The Sun. — London, England, 1868-05-26 00:00:00

ZPIEI32._OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Tim es congratulates the House of Commons on the amount of real business it can get through if it tries. There was the Scotch Reform Bill, for instance. The set tlement of the franchise clauses of the Scotch bill would in itself have been a fair evening's work, but the introduc tion by the Government of a revised scheme of redistribu tion and the adoption of its chief provisions by the Com mittee are wonderful strides towards the end of the bill. The new scheme is a great improvement on the old, and, though needlessly halting, it was in many respects better framed than Mr. Baxter's proposal. There is no sufficient rea son whyten seats should not have been taken from England, but the transfer of seven has been thought a reasonable compromise, and if the eighth seat provided by the union of Peebles and Selkirk be given to the Edinburgh instead of to the Jedburgh or Hawick Burghs, the redistribu tion effected will be the best yet proposed. This is the point to be decided on Thursday, and to which attention should be directed. As the Govern. ment have given up their design of weeding the Clyde counties, they may consent to relinquish their new proposal to weed a great noble's Border land. A third member for Edinburgh, elected, like the third member for Glasgow, on the minority principle, would secure the representation of large and important sections of Scotch society now unrepresented, and may meet the inconvenience that might otherwise follow the disfranchisement of Thetford. It is in this way that the monotony justly deprecated by Mr. Lowther can best be avoided, and the representation of Scotland placed on a basis upon which a larger superstructure can be built in after years. The characteristic of Scotch repre sentation, hitherto pecaliar to it, is that the county members are almost entirely of one party and the burgh members as entirely of the opposite party. So antago nistic a result, where there is no real antagonism of interests, condemns the present system of representation ; and those Conservative statesmen who desire to effect a lasting settlement, and those Liberal statesmen who desire the greatest possible number of voters to be represented, should unite in supporting proposals designed to secure both these objects. The Telegraph has a word of serious advice to offer on both sides. It is the obvious duty of members to drop useless talk, and to devote all their energy to the business before the House. It is their duty to avoid such scenes as those of Monday night. Every member who indulges in conversation without immediate purpose helps to delay the anxiously-expected appeal to the new constituency. If we finish the session at the earliest possible moment, there will be a longer holiday than usual ; but that will hurt nobody. While affording the Liberals time to confront the great and qnlemn task which they have undertaken, it will give the Conservatives time to examine the principles of their political faith, which has been rudely shaken by the whole march of recent events. Moreover, it will secure to both sides an early recess, during which they may arrange f,,r a dissolution at the earliest possible moment. Thus Parliament may assemble at the beginning of the year, for the decision of the main question—Which of the, two great parties in the State is, without loss of time, to undertake the accumulation of important work that public opinion has marked out for prompt and effectual execution ? Amid the excitement of politics and the sound of par liamentary strife, the Post finds time to write a leader on the constitution of our military services. Devoting espe cial attention to the militia, it points out that its weak point is admittedly that of the officers, and it has been fre quently suggested of late that they should receive com missions from the Crown, instead of from lord-lieu tenants, as an inducement to gentlemen to serve ; and it is to be hoped that no objections of a trivial character may be allowed to stand in the way of grant ing this boon, if such it should be esteemed by the great majority of militia officers. As regards the training of militia officers, surely sufficient advantage is not taken of the facilitieh offered by the regular regiments. Would it not, asks our contemporary, be a very agreeable and efficacious mode of learning their work if militia officers were frequently attached temporarily to the nearest regular regiments ? It appears to us that every induce ment and facility should be offered to them to seek instruc tion in this way. The Daily News comments on the charge which has so frequently of late been brought against our English inns— that they are unsafe. To our contemporary it seems hard that establishments which have been so eloquently praised should be now branded as unsafe, and that " ring -men " cannot store their gains there with security. But it is at least consoling to know that the losses are principally con fined to a class, and that the depredations which follow in the wake of race meetings rarely occur at other times. It is on record in the pages of a popular magazine that on a great sporting occasion at which Mr. John Heenar, and Mr. Tom King were the heroes of the hour, self-acting pocket instruments were displayed, the merits of which consisted in their lodging a bullet in the stomach of an intruder. These were urgently recommended as useful accessories to a bedroom door, and were inspected with grave approval by the patrons of the ring. After much deliberation and dis cussion, it was, however, decided that, though "handy things enough, and useful in other countries, they weren't so much wanted in England, where the hotels were mostly safe"—and this verdict we should be sorry to see upset by the experiences of any other set of sporting men. Cool heads and carefully-locked bedroom doors on race-nights would do much to