemble, and some of the gravest subjects a Legislature can consider will come 'on for discussion. The Reform Bill of last year must be completed. The state of Ireland will probably occasion excited and vehement debates. In the face of a future Always onerous, and this year full of dangerous symptoms, ;the Times is unwillingly reminded that the First Lord of 'the Treasury lies ill at Knowsley. The malady which has so often disabled Lord Derby from active work has during the recent weeks of winter been especially troublesome, And though the last reports declare that Lord Derby is better than he was, it is known that he has' been left enfeebled and easily susceptible of renewed attacks. He has been unable to preside over the Cabinet Councils which invariably precede the reopening of Parliament — the consultations deciding the character and extent of the legislation to be proposed as the work of the session. It is feared that Lord Derby will be unable to move to London in time for the meeting of Parliament, and the House of Lords will miss his guiding influence, and will feel the loss of his ready retort and facile management. It is impossible not to lament the occasion of Lord Derby's absence from West minster, but it is equally impossible not to acknowledge the embarrassments into which public affairs are in conse quence always on the brink of falling. At the same time who would not condemn the selfishness which would call Lord Derby to his post .t all risks ? We all know—Lord Derby has himself put it on record—the extreme unwil lingness he felt to resume the burden of office. The possession of power was to him an exchange of necessary ease for in evitable labour, the abandonment of the graceful recrea tions which occupied his mind without endangering his health, and the assumption once more of duties bringing with them many mortification and few moments of un alloyed satisfaction. We know also how far Lord Derby's third tenure of office has justified his hesitation and fore bodings in 'accepting it. Last session he had once and again to retire temporarily from the active conduct of the business of Parliament. During his enforced absence on one critical occasion the House of Lords were betrayed into a course requiring his presence to induce them to retrace their steps. Those who saw Lord Derby in the Upper Chamber near the end of the session, when he came to it from his sick room, will not easily forget his appearance. Pale and worn, evidently suffering at the time he was addressing the House, his spirit bore him above the pain of the hour by sheer reso lution to accomplish the task he had set himself to do. Those who are sensible of personal sympathies may have had some twinges of doubtful feeling about such a conse quence of the feat they had seen performed. It was enough for the politician absorbed in his special pursuit that Lord Derby had rectified a great error by his intervention, and had relieved the two Houses of Parliament, at what cost to himself it mattered not, of a threatening occasion of col lision. No party has a right to expect from its leader such devotion as is involved in the continued discharge by Lord Derby of the duties of his office. No nation can desire to over-tax its statesmen to the exhaustion of their energies. We need say nothing of the impediments to vigorous legislation necessarily occasioned by the enforced absence of the chief of an Administration from the scene of his duties. We need not insist on the impossibility of governing England from Lancashire. Even if the country were in a state of unruffled prosperity and con tentment, and no necessity of prompt counsel and ready decision could be apprehended. there would still remain the indisputable fact that the physical strain of govern ment was reducing Lord Derby's strength, and a generous people would interpose to arrest the process before it was too late. The rejection by the Corps Ltgislatif of the amendment proposed by the Opposition, submitting press offences to the adjudication of a jury, will render, remarks the Post, the new law for the regulation of the press as delusory as its bitterest opponents have stigmatised it as being. There was just one means of rendering this measure what it pre tends tobe, namely, one of enfranchisement, and that means has, after an animated debate, been rejected by an over• whelming majority. If a vote decided by a majority of 199 against a minority of 35 fairly represented the con scientious opinion of the French Chamber of Deputies, we should have nothing to say, because that vote might then be accepted as indicative of the national will, and we are not so fondly wedded to our own notions on this sub ject— nor, for that matter, has the union been of so old date as to justify us in presuming that we must necessarily be in the right, and that the majority of the Corps L4gislatif are in the wrong. But it would be mere affecta tion to pretend that, whatever may have been the merits of the question in dispute, the vote of the Chamber, con stituted as it is, could have been otherwise. The " Govern ment candidates," as they are not incorrectly termed by the authorities at the parliamentary elections in France when returned, invariably do their duty to those who secure their election, and it would be just as likely that they would vote according to their conscientious opinions on the merits of any measure submitted by the Govern ment, as it would be for an English " whip " to give his support to the opponents of the party to which he be longed. If the person arrested in Cork as Captain Mackay prov!, to be the man he is taken for, and if the acts of which he is accused or suspected be brought home to him—points which it is fair formally to reserve—his capture is, in the opinion of the Daily News, the most important that has recently been made. The man appears to be the type of the Fenian leader. Mr. Mill and Mr. Matthew Arnold have expressed in terms nearly identical their opinion that the qualities of the Celtic and of the Saxon races are espe cially fitted to correct and supplement each other, and to form a moral compound more valuable than either of its separate ingredients. It may be so with respect to their better elements. In the Irish-American, as Fenianism shows him to us, we have unfortunately an amalgam of the wcrst qualities of the two races. The lawlessness of the filibuster and the lawlessness of the secret-society man are united in his person. The character formed in the conflict with wild beasts and Red Indians and with the outlaws from civilisation in the Far West of America amid the anti-social violence of the lately Slave States, in Nicaragua raids, :and in the bush-whacking of the late civil war, blends with the character formed in Ribbon and Whiteboy lodges, and by agrarian outrages. The adven turous and daring ruffianism of a new civilisation meets the crafty and conspiring criminality which is engendered out of the vices of an old society. The result is Fenianism as it exhibits itself in the persons - of its military leaders. According to the Herald, rumours of au intention on the part 0f the Opposition leaders to strike at once a blow for office herald the meeting of Parliament. The story, which has assumed the most definite form, attributes to Mr. Gladstone the design to move a resolution with regard to the Irish Church, which will, it is confidently asserted, rally to its support Liberals of all shades, and achieve the purpose with which it will be brought forward—the defeat and resignation of the Ministry. Mr. Gladstone's friends do him a very ill service in crediting him with such a scheme, which has no existence, we are confident, except in the heated brains of impatient partisans. It is incre dible that Mr. Gladstone, who whilst in office made no sign of a desire to abolish or reform the Irish Church, and who up to a very recent time was one of its warm sup porters, should attempt to prejudice the consideration of a question which is being examined into by a commission of inquiry granted at the instance of his own immediate political chief. That the right honourable gentleman chafes in the cold shade of