The Sun. — London, England, 1845-11-27 00:00:00

l by th 'rfnres at tiro ;tle. ,ady in arsha l N of th e terry in pa rty in al C° ll. ~ clock w oe. liaist ers Stan le y' :heq uert d Gra n . ht B°n• d iota biteh" . Cante r. e tbe C°°"' :ong and colent' be Colo. T oisc' , to g et Ondruni o'. • wia "1 1 6 DO — the Fro, d is .peav .faro , 6 01 e ve it s o r Sir, 11S. . A• 856) IP , il ; 0 0th t T° THE OF THE ELECTORS CITY OP LONDON. GNI. b.. -`lnen,--The present state of the country, in 7Pr. wird to its supply of food, cannot be viewed without may eheusin. Forethought and bold precaution may triert any serious evi ls — indecision and procra.sthtfui 1 to so prod us a state of suffering which it is frig 4,htetaPlate. meat -.tee Weeks g o it was generally expected that Par ln would bae immediately called together. The au to ftent that Ministers were prepared at that time po is lt° „ visa lli . e Crown to summon Parliament, and to p rtesull their first meeting a suspension of the importto.e : 1i cern, would have caused orders at one b pot,ehmearious ports of Europe and America for the or the and-transmission of grain for the consumption fete s 'United Kingdom. An Order in Council dic e. g With the law was neither necessary noredesir itself p,,,._ 11 . 0 party in Parliament would have mad MThTh o listieficial. terinsible for the obstruction of a measure so urgent Queen' s m• • tilt ',Torii Ministers have met, and separatedre,lwieift.h it li,,, a g 113 any promise of such seasonable . dder hot" Us, therefore, the Queen's subjects, to iti c i o lt n e: t slit s i ties w e can best avert, or at all events m g vt l ,_ . of no ordinary magnitude. il theudevlls require your consideration. One of seriously 15 trts of i3ell t , 'e' in the Potatoes, affecting very It, - '4lglatid and Scotland, and committing fearful Its ia Ireland. eXtellt . N , b, Of this evil has not yet been ascertained, ted di lets e. "ealt, indeed, tends either to reveal unexp i e oe c sly ettert,4l:4te abate in some districts the alarm p . t hih oe ihed• tut there is one misfortune peculiar to the rn 4 .4 t 7 uthis Particular crop. The effect of a bad co. L et4l ' l l. aae first place, to diminish the supply t out ' s: 4 s and to raise the price. Hence dim * ish . e l y d n W hich 14 , 1 en, and the privation of incipient scarcity, b N r tht4e Who stock is more equally distributed isititated".7eari and the ultimate pressure hits• But the fear ofthe breaking out of o),,o dine h holders to is thisgreatly r Yint r ,,,. sea so,in the potatoes induces t e "was tint • 1;lie. market, and thus we . have at one and the *. :le4 kit rapid consumption and impending deficiency The ul likso 7 of the article and cheapness of price. th ,,ao itkotfrh'ring roust tberebybe rendered far . more l se h v a e v r e e .s,e t erwise would be. The evil to which t trio k aY be o wn adverse season, to a mYs lia di g toan science or of e4 r , e i : eas e ill the potato,to want of of uo , r tit li te l ' e r : t li , o s ga t i tig for the failure the plant. In any of these cases the ~' no more subject to bla . me ,4t Ilientira.to crop, than it was entitled to l cr e e n d j i o t ye fo d r . L Atiethisatee.orn harvests which we have late 1 , 11 the f;.. '4, harvests under which we are y su r ff e e m ri e n a g . , 'QY t a ,,:at of Ministerial counsel and Par i °f p " 1, .• It i s l'ece ar•attetlt ago, on the the direct consequence of an Act e to lli tset ( h tti ' Passed three years . o f the ita,, ,Wa ' It °II . °I the present advisers Get -net to very this law grain of all kinds has been made ade .- 're s e I ' 3 ' high duties on importation. These dt_ne 7tu the contrived that the worse the quality of h : o ... 8 the duty ;so that NE I t I gher i , 4 4 - ' v a• a th eor a, guarter the average price 0 when good wheat ship is h e : ec ali h at .' a nd the duty 15s. or 14s. a qu f ar a te ll r. wheat l'hus dit t sale points to fair, while the Ti r, , er a storm *rite g q . '"et p i n. : ag o by P rs •••' mated out many fis h ° l l th e years -of tit eorn•lawsand was urged upon the atten -11 t , e Ifo o , ' barkit / ~,tederat4on e coa • -°, C ommons when the present Act was -utifes ' eilo tk 8 that on the general subject my ag e , ..e eo „ %10 4 . r . 'lle of twent years, undergone a great views I, , , a t itia to ` tk ased to be of o y pinion , that . corn was an I N "aler,,otieue general rules of political economy ; la °ll tbt t o 11 a nd experience have convinced me that . 7 off 415 stain f etu t eed. Neil from all interference with the sup- tetmeterregher a Government nor a Legislature_ 5i,,; ,. *1 1 ,,,, 0 t i i ‘e the corn market with the b e e h n a e se fic a i r a e l kilt 0 44 , th oll c ;ereanitire freedom of sale and Fir k htt Nellie ,p, oto , te f or 8 B to produce. Com- Years endeavoured to ob f t o a r in a a corn th_lte of th.,148 Sabieet. In 1839 I voted kekill'hstitjtiwh°le Rouse, with the view of supporting ov e Llti 18, t1 4 ,?f a moderate fixed duty for t f he the lidl then Isth-queot or ' 4 . as the intention o quarter. jeerlow' Past session pro n° a fixed duty of 44', These I proposed the imposit B iOn a of so:: t he% ;._ Ile htleae p r opositions were successively met th e ; q 18 19 ivreaent First Lord of the Treasury of re the; g ; ' B4O , a odeB4l by eloquent PaneglYientemaral llite'Z'll, ElYaadteP. ---plenty it had caused, tottth'setipret.e.ffused. He met the propo . si t h tio h n e s h f a o d r lat,""I otter -retioti in the same way in which pr oo,, t ald I,B2t°' securities for Protestant interests the l e 'asl t o ;',."-in the same way in which he met '7 4 : 1 Ill ent - ItbZ. Atanch.eiiter, Leeds, and Birmingham be h resot t o ,* to Parliament in 1830. ti the smolt ' resistance to qualified concessions must lo t 4 0 th e Q lt, ed. It , present instance as in those I ha f v o e r tt r 4 duty . i .'' no 'eager worth while to t‘pe:dtett 4 n 18l the free -trade party tilt et Yea r s ° f B s. a quarter on wheat, and N, thi s d contend wouldafter v a e kiy th,`° ,l utti n , , quarter tic% „77 et p r . a'e'Y abolished. But the imposition might have been fur s t i li ti e o r e r o e f - I I 441 4ent, without 'p ro vision for its extinc• 4,41 Et short a 1 , 1 1& o ft rt Period, ''o IN 'elently f r • cl hr gtte t o uitful of animosity an would but prolo d ng di a se c o o n n te te a s t t is et , e4e tbat Nu, %Tillie bread scarce and dear, when it to tit le) , rep t • e ast, of the additional price goes K ix, Which' (this strggle. Itt en tt Y, t rol ' a "is quarrel4done?elYrei m nj o u v r e i d o ) us to an annsto.n kekt k 0r,,,,, g i n the construction of our Legislature, ell of . ion, strong , in ancient associations, and the gro g 1 , tit 11, l'innortai ce s h oe , thoo, services. of ~..1 1 Prey., tong to put an end to a system which v,, , . ,cultlits4tore, , t. the blight of' commerce, the bane aka h e e s "Lie source of bitter divisions among . at th e u se of Penury, lip, ° peol_ , fever, mortality, and crime 1.1 h e it thi, ti e e , ' olieo„,„ a d is to be achieved, it must be gained mot ~...oe.l tp to b .i, expression of the public voice. It au s • e denied 4 44 . 1 4 4 41, a that many elections for cities and ki th tea that f ree rid some in 184 3, appear to favour the i,, of the _ trade is not popular with the great o 14;aitilt fe°Bol_l3aunity. The Government appear ra t . ar so Let tsar People, excus e to give up the present co )4 11 1 . 4 ' affem ° P le, by petition, by address, by remon i str • , them the excuse they seek. tpi,,,Y Propose Zmore ' inau .._ Sn ell a revision of the taxes as L i e n t th t e h i e r tit, equal .7 tinder the Public burdens more just and it 'lOlll4 le d .stbeto add any other provisions which th e th e em scrupulous forbearance may suggest; of th ilk e in artiteeilben"al of ret•trictiuns on the admission of till Pell e ," of food and clothing used by the mass thtttreat illte..zsreqired, in plain terms, as useful to f pL, 4 tie 0...... ; , t , and indispensable to the progress o 'teat n ave tb P.,dL servoat e honour to be, Gentlemen, your (4154rgh, No v' i J. RUSSELL. TA 22, 1845. Ilear4 I r is ---- _'.----•---..-.........................----- dear tb, Co__ ,„:---- kk Nis 1- 1 ; ) r. Se :NO 7 B v. tLLIERS.VVe are happy n to_ V o ` th e Irl'to ta ii,,_ r arrived late on Tuesday night in L? t i t•l,. of , itt°lll lte '490, the seat of Viscount Villiers, having . ecti v "80 MUch better as to give the fairest !it i t k l ° lir re eve lo sv'iluto:learits an Tuesday on the Northern Luna -142 pr0,,i,11(1 wherlnadvertently did injustice to some counties is!tiltiet,LeNitat:ile beat exertions have already been made_ sects Otttlii e r P,' ces for the reception and treatment ? - f ot , i,el/4etae t we J B Pect the county of Perth stands conspi d k41(1 1418 "At n of pe‘Yiyears. ago a lunatic asylum was erec . te N.NI, " 8 ar r n rtu, which, whethe r for accommodation, %h e • kid doe 'algethent !' may be regarded as a perfect Iv 14hithit.,.?5,flreat credit to the humanity and liberality t .441.14-V. q Avid oft 'tEPAnkrioNs.--IVe can state as a fact 41 44 41 taki t , c° '' high in c ommand has been privately en titOotopet segryrnieeas.. ure.ments of the large steamers under Nteir e 'ers t o c with her Majesty's Government, and ias 141)abiliti report imMediately to the Admiralty on k L 441 4 It o r ge stew for carrying guns of the largest calibre. k . '" tl ll6 Ma'l l.B l, for ming the fleet of the West I 4 11 - Ori e 1- ‘,o,llPany • also the vessels of PeMn kkbtkstrZt. Wealittearioe:ZPZ, to ether with the Great o l3 ,.. ri i t a a l i l n y t o tlitie44l,llaval officer to n _have been quietly but ific 4 4 , e A ti , . ~,,,,, su __ _ 0, well acquainted with . the coast of 44,11144.rztit3,. Sheila efornbin.ed force as these numerou ar 41 tiL444. 'plar' Wonld b orin, independent of the regul on like-,athr, sad e India ine of the strongest ever seen twe _ ve thth4l (4 kbOtit 1,2 OrtPoaris' burdensil s1)0 'low, e a u lle arl iverpou i 1 alf.°l,V linnhany A thcve ot y-ast e i ght , .---.. robbery. was committed ,:tllto ki,. Holton ~._o n o clock, this (Friday) evening, near 11 st one en the Mansfield road. It appears _eti cor e l!deoe,Zatotant, of Nottingham, had been.at -111? t ; the 0i 1,1' . "-; urt of Requests, and, on returning, 14t o °, Dur,e, alliot;',al,?Tie above mentioned, his horse fell 1 ' INT of e atr "'!'l been stretched across the road for sh o e s tet tow n a co opin g some unvvary traveller. Mr. Col tti, wilott, tree _ ? tismerable distance from his horse, and, 44 t?timpedoe4.'s seized at the bac of the neck by a Ltn s ,e.„kine, , r ,__ e the hedge bottom: another man, at 14t e ,'1 a li k f t re'u d to rifle his pockets of two sove tietq,4tl;44% 4 g e ld and a quantity of silver.— Notting t4jl;kit 44, N o b s °l2 , l d be better devised. than Nicoll's R . C7 :, 'Orlllin- '''t tO suit the - t sto t), tr,, 4 , i t n __ . ts or-variable nature of ou r en th4l o le t i t ' l er, but" w (I , _ ta,lot only the sin e qua non o f the Ni_ce,itti,oor exerersn 1 ,1 . 