save the inns from scandal and their customers from loss. The Standard, dissecting Mr. Vernon Harcourt's letter on the Irish policy of the Government, contends that in substance there is no contradiction between the opinions and the acts of the Ministry in the matter of the Roman Catholic University. As even " H." could not have failed to understand, had he lowered himself to that 'duty, the Government proposed nothing but to do an act of justice to the general body of the Irish Roman Catholic laity, not to endow or to support the Roman Catholic Church. They expressly stipulated as a necessary condition of the boon they were willing to concede, that the priests should not have the exclusive control of the funds to be bestowed. It is in this respect that the Irish policy of the Ministry has been deliberately misrepresented, as Mr. Disraeli complained, and by none more grossly than by " H." him self. As to the greater number of his quotations, they only prove this—that four of the Ministers did not always express themselves in precisely the same terms in regard to the Irish Church. We need not defend the Govern ment against a charge so trivial as this. We know of no principle of political duty which requires that every Minister shall think exactly alike with every other Minis ter on all points of policy. It is possible that there may be honest and truthful men in the Cabinet, who still are unable to express themselves in precisely the same lan guage on all occasions. It is incomprehensible that there should be found a critic at once so arrogant and so narrow minded, so lofty in his ideal of morality and so low in his imaginings, so exacting of purity and yet so prone to think evil, as to utter a solemn accusation of falsehood, deceit, and duplicity upon grounds so paltry and foolish v those which " H." has selected. The Herald comments on the defence set up by the con vict. It says :In the interest of justice it is well that the hollowness of the artifice should have been thoroughly exposed, and that even by an extra-judicial and some what irregular investigation the falsehood of the defence set up should have been. once more demonstrated. Had au inquiry been refused, Barrett would have had some shadow of pretence for giving himself the airs of a martyr, and undoubtedly there . would have been some who would have believed, or affected to believe, in his innocence. All pretence for this kind of romancing has now been taken away. Repeatedly respited, that no opportunity of arriving at a correct conclusion might be missed, the prisoner has had a fresh chance of life, in the course of which he has again been proved to be deserving death. This being so, it is well for society that Mr. Gathorne Hardy has stood firm to his duty, and has allowed no weak sentimentality to induce him to grant a life which the law has declared forfeit, and which it would have been a sacrifice of the interests of society any longer to spare. W e regret the stern necessity which requires the sacrifice, as we lament the wretched delusion which instigated the crime. But having regard riot only to individual suffering, hut to general well-being, We must accept inevitable severity as the truest clemency, and 'must hbpe that Barrett's fate may not be without a salutary influence upon those who have shared or sym pathised with him in his desperate enterprises and in his atrocious offences. Several military enter. tainments took. place on Monday evening. A large party of the Ist (Royal) DraL,onns sat down at the London Tavern ; at the Albion, Lieut.-General Hamkey presided at the annual regimental dinner of the 3rd Hussars ; the sth Lancers also dined together at the Albion, under the presi dency of Captain Vandeleur. The annual dinner of the Bth (King'sßoyallrish)Hussars took place at theLondonTavern, General Lawrmson iu the chair. The 9th Laticers dined at the Albion ; and the 71st (Highland) Light Infantry Irwt at the London Tavern, Lord Methuen presiding. The Right Hon. E. Cardwell, M.P., and the Right ilon. Robert Lowe, M.P., have during the past few days been visiting Oxford. Their presence in that ancient city is attributed to recent political events, as in case of an elec tion a Conservative candidate is threatened ; while Mr. Lowe is likely . t o b e unoccup i e d , ow i ng t o th e propose d disfran clu.sement of the borough of Caluc, which the right hon. gentleman nowyepresents. Mr. Charles Neate has given no nucleation of forsakin,, his friends at Oxford, although it has been taken for granted, in consequence of something tat a PPe4eil in twilit ? that 14e w 0414 uo>i 5t444 4 c94te4 3TILITAny DINN LAW AND POLICE. THE UNIVERSAL BANKING CORPORATION.—In the full Court of Chancery the cases of Messrs. Harrison and Rogers, which were appeals from Vice-Chancellor Stuart, were heard. In the first case Mr. Harrison, a gentleman living at Chester, appealed from a decision of the Vice. Chancellor, fixing him as the contributory of the company for fifty shares. In the second case the official liquidator of the company appealed from a decision of the Vice. Chancellor, absolving a Mr. Rogers, of Chester, from liability in respect of one hundred shares for which he was on the register of the company. In both cases the alleged contributory intended to make his application for shares conditional on his being appointed a local manager of the company. In the case of Mr. Rogers there was evidence that this condition was communicated to the compaly at the time the application for shares was made, but in the case of Mr. Harrison there was no such evidence. In neither case was the appointment made. Their lordships affirmed the decision of the Vice-Chancellor in each case, and dismissed both the appeals with costs. THE CLAI3IS OF ILLEGITIMATE CHILDRES. —The fol lowing case, in which will be found some points on the above question, came on for argumeht before Vice Chancellor Giffard. A man named Thomas Wells, by his will, after