opposition we are ready to believe, but we are not ready to believe that he will take a course at once so futile and so indecent as to endeavour to overthrow the Government by an abstract resolution about the Irish Church. He may probably take the occa sion of some of the debates, which Irish members win insist upon raising, to come out as a leader of his party on the question, but he can hardly be betrayed into identi fying himself with the paltry manoeuvre with which his name is now associated by some of his followers. . There is, says the Standard, weeping and gnashing of teeth in the Radical camp over the discomfiture of Mr. Rogers in the rec nt contest for the chair of Political Economy at Oxford. It is true that the'result of the polling has only substituted one Liberal for another, and that Mr. Bonamy Price is not more likely to influence the youth of the university towards bigoted Toryism than his predecessor. But Mr. Rogers had so identified him self with the extreme Radical faction, and had taken such pains whenever the opportunity arose to proclaim his sympathies f ar an d wide, that his defeat is resented by a chorus of_ Radi ca l papers with passionate indignation. No w,we have no f au lt t o fi n d w i t h th e i r express i on s of condolence, but we object to their unfounded charges against the majo r it y whose votes ousted the late professor. According to one of our a crtemporaries, the least that is sa id against them is that " they stated what was not true ;" " they raked missiles to or : l of the kennels of religious as well as political fanaticism they made use of -half truths, which are worse than total falsehoods." This the Standard denies. It is quite that Mr. Rogers did charge the university with manufacturing votes, and that he afterwards confessed he had been uilty of an exaggeration. It is quite true that he attended a meeting a f i ct e ; though in a Baptist chapel condemnatory o f Mr. everthe • n this Let little stress is laid. But it is less, and not a "half truth." The lesson :Vii. Rogers received is r, very salutary one. It is because miteiTseliielyas the character of our universities to stand high with the e nation, and because we believe a severe blow would be struck at their just influence, if their leading members stooped, for political purposes, to the arts and misrepre sentations of the vulgar demagogue, that we record with satisfaction the result of last week's election at the Uni versity of Oxford. • The Telegraph favours its readers with a leader on the Ca rnbr'd ;e liniveriity election. Mr. Hope's supporters, it says, have the audacity to say that the Liberals should vote in his favour on the ground that he is hostile to Lord Derby's Government, but they omit to tell us in what sense he is hostile. He is hostile, not because he is less Tory than the present Ministry, but because he is more. Compared with him, the most Conservative member of the Cabinet is a .Radical who would gladden the heart of Mr. Bright. Whatever he could do to defeat the objects of the Liberal party and to punish the Ministry for exe. eating Liberal work, he did ; and, as a reward for his e obstrudon, he solicits Liberal votes. After this, we may expect to see Mr. Whalley claiming the support of the whole Roman Catholic population, because he has stead fastly opposed the efforts of every Protestant Government to do them justice. The plan will not anssver; it is too grotesquely Batavian. Besides Mr. Beresford-Hope is so amiable a gentleman that even his political opponents can afford to wish him well and the best advice they can give him is to be contented with Stoke-upon-Trent. SIR HENRY 13tIVVE.R AND THE LATE MR. COBBETT. Mr. J. M. Cobbett, the late member for Oldham, de• fends his father, the well-known William Cobbett, against certain statements made by Sir Henry Bulwer in his ps eently-published volume "Historical Characters:"— " He revives a foolish untruth, which appeared first in an obsmire country paper in 1821, in these words :—'iMr. Cobbett has thrown open the front of his house at Ken sinitOn; 'find converted it into a butcher's shop, wheiii te proposes to sell meat at reduced prices.' This is the whole of the original. paragraph ; and as it was untrue, my father contradicted it at the time in the Weekly Political Register. It went, however, the round of the papers,' both in England and America, and probably wherever the English language prevails. Sir Henry Bulwer gravely repeats the untrue statement, and shews how completely he is duped into the belief that it is true, by adding that he (Cobbett) weekly assured his readers that there never was such mutton, such beef, or such veal as might be seen in his windows; an assurance which continued uninterruptedly till it was replaced by the announcement of William Cobbett, butcher, at Kensington, having become a bankrupt. This also is all untrue. My father lived in the High-street at Ken sington from 1821 to 1832, with his family. I am one of that family, and I assure you that he never turned any part of his house or its premises into a butcher's shop ; that he never advertised meat to be seen in his windows or sold on his premises ; that he never did any act that could give anybody the slightest excuse for saying that he carried on the trade of a butcher either at Kensington or elsewhere ; and that he was not made a bankrupt as a butcher. Sir Henry Bulwer would search the pages of the Political Register in vain for one single advertisement or announcement such as he says appeared weekly.' Sir H. Bulwer also states that when my father was in Parliament he was invited by the then Speaker to a par liamentary dinner, and that he excused himself upon the ground that he had `not been accustomed to the society of gentlemen.' I remember well the circumstance of his being invited by Mr. Speaker Sutton to a parliamentary dinner ; but it is not true that he excused himself as is stated by Sir Henry Bulwer. My father was in the habit of going every Saturday to a farm that lie occupied in Surrey; and upon this occasion, instead of writing to the Speaker's secretary himself, he left me to do it. If the note were now produced, it would be found to be in my handwriting ; and although I cannot remember the precise words in which I excused him, I believe they were to the effect that his engagement out of town would prevent his accepting the invitation. I assert that I did not use the words imputed by Sir H. Bulwer to my father, nor any words that could be construed into such a meaninv." SCHOOLS OF ART. The Lords of the Committee of Council on Education save issued a memorandum, accompanied by an explana tory letter, in regard to the existing regulations for afford ing aid from the central department to schools of art; and have authorised the following additional payments for this purpose : " 1. With a view to encourage advanced students to attend in larger numbers, and to remain longer in the schools of art, a payment of £3 on account of free stu dentships for every artisan, being a draughtsman, de signer, modeller, or handicraftsman, who shall submit satisfactory advanced works under the regulations in the directory, and who shall be recommended jointly by the local committee and by the department's examiners. Students on whose account these payments are made must be prepared to attend regularly for the year following the date of appointment, and must be admitted to study in the school without payment of fees. " 2. An addition of £5 to the sum allowed for an art Pupil-teacher. In schools where 20 artisans are satisfac torily taught, one pupil-teacher will be allowed, and two pupil-teachers in schools where 53 artisan' or upwards are satisfactorily taught. The payment in any school on account of pupil-teachers will therefore in future be either £l5 or 230. "3. In addition co the payments of 15s. or 20s. on ac count of artisans who submit satisfactory works under the regulations, a proportional payment will be made on ac count of artisans whose works do not reach the standard required for full payments. " 4. Bonuses will be awarded to the head masters of the schools of art in which the results, as