1 y o: be pte . d for any gentleman se i lq ts a ,i' c ' of th e ri T n .It May said distinctly to . mark (.4 trae _ .. ett v ac ,. , eteenth century, if that is rightly a rtaiot,ol be,',t.', B only conspicuous for an unpretending 4.ll!oeni; alt s o , 0 7.,i .. °thaw, wearer feelin g so much at ease. I:: l (tie k ' Pzitilblie " foe, ,rite, it is patronised highly, and is also ei4 40,41.01 fo reif ,,,, °4 lee,t being SO peculiarly English, and ax rayagailce of style. It must i lo to treat ' e 'led ".._ .vis t o u r i m r p e r m o v e e m m b e r n a n t c e over w it h th an e sol"---Zkelo.°14ttleittenasIFioiatoefdt 1410,,tailt,,,,etlettiprfatapi,4eWfeaithtedt4tlegobj t.buttoninge, which, from its ect, the warmth of the per- N.t4rir4i w ilu es are biactropbeir circulation of the blood , t• 11448) oruq4re, eallod Oxi r blue brown, and olive ; also s t , a, . t. _ oaly to he od, and can be had of the 17105:4:1 10 t zry . Wir patiZtt fespectable clothiers out of o s rd t i h r,e,eß guineas, and d is Le al;; 65, e Willi with the w and I), Nicoll', 11 g, I._teerecl 6 an 1 4 , 11 ent-street THE GREAT SKIFF RACE ON THE TYNE-VICTORY OF CLASPER. The great skiff race between Harry Clasper, of Derwent haugh, and Pocock of London, for 100/. a-side, concerning which an unusual degree of interest has been excited for some time among the lovers of aquatic sports, came off on Tuesday on the Tyne, and resulted in favour of Clasper, who won by a distance of several hundred yards. The occasion, as might be expected, caused an immense turn-out of spectators, both on land and water. The Tyne bridge, long before the expected time of starting, was densely crowded, while multitudes lined both sides of the river for several miles upwards. The steamers, too, of which there was about a dozen, were filled, even to inconvenience. Spe cial trains, carrying hundreds of passengers, also started from both the Gateshead and the Forth stations of the New castle and Carlisle Railways. The time fixed for starting was half-an-hour before high water, and the distance agreed on was four and three-quarter miles—from the Tyne Bridge to Leamington Glass-works. The weather was favourable, if we except the wind, which blew rather strongly from the north-west, and caused a heavy swell in the river. Shortly after twelve o'clock Clasper entered his skiff from the south side of the river, at the east end of Pipewellgate ' and rowed about for fifteen or twenty minutes, till Pocock, whose skiffwas launched in front of the Mansion-house, followed. At this time, the river and the bridge presented a most exciting and interesting scene. Clasper's boat, which was little more than twenty-nine feet in length, and extremely light, seemed to dance on the water in such a manner as to excite fears for its safety. Such fears, however, proved groundless, for the brave rower and ingenious builder had so covered it, both fore and aft, and even where he was seated, that scarcely any water entered. The London boat was nearly two feet longer than Clasper's, and of exceedingly beautiful mould and construction ; but, owing to its not being sufficiently well covered to prevent the ingress of water, it was at once seen to occupy a disadvantageous position when com pared with its rival. Both men, on rowing in front of the bridge, seemed in excellent condition, and equally well pre?ared for the contest. On the previous evening, they had " tossed " for the side of the river they were to occupy, when Clasper fortunately gained the north or lee side. This circumstance, coupled with the state of the wind and weather, effected a material change in the betting, and gave the odds in favour of Clasper. Parties who on Monday night bad backed Pocock freely gave five to four on Clasper on the following morning; and the latter may be said to have been the general rate of betting previous to the start. The referees were—John Rayne, Esq., for Pocock, and David Gaddy, Esq., for Clasper, and the umpire, John Currie, Esq. These gentlemen were on board the Twilight steamer, which followed the boats the entire distance. . ----- About half-past twelve o'clock, both Clasper and Pocock rowed alongside each other, a few yards above the bridge, and without any signal, made a fair start amid the most deafening shouting and cheering of their respective friends. Pocock at once shot a-head about a boat's length, and main tained his position till near the Mansion-house, when Clasper advanced, and, after keeping side by side with his opponent for a few minutes, distanced him at the Shot-tower, by several yards. The race at this time was the finest possible. Both men pulled man fully and skilfully; and contrary to expectation, Pocock again gained on Clasper, and kept up with him for a little, till, unhappily, the boats, which were running close to the river side, " fouled." On re-starting, Pocock took the lead and maintained it till the Herd's-house, where Clasper overtook him, and another " fouling " took place among some wooden piles. Pocock was the leader once more, followed hard by Clasper, who here displayed his extraordinary powers in a manner that elicited one universal shout of applause from the thousands witnessing the scene. Here, indeed, the abilities of both men seemed to be better tested than at any other part of the race. Pocock, as we have already stated, took the lead after the second " fouling ;" but Clasper, having put his mettle fairly to the test, gradually lessened the dis tance between himself and his opponent, and, when near Elswick-house, darted before him in the most masterly and beautiful style imaginable. This sudden change in the position of the boats may be said to have virtually decided the contest. Pocock's boat was evidently fillingwith water, and moved less swiftly, although he pulled with all the power and skill for which the Thames boatmen are justly celebrated. Clasper was now fully fifty or sixty yards in advance, and slowly, but surely, increasing the distance between him and his opponent. Pocock. seeing this, and fearing he might be swamped, pulled on shore op posite Elswick-house, and, after emptying his boat, now almost filled with water, again resumed the oars, and, with indomitable perseverance and ability, struggled onwards. The effort, however, was a hopeless one. Clasper maintained his advanced position, and, for a long part of the way, was about a quarter of a mile beyond his unfortunate opponent. Both pulled energetically; but, owing to the distance between them, the interest in the race seemed now to have materially lessened, and nothing was heard but loud and enthusiastic congratulations on Clasper's success. The keelmen in their boats floating down with the tide cheered and shouted lustily ; while, from either side of the river loud prolonged applause rose from the assembled multitudes, who appeared in ecstasies at the victory of the worthy son of old father Tyne. Clasper reached Leamington at five minutes past one o'clock, running the entire distance in thirty-five minutes. Here he turned and rowed back to meet Pocock, and on coming alongside the two rivals shook hands. Pocock then went on board one of the steamers which had sailed after the race, and returned to Newcastle. Clasper rowed home to Derwent haugh, whither he was followed by his enthusiastic friends and admirers. . . . • The result of this contest, it is almost unnecessary to say, excited the most lively feelings of joyous satisfactiea in the town and neighbourhood. Young and old seemed delighted with the victory achieved by this now unrivalled champion of aquatic sports. The fact of the Tyne having a second time vanquished the hitherto unconquerable Thames ap peared to afford an unusual degree of pleasure to the sport ing circles of our " canny " town. The amount that has changed hands in betting is said to be very considerable. We heard of one stake, probably the highest, of 600/. to 4001. in favour of Clasper. We are certainly within the mark when we say that from 3,0001. to 4,0001. changed hands on the occasion. CHARGE OF MATRICIDE.—OH Tuesday, Mr. Payne, the coroner, held an inquest at the Sir John Falstaff public-house, Kent-street, Borough, on the body of Mary Horrabin, aged sixty-seven, who died on Saturday night, of an injury which, it appeared, had been inflicted upon her per son by her son, John Horrabin, a labourer, aged twenty-two. The jury returned a verdict of Manslaught er, and Horrabin was committed to Newgate for trial Mr. Higham, Secretary and Comptroller-General to the Commissioners for the Reduction of tha National Debt had an interview with the Chancellor of the Ex chequer on Tuesday, at his official residence in Downing street. The Earl of St. Germans had also an interview with the Right Hon. Gentleman on Tuesday. We understand that the officers of her Majesty's Customs have been for some time past watching, and have at last succeeded in tracing, a most valuable consignment of foreign articles, consisting of 300 gold watches, brooches, cameos, &c., imported into this country from Germany without paying the high duty chargeable theron. They have been removed from place to place since they were landed, and were finally deposited in the house of a dealer at the west-end, where they were seized by the officers. As further investigations into the subject are now being made, it would be premature to mention names, or enter into details, as it might defeat the object the officers have in view. BRUNEL AND ins BIRTH-PLACE.—The village of Hacqueville, in Normandy, is deserving of mention as the birth-place of Mark Isambert Brunel, the engineer of the Thames Tunnel. He was educated at the College of Gisors, and when the vacations called him home, his favourite re sort was the shop of the village carpenter, whose tools and instruments had greater attractions for the youthful en gineer than Latin and Greek, and his allotted holiday task. He has frequently described the wonder and delight with which he, for the first time, beheld (1784), on the quay of Rouen, the component parts of a huge steam-engine just landed from England. " When lam a man (he said to him self) I will repair to the country where such machinery is made." The Gazette of Tuesday night contains two Orders in Council, one admitting pot and pearl ashes, and specimen illustrative of natural history, into British possessions abroad free of the duties imposed by the Act for the Regulation of the Trade of British possessions; and the other permitting the French to import into St. Helena, from the dominions of France, such goods being the produce of those dominions, and to export from the said island to any foreign country such goods as they are permitted to im port or to export, respectively, into or from her Majesty's possessions in the West Indies and America. NEW EMPLOYMENT FOR PAUPERS.