certain bequests to his son, who bore the same name, directed his trustees, after liquidating his debts, to divide the residue into seven equal parts, one of which was to be given to his widow for life, and after death to such of his six children as received the remaining shares. With regard to those six shares the trustees were directed to pay the same among all his children living at his decease (except Thomas). The testator had five legitimate and two illegitimate children (Thomas and Ann), and the question upon this petition was whether, having regard to the mention of Thomas (who was illegitimate) as one of the testator's children, and to the direction to divide the residue into seven parts, one for the widow and the remaining six for the children, except Thomas, the illegitimate daughter Ann was entitled to a share in the gift. It appeared that after the death of the testator one of the sharei had been mortgaged, and that the mortgage deed, which was executed by Ann and two of the other children, treated her as entitled to one of the shares. It was contended on the one side that Ann, as an illegitimate child, could not claim unless clearly named by the deceased ; whilst on her behalf it was contended that she was as much entitled as Thomas, another illegitimate child, who had been clearly designated as one of his heirs. The Vice-Chancellor said there was no designatio per some in the case of Ann, and the mere mention of Thomas as "my son " did not lead to the inference that it was intended to include her. If the tes tator after excepting Thomas, had gone on to make the ;rift to his six other children, there would have been a suffi cient designated personce ; but he had not done so, and therefore it must be held that she did not take any share under the will. /kenos FOR FALSE Moms°NmENT.—At the Nisi Prius Sittings of the Court of Common Pleas an action was brought against Mr. Eccles, a superintendent of police of the X division, for false imprisonment. Mr. Anderson, the plaintiff, was a medical student, and it seemed that one night in November somebody knocked at the plaintiff's door, and he ran after the supposed author of the disturbance, but returned home, and had no sooner done so than he was seized by the defend. ant, and was accused of knocking at his door and taken into custody, as was his brother, who subsequently made his appearance, enveloped in his nightgown. The defence was that the district of Paddington had been for a long time disturbed by knockings at the doors at untimely hours. On the night in question the defendant was undressing, when he heard a loud knocking at his door, and saw the plaintiff running across the street very fast and entering his own house. He followed him and asked him why he knocked at his (defendant's) door. He denied that be had done so. The plaintiff's brother then came up and used some opprobrious epithet, and told the plaintiff to " pitch into him," which they both did. The jury found for the plaintiff ; damages, £lO. CAN A CLERGYMAN BE EXAMINED ON HIS OWN BEHALF?—In the cause of the Bishop of Norwich v. the Rev. R. W. Pearse, who was charged before the Dean of Arches with immoral conduct, the above-named question was settled. After hearing the arguments of Dr. Deane against such a mode of procedure, his lordship said that ex o f ficio, an ordinary, under the old law, could put a clergyman on his oath, and on an admission pro ceed against him, but in the Act of Charles 11. the ex o f ficio oath was abolished, and it was thought that an accused clerk was not a competent witness. In the case of "Burner v. O'Neill," Dr. Lnshington had held that a clergyman charged with an offence of a criminal character could not be examined ; and in the case of " The Bishop of Norwich v. Berney," the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council bad in their judgment said the question was one which could be reconsidered. Now, his own conviction was that a clerk could be called, and he would act upon it, and allow the defendant in this case to be examined. As the question was certainly most important, he would when be gave judgment enter fully into the matter. TILE FEYS OF TILE CITY COURT.—In the Court of Queen's Bench the case of Regina v. the Chamberlain of London, exparte Malcolm Kerr has been heard. Mr. Coleridge, Q.C., made an application to compel the cor poration of London to pay to Mr. Malcolm Kerr, judge of the Sheriffs' Court, the Small Debts Court of the City, a large portion, about half, of the fees received in that court under the new jurisdiction conferred by the Act of 1867. He was appointed in 1859, at a salary of £1,200 a year. In 1865 £3OO a year was added under the Act of that year, imposing new duties by reason of a new jurisdiction, and his present application was for a cor responding increas‘ , on the same ground, under the Act of 1867, the point of his application being, in a word, " more work more pay." The application was rested, in a legal sense, upon a provision in the Act of 1867 that the fees should be applied as those under the Act of 1852, under which about half were to go to the judge, unless there was a salary in substitution. The form of the appli cation was a motion for a mandamus to the Chamberlain, as treasurer of the corporation, directing him to pay Mr. Kerr that portion of the fees. The bench said that suffi cient bad been advanced to shew that it was highly desirable that the case should be argued, and therefore granted the decree nisi. ASSAULTING A WITNESS.—At the Middlesex Sessions, Henry King was indicted for inflicting grievous bodily harm on Thomas Welch. The prosecutor was witness against . a friend of the prisoner's, who was sentenced to a long term of penal servitude, and the accused way laid the prosecutor and violently assaulted him. The court passed a sentence of five years' penal servitude, as the assistant - judge remarked, "to mark the feeling of the court on offences of this kind." Ties MARQUIS TOWNSREND'S PIIILANTTIROPT.