tested by the ex aminations of the department, shall be most satisfactory. The basis of the awards will be the general amount of satisfactory work as tested by examinations, considered with reference to the number of students under instruction. The awards will consist of one sum of £5O, three sums of 1:40, five sums of £3O, ten sums of £2O, and twenty sums of 10. " 5. In order that the committees of schools of art, night classes, and elementary schools, may more readily provide themselves with approved examples, the aid given towards the purchase of them will be increased from 50 per cent. to 75 per cent., and in 6pecial cases, where buildings or rooms arc permanently and entirely devoted to instruction in art, this aid will be extended to the pro vision of apparatus and fittings. "6. In schools of art where artisans an satisfactorily instructed, grants will be made to enable the masters to visit the South Kensington Museum and other metropo litan institutions, in order that they may acquire, for the benefit of their students, a knowledge of the latest pro gress made in those educational subjects which affect the schools. " 6. Special grants of the works published under the sanction of the department, and of other examples, will be made from time to time to such schools as have suitable premises for exhibiting and protecting them, and for their effective use as means of instruction." IIIE ADULL , ILATION OF FOOD. Dr. Letheby lately delivered a lecture before the Social Science Association on " The Preservation and Adultera tion of Food ;" Dr. P. Le Neve Foster in the chair. The lecturer said the im;ortance of the subject couta .lot be doubted. The preservation of food would enable nations to provide against want, and so to equalise distri bution that the excess of one country might supply the deficiency of another. Thousands and thousands of tons . of meat were annually wasted which might be preserved and used as wholesome food. In South America alone 2,000,000 of bullocks were slaughtered annually for their bones and hides ; in parts of Australia legs of mutton were often sold, salted, at 3s. per dozen. Meat could, in Tact, be supplied in this country in any quantity at 3d. per pound, if proper steps were taken to effect that most most desirable end. The only process formerly used for preserving meat was the rude and barbarous method of gave an imp e t us t o i nq uiry was salting it. That which the wants of those who took part in the Arctic Expedition, And who were obliged to carry food. The Admiralty offered - a re ward for the best means of preserving meat, and several were discovered. From 1691 until 1857, 121 patents were taken out on the subject of preserving meat. Of these 116 bad been granted during the present century, and over 100 during the last forty years. Twenty-six of them related to the process of drying, 31 to the exclusion of atmospheric air, 8 b the covering .if the meat with an impenetrable varnish, and 1:3 to the injection of saline matter into the meat. There were three conditions necessary to putrefaction : there must be much moisture ; next, atmospheric air ; and next, a temperature ranging from 40 deg. to 200 deg. If any one these three conditions were absent putrefaction ceased, and all the patents rested upon that principle. The lecturer then referred in detail to the principle of the patents in the several methods to which he had alluded, and explained the process in each case—referring frequently to diagrams and specimens of the meat or other article of food preserved. The use of unsound meat, he said, was more injurious than that of any other kind of unsound food. In the three City markets there were 400 tons of meat received from all parts of the coun try and from abroad, and sold daily. The seizure last year amounted to no less than 288,0001 b., or 129 tons. Only one part in 750 was seized, whereas it had been calcu lated that, taking all the markets in the country, only one part in every five sent to market was sound. Since his (Dr. Letheby's) new regulati o ns as one of the in spectors had come into force no less than 700 tons of unsound and diseased meat had been seized in the City, together with 19,000 fowls, 207 quarters of venison, millions of fish, and thousands of bushe ls of shrimps, oysters, whelks, and mussels. On the Continent they had ascertained to a nicety the effect of eating meat affected with parasites by administering it to criminals under sentence of death. They needed a practical test of the effect of eating unsound meat in this country, and Lis suggestion was that every farmer detected sending in, and every butcher detected selling such, should be made to eat it. The adulteration of food was carried on to a 'great extent. Ad u lt era ti on was resor t e d t o w ith three objects—first, to increase bulk ; next, to give false strength to the material ; and next, to improve its appearance. Alum was found i n b read to increase the water in it, so that a sack of flour, instead of making 04 loaves, should make 100 ; then water was put into m ilk ; dripping i nto butter. Ostend butter wasmanufactured at Bow— gelatin ewes ingeniously put upon isinglass, chicory i n t o co ff ee, sulphuric acid into vinegar, and tea was faced with bl ac k l ead. These were only a , few of the articles which were adulterated with the ob ject he had stated. In the olden time there existed a law that the trader convicted of adulterating any article in which he dealt was made to walk in the public thorough. fare with a specimen of the article on his breast, and a label—" This is adulterated, and I am the fellow that did it." For the second offence he was drawn on a hurdle ; and for the third he was put in the pirory, and hlajzoi ng license re yoked. THE KIN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1868. TRUE EDUCATION. The subject of education has for some years past engrossed a considerable part of public attention. Our legislators have discussed it in Parliament, and framed and passed laws to regulate it. Our public men have spoken of it at length in meetings throughout the country. Our merchants, landed proprietors, tradesmen, and even our poor, have generously subscribed the funds to aid those who are labouring in its cause. An elaborate system of training of mas ters and inspection of schools is carried on chiefly at the expense of Government, in addi tion to the individual exertions of the clergy of different denominations, who, for the most part, labour earnestly in what they consider the work of education. But, in spite of all this array of complex machinery and earnest labour, the question still arises again and again—" Are we educating our people ?" If the answer to this question is to depend upon the amount of success which' has hitherto attended our efforts, we must necessarily conceive a fear that our system of education is not sound. For what is education ? It is power over Self. It is power over our Intellect, over our Will, over our Passions, over our Physical Being ; in fact, power over our entire Self. If, there fore, our system or systems of education give this power, or even tend to do so, we may be satisfied that work is going on, and that we are progressing. But if, on the contrary, we find from experience that some portion of edu cation is more abused now than was formerly the case, or, in other words, that men have less power over their moral natures, now that their capabilities of evil are increased, we have reason to fear that there is something wrong either in the details of the system, or in the very principles on which the system is founded. To educate the Intellect and neglect the training of the Will, is putting a fiery horse under the charge of a feeble child. It is giving a man powers which he has not the moral strength to use for good, and which he will, therefore, use for evil; and, as far as we are able to judge the power of reading, which the present gene ration possesses, has not tended to make it more moral than its predecessors, but rather the con trary. Never was there a greater demand for low and debasing literature than now, and, consequently, never a time when men used