—A communi cation from the Poor-law Commissioners was laid before the Hertford Board of Guardians at their last sitting, authorising them to employ the poor in the workhouse in extracting the flour or starch from diseased potatoes, free of expense to any poor person who should send them to the house for that pur pose.—Chelmsford Chronicle. SERIOUS AFFRAY WITH A RAILWAY SURVEYOR AND HIS ASSISTANTS.—On Friday afternoon last, a serious affray took place near the village of Appleton, about eight miles from York, between Mr. William Higginbottom, a railway surveyor, and his assistants, in the employ of the Cambridge and Lincoln Extension, and Lincoln, York, and Leeds Junction Railway Company. It appears that Hig ginbottom and about nine others, his assistants, attempted to enter a field in the township of Appleton Roebuck, which field forms a portion of the estate of Sir W. M. Milner, Bart. Their progress was opposed, however, by the watchers and workmen in the employ of Sir William, which gave rise to a very serious conflict, the surveying party having made a most determined attack upon the men who ob structed them. The latter at one time were likely to have been overpowered, but having obtained a reinforcement, the surveyor and his men were obliged to make a retreat ; but he and six others were taken into custody and conveyed to York. On the following day (Saturday) the defendants appeared at York Castle, under the charge of having riotously assembled together, and assaulted Thomas Cart wright and others. During the investigation it was shown that one man, named James Foster, one of Sir William's party bad been dangerously wounded in the head, and Cart wright had received a severe cut in the head, as had also Davies, one of the defendants. It was urged by Mr. Ander son, that Sir William Milner having refused permission to the above railway company to survey his estate, the de fendant (Iligginbottom) had caused to be brought from a colliery in the neighbourhood of Leeds, a number of per sons, of whom the defendant formed a part, to enable him to make the survey in spite of Sir William. The magistrates were of opinion that the assault had been proved, and they therefore bound Higginbottom over to keep the peace for six months, himself in the sum of 301., and a surety in the same amount. The other defendants were required to enter into their own recognizances of 20/. each to keep the peace for six months. BIRTHDAY or THE DUKE OF Buccr.Euctr.—A numerous party of the Duke of Buccleuch's tradesmen dined together on Tuesday at the Freemasons' Tavern, in honour of his Grace's birthday. Mr. Butler presided, and was sup ported by Mr. Stultz, Mr. Cuff, Mr. Cobbett, Mr. Staunton, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Pugh (who officiated as vice-chairman), &c. The " Health of the Duke and his Family," was drunk with enthusiasm. The musical department was, as usual, under the management of Mr. toter. The evening passed off most pleasantly, and the dinner and wines were excellent. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—KING'S EVIL OR SCROFULA EFFECTUALLY CURED BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINT MENT.—Very lately some of the moat surprising cures in this terrible complaint have been made by the powerful virtues of these universal medicines. If space would admit, the par ticulars of some few cases might be cited, which would no doubt astonish our greatest medical men. Suffice it to say, that many who bad been cripples for years have been restored to the use of their limbs, their wounds being completely healed; while perfect health, by means of these pills, has been the portion or blessing of all who have been so fortunate as to use these admirable medicines. Sold by all druggists, and at Pro. fessor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORN] NG NOVEMBER 27, 1845. —even if they in Sheffield found in the meantime no visible or material falling off in their trade, they might depend upon it that their wholesale dealers,'when they sent their travellers and commercial agents into York shire and Lancashire, would have very different accounts from them than those to which, for the last two or three years, they had been accustomed. The depression would, therefore, infallibly reach them in the end. In six months' time it would be sure to overtake them. They would then be in as bad a plight in Sheffield as their neighbours in Lancashire were in already. The time had come when the people of this country would no longer stand the continuance of the pre sent state of things. The other day a gentleman in Old ham, where a meeting similar to the present one was held, asked his friend (Mr. Bright) what resolutions they should propose, when Mr. Bright proposed that they should resolve " that they won't stand it any longer."—(Cheers and laughter.) If such were their resolution at every similar meeting, it would require no great power of divination to foresee the result. A bad harvest had, at last, comeupon them, and in this country such an occurrence must necessarily be a great calamity. —(Hear, hear.) Were corn with us a regular article of commerce the evil would be much mitigated, and, he would venture to say, entirely counteracted. But the monopolists would not allow that corn should assume such a place in our commercial transactions. They kept no store of corn against the evil day, when a defi ciency came suddenly upon them, and when it did come . it visited every interest with depression, caused pro perty, which was worth 50,0001., to drop down at once to 25,0001., and forced the working people to resort to the union workhouses for that sustenance with which they could not supply themselves from having no employment.—(Hear, hear.) Such were the evils and convulsions superinduced by their re strictive laws, which prohibited them from stor ing up corn against the day of want, and being prepared for the contingencies of a deficient har vest.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not a disgrace to them that, with all the resources which they possessed for commerce with the whole world, by restrictive laws, they should set at nought and nullify all the improve ments and all the discoveries of recent times, and having nullified all these, that the people of this country should be reduced, by being limited in the supply of their food to what could be raised upon their own soil, to the con dition of the Hottentot and the Red Indian?--(Hear, GREAT FREE-TRADE MEETING. REGISTRATION IN YORKSHIRE. A numerous and highly influential meeting assembled on Monday evening, at seven o'clock, in the great room of the Cutlers' Hall, Sheffield, for the purpose of consi dering the urgent importance of making renewed and more strenuous exertions for placing as many voters as possible, favourable to the cause of free trade, upon the register of the West Riding of Yorkshire. At an early hour the door leading to the hall was be sieged by crowds waiting for admittance ; and although admission could only be procured by ticket, for which ls. had to be paid, the large hall was filled almost to suffo cation for some time before the commencement of pro ceedings. At seven o'clock Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright took their seats upon the platform, and were received with the most enthusiastic cheers. Mr. Edward Smith, of Sheffield, was unanimously called to the chair ; and beside him we observed Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ; John Bright, Esq., M.P. ; Dr. Thompson; Henry Wilkinson, Esq. ; W. Fisher, Eaq. ; Richard Solley, Esq.; Thomas Jessop, Esq.; Aldermen Turton and N. Hoole ; Charles Wilson, Esq.; P. Nailor, Esq.; T. Roebuck, Esq.; and Edward Vickars, Esq. No inconsiderable portion of the audience consisted of ladies. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings of the evening, observed, that be hoped that it would not be long ere the people of this country would look with sur prise at the fact, that such a law as the corn-law ever existed on our statute-book. What was there ever to recommend it to their good opinions ? It had acted injuriously upon the agriculturists of the country, ruin ously to the manufacturers, and answered no other purpose than to serve as an excuse for enhancing the profits of the privileged classes, at the expense of the other orders of society. In order to secure these profits to the privileged classes, the rest of the community had to submit to a loss one hundred fold greater than the profits which were secured by it. Why was such a law allowed to con tinue ? Why was such an imposition still laid upon the people of this country ? Why, on the first whisperings of a famine, were the corn-laws not swept from the statute-book ?—(Hear.) Were they to be for ever ad mitting principles in the abstract, and not be guided by them in their practical conduct ?—(Hear, hear.) Had they yet to learn that the laws which they impugned were hurtful to all classes of the community ? Even now " coming events" were casting " their shadows before," and the dread that there might be a scarcity of food had already deranged all their monetary operations. —(Hear, hear.) Let them look at the panic which was now existing in the Share-market, and see how this dread was also operating in raising the rate of interest ; and they well knew, from past experience, what must result from all this. When the rate of interest rose the banks in due time would become careful in respect to the ac commodation extended to their customers, and trade must necessarily suffer in all its departments. Had the people of this country yet to learn that dear food meant low wages, Scarcity of employment, interruption to commerce generally, and depreciation of every species of property? These lessons they had already learnt to their cost, and they need not endure seven years more of suffering to fix them deeply in their minds. In respect to the question of the corn-laws, fallacy had been accumulated upon fallacy by the monopolists, and, for some time, with considerable effect. Now all these fallacies had been detected and exposed. What, for instance, had lately become of the cry of " Don't be dependent upon foreigners ?" They should and would be glad to be so dependent, if they could only find those on whom they could depend for a supply of food. Where, also, was now the cry about the peculiar bur dens upon land—those burdens which were invisible when they were moved for in Parliament ?