—At the Thames Police -court the Marquis Townshend brought a boy before the magistrate who had been turned out of the workhouse dressed in a canvas suit, with the words " Jack from the country," " a skulk," &c., painted ~n the trousers. It was stated that the labour master at tcliff Union.had been the cause of this being done. He was called before the magistrate and severely reprimanded, and the Marquis said that he should lay the case before the Poor-law Board. After leaving the court, his lord ship very kindly purchased the poor lad a suit of clothes. A builder, named Mr. Hughes, has committed suicide in the most shocking and deliberate manner, by laying himself down upon the rails in front of an ap proaching trhin. The affair occurred close to the Perry `tar Station, Liverpool, and the man was seen by the engine -driver to stoop down and put himself across the rails, but the train could not be stopped in time. The body was found cut in two and otherwise fearfully muti :ated. " Miles " sends the following extract from a private letter from Melbourne to the Times :—" You know how excitable a people we are here, and will there fore not be surprised to hear it is estimated that over C 320,000 was spent by the Government, public bodies, lud private persons on the different festivities and entertainments. The whole crew of the Galatea (about 300) were supplied with fresh meat, poultry, milk, fruit, and vegetables for the six weeks she was here, and a ton of ice was sent on board every morning for their use." A short time since two farm labourers were charged before a bench of Wiltshire magistrates with improperly leaving their work, they having started for home on one occasion at four in the afternoon instead of at ,ix. Their master claimed 4d. damages from each wretched defendant, and as he was a humane man, and did not wish to be hard upon them, they were let off with the forfeit of ;me day's wages and the payment of costs, with the alternative of ten days' imprisonment in default. This was done under the Master and Servants Act. FOXES IN CHuncx.--In a secluded valley in the Yorkshire wolds stands tliJ ancient church of Wharram Percy, quite apart from all human habitation. Only on Sundays is the church frequented, and the congregation have been somewhat surprised to find a breed of foxes in possession. An air drain for ventilation from the outside bas been need as an " earth," and by this means access has been gained to the pulpit, beneath which an old fox and her litter of fine cubs are, except when unearthed during divine service, comfortably domiciled. The novelty has been communicated to Morgan, Lord Middleton's hunts man, who declares that during his forty years' experience he never before heard of such a circumstance, and tIOTOr Witli a fug lgoo4 of foxed, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 26, 18i8 THE "CHURCH TIMES" AND THE CA2 HOLIC CII URCH. The Church Times, one of the two ritualist organs in England, in an article itself contain inc, eight distinct false charges against the Catholic Church, states " that the Ultramon tanes are not fair controversialists." This is like the pot calling the kettle black. We have no doubt that these eight charges are made by the Church Times not in bad faith, and therefore not unfairly, but in ignorance—an ignorance which, however, is so gross as to be culpable. Can our readers imagine that a writer who is engaged in the stupendous task of teaching a new, and, we readily grant, a better theology to the Church of England than it has ever before been possessed of, should be so ill informed as in good faith to make the following propositions concerning certain facts and doc trines in the Catholic Church:-Ist, that the Catholic Church elevates private crotchets to the rank of inspired revelation ; 2nd, that the ITltramontanes have alienated the educated laity from the Church in every continental land without exception ; 3rd, that if the doc trine of the Immaculate Conception be true, then St. Augustine, St. Anselm, St. Bernard, and St. Thomas died in heresy ; if it be not true, then it is heresy to force it on the Church; 4th, that in the country parts of France and Italy it is matter of routine for the clergy in their sermons to attribute greater efficacy to the scapular than to the Blessed Sacrament ; sth, that it is a fact positively established by ecclesiastical history that the Pope is not in fallible ; 6th, that Pope Leo 11. anathematized the memory of his predecessor, Honorius, as a heretic who tried to subvert the faith ; 7th, that the heads of the Catholic Church in Eng land declare that every statement made by .the successor of St. Peter is of divine authority; ar,d lastly, that the clergy of Paris have come _ _ to the decision to take no notice of the Sylla bus, and not to refuse absolution to those who deny several of its leading provisions ? How is such an undigested mass of unsup ported assertions to be dealt with ? To meet these eight distinct charges—for every one of these propositions, in the sense put forward by the writer, contains a falsehood either as to fact or doctrine—with a direct negative is unsatisfactory, for there must be something in the writer's mind, some error, or misconception, or confusion, which prompted him to bear un wittingly false evidence against the truth. Let us endeavour to help him to discover the root from which these various errors as to fact or doctrine spring. We do not impute, as we said before, to the writer in the Church Times bad faith or the heretical spirit which delights in error for its own sake. When, therefore, we ask for proof for any one of the above propositions, or expose their inaccuracy, we do so in the belief—for, otherwise, we would not enter upon a controversy alien to our habit —that the writer in question, if he have no proof at hand, will not attempt to construct one on an afterthought or in a controver sial spirit, but simply