their powers for more degrading purposes, and never a time when independence of spirit and want of submission to authority were more universal. But education produces the very opposite results. What, then, is wrong ? Is it our text books, or our methods, or the inability of our masters ? Or is it that the principles of modern education are fundamen tally wrong ? One thing is certain, that we greatly differ in practice from the doctrines of the sages of antiquity. Plutarch, for example, wrote that the " essential things in the educa tion of the young are to teach them to worship the gods, to revere their parents, to honour their elders, to obey the laws, to submit to rulers, to love their friends, to be temperate in the pursuit of pleasure ;" and these are certainly points with which Protestant teachers seldom think of interfering. In practice, at least, they decide that education consists in ac quiring information ; or, if some go further, and aim at mental culture, they never seem to imagine that practical restraint or direction of the passions comes in their immediate pro vince. Plato also speaks continually of edu cation as having, for one of its great ends, making the young mild, gentle, and obedient, while our modern system encourages what is called a manly spirit to such an extent as to make boys bold, insolent, and impatient of re straint. Of course some virtues are occa sionally insisted on, because they form the necessary qualities of a gentleman ; but, instil ling such virtues into the minds of the young as a portion of Christian ethics, is a thing com paratively unknown except among Catholics, amongand even them, when the principles are right, the method is frequently at fault. For education to be perfect should embrace the cultivation of the whole man, that is, of all his powers, both of mind and body. Of these, the education of the Will is by far the most important, but this is either ignored, or not comprehended out of the bosom of the Catholic Church, and here is the great break down of the English system of education. The development of the intellect and of the physical powers are practically recognized as the greatest, if not the only, ends of education. Protestant education, therefore, is not truly education, since no direction is or can be given to the passions and the will, upon the proper use and control of which a man's eternal wel fare so intimately depends. Turning, then, to Catholics, among whom alone can be found true educators, we meet the true principles of education fully developed, carefully carried out in practice and successful in their results. Of the truth of these asser tions our Catholic colleges are living proofs. In mere technical information, or even, per haps, in mental training, we have never pre tended to be successful with the majority of our poor, and this for the obvious reason that our poor for the most part consists of the lowest class, whose means of acquiring education have been and still are exceedingly limited. At the same time, however, that this is the case we are quite convinced that our best schools are the best in the country. The education of the will is a far more difficult task than mere intellectual education, and it is not to be wondered at that in the true Church alone it is successfully accomplished. The great end of Catholic education is to make children love virtue and pursue it, and the principle upon which our methods should be based is, that they must be led, not driven; and here it is that our Catholic teachers are liable to error. Every one acknowledges this principle in theory; but it is found to be so difficult to carry out in prac tice, except to masters of long standing, that young masters are tempted to abandon it and adopt the compulsory method. To carry out the principle properly it is necessary that a master should be a model of all he would have his scholars become. Hence, when a master is neither regular in his own life, nor patient and gentle in his dealings with his children, and is not, in fact, a model for imitation, his only resource is to force his pupils into the right way, with the hope that, perhaps, they may remain there. But where the pupils - have constantly before their eyes the best example, are secluded from the contagion of bad example, and are governed by authority gaining their love mingled with fear, rather than their dread mingled with hatred, they enter the way of virtue of their own choice, and there is no fear that in such a case their intellectual cul ture will be neglected. These are the true principles on which a system of education should be founded, and they must be con stantly borne in mind by the young teacher, and by all who are interested in the work of education. We must stand ready with our principles clear in our minds, so that we may be ready to act at a moment's notice, for a crisis is at hand, a great blow is about to be aimed at the very root of true education. It is in contemplation to introduce a bill into Par liament making education purely secular, or nearly so, by banishing religion from our schools during the whole, or nearly the whole, of the day. Now, in Catholic schools religion is the groundwork of the whole system of school management, and in the hands of a good teacher is being instilled into the hearts of the children from morning till night, insen sibly informing their minds, training their wills, and directing their passions in the Cath olic direction. But where religion is banished from the school this becomes impossible, and education becomes a sham. It is sincerely to be hoped that our legislators are not so dead to the plainest principles of religion and com mon sense as to pass such a measure. But however that may be, the duty of us Catholics is clear, viz., to oppose such a bill by every means in our power, to admit of no compromise, in fact, to accept no bill which does not leave us an unrestricted power to introduce religion and its teachings into all our schools as. we have hitherto been accustomed. Religion must directly and indirectly be the guiding spirit of our schools ; and,"where thii ceases to be the case, ithmorality will quickly seize the helm, and it is to be feared that we shall one day awake to the consciousness of impending ruin when too late to hinder it. It is true the proposals of the supposed promoters of education are not yet put before us in a very definite form ; but, however they may be eventually framed, this much is certain, that no Catholic can consent to see Catholic education taken from the hands of the clergy and put into the hands of a committee of lay men, who alone shall have the appointment of, and control over, the masters. The con science clause framed to delude the peace loving Englishman as a species of compromise, naturally congenial to his taste, is but little better. True education is possible only where religion and instruction go hand in hand ; and it is to the preservation of this amongst us that our energies must be directed.