—(Hear, hear.) Then was the outcry that, as the corn-laws were doomed and must be relinquished, time should be given to prepare the farmers for the change which was to be effected. But how much time should be given them ? How much time had already been given them ? The corn-laws were passed when he was quite young, and now that he was becoming grey he did not find that the list of farmers who appeared in the Gazette had in any degree lessened. There had been, in fact, no attempt at the preparation which was sought to be made if time were only given. The cry for time for preparation was another fallacy which like all the rest, had now entirely disappeared. All parties seemed now agreed upon principles, and all par ties were ready to admit that the right of the cause lay with the League. But they had relied too much upon people knowing what was right, under the presumption that when they knew whit was right they would do what was right.—(Hear, hear.) They now ceased to rely upon the mere diffusion of information; they had given over talking, and were beginning to act.—(Hear, hear.) In entering upon the sphere of action they were willing to throw themselves upon the highest authority. and cone was more so than that of Sir Robert Peel, who said, " Register, register, register," and they would take up and act upon his words, and " register, register," too. The great battle had now to be fought in the registra tion courts ; for it was by perfectly constitutional means that they must break the fetters which surrounded them. —(Hear, hear.) It was by means strictly within the letter of the law that they sought to meet their adver saries with the weapons which these adversaries had for merly wielded against them with success. With these weapons they were now coming into the field. Indeed they had already used them with some success. What had been done last year through their instrumen tality ? It was a good beginning that ; but they intend to do much better during the present year.— (Cheers.) 'They were daily becoming more dexterous in the use of that great weapon, the registry. Last year they had been disappointed at not adding more than 2,000 to the registry in Yorkshire, but the result of the cam paign upon which they were just entering would be of a very different stamp, inasmuch as they were now better aware of what they were about, and could use their weapons more adroitly, and, consequently, more to the purpose than before.—(Hear, hear.) Their friends (Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden) had come there to lay the sub ject of the registry before them. They would give the meeting most encouraging reports of what had been done in other places, and they would point out to the people of Sheffield bow easy and practicable was the road to success. Let the people but carry out the sug• gestions which would be thrown out during the course of proceedings that evening, and the day of reckoning with their spoilers nod oppressors would not be far distant. Let them but work together, and with those who thought with them throughout the country, and he was certain that, at the dissolution of Parliament, many of those who were now occupying seats in the House of Commons would receive notice to quit, which they would be forced to observe—(Hear, hear.) It was to stimu • late their zeal in this matter, by showing them what had been done elsewhere, in reference to the registry, and by furnishing them with hints and obsorvations on which they should act, that their friends on his right and left had arrived amongst them ; and he trusted that the men of Sheffield would now show some of that cou rage, spirit, and energy, which enabled their ancestors to oppose such resistance to the Norman invader ; and that they would manifest some of that independence of principle and action which enabled Sheffield to stand honourably at the head of the polling list of West Yorkshire at the last election.—(Hear, hear.) Had they lost anything of their former spirit? Were principles once espoused now less valuable in their sight? He believed not ; and he augured much good from the spirit which seemed to pervade the numerous respect able assemblage now before him. He would trouble them no more at present, bat at once make way for Mr. Cobden, whom he now called upon to address them.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN, on coming forward, was received with loud and prolonged cheering. Silence being restored, he observed that there must .be something peculiar in the present aspect of affairs to induce so large an assem blage as was then before him to meet together on that occasion. He did not know exactly whether the people of Sheffield were circumstanced as were those in Lanca shire at the present moment, who had just experienced a great reverse in their trade. It would not be unde sirable that they should know how their neighbours were going on, especially as it generally happened that, within six months of the time when the cotton trade suffered depression, the iron districts there and else where were sure to follow. Within the last six weeks they had suffered in Lancashire a more sudden and severe depression than had been sustained since the time of the peace. It was not a difficult matter to account for the sud denness of this depression. They had had a wheat harvest deficient in.quality and in quantity in this country, and they had also the failure of the potato crop ; and these evils together caused a rise of at last 50 per cent, in the cost of their provisions. Every one before him, both the wholesale and retail dealer, understood what were the legitimate effects of a bad harvest. Everybody, there fore, was acting upon that knowledge, which, to no small extent, was owing to the preachings and teachings of the League. Everybody understood that the high price of food, which was the result of a bad harvest, caused a bad state of trade, and the wholesale and retail dealers, immediately that they saw the prospect of a bad harvest before them, ceased to buy large stocks of manufactured goods, lest by-and-by these stocks should be left unsale able on their hands.—(Hear, hear.) Eight or ten years ago, the principles on which they were now all agreed were known only to a few. There was then a bad state of trade, and many people were overthrown by the tempest of adversity which swept over the land, who after staggering on fir two or three years, found themselves once more on their feet when the ordeal was over; but none of them ever thought at that time of inquiring what it was that had injured them. But everybody now un derstood the whole matter, and he had the strongest hopes and the deepest conviction that within a twelve month's time the people of this country would apply that remedy to their present depressed circumstances, which their knowledge of the causes of the depression would enable them to apply.—(Hear, hear.) They were on the eve of a bad state of trade in Sheffield. Let them not believe that his object in coming there was to make trade bad. Let them hear what had happened in Lan cashire. If people paid 50 per cent. more for provisions than they paid before—that was to say, if a family earn ing but a guinea a week had to expend ss. or 6s. more than six weeks or two months ago,—they must neces sarily have less left to lay, out in other commodities ; less to expend with the draper, the shoemaker, the tailor, aye, and even with the ironmonger—(Hear) and if they had thus less to expend for them, there must then consequently be a diminished trade in the commo dities which these dealers had on hand. People's in comes did not rise to meet the advance in the price of food. That was an old delusion, which went down with people no longer.—(Hear, hear.) Working men now understood that a high price for provisions did not cause high wages, but, on the contrary, that high wages and a low price of food invariably accompanied each other. Indeed, they might take it for granted that the. v ery reverse of what th e mono p olists told them was the trut r hi If Lancashire and Yorkshire were depressed wish to cut the throats of their best customers.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But to return :—Men talked of" the Government" giving a grant for the purpose of providing employment for the people in Ireland ; but when they talked of the Government granting money, they ought to remember that the members of the Cabinet did not con tribute money from their own pockets, but that it came from the pockets of the people, in the shape of taxes on butter, cheese, tea, coffee, sugar, and simiiar articles of consumption. If people were thus provided with em ployment in Ireland, they would require more food than if they were idle ; and where, then, was that food to be procured ? Why, at the Duke of Richmond's shop.— , (Cheers and laughter.) He would supply them with food, if they had money enough. A supply of food was required by certain members of a family, and one member of the same family who had sufficient to supply them with, stated to another member who had money, that as he gave the remaining members sufficient money to buy food from him they might have it, but no sooner. That was the case on this occasion. He had no doubt that when Parliament assembled a large sum of money I would be required for the purpose of dividing amongst the Irish population, but the true way of supplying the wants of the Irish people was by allowing into the country a supply of foreign corn.—(Cheers.) It was a strange thing that opening the ports was the course adopted in every country but England, in order to pre vent a scarcity of food. In Belgium the corn harvest was a good one, as the King stated in his speech at the opening of the Chambers ; but there was a failure in the potato crop, and in consequence of that failure they let in corn. The same course was adopted by the Dutch, by the Germans, by the Russians, nay, by the Turks, for they had no Sir Robert Peel in those countries—(Cheers, and a laugh)—to say before 658 picked men in the House of Commons, that by letting in foreign corn free of duty corn would be made dear in this country. The people of this country were treated worse than Russians, Belgians, Dutchmen, Germans, or Turks. Why, that very fact of itself ought to make them stand up for their rights. He liked the people of England to be well kicked, for John Bull required a great deal of kicking to make him exert himself.—(A laugh). In Liverpool a requisition was signed by 68,000 people, calling on the Mayor to con vene a meeting, in order that they might take into con sideration the propriety of memorialising the Govern ment to open the ports, and the Mayor refused to accede to the request. He (Mr. Cobden), when he heard of that in Liverpool, said that he was glad of it, and added that they were not treated so in Mancnester, for they elected a Mayor of a different description—the people of Liverpool deserved it, and when they conducted themselves better, they would secure a Mayor who would also conduct himself better.