rejoice with us in re moving a misconception which has acted as a barrier, at least in one honest mind, to the real union of Christendom, which we all alike desire. Let us begin, then, by separating in these eight propositions matters of fact from matters of doctrine, for then we shall be better able to deal with the various errors. In some instances, we hope a few words will suffice ; in others we can only point out the source of the error and leave, we will not say to our oppo nent, but to our fellow labourer in the dis covery of the truth to pursue at leisure inves tigations which a patient and candid temper of mind under higher influences can alone bring to a successful issue. The greater number of the writer's objections to the Catholic Church refers to facts which either do not exist or which do not operate in the way he describes. Two only of the propositions may be classed as doctrinal objections, viz., the first proposi tion in our list and the third, and they need not detain us long. By " the upliftin g of private crotchets to the rank of inspired re velation " we understand, making allowance for his somewhat inflated style, the writer in the Church Times to mean the sanction which the Church bestows on popular devotions. Now the real question is, are these popular devotions obnoxious to Catholic doctrine, or only to the peculiar refinement of taste cora- mon to English Protestants of every shade of opinion ? We cannot even guess against what doctrine th ese d evo ti ons offend, and therefore, until some proof is offered, we must put down their obnoxiousness to want of fami liarity on the part of the ritualistic writer with the devotional life which is the natural result of Catholic teaching. When the ritual ists become more at home in the Catholic doctrines they have adopted, they will learn to appreciate the value of the popular devo tions which now offend them because their taste has not yet been wholly purged of its Protestant leaven. This objection may be safely left to time and humility. The other objection, which makes out St. Augustine, St, Anselm, St. Bernard, and St. Thomas to be heretics, is a more absurd error, and is another proof how ignorant Protestants are of even the first elements of Catholic theo logy. We 'should have thought, however, that the ritualists by this time ought to have known that heresy is the wilful denial of a dogma defined as of faith by the Church. The dogma of the. Immaculate Conception, however, was only defined in the present Pontificate ; con sequently, the rash and illogical assertion of the Church Times that St. Augustine, St. Anselm, St. Bernard, and St. Thomas died in heresy falls to the ground, since there is no obligation imposed by faith on any Christian to accept any doctrine as an article of faith until it has been solemnly defined and pro mulgated by the Church. Had these great saints and doctors of the Church accepted Pomo doctrines and rejected others proposed to their acceptance by the authority of the Church, then only would they have been guilty of heresy. We will not retort upon the ritualists that this culpable eclecticism which they so rashly impute to canonized sai n t s i s th e main error of their own position, for we candidly believe that even the most advanced of this school have not as yet emancipated themselves from the thraldom of the prime principle of Protestantism ; and, therefore, their conduct is not fairly amenable to the test of Catholic principles. When, like the saints whom the Church Times has dishonoured, they fully re cognize the authority of the Church as superior to private judgment, then only could such eclecticism as they now practise be fairly de scribed as formal heresy. _ _ Bt from the objections against Catholic doctrines ctrines or devotions, to the facts advanced by the ritualistic writer against the Church, let us again separate facts alleged to be positively established by ecclesiastical his tory from contemporary facts, asserted with a like degree of assurance. The defection of science from Christianity in most countries of Europe, but more especially in Protestant Germany, in France and England, and a false intellectualism more or less widely spread, are grave questions, not to be treated in the flip pant and off-hand style adopted by the Church Times, which imputes with singular want of discernment, the alienation from faith of the educated classes, to the effects of Catholicism. In our " Sketches of Catholicism " we will endeavour to account for the partial revolt of science and philosophy from religion ; in the meantime, we may safely state, from evidence already carefully prepared, that where educated thought is not Catholic it is not Christian. Secondly, it is abundantly clear that where philosophy has ceased to be Christian, it is owing not to the teaching of the Catholic Church, but to the presence of the rationalistic philosophy of Germany—the natural result of Protestantism—which has gradually pene trated like a poison into the intellectual sys tem of Europe. Protestantism, indeed, as a school of thought, has ceased to exist, both in Germany and in England. In either country there are to be found a few philosophical apo logists for Christianity, but too few to con stitute a philosophical system. Catholicism, therefore, is the only intellectual and philo sophical opponent of infidelity. To the false systems of philosophy in Germany, France, and England, it opposes Christian philosophy. The only safety for the educated laity in Europe is the Catholic faith; because it alone affords a rational defence against the Pantheism of Germany, or the Positivist philosophy of France and of England, where of late years the disciples of Comte are occupying the ground vacated by Protestantism defunct. How then it can be asserted that Catholicism has alienated the educated laity, we are at a loss to understand. On this point also we deside rate from our ritualistic contemporary expla natory