—Wesinrin ster Gazette. • CONTRASTING SCENES. There is such a universal desire to veil the im purity of domestic life that the world is surprised by the conduct of the twentieth Baron of Eresby. He, indeed, had cause to keep his door closed and his curtain down, but has opened the one and raised the other. For a paltry consideration of lucre, he, the Great . Chamberlain of England, has stepped forward, as it were, on the board of green cloth in the character of heartless meanness. He appeared through his representatives at a court of justice in the red glare of uncommon selfishness—a glare which cast the failings of the plaintiff, the Countess d'Alteyrac, into the shade and dazzled the eyes of the Court. Candidly and honestly, however, was there not something else which actuated her tender treatment? Had her high position no influence in this respect ? Supposing the parties had been in a lower condition, that the wife of a French valet had eloped with an English footman, who, by the aid of her money —her money in right of French law—establishes a business in this country, and when success crowns the enterprise turns her adrift, alone, and penniless on the work!, she then sues him for restitution of her own little property. In such a case, with such parties, would there have been no allusion to her misconduct? Would there have been no hint dropped that her means were justly imperilled by her own adultery? Would she have been treated with all the respect due to an honest and affectionate wife of seventeen years' standing? We leave our readers to answer the questions. _ The twentieth Baron of Eresby has tugged at the ropes and raised the curtain, not only to his own exposure, but also to that of a fa mily scene which we view with regret. Our sentiments lead us not to decry the merits of oar nobility, for they consti tute no effeminate class, but are equal is intelli gence, courage, and perseverance to any of the com munity. We are proud of them ; they fill so worthily the duties of their superior station ; they are ever so ready to lend their names and give their money for the promotion of worthy objects ; and what charitable institution is there indeed without their patronage? We view, therefore, with regret the spectacle of a woman who deceived her husband after a married life of el even years— who gave birth to a child by a paramour, with whom she afterwards eloped, and w i t h whom she afterwards lived in open adultery—of this woman, during her affluence, when no ill-treat meat, no persecution, had thrown its softening influences over her misdeeds, being received and honoured as though she were, in deed, a mem ber of the family, by the titled relatives of her lover, and visited on terms of equality by his aristo cratic friends. . It is the period of pantomimes, the time of gene ral Terpsichorean display at our Theatres, and nightly may be witnessed groups of Ballet-girls dancing their hour on the stage in scanty attire. How very hullo lest ! Yes, dreadfully immodest, my superlative Lady Blanche ! although the short clothing is not of their selection. It is fixed by public taste, and made imperative to their condition. Dreadfully immoilest, nevertlaeles -; —and yet amongst these poor girls there are m an y who would scorn to acknowledge their uncle's in i s tr ass a their dear aunt. Articles in crockery w ould not tempt then t o suc h a recognition, although such to them would bi as valuable as those in Dresden or Sevres china to ladies of your position. We love not such contrasting scenes, for they are more damaging than individual degradation, and it is to be regretted that the curtain could not have been raised without such family exposure.—Racing Times and Amateur Dramatic Chronicle. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Jan. 20.—Under the call of States and Territo ries, among several resolutions introduced, was one by Mr. Van Horn, of Missouri, reciting that Michael O'Brien, a naturalized American citizen, had been arrested abroad, and authorizing the Pre sident of the 'United States to demand an explana tion of the arrest from the British Government ; declaring further, that the United States will con sider such interference with the naturalized citi zens as an infringement of the rights of this na tion, and will deem it a cause of war ; and re solving further, that it is the d u t y of the President to recal Minister Adams on account of his failure to see to the protection of American citizens abroad. Referred to Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin, offered a resolution, which was agreed to, providing that after the adoption of this resolution by the Senate and House, no person who has been secre tary, assistant secretary, head of bureau, or clerk iu any department of the Government, shall be per mitted to practise as attorney or claim agent for the prosecution of claims in such department in which he was secretary, assistant secretary; chief of bureau, or clerk, until two years after his term of such office shall have expired. The House resumed the consideration of the Reconstruction Bill limiting the discussion to two hours and ten minutes, each speech not to exceed half an hour. Mr. Pruyn, of New York, opposed the bill. Mr. Scofield, of Pennsylvania, advocated it; and his colleague, Mr. Kootz. Mr. Cary, said he would have no op portunity to address the House upon the bill, but he would propound four questions to his colleague, I (Mr. Bingham), and his answer when he came to close debate would determine his vote upon this bill. These questions are--Ist. If General Grant neglects to proceed according to law, or if in the exe cution of this act he acts in an oppressive or cruel manner, to what tribunal would he be amenable? 2d. Can General Grant, not being under the con trol of the President, be tried by court-martial, and who shall constitute the court to try him? 3d. Not being a civil officer, can General Grant be im peached and tried ; and if so, by whom and in what manner? 4th. If General Grant is not amenable or responsible to any earthly tribunal, does not this bill make him an absolute dictator and despot ? General Phelps, of Maryland, in a long and able speech, vigorously opposed the measure. " I think," he said, "it will be demonstrated that the strange compound of Asiatic despotism and African bar barism, miscalled Reconstruction, of which the pend ing measure is the latest and worst development is destructive, pernicious, anti -Republican, anti-De mocratic, and revolutionary. The chief exporting States are those now being e xperimented upon by Congress, and with such violence, recklessness, and stupidity as to appal society with portents of an im pending catastrophe. In violation of the Constitu tion and of the solemn pledge of Congress during the war, the Southern States had been declared conquered provinces. Nearly two years had elapsed since the surrender of the rebellion before Congress ventured to assume that position. The interval was employed by a revival of political agitation of un precedented fierceness, and by Congressional inqui sitions and invective against the entire Southern white population without discrimination. This system of maladministration produced its natural effect—the same effect that perpetual proscription and abuse would produce upon any community. The vicious elements of a society, kept purposely disorganized and threatened with chaos, naturally took advantage of the general consternation and confusion, when good and bad were treated alike, to break out in occasional acts of lawlessness. These disorders, industriously collected, magnified, and in many cases invented, furnished the pretext to justify the first Act " for the more efficient govern ment of the rebel States." Hardly was it passed over the Presidential veto, before the Act itself hin dered Reconstruction, and the bill now pending is the fourth of the series. Each Act has been more bold and impudent than its predecessors in its at tempted usurpations of power. First, States are dismantled, their personal rights as ancient as Magna Charta overthrown, and the amendments to the Constitution nullified ; then the Executive was stripped of its functions, and the Judiciary muzzled. Alt this is done to secure the ascendancy of a poli tical party by the negro vote of the South, reckless of the ruin which is threatened to the national credit, and to the cause of Republican and constitu tional liberty throughout the world. The follow- ing amendmeuts were proposed by Mr. Bingham:— Aniend the second section so as to make it read the General of the army shall be authorised by law to remove commanders from command. The words " authorised by law" had been omitted. Amend the fifth section so as to make it punishable for any person to refuse or wilfully neglect to issue an order or do any act demanded by this bill. Mr. Bing ham closed the debate in an elaborate speech in favour of the bill, in which he remarked that he regretted his colleague, Mr. Cary, deemed it his duty to ask whether the General of the army is re sponsible in case he violates this law, and tramples upon the rights of the people. We say, Carry out the provisions of this Act in good faith ; the Gene ral of your army is but the creature of a Con gressional enactment, to be unmade as easily as made. If