—(Cheers.) The insult to this country, of refusing the people an opportunity of obtaining food, would not be so palpable, if foreign na tions did not adopt the course which they now asked the Government to take. He had been recently speaking with a gentleman from New York, who told him that he saw lots of ships at New York, loading with corn for Belgium and Holland, long before any orders had arrived from England.—(Hear, hear.) How pleasant it must be to see our neighbours on the Continent making such preparations, whilst our people were in danger of starv ing. After some remarks on the same subject, he thus concluded. You cannot have good government tunless you work properly the constitution which has been vouchsafed to us. For myself, I would rather live in Prussia, under a mild despotism which is tremblingly alive to public opinion, and is so far dependent on the good feeling of the masses—l say I would infinitely pre fer such a government to that of this country, unless the middle and lower classes insure the proper working of that government which we ostensibly live under. Now re collect this county qualification literally costs you nothing. It only costs 401. or 501. to purchase it. You get the interest of your money, and it is yours to sell and bequeath. You need not be rated to the poor—there is no for mality of the kind necessary. I say, then, these are not hard terms. We cannot bring the franchise down to every Englishman, but we can bring a vast number of the working classes up to that franchise, in the possession of which they proclaim they have such an interest. —(Hear, and cheers.) I say it is perfectly practicable, too, for such manufacturing towns as this (for it is the towns make the counties, and not the counties the towns) to possess themselves of an overwhelming majority in the county representation, and that for such an object they will use their utmost exertions I have no doubt from the experience I have already gained of their zeal and public spirit.—(Cheers.) It has been said that Sheffield has stood hitherto at the head of the polling districts of the West Riding. But I have heard it mentioned that Hud dersfield added a hundred votes at the last registration, and our friends are confident they can do much more at the next. You have, then, a hard battle to fight, or, I should rather say, you have a powerful rival to contend with, and I advise you not to be supine, or you will find yourself second at the next election. Bradford is equally alive. Leeds is about to take that step which it ought to have done. You may wish to know what we in Lancashire have been doing. In 1841 the Whigs thought of contesting South Lancashire, but they found if they attempted it they should lose by 2,000. They gave it up. Three years ago the League took the matter up. We have changed the 2,000 minority into a majority of 3,ooo.—(Loud cheers.) And whereas Lord F. Egerton and his colleague walked over the course in '4l, I predict that it will be a walk over for Messrs. Brown and Villiers in '46 or '47.—(Cheers again.) Well, we have won the West Riding on the present register, but we want you to place our cause in the same position as we have it in South Lancashire. We want you to go to work now, and induce as many as 2,000 or 3,000 to qualify before the 30th January. By that means you will have no contest to fear. To contest the county it will take 8,0001. from each party, but you may do the work at one-fifth or one -sixth of that money. There will be no contest if you increase the registry to the number I men tioned, and it is of the utmost importance that there should be none. We shall want you in the neighbouring county of North Nottinghamshire. You should do as we do—help your neighbours. Every man having a food coat in Manchester (where there are of course ustian jackets as well as broadcloth subscribers to the League) takes four county qualifications—South Lanca shire. Every man in decent circumstances with us has these qualifications. We have an eye, too, on South Cheshire, and we are making up our minds to take West moreland from the Lowthers.—(Loud cheers.) We hope to get such an infusion of strength from Glasgow, New castle, Sunderland, Carlisle, and Lancashire that the Lowthers will find some difference between fighting the League and fighting Henry Brougham.—(Cheers.) Now this principle has been extended to at least thirty counties during the present year. We are carrying on the process. But Yorkshire is of incomparably greater importance than any other county. Your registry next year will be nearly double that of any other. It was a saying of Charles James Fox that Yorkshire and Middlesex together made up all England. Now when we see Yorkshire, Middle. sex, and Lancashire of one mind, I defy any Minister to carry on the Government in opposition to their prin ciples. I see the Standard has been putting forward a boasting paragraph that we have won but four counties out of forty. Now, I tell the Standard that these coun ties are of more importance than all the others—that Yorkshire, Lancashire, Middlesex. and Cheshire con tribute infinitely more to the wealth and power, as well as the intellectual and moral greatness of the country, than all the others put together, and that no Govern ment will ever be seen opposed in principle to the voice of those counties.—(Hear, and cheers.) It has always been so. Mr. Wilberforce was, thirty years ago, Member for Yorkshire. He always voted with the Government. This county was considered of so much importance that I remember reading lately, in his life, that when Mr. Wilberforce went to hold a meeting in Yorkshire, at the close of the last century, and at a time of great ex citement on the subject of the French war, so anxious was Mr. Pitt to get the adhesion of this county to his prin ciples that he would not allow Mr. Wilberforce to wait until his carriage was ready for the journey, but sent him off in his owe. Mr. Pitt sent an express with fur ther directions to his supporter at Stamford, and begged that the result of the meeting should be communicated by express to London. When at the time of the Reform Bill, too, Yorkshire returned Henry Brougham, it was the signal of the downfal of the boroughmongers; and in 1841, when Mr. Wortley succeeded Lord Morpeth, the defeat of the Whigs was at once taken for granted. And when Yorkshire sends up her Members to vote in support of Mr. Villiers for the total and immediate re peal of the corn-laws, then, take my word for it, the corn-laws will be found to be not only " doomed," but dead —(The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amid cheers which lasted for some time.) The CHAIRMAN having announced that they had col lected in the room, independently of any subscriptions from Lancashire or the West Riding, 931. 10s., and hav ing stated that this sum should be placed at the disposal of the Free Trade Association of the town, Mr. BRIGHT was introduced, who came forward amid loud cheers, and said—l should apologise for going through any arguments on the question of the corn-laws on such an occasion, were I not convinced that at every meeting of this kind there are many persons who have not attended any other, and it becomes therefore neces sary to re-state facts (which ought, indeed, to have oc curred to every man), and thus to saturate the public mind with principles necessary to the public safety.— (Cheers.) The first charge I brought against this law, when I began to speak on the subject, was, that it could not do good to any human being, unless by the mode of creating a partial famine. The simple object of the law is to get up a scramble amongst all classes for a supply of food that is insufficient for the whole, in order that by such a scramble we may give more of our labour, profits, and capital, in order that the rents of land and its produce may be unnaturally increased. But this law not only produces scarcity, but I am pre pared to prove it was intended to produce that scarcity. In 1815 the Chancellor of the Exchequer defended it on the ground that if wages could not purchase food at the price it was raised to, there might be brought to aid them the poor-rates. A law which thus placed food above the reach of some portion of the people necessarily brought about a scarcity which could only end in occa sional famine. The makers of the law were uneasy in 1815 as to the reception which their pet child might meet with amongst the people, and they sent scouts out to inquire what the people were saying about it. Policemen in plain clothes, spies, were sent int) the public-houses in London, to mix with the people in the tap-rooms and parlours—to ascertain what they said and thought, and to discover whether it would be safe to pass the Bill. These spies were paid ss. a day as wages, and 3s. for their expenses, in performing their patriotic task. Indeed we haveth identical vouchers, signed by Sir Richard Birme, sums then head of police in London, showing not for rnl the w y hich they paid to these men, but also the duties e public ue e e br r r l e eei ett s oh o epa p ltat a ec i eu d sd . a for opinionsont roh these the tt psrelea peopleppo purpose usr p tr e h r pet o s of nei Governmentrt reference f. f ei o s rdene stateddce:oto ascertainingt the e a d they ow i;i other results pend ing Corn Bill, and to N : o f eetnhte opinions s r o o b e v se e r r v o a fk t i nt o ho n we s n .- p — eto ( op H lt ia kiv r e , h et hear.) nhisth teryoua e ,br w el e , p t at h os e s naGsgooevrentlraeiii hear.) Such a state of things was a scandal to the country—a country which should, and might, be the store-house and granary of the world.—(Hear, hear.) It might, in fact, be the modern Egypt for meeting the deficiencies of other countries, instead of being unable, as it was at present, to make good its own.—(Hear, hear.) He was now speaking of the quantity of grain which might be accumulated in this country, and kept here at a profit to the merchant when it was ultimately sold, provided there was no law in existence to prevent the storing up of corn. Wheat was a thing which could be kept for any length of time. Wheat, which had been produced three or four thousand years ago, was now growing in this country—wheat, which was perhaps part of the identical stock which Joseph stored up for the famine in Egypt.—(Cheers and a laugh.) Although it might not be profitable to keep it so long as three or four thousand years, it was still a satisfaction to know that an article which formed the chief subsistence of the people should be thus indestructible.