evidence. Another charge which we have to meet is of too grotesque a character for serious refutation. It belongs to the category of Protestant delu sions common to " the saints of Clapham," among whom the tradition used to be kept up that the Catholics of France adored the Pope, worshipped idols, and wore wooden shoes. For the ritualistic writer in the Church Times to assert that it is a matter of routine for priests in the country parts of France and Italy to teach in their sermons that the scapular possesses greater efficacy than the Blessed Sacrament, only shows the profound affinity which exists between every section of Pro testants. None but a Protestant, familiar with Protestant traditions, and unable to realise Catholic doctrine concerning the Blessed Sac rament, could conceive so monstrous an ab surdity or make so offensive a charge. On this point no more need be said. Like too many of our Protestant contem poraries, the Church Times does not appear to be well-informed on Continental Catholic mat ters, or otherwise it would not have made a statement concerning the Paris clergy, which is the direct reverse of the truth. It states, and apparently in good faith, that " the clergy of Paris have just come to the decision to take no notice of the Syllabus, and not to refuse absolution to those who deny several of its leading propositions," whereas the fact is that the clergy of Paris, in one of their accustomed Conferences, in Februarylast, with the sanction of the Archbishop of Paris, arrived at the con clusion that a confessor is bound, before giving absolution, to require the penitent to reprobate, not only the errors condemned by the leading, but also those condemned by the lesser propo sitions of the Syllabus. If the Church Times is betrayed into such gross errors on matters of contemporary history, which a reference to Catholic sources of information would have obviated, how can we do otherwise than mis trust its equally positive assertions about established facts of ecclesiastical history, when these facts, like the charges which we have just exposed, are intended to damage in the eyes of its readers the character and authority , of the Catholic Church ? This keen, con troversial spirit, which in its heat or reckless haste snatches at every weapon which may serve to weaken the iu,fluence of the Catholic Church, has already exposed more than one of these Anglican writers to the charge of a want of truthfulness. The Eirenicon was a notorious 'example of this spirit. Since the exposure by Dr. Newman,.by the editor of the Dublin Review, by the works of Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Allies, and Father Harper, of the mis statements and perversions with which that unfortunate work abounds, we had indulged the hope that a spirit of fairness in contro versy, and of strict and careful truthfulness would have been the leading principle of the ritualist school, for such a spirit only can con duce to the reunion of Christendom. We trust that the writer in the Church Times, whose charges we are examining, will acknowledge the necessity we were under, as a Catholic journalist, not to allow statements which we know to be incorrect, to be circulated without an immediate contradiction. _ _ _ In a future L4, --- 1;e;i11 refer to the facts asserted by the Church Times to be positively established in ecclesiastical history, viz., that the Pope is not infallible, and that in a formal letter Pope Leo 11. ,anathematized his pre decessor Honorius as a heretic who tried to subvert the faith ; and, finally, we will briefly examine the singular assertion made by the same writer, that the heads of the Catholic Church in this country declare that every statement made by the successor of St. Peter is of divine authority.—Westminster Gazette. TIIE DISESTABLISHJIENTI OF 711 E ANGLICAN CHURCH. In the principle enunciated in the first re solution moved at the Protestant meeting, in support of the Irish Establishment, held in the City on Monday last, we completely and cordially concur ; the only difficulty we experience is in its application to the Estab lished Church in England. This important resolution declares—" That this meeting, be lieving the highest duty of a State to be the maintenance of true religion and virtue,' is of opinion that our present constitution of Church and State ought to be upheld, as affording the best means for the promotion of Chris tianity amongst the people, and as important alike for the welfare of the State and for the efficiency of the Church." That the main tenance of true religion and virtue ' is the highest duty of the State is a Catholic prin ciple enforced by the Encyclical and Syllabus of Pius IX. on the attention of Europe ; but that our present constitution of Church and State affords the best means, under actual circumstances in England, for the promotion of Christianity among the people is a matter of grave doubt. Of course Catholics are bound by the principles of their religion to support in every country the union of the State with true religion, with the Catholic Church ; but they are not bound, in the same manner, to support " Our Protestant constitution of Church and State "—the position, that is, of the State to the religion established by law in England. It is important at this junc ture, when so many strange theories are afloat even among Catholics, that this distinction should be rightly understood. It might be our duty, in obedience to Catholic principles, not to attack the union of Church and State in England if we considered that, under existing circumstances, it tended to preserve the rem nants of Christian dogmas among the Pro testants of England. But is this union of the State with the Protestant Church likely to subserve the interests of Christianity ? That is the question. The impending disestab lishment of the Irish Church, which has not a shadow of justice, not a pretext of even in. directly serving any good purpose in its