the General violates the law he can be arraigned before the civil tribunals, and on convic tion is liable to a place in the penitentiary and a forfeit of $5,000. Respecting the objectiou of in•- vading the privileges and powers of the Judiciary, Mr. Bingham was willing to leave it free and un trammelled in the faithful and honest performance of its functions. But the Judiciary cannot revise the question whether a State is within the Union or has a Republican form of government. If the Judi ciary could decide against Congress to-day that South Carolina has a Republican Government, and the right to exercise political power within the Union, it might decide to-morrow that the rest of the States have not Republican Governments, and are not entitled to exercise political power. Thus a bare majority of these gentlemen might decide away the life of the nation. The moment the Supreme Court dares to interfere with that ques tion it lays violent hands on the very ark of the covenant of the people, and it ought to suffer anni hilation. After alluding to the speedy restoration of civil government in the South, and his earnest desire to see it carried out, he continued : --I have no doubt we could get rid of all the trouble at once if we would surrender the great trust committed to us, and say to these men red with blood of our murdered countrymen, Seize again the control of all the political power of those nine disorganized States, trample down the four millions of native-born children of the Repub lic who were once your slaves ; the men who never forgot that our flag, through all these four years, symbolized liberty ; the men who never forgot to whisper a word of cheer and of comfort to the wounded and the dying who had fallen in the great struggle for the nation's life ; the men who never forgot to guide from the prison pens in which their defenders were subjected to infamous death by star vation or poison those who made their escape from them. Surrender these men who were faithful to our lost defender—faithful to our living defenders —faithful to the cause of the Republic itself—sur render them to the late traitors and rebels, and this contest is of course ended. Allow Jefferson Davis to come back and sit down in his Senatorial robes in the other wing of the capitol, callback from France that hatchet-faced conspirator Slidell and restore him to his place. Call home that other Senator watching across the border in Canada, and restore him to the Senatorial Chamber, and call back alike Representatives who weut out from this hall in 1861, clothed with perjury as with a garment, and who lifted up their hands in violence against the Go vernment and Constitution, and this contest will be ended. Sir, I cannot speak for others, but for my self, so help me God, living and dying, I am against any such proposition. Let the friends of the Re public have the kecpink= of the Republic in their hands. That being done, all will be well ; and the time will come, within the lifetime, I trust, of every man honouring me with his attention, when the laws of the Republic will be so just, so humane, so indiscriminate in their justice and in their huma nity, that the poorest and the humblest creature between the two oceans wearing the bond of our common humanity can find equal protection with the loftiest, the noblest, and the best." Mr. Bing ham then called the previous question, whereupon General Butler moved to reconsider the vote where by the previous question was ordered, and de manded the yeas and nays ; and, pending the roll call, Mr. Windom, of Minnesota, moved to adjourn, which motion was agreed to, and the House at 4.30 adjourned. Jan. 21.—The unfinished business of yesterday was taken up on the Reconstruction Bill, which was finally passed by a party vote of 123 yeas to 45 nays. The act, with the exception of a few words, is substantially the same as given in our last issue. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, from the Conference Committee on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses upon the anti-Contraction Bill, sub mitted a report that the Senate recede from its amendments to the bill, and agree to an amendment to permit the concellation or destruction of muti lated Treasury notes, and to replace the same with good notes of the same denomination.—The con ference report was agreed to. Mr. Logan, of Illi nois, from the Committee of Conference on the disagreeing votes on the Cotton Tax Bill, reported that the committee had been unable to agree, and asked that it be discharged, and a new committee appointed—So ordered, and Messrs. Schenck, Moor head, and Beck were appointed the new committee. The House then adjourned. Jan. 22.—The House in Committee of the Whole considered the Senate amendments to the Defi ciency Appropriation Bill. One amendment was added, providing that no Senator or Representa tive should be entitled to any newspaper except the Globe, or stationery beyond the value of $125 for each Session, and it goes back to the Senate for concurrence. Among the resolutions this day introduced, Mr. Morrell, of Pennsylvania, reported one, which was adopted, directing the Com mittee on Commerce to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for the periodical publication of the estimated value on imports of foreign and domestic manufacture, the profits thereon severally, &c. On the motion of Mr. Pike, of Maine, the Committee on Commerce was directed to inquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the Act to regulate the disposal of moneys, &c., as provides for the seizure of merchants' books and papers. Mr. Blaine, of Maine, introduced a bill in relation to taxing the shares of National Banks. —Referred to Committee on Banking and Currency. The Secre tary of War was directed to inform the House of any communications from Major-General Hancock regarding a riot in Texas. The Committee on Education and Labour was directed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law a general system of education in the late rebel States, and for com mon schools to educate without distinction of class or colour. A bill providing for the ex amination of masters and mates in the mer chant service was referred to the Committee on Com merce. The House resumed the consideration of a bill reported by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, from committee on public lands to forfeit to the United States certain lands heretofore granted to the Southern States for railroad purposes ; and he pro ceeded to enforce his views, discussing the action and course of several railroad companies of the South, especially the alleged treason of the officers of the Opelousas Road in Louisiana, when Mr. John W. Chanler (Democrat), of New York, interrupted on a point of order, as the gentleman was wander ing from the question into a discussion of the Southern railroad interests. Though the Speaker decided the point for George W. Julian (Republi can), Mr. Chanler continued, but Mr. Julian de clined to yield, and desired the New York gentle man to compose his soul with as much patience as he could under the exposure of his rebel friends in Louisiana. Mr. Chanler retorted with great warmth. These, he said, are the words of a coward, and the gentleman takes advantageof his position, as I can not reply to him. The Speaker called Mr. Chanler to order. Mr. Chanler—l call the gentleman from Indiana to order, and demand that the words last spoken by him be taken down. Mr. Chanler was about to say something further, but was called to order, and the Speaker said the words would be taken down. Mr. Chanler was at this time occupying the seat of Mr. Morrell, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Williams, of Pennsylvania, made the point of order that the gentleman from New York must take his seat. Mr. Chanler (moving to his own seat) —I simply went over there to hear better what the gentleman said. The words purporting to have been uttered by Mr. Chanler were here read. Mr. Chanler--Mr. Speaker, I desire to say that all my words have not been taken down. I also said that— The Speaker—The gentleman is out of order. Mr. Chanler—l want to