—(Hear, hear.) It was possible for wheat to be kept for three or four years, and with a good profit too to the merchant, if the trade were free. Suppose it were kept for three years instead of one year, it would not be any great charge against a casual deficiency which might occur in the fourth year. —(Hear, hear.) But how stood the case in the present year ? It appeared that we were now in Dautaic offering 50s. to 60s. per quarter for wheat, which could have been obtained by us eight or nine months ago for from 28s. to 30s. What was the cause of that state of things ? It was that we kept in this country no stock on hand for the purpose of meeting the wants of our people in a year of casual deficiency. In fact, the avowed object of the corn-law was to prevent a free trade in corn, with a view to keep the corn shop in this country safe from any competition from the shop over the water.—(Loud cheers.) It was that cause alone which prevented us from having a sufficient stook of corn on hand sufficient for the purpose of enabling us to meet a casual deficiency. Why, it was a scandal to the country that such a state of things should be allowed to continue—(Cheers) --and he would not go down to the grave with a feeling that he had acted the part of a man if, with his present convictions, he did not constantly exert himself to oppose its continuance. — (Loud cheers.) Talk of the spirit of their ancestors who resisted William the Conqueror l This was a worse state of things than any which he endeavoured to esta blish in the country. Yes, he (Mr. Cobden) was satisfied that. William the Conqueror never declared that he would keep the people of England on short allowance. — (Hear, hear.) Nay, on the contrary, he was sure that one of the first professions with which he came forward after the conquest was, that he would give to the people better food than that to which they had previously been accustomed.—(Hear, hear.) The men of the present day in England submitted to a more odious dynasty than that of William the Conqueror—they submitted to the " little loaf dynasty," by whom the collar was put around their necks, and tightening it so that they could not have enough of food.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) There never was a state of things in any country which was worse than this—a system by which hucksters were enabled to sell bread—aye, and bad bread too—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—and to say to the people, we will oblige you to buy this bread alone, and we will not allow you to go to any other shop to purchase a supply of better bread.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) It was the most cruel oppression that men ever submitted to ; but the most cruel part of it was, that in a time of casual scarcity, such as this year, we were deprived by it of the advantage of having the means of obtaining a sufficient stock of food. Who were liable for this state of things ? Distinctly they were liable who passed a law to prevent a free trade in foreign corn in this coun try.—(Hear, hear.) That law alone was the cause of this want of means to supply the existing scarcity.— (Hear, hear.) If they took, for example, any other article which we imported from foreign countries. Let them look to cotton, which we principally import from North America. For the purposes of manufacture, no less than 3,000 bales of cotton were required every day— Mr. BRIGHT—Five thousand. Mr. COBDEN—His friend Mr. Bright, who was better acquainted with the trade in raw cotton than he, said that it required 5,000 bales every day. Well, great as that demand was, the supply never failed.—(Hear, hear)—there never was a deficiency of cotton expe rienced since the peace—there never was, since that period, a mill stopped or a machine in danger of being starved for want of cotton to feed it.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) We had at present eight months' provisions of cotton in Liverpool, whilst the new harvest of cotton was gathering, and almost gathered, in America, so that in all we might calculate on having at present twenty-one months' - or two years' supply of cotton. That was the case with respect to an important article of our consumption which was of foreign growth, but the trade in which was free. Then there was the article of tea, which we were allowed to lay in a stock of. Tea came from a foreign land—from a country whose inhabitants or extent we scarcely had any acquaintance with—yet the supply of that article never fails, and we bad at present a sufficient quantity in England for two years' consumption. Take indigo, which was another article of foreign production, but the trade in which was free ; and it would be seen that we were always enabled to have a sufficient stock of it in the country. In the same way all other articles of foreign growth, the trade in which was free ; and it will be found that our supplies of them did not fail ; whilst the case was different in the case of the articles which the foul finger of mono poly had touched, such as sugar and coffee, which were articles of great importance to our people. We could not get these in the same manner, but in all the articles of foreign produce the trade in which was free, such as indigo, spices, cotton, and tea, we had always from one to two years' supply in store. Well, what a predica ment the country had been brought into from the ope ration of that law.—(Hear, hear.) What excellent housekeepers they were who never looked to the state of their larder until it was almost empty, and allowed it to become in that condition before they inquired if there was a market open at which they could get any further supply.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was said that the potato crop had failed—so it had—but the failure of the potato crop ought not to have been such a calamity to a great country like England.—(Hear.) Why, the potato crop had failed for three years succesively in America, and it was thought so little of that in this coun try it had hardly been heard of, and when heard of it was only through the means of scientific publications. Why had they heard so little about the failure of the potato crops in America for three successive years? Because no man, woman, or child, in America, was constrained to live on potatoes alone. if that were the case there, why, he would ask, was it, that in England four or five millions of people rejoiced on potatoes, as Dr. Marsham said, and he deserved nothing better to rejoice upon for such a speech?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Americans had an abundance of corn, and if we let them know that we wanted wheat or Indian corn, they were able to supply us with it, and would willingly supply us with it, if they were informed that they could have in return our cutlery, and our manufactured cottons. —(Hear, hear.) If they could *Main those in return, we should soon obtain more corn from America than we could pay for. It was recorded in Holy Writ, that the son of the Patriarch laid up corn in Egypt , in order that a supply might be easily obtained in a time of scarcity, and when a time of scarcity arrived, his brothers went into Egypt to obtain from him a supply of corn. Why should we not, in a similar way, apply to our brother Jonathan, in America, for a supply, as we had no brother Joseph in Egypt ? (Laughter and cheers.) It was, he was quite sure, a great deal better to go to oure.brother Jonathan for food, than to go to fight with him.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Cob den) did not like- to hear of people's minds being fami liarised with the idea of fighting, for be conceived that it would be a great deal better to trade with him than to encourage the idea of going to war with him.—(Cheers.) Those states which produced cotton and tobacco, the ar ticles which we consumed, had no desire to go to war with us—(Hear) —and it was only within a few days that he read an account of a dinner at Charleston, in South Ca rolina, at which the health of the Queen was proposed, and received in the most enthusiastic manner, for that was one of the portions of the United States which produced those articles which we took from America.— (Hear, hear.) What were the portions of the states in which there was no desire to go to war with England ? The Atlantic cities, the State of Pennsylvania and New England, those which were connected with England by trade and commerce ; but in the states of the west, where wheat and Indian corn, and pork and beef, were produced, those articles in which we refused to trade with them, the warlike spirit towards this country was evinced.—(Hear, hear.) If we, however, took a different course from that which we at present adopted—if we took from states of the west their barrels of flour, and pork, and beef, and butter, they would like us as well as the southern states, inasmuch as 'people do not usually sures which they have reason to suppose will be for the real benefit of the people. It is a curious circumstance, but wherever I go I find the people constantly and in variably attributing the present depression in trade to the operation of the corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) This law, which was passed ostensibly for the purpose of pro tecting the native industry of the country, and to give us, who are manufacturers, a constant supply of good custom from the home trade, to give to capital fair profit, and to labour fair wages ; th's law, which promised so much is now looked upon by almost everybody as the guilty party in causing the present almost universal depression.— (Cheers). My opinion is that the present prospects of trade in this country are anything but encouraging, and that their being bad and gloomy is entirely traceable to the existing corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Six weeks ago there was, generally speaking, a fair trade throughout the cotton districts, and, in some parts, the trade was exceedingly brisk, and more than ordinarily profitable. The demand was then constant, and suffered little or no check whatever, until after a long period of rainy and unfavourable weather, the harvest was found to be deficient, and prices gradually rose ; and, in addi tion to this, an alarming rumour was spread abroad of the almost total failure of the potato crop. Now there is no other cause whatever, to which the present depression of trade in the cotton districts can be attributed, except to this. All the old things which were formerly said are now no longer mentioned as the causes contributing to this lamentable result. There are joint stock banks now in Manchester as there were four or five years ago, yet nobody uow thinks of attri buting the depression to them. There is at present also far more machinery in Manchester than there was then, but nobody is now foolish or mad enough to trace the depression to the progress of machinery. There has also been a larger production of manufactured articles than before, but no man now saddles the depression on over-production.—(Hear, hear.) The truth is, that there is now a great and general cessation from buying those productions, because the people are becoming im poverished as the price of food advances, and here lies the whole evil.