favour, has undoubtedly raised, not only amongst Liberals and opponents of State Churches, but amongst the supporters of the religious principle in Government, the ques tion of the disestablishment of the State Church in England. It is out of no hostility to the Anglican Church, out of no love to re ligious Liberalism, that we enter upon the consideration of this question, which cannot fail in the course of the next few years to press for a solution. It is now become unfortunately too trite a remark to make that religious thought among the governing classes in England is in a state of decomposition. Men's minds are under going a rapid change ; in the Anglican Church itself neology is making terrible inroads. Given these two conditions, the growth of infidelity in the State, using the word in its most compre hensive sense, and an easy c ompliance on the part of the authorities of the Church to re form at the bidding of the State its creeds and formularies, how far would the continu ance of the Established Church in England act even as a breakwater, to make use of a cele brated simile, against the inroads of infidelity ? If it fail even in this negative god ; if it can. neither confer a religious character on the State nor preserve the remnant of Christian dogmas which it still possesses to the Protest ants of England, why should we desire, far less labour, to ma i n t a i n it ? I n suc h a case ca n we do otherwise th an say —L e t it go ? Mr. Disraeli has declared, with singular can dour, that the probable effects of disestablish ment will be to split the Anglican Church into sects and schisms, soon to be absorbed by the traditions and disciplines of the. Church of Rome. Be this as it may, and God grant that it may be so ; at all events it is clear that three different religions at least would arise out of the ruins of the Establishment. The broad Church party would pander to the false in tellectualism of the day, and gain the sup port of the educated classes, whilst the ritual ists and those who believe in sacramental efficacy and the Apostolic succession, freed from the bondage of the State and of the bench of bishops, might endeavour to form themselves into a new Church, in which as much of Catholic doctrine and practice as approved itself to the private judgment of self appointed leaders might be -safely borrowed from the ancient Church ; but the bulk, after all, of the members of the defunct Establish ment, who did not give up the outward profession of religion altogether, would relapse into a deeper evangelical Protestantism, or swell for a time the ranks of dissent. Would such a state of things, with all its confusion of ideas and conflict of religions be worse than the maintenance of the Established Church, from which the rationalism of the State and the growing infidelity of the governing classes would too probably eliminate all dogmatic teaching ? Great as are the evils of a godless State, and dangerous as they are to society, still would these evils to any great extent be averted by a State Church which is the creature of Parliament, and the law of whose existence is submission to the Royal Supremacy? Would the connection of Anglicanisni with the State be able to save the country from a secular system of education, or preserve the reli g ious character of the universities? These are tests as to the efficacy of the connection. But if the Establishment be powerless for good ; if it can no more hinder secular education than it did the dissolution of marriage ; if it be con tent to submit at the hands of the State to a gradual elimination of distinctive dogmas, what good purpose can the , existence of such an Establishment subserve ? In the view of com ing changes, those of the High Church party who are not committed to party politics, look forward, not without satisfaction, to eventual disestablishment. Even the cautious Guar dian observes, speaking of the present agi tation, that there are many greater evils that might befal the Anglican Church than dis establishment. Disestablishment might pre serve in a section of the Anglican Church at least dogmatic teaching ; at any rate it would bring prominently before the English people the grave question of religious truth. The greatest obstacle to the conversion of the English people to Catholicism is the clinging to old associations—to a national religion ; but the break up of the Established Church would not only set people thinking on religion, but leave them comparatively free to act up to their convictions. The artificial barriers which Elizabethan Protestantism created, and which a wholesome Conservative tendency, as well as ignorant prejudice, have so long kept up a g ainst Catholicism, would at last be swept away, and the ground at least be left clear for the Catholic Church to reclaim again the in telligence, and win back the heart of a people so long estranged from the religion of its fore fathers.—Westminster Gazette. FREEDOM NOT LICENSE OF SPEECH. There might be some excuse for an Irish Protes tant in introducing a little rancour into the debate in the House of Commons on the disestablishment of the Irish Church, and we are not surprised that Colonel Stuart Knox was betrayed into a course which raised a storm in the assembly. The Times last Saturday, commeuting upon this, observed that the debates are falling into what has usually been described as the American level. " The observ ance of rules, whether written or not, and the mutual deference of men who respect each other, preserve order and have prevented a good deal of bad legislation. Things done in an uproar are pretty sure to be bad, and the worst designs are often baffled when it is impressed upon their authors that they shall proceed with gravity and deliberation. We speak in the interest of all when we beg that the utmost possible order and pro priety may be observed in the course we are now entering on. Some tell us we arc about to shoot a cataract. Very