say that I said the gentleman was taking advantage of his position in the remarks he uttered. The Speaker —The Chair will now rule upon the words spoken by the gentleman from New York. They are clearly out of order. No member upon the floor should call another a coward. The Chair did not hear the last part of the gentle man's remarks. What struck the Chair as unpar liamentary was the word " coward." Mr. Chanler —Well, I did say that, and he is one. (Calls of order from all parts of the House). Mr. Julian— If the gentleman means what he says he can test the question at any time. Mr. Chanler—l will do so, sir. I will take the earliest opportunity. I would ask the Speaker how he ruled upon the re marks of the gentleman from Indiana. The Speaker —No point of order was made upon the last remark. Mr. Chanler said he had made a point of order upon the remarks of Mr. Julian. The Speaker—The Chair has not ruled upon the remarks of the gen tleman from Indiana, but upon those of the gentle man from New York. (Laughter.) The Chair would say, however, although the subject was passed, that there was nothing unparliamentary in the remarks of the gentleman from Indiana. Mr. Julian was then allowed to proceed with his re marks, but yielded at 3 o'clock, at which hour the Missouri delegation desired to announce the dea'h of their late colleague, Mr. Noell. Jan. 23.—N0 business of importance was trans acted on this day. AUSTRIA. _ The present state of religion in Austria is graphically described by our Vienna corre spondent as Catholicism under lock and key. Catholicism is not dead in Austria, however much the enemies of the Church are now in the ascendant ; but it is stifled by timidity and worldliness, imprisoned in secret corners of the mind and heart by human respect ; its profession of faith, as our Viennese correspon dent has it, is stowed away out of sight " in an iron safe." For forty years and more the Church was held in bondage by the State ; the Austrian Government was on the verge of creating a schism ; communication was cut off between the episcopate and the Holy See ; monasteries were suppressed, and religious orders proscribed ; education was taken out of the hands of the Church ; and the result was that low views and false ideas took possession of the minds of the people. But low views and false ideas, as Canon Moufang justly ob served at the great meeting at Cologne the other day, too surely work the destruction of a people, and why is it, he asked, is Austria to-day so weak and mean-spirited as to allow its Government to declare that it will remain neutral in the Roman question, but because the people have for forty years been ta ug ht n o higher idea than to eat, drink, and be merry ? Josephism, by hampering the free action of the Church, paralyzed the religious energy of the people. And when, by the Concordat, the Emperor restored the liberty of the Church, the remedy seemed to come too late, and the Concordat remained almost a dead letter. Catholicism in Austria had grown shy and shame-faced, and shrank from public life and an outward manifestation of its principles; they were not rejected, but stowed away "in an iron safe." Liberty came, but the spirit and the will to make use of it were gone. The limbs of Austria were so cramped by the long worn fetters as to have lost apparently every power of free motion. Human respect weighed more heavily than iron chains. The officials, to whom belonged the administration of the new laws giving effect to the liberty which the Concordat conferred on the Church, throw every obstacle in the way of their execution. These men, trained under the long rule of Josephism, were steeped to their lips in preju dice against the Church's independence. The upper classes, self-indulgent and worldly, and unversed in Catholic principles, did not wish to seem "bigoted" upholders of the Concordat, or to be disturbed in their enjoyment of life by the intrusion of religious questions. The elder clergy were averse to what they called the innovations introduced by the Concordat —visitation of bishops—holding of synods-- restriction in their easy-going lives, and in their too frequently unsacerdotal pursuits and pleasures. What they prized above the liberty of action which the Concordat bestowed was good fellowship with their neighbours, and the absence of "new-fangled and bigoted" notions introduced from Rome, and unknown in their younger days in Austria. The Austrian Epis copate even seemed to think it hopeless, or too irksome, to do much to overcome the vis inertice which had befallen Catholicism in Austria. Catholicism seemed like a spent arrow; it car ried no force. Things, therefore, remained pretty much the same after, as before, the Con cordat. A better spirit, however, was infused into the Seminaries, and, thanks to the zeal of the bishops, the younger clergy received a training far different from that of their imme diate predecessors, the benefit of which the Church is now beginning to reap. The triumph of irreligious Liberalism and middle-class Radicalism, which none were much surprised at who were familiar with the state, intellectual and religious, of thehitherto govern ing classes in Austria, has led to a rupture between the bishops and the Emperor, has done away with the half-heartedness and timidity but too common among Austrian Catholics, and has evoked a public Catholic spirit which gives great hopes of better things for religion than have been seen since the days of Josephism. The movement which the liberty of the Concordat failed to engender; adversity and opposition have quickened into life. There is a stir in the Catholic heart of Austria, the reaction, which two weeks ago we spoke of as leading Catholic France to the assertion of its superiority in political and intellectual power over the miserable minority which, by means of a corrupt press and a fictitious public opinion, aimed at directing the policy of the country, is also setting in i n proverbially slow Austria. Strife has com menced, and stagnationds at an end. What ever comes to pass, the slack spirit and the moral listlessness—the result of evil laws and State tyranny, will no more be the lot of Catholicism in Austria. The quarrel must now be fought out ; for the division has taken place, the slothful and the timid can no more purchase peace by shameful concessions. Irreligious Liberalism is bent upon dictating its own terms, and they are fortunately such, that even an Austrian Catholic, without, not concealing, but denying, his profession of faith, can accept. Such a war is infinitely prefer able to the religious compromise which Catho lieism in Austria is but too prone to. The Austrian bishops are zealous, resolute, and out-spoken. The issue is plainly put ; the people now see clearly what is at stake. They are rallying round the bishops. A Catholic party is forming in self-defence, in defence of their dearest interests, in defence of laws affecting marriage, in defence of a Christian education threatened by the Liberalism which now rules in Austria, in defence of the Con cordat which is the symbol of their religious rights, and, lastly, in defence of the Pope, whose cause the Austrian Government have aban doned. If low views and false ideas debase a people, true and noble ideas elevate a nation, restore strength t o the weak and courage to the cowardly. A chord has been struck which, if it does not find a response in the breast of every Catholic, has yet touched the hearts of many in Austria. The, heart of man•in its eager quest after happiness must be set on something tangible and real. If supernatural ideas be dim and feeble, it will seek an imme diate guarantee for happiness in wealth, in ambition, in intellectual self-deification, or, as is the case too generally in Austria, in sen suous enjoyments. But a great cause arrives —a noble idea inspires a nation. Such a re vivifying idea was evoked by the Crusades when Europe lay prostrate in the tenth and eleventh centuries, such an idea is now arous ing Christendom. Pius IX. is the new Peter the Hermit, and the crusade which, cross in hand, he is preaching, is directed against a more subtle foe than the sanguinary and un believing Turk ; and the " Holy Land," which he desires to rescue from the grasp of the great anti-Christian Revolution, is the faith of Christ. The Catholic world, nation after nation is joining the crusade, and, in reply to the call of Pius IX., is crying out with one voice— Dieu le veut.