—(Hear, hear.) And sooner or later it is to be feared we shall have a state of things to deplore such as we had four or five years ago. lam inclined to believe that those who fashioned and passed the corn. law will find that their system is now working ra ther inconveniently to themselves.—(Hear, hear.) At an agricultural meeting in Banbury, held a short time ago, the Honourable: Member for Oxfordshire observed, that he was extremely glad that they had had a few weeks of good weather, because had the bad weather continued, the price of food would have risen so high as to be exceedingly incon venient to those who were anxious to maintain the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) The object is, that the rise in price should be just as much as the country can and will bear without becoming dissatisfied and violent. It is a con stant system of tension, but they never intend that the string should break.—(Hear, hear.) It is just that sort of plunder which they hope, at any rate, with the help of a good military force, and all the appliances which power and tyranny can command, can be maintained without risking the overthrow of the plunderers.—(Hear, hear.) A very respectable inhabitant of one of the southern counties told me, a few days ago, that he did not expect that the corn-law would last for ever, for that the popula tion must eventually become so great as to render it im possible that the produce of this country could feed them. I asked him when he thought the corn-law should be re pealed? He said that he could not fix the precise time, but that he had no doubt it would be done when the pressure became strong enough.—(Hear, hear.) There was in that expression a deep meaning, which it became them all to understand. When amongst the twenty seven millions of people feeding at the ill-supplied table of this country, suffering, discontent, famine, crime, pe verty, disease, and mortality prevailed—when all these calamities, heaped upon a suffering people, are become so great that they can endure them no longer, then, but not till then, do our agricultural friends think that the corn-laws should be abolished.—(Hear, hear.) I was once here, three or four years ago, when your artizans were in a very different condition from that in which they are at present. You, along with all the great towns in the empire, suffered greatly during the years which in tervened between 1838 and 1842. Is there any man now in Sheffield who pretends to give any other explanation of the cause of that suffering than such as we furnished by the League at the time, and such as the League offers them now. It was the failure of your harvest that wrought the evil, combined with the denial, on the part of the Government, of the right to the people, which they should unquestionably possess, of bringing supplies of food from abroad, whenever they are convinced of the necessity of so doing.—(Hear, hear,) If you wish to assure yourselves of the importance of having trade good, you have but to look at the effect, in reference to crime alone, of its being bad. Sir James Graham stated in the House of Commons, that in the year 1836, the commitments in England and Wales amounted only to about 20,000. In 1842 they had risen to 32,000—(Hear, hear)—or something like 60 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) The commitments in 1842 were 32,000, and in 1843, a year of good harvest, they fell to 29,000—last year they fell to 26,000, when there was a good harvest. Sir James Graham stated that since the period when statistical returns of commitments were commenced, there never was an instance of such a dimi nution in the numbers of commitments in two years, and I have no doubt that if the harvest had been good this year, they would have fallen to 20,000, as they had in 1836. According to the present increase in the price of bread, the country is paying at the rate of 400,0001. a week more than it was paying six months ago for food.— (Hear, hear.) That is only for the grain consumed by the people for food, but when we re collect the quantity consumed by horses and in va rious other ways, it will be found that the nation is now paying at the rate of 20 millions a year additional for its food as compared with the price of food six months ago. —(hear, hear.) Why, those twenty millions would make twenty railways of thirty miles each—they form a sum equal in amount to the whole of our colonial trade, and more by one-half.—(Hear, hear.) Some time ago it was said, in some of the papers, that our home markets and our colonial markets were all that we required, and that if we had them in a state of prosperity we need not care much about the foreign market. The colonies take thirteen and a half millions of value a year, so that the landlords continue to suck up twenty millions a year with this sponge of the corn-laws. They thereby do as much mischief as if they destroyed two-fifths of our foreign trade, or the whole of our colonial trade and half as much again. The effect of this law is quite evident—it is clear that whilst this scramble for bread is going on there will be no scramble for cutlery.—(Hear, hear.) There are 100,000 persons in your town, and supposing, according to the ordinary and actual calculation, that they should increase to the extent of 2,000 every year, what must be the result of such an inerease if their means of obtaining food are not also increased ? It' 2,000 persons are born more than die in Sheffield every year, it is fair to say 1,700 or 1,800 of those will be of the working class, who, when they grow up, will look for work, and must have it, and thus will beat down the wages of those who were here before them.—(Hear, hear.) They will ask for food, and they must get it, and this competition will raise the price of food upon those who were there before them. What happens, then, if the trade of Sheffield should not increase in equal pro portion ? It will follow that such an increase of the working population will bring down the price of work, or cause the population to be employed at short time, and if no additional supply of food should be procured, the chances are that the population will be put on a shorter allowance than before. Under such circumstances, if the supply of food should not increase, the condition of the population must become deteriorated ; and what is true of Sheffield in that respect is also true of every city in the kingdom. The extension of trade at home is injured by this law, whilst the extension of trade abroad is also checked and retarded by it. In the next session it is probable that there may be a modification of the American tariff ; and speaking of that tariff, I may re mark, that whatever injury our trade suffers from the American tariff is owing to our Government ; for if we had no corn-law to wage war on American productions, there would be no American tariff to wage war on our productions.—(Hear, hear.) If the effect of the corn laws be then what I have described them ; if they pro duce famine and bad trade, what ought the people of this country to do ? I am sure the people of England will not submit to such a state of things.—(Cheers.) I -...... . _ should have no hope in their resistance to any tyranny that might be attempted, if they did not resist this. — (Cheers.) And those opponents of ours, when we come to measure them, are not such as we need be greatly afraid of. We don't find their newspapers more clever than those of other people—rather less so. We don't, find their public orators—if they have any such—suc ceed particularly well. We don't find they send to Par liament men with whom any one of order or capacity need hesitate to break a lance. You don't hear any man of common intelligence in the House of Commons get up to defend the corn-laws. Sir James Gra ham, Sir Robert Peel, or Mr. Gladstone never do so. It is true a squire from Somerset now and then says a word in their defence.—(llear, hear, and a laugh.) He says when mutton and veal are cheap,farmers cannot be remunerated—he did not add the rest—" and they cannot pay us our rents." I don't wish to speak harshly of landed proprietors. I don't think many of them have examined the question. They have been brought up in the notion that England is their country, and they , tell us, " let those who don't like it leave it." They look on manufacturers as mere shopkeepers, and as not hav ing any gentle blood as they have not along line of dead ancestors to boast of. Now, I confess, I have much more respect for that nobility which has been valiantly suf fering and working for others, than for that whose boast it is that they made others suffer for it.—(Cheers.) They fancy they were born to consume—w to wstate i ork s, and their notion of trad e in its propere when those engaged in the work have suffered them selves to be plundered and don't grumble.—(Much laughter, and cheers.) The House of Commons in this country is held in shares. The people have a small interest in it, but some how or other they never get into the provisional or acting committee. —(Renewed laughter and cheers.) We come to the question, " Are we to sta nd it an y lon g er ?" The Standard says we have gained four counties at 300,000/ , and that we must have as many millions to win all the counties. Now, I say the money would not deter us if we saw the prospect of such success.—(Hear, and cheers.) But take the proportion Lancashire bears to the other counties Cultivated area of England _ _ and Wales Acres 28,749,000 Ditto Lancashire Rental of real property in England and Wales £85,802,735 Ditto Lancashire Rental of dwelling-houses in England and Wales Ditto Lancashire I recollect perfectly well when Lancashire went over to the monopolists there was a cry of reaction throughout the kingdom, W hen free trade Members are returned for that and some other large counties, the rotten- borough Members and the nominees of the Lords cannot keep a Government in existence for a session. If one fifth of the grown-up population of your town register there is no fear of a contest in this county. You should take up this question as one of life and death to your selves and to the trade of Sheffield ; and if you do es Halifax, Huddersfield, and Leeds are prepared to do, and if the small towns will follow your example, as they ine vitably will do, your voice—as it was formerly the signal of the downfal of the Whigs—will speak with a voice of thunder in favour of free-trade, when you choose to take on yourselves the exercise of the franchise.—(Cheers. Dr. THOMPSON, in moving the first resolution, said that he appeared on that occasion before the meeting as a member of the Anti Corn-law League, a body repudiating all political partizanship—(Hear, hear)—and whose object was to promote the comfort, the happiness, and well being of the people generally. They heard much of the anticipated famine ; and no famine could occur without being accompanied by a pestilence.—(Hear.) Pestilence was not only engendered by want of food, but by the supply being of a deteriorated quality. Such, then, was the prospect at present before the country.-- (Hear.) Dr. Thompson concluded by proposing the following resolutions—" That this meeting re joices" at the immense progress which free-trade opi nions have made throughout the United Kingdom, and especially at the fact that upwards of 2,000 free-traders have been added to the West Riding list of voters during the present year ; and pledges itself to the most active exertions to procure a large addition to that number on the next year's registration, being fully convinced that the friends of free trade have the power of making such additions to the number of freeholders in the West Riding, as to render it hopeless for any can didate to come forward on other than entire free-trade principles." The resolution was seconded by Mr. E. Vicerts, and was carried with acclamation. Air. W. FISHER proposed the next resolution, which was to the effect, that a Registration Committee should be appointed, to consist of the present Committee of th© Free Trade Association, with power to add to their numbers. The resolution was carried unanimously. On the motion of Alderman HooLE, seconded by Al derman TURTON, thanks were voted to Mr. R. Cobden, NIX., and Mr. J. Bright, UP., for their unceasing exer tions to promote the cause of free trade ; after which the meeting separated. NORTHERN AND EASTERN RAILWAY. The meeting of the Proprietors of this Company, ad journed from the 12th, was held yesterday, at the Station, Shoreditch, at 12 o'clock, to consider the proposition for uniting the interests of the two companies submitted to them by the Eastern Counties Company. It. W. Ken nard, Esq., the chairman of the previous meeting, again presided. The advertisement calling the meeting having been read, The CHAIRMAN proceeded to address the Proprietors. He regretted that Mr. Paterson, the Chairman of the Board of Directors, was again unable to attend through indisposition, being still confined a prisoner to his house. As the present was an adjourned meeting it would not be necessary for him to go over the ground he had tra versed on the last occasion. He would first correct a misunderstanding into which some of the Proprietors had then fallen about dealing with the divisible fund. The proposed dealing with that fund did not in the slightest degree affect the guarantees made by the Eas tern Counties Company. It had nothing whatever to do with those guarantees, but they would remain precisely as they were before. Since the previous meeting a full account of what then took place had been sent to every Proprietor ; and also the Directors had given the fullest attention to all the objections which were urged on that occasion. In doing so they had found great difficulty arise as to how they should deal with those who had invested trust money in the concern, and the time intervening had been employed in devising a remedy. Happily, an alternative had been obtained from the Eastern Counties Company, which would be found in the resolution that had been circulated among the Proprietors as they came into the room, and which would be submitted to them that day. The resolution gave them all that was necessary. It proposed an increase of six per cent. from five per cent., as at present guaranteed, as an equivalent for giving up the divisible fund. Whether, however, they took the five per cent., and their chance of the divisible fund, or six per cent. without, they would still possess the right to have new shares allotted them in proportion for every share now held. They would also possess the right to share rateably of all profits that might accrue, after the per centage guaranteed the Northern and Eastern Coun ties Company, with a similar rate of dividend to that which the Eastern Counties Company had been paid—that was, after the Eastern Counties Company had received five per cent. on their capital, and the Northern and Eastern their guaranteed per centage as per resolution, the profits would be equally divided pro rota. Though the advantages on these terms at pre sent were considerable, in the event of the com bined Company reaching York, the benefits would be much greater. At present the rivalry of opposing lines affected the prices of all their shares, and kept the Northern and Eastern Counties at 191, though that was still a considerable advance upon their original cost. But, supposing they were successful in their application to Parliament, and obtained their Bill, then would the premiums at present paid on the London and York, the Cambridge and Lincoln, and other competing lines, merge into their stock. So far this would show them the benefit of taking up the new stock. The resolution that would be submitted to the meeting contained another agreeable alteration from the former proposition. It provided that, whether the Bill was obtained or not, the agreement respecting the gua- ranteed interest should stand good. Whether an Act of the Legislature was got or otherwise, the agreement was to be permanent. There was another point to which he would refer, regarding the capital stock. This stock was in all respects to be considered partnership stock if a Bill was obtained. Another alteration would be found in the 7th section of the resolution, that in the event of the Eastern Counties Company being unsuc cessful in their application to Parliament, all money paid as deposits would be returned. The Eastern Counties Company took upon themselves all responsibility on that account. The secretary would now read the reso lution to the meeting. The following is the resolution which was then sub mitted : " 1. That the amalgamation agreement between the two Companies shall, as from the lst July next, be changed, to the effect that the net profits shall be divided rateably over all share capitals of both Companies, subject, however, to the preferences or guarantees after mentioned. 2. The new capital of 4,500,0001. to receive 4 per cent. per annum in the usual manner, while the new lines are under construction; and when the same have" opened for traffic, such capital shall commence taking its rateable share of net profits. " 3. Proprietors of Northern and Eastern shares agreeing to accept the allotment of two new shares of 201. each in the new capital of 4,500,0001. to be raised by the said Eastern Counties Railway Company, for each share of 50/. of the Northern and Eastern capital, shall have the same allotted to them. "4. That the share capital of the Northern and Eastern Company, held by the Proprietors last mentioned, shall be entitled to receive in perpetuity their present guaranteed 5 per cent. " 5. That Proprietors of Northern and Eastern shares de clining to take the said allotment of two new shares of 201. each in the New Extension capital of the Eastern Counties Company of 4,500,0001., about to be created, for each 501. of Northern and Eastern capital, shall, as from the let July next, receive 6 per cent. per annum as a guaranteed interest or rent, and shall, after all the remaining capital shall have received 6 per cent., be entitled to share rateably in the sur plus net profits for an additional dividend. " 6. That all Northern and Eastern Shareholders, receiving only 5 per cent. per annum as a guaranteed interest, shall, along with the Eastern Counties Shareholders, he entitled to a rateable division of all new extension shares to be created after the date hereof. " 7. That in the event of Acts of Parliament for the exten sions not being obtained, the deposits on the New Extension shares of 4,500,000/. shall be returned without deduction, but without interest." The CHAIRMAN said he bad another remark to make which he had forgotten. The quarter-shares were still to receive six per cent. ; and when the term provided for was expired the six per cent. would be still paid on them. Still, the holders of the quarter-shares would be required to make their election respecting the new stock at the same time as the other Proprietors. A PROPRIETOR wished to know if the shares referred to would be entitled to six per cent. in perpetuity . ? The CHAIRMAN—Yes, if they ma k e their election to take six per cant. in lieu of the new shares. The resolution was then formally moved by Mr. DUNCAN, and seconded by Mr. UILEY. Mr. LEEI said the third section ofthseha e resolution o theolution made reference only to the allotment of the d to know wNhoernthethrneseanedewEaahsaterrens would at the same time as the ootimlibaenyalloit'teedw? The CHAlRMAN intimated ishe stock to the other Comp anies interested. Mr. LEVI then read the first section, and said that, according to that condition, the new shares would have to be allotted to the Northern and Eastern Companies at the rate of 141. 65., whereas they were worth at present ISt or 191. Sup posing th e shares were to go to a discount, wo u ld th e y still be allowed their deposits buck? The CHAIRMAN—Yes, but without interest. A PROPRIETOR wished to know the amount of deposit that would be required to be paid on the new shares ? Mr. WARD said he believed 21. 10s. Mr. GURDEN inquired if the third section of the re solution only applied to the present proposed extension ? Mr. WARD answered, only to that. It had nothing t• do with extensions hereafter. Mr. Llivs, though he considered the terms an im provement on the previous ones, was not prepared to fall in with them. He had somo time ago bought 100 shares at a considerable premium. On these shares, taking that premium into account, he was not receiving five per cent. Still he was desirous of remaining as he was. Ile bought the shares as an investment for the benefit of his family, and not as a speculation. He had consulted his family on the present question, and they did not seem desirous of running a tilt with the London an d Yor k , and:paying up deposits. They were not disposed to !F n into a race of rivalry with that Company to please Mr. Hudson. The CHAIRMAN—It is not to please Dir. Hudson. The wish y agreement is to be with the Eastern Coutnotiebse personal, Company. Mr. LEVI said he did not still he could not avoid it on that that occasion. The extension project Counties till had never heard of .this the it that that Compa n y not hit Mr. Hudson came into Company. How wa s had Eastern pro perty, and w hen Norfolk and S uffolk were full y opened on it before? His only Fish was to protect their pro up to them , be had no doubt they would be in a far better position than running to York to suit Mr. Hud son. He had invested in the Company that his family might have 4, reversionary interest in it, and therefore, as one, he could not consent to the resolution. - % i , - ._ •