—Westminster Gazette. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) The new trial of Surratt was to begin on the 24th instant. The English frigate Jason, from Vera Cruz, Jan. 5, and Havannah the 13th, has arrived at Now York with Mr. Middleton, the English Chargé d'Affaires in Mexico and his suite, who are on their way to England. Samuel F. Cary, of Cincinnati, Ohio, was the only Republican who voted against the New Reconstruc tion Bill. Mr. Conkling's (New York) amendment to the anti-Contraction Bill to prohibit further expense, as well as contraction, was defeated overwhelmingly in the Senate. The friends of Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland, Senator elect, hoped for an ea r ly d ec i s i on i n hi s f avour . . _ Minister John P. Hale, at Madrid, has resigned. . _ Mr. Theaker's resignation of the office of Com missioner of Patents has baen accepted, and W. D. Bishop, President of the New York and New Haven Railroad, re turns to that post. Commissioner Rollins, of the Internal Revenue, has not yet resigned, and it is thought the Senate will de fend him if he refuses to move. Judge B. T. Thomas, nominated by Governor Bullock as Chief Justico of the Supreme Court, has been rejected by the Massachusetts Executive Council by 5 votes to 4, as follows :—Ayes, Messrs. Brayton, of Fall River, Harvey of Boston, Talbot of Billerica, and Knight of Easthampton; nays, Lieut.-Gov. Claflin, Adams of North Brookfield, Endicott of Canton, Usher of Lynn, and Welch of Cambridge. The Maine Republicans have chosen their four delegates at large, Messrs. Samuel E. Spring, L. A. D. Fessenden, Gen. H. M. Plaisted, and Eugene Hale, and instructed them to vote for Grant, unitedly and unre mittingly. Capt. Charles S. Wheaton, an officer of the same regiment as Governor-General Ruger, and Treasurer Capt. Rockwell, is the officer selected by General Meade to suc ceed the Controller of Georgia. The Constitutional Convention at Telahasse, Florida, sent an invitation to Colonel Sprague, command ing in the State, to take a seat in its deliberations. The Rev. Dr. Barnas Sears, agent of the Peabody Educational Fund, has received a cordial and hearty re ception from the people of the South, and the trustees met at Richmond on the 22d of January, when, on a reso lution by General Grant, $200,000 were directed to be expended. General M'Clelland was at Berlin a few days since and dined with Mr. Bancroft, the American Minister. He afterwards left for Dresden. He will remain in Europe until written to to come home by his political friends. Egbert 1 - 1. Grandin of Mobile has been appointed United States District Attorney of the Southern District of Alabama, in place of Martin, who lately shot Judge Richard Busteed. General Montez, the Haytian rebel, is said to have died in his prison from apoplexy, instead of having been murdered by President Salnave. Dickens's Readings are about to commence in Washington. The proceeds of the sale of tickets at e over $12,000, and seats have been reserved for the course, for the President and his family. During the Train excitement it was proposed to detain the author as a hostage. Col. Forney's Philadelphia paper, tb e Press, says— "No man has so caricatured, so maligned, so cruelly spoken of us. For insults to our flag, less than the cool, deliberate words of Mr. Dickens, and coming from poor, illiterate, angry men, we have taken life." And the re verend doctor, in a Lite lecture, said that one would infer from most of Dickens's representations that every Chris tian philanthropist is either a fool or- a hypocrite, and that it is fortunate when an author so full of poison gives it to his readers diluted in oceans of verbosity." General Carl Schurz is at Berlin, and dined with Mr. Bancroft, our Minister there. He has also had a two hours' interview with Count Bismarck, which the Count pronounced one of the most interesting he had had for years. They not only discussed German but also American politics. General Schurz was afterwards in vited to dine with the Count. General Schurz is one of the finest speakers in the United States, and will go home in March to take the field for General Grant for President. Mrs. General Magruder, of Baltimore, wife of the late rebel G e n era l, i s go i ng t o move t o Rome. Her husband is living in New York City. Mr. Colerado Jewett has gone to the United States, anal proposes to engage in business in Baltimore. UNITED STATES VICE-CONSUL AT HAIIDURGII.--" James R. M'Donald, ono of the leading American mer chants at Hamburgh, has been appointed by Mr. Williams as United States Vice-Consul. No better or more popular appointment could be made. Mr. M'Donald has long been connected with that consulate. Baron Gerolt, the Envoy of the North German Confederation, was officially received by the President on the 24th January. " Colerado" Jewett is busy at Washington, where a great effort is being made to procure the admission of Colerado as a State of the Union. Since the President vetoed the bill for its admission a year ago the population has increased 5,900. Clarence E. Brown, who wounded so many of his assailants at Amherst College with a chisel, has been presented with a seven-shooter. James Guthrie, Senator (Democrat), from Ken tucky, is about to take his seat, though still in feeble health. He left Louisville for Washington on the 18th of January. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills.—Worn-out suf ferers may hope for relief from these purifying an d strengthening pills, after physic and physicians 110 0 failed to effect a cure. In all disorders of the stomach, irregularities of the bowels, derangements of the live r ' diseases of the kidneys, these pills will be found especially useful in reinstituting order and restoring health. Hello way's pills clear away obstructions, remove poisonou s particles from the blood, secretions, and system generallij give purity and regularity to the circulation, tone iiF` e power to the stomach, energy and vividness to the brain' Holloway's pills can be confidently recommended as resto ratives of constitutions shattered and broken up by ( 30-: cessive mental labour, intemperance, inordinate indu l g ence, or other hardships which make the young man old. Births. DARROCH —On the 9th inst, at 5, Beaufort-gardens, th e wife of Duncan Darroch, Esq., of Gourock, of a son. KARSLAKE —On the 10th iost., at 31, Chester-terrace, B e ' gent's-park, the wife of Mr. Preston Karslake, of • son. NOEL —On the Bth inst., at 79, Onslow-square, Kensington, the wife of A. Leland Noel, Esq., of a Poll' Marriages. CORRY—KING—On the Bth iust., Captain the Hon. Arrnse Lowry Corry, RN., to Geraldine, fifth daughter .of J'` c r, King King, Esq., M.P., of Staunton Park, Hereford. shire. DEBENHAM —SMITH—On the Bth inst.. at Cheshunt, 1 1 ° et° ' Horace K. Debenham, Esq., of Presteigne, Badnorshiees to Eliza, second daughter of the late T. F. Smith, 854" of Broadway, Worcestershire. Deaths. , 1 1 . CHENERY —On the 9th inst., at E a msgat', Charles .• Chenery, aged 84. `•- home SODEN—On the Bth inst., at Coventry, suddenly, •--- Soden, Esq., •10td 70. o vo, SHALES—On • the inst., at 43, Westbourne-grn, Bayswater, Thomas Edward Shales, late of Brigbw aged 48. ter, VERNON—On the 7th inst., at Holyrood House, Wor ces-- Mrs. Mary Vernon, ag.ed 90. ,! 11 011 ' WAY—On the 9th inst., John Way, Esq., of SPaYn -5 Great Yeldham, Essex, aged 76. __..----t•-"'''.----- virs London : Printed and Published by WILLIA.II AN D , II ,, 112 f of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tall SUN ODIO O 9 tv of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , in the CAuzin" autmeaex.—Tuesday, F ebruary 11, IS6B. A" Afte London LIINC High &c. p z SENT OI On at p.tn. to This ( Pre M. ( It is p Sold i the Ager V B. 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