well. At all events, keep your places, gentlemen, and don't disturb the balance of the boat. Others say we are treading the treacher ous snows of a mountain slope, with unknown masses hanging over our heads. Then tread softly, a nd do not even utter a sound more than you need." In the evening papers of that day was published a debate in the House of Representatives at Wash ington, brought by the Java, which, in all humility, we are bound to confess, justified the Times in its allusion in at least as far as that House is concerned. Elibu Burritt Washburne, of Illinois; the watch dog of the Treasury, so termed from the attention he has given and the trouble he h as t a k en in expos i n g and denouncing Congressional jobs, belongs to a family which more tha n any other has furnished members to Congress. One repre sents Massachusetts, another Indi a n a , a t hi rd Wis cousin, while Elihn Burritt has been returned by Illinois , Mr. Ignatius Donelly, of Minnesota, an Irishman by birth, prepared a bill for the grant of public lands to a railway company in Minnesota, to which Mr. Washburne ob jected. Mr. Donelly wrote to a person in terested, sharply criticising Mr. Washburne, and the latter becoming aware of the contents re plied in very severe terms, stigmatising the member for Minnesota as a Jesuit, a swindler, a double dealer, a coward, and a falsifier; adding that every corrupt measure in Congress had been supported by Mr. Donelly, and this letter was published in a newspaper. After the close of the Impeachment proceedings on the 2d inst. the Representatives hurried to their hall, as it was known that Mr. Donelly intended to call Mr. Washburne to account, and that a row was anticipated. Having caused Mr. Washburne's letter to be read, Mr. Donelly said it contained twenty-three distinct falsehoods, observing that the writer could not tell the truth even when it would best serve his turn. He de scribed the gentleman from Illinois as a small headed, big-chested, loud-voiced, blatant, little hearted demagogue, belonging to a family of office beggars, born into the world with the letters M. C. stamped on their shoulders, and out of office t hey were God-forsaken, as miserable as a snub tailed ball in fly time. After wading in imagination in pursuit of the member from Illiuois through places so filthy that we decline to follow him, he continued in the following strain :—" I cannot think that he (General Grant) will degenerate into becoming a puppet to be played by wires held in the hands of the gentleman from Illinois, or that he will degenerate into a kind of a hand-organ to be toted around on the back of the gentleman from Illinois, while his whole family sit on the top of the machine grinding and catching pennies like a troupe of monkeys. (General and continuous laughter.) Why, Mr. Speaker, the in tellect of Grant is like some of those ancient ware houses in the great cities of the older world, where floor rises above floor, and cellar descends below cellar--all packed full to overflowing with the richest merchandise. The intellect of the gentle man from Illinois is like some of those establish ments that we see in Pennsylvania Avenue, where the whole stock in trade of the merchant is spread out in the front window, and over it a label, " Any thing in this window for one dollar." (Laughter.) Ile is the " cheap John " of legislation. If there be in our midst one low, sordid, vulgar soul, one barren of, mediocre intelligence, one heart callous to every kindly sentiment and to every generous emotion; one tongue leprous with slander; one mouth which is like unto a den of foul beasts, giving forth deadly ;.Mourn; if there be here one character which, while blotched and spotted, yet raves and rants, and blackguards like a prostitute; if there be here one bold, bad, empty, bellowing demagogue, it is the gentleman from Illinois." Mr. Washburne, in re ply, said :—" Every assertion made in that letter is true, and whoever says it is not true, states what is false, If I were called upon, and I desire only to say that if .1, under any operation of circumstances, ' were ever called upon, to make a personal explana tion in reply to to a member, it would not be to a member who had committed a crime; it would not be to a member who bad run away ; it would not be to a member who had changed his name ; it would not be to a member whose whole record in this house is covered with venality, corruption, and crime. I repeat, if I were called upon to make a personal explanation, I should make it with a mem ber who is not covered over with crime and in famy—whose record is stained with every fraud— whisky and other frauds—with a man who bas proved false alike to his friends, his country, his constituents, his politics, his religion, and his God." Although the language was allowed, Mr. Wash burne vigorously, while he spoke, shook his clenched hand under Mr. Donelly's nose, a proceeding de clared to be out of order ; but, after a slight iuter ruptiou , the Representative from Illinois was allowed to conclude. Mr. Donelly in his retort became positively blasphemous, picturing the representative as haranguing the hosts of heaven, routing them, horse, foot, and dragoons, attacking their motives, and flinging insinuations at their honesty, declaring for economy, and urging that the wheels of the universe must be stopped because they consumed too much grease. On the 4th instant the discussion was resumed, every one who could get a place crowding to hear it. Mr. William Winclum, the other Representa tive for Minnesota, thought, if the charges were well founded, his colleague should be expelled. Mr. Rufus P. Spalding of Ohio pronounced Mr. Washburne's letter a hard one, full of the abuse of the fish-market, and Mr. Dawes expressed the same opinion. Mr. Mullins of Tennessee wanted to know what all the " slang-wanging” was about. Mr. Donelly, while apologising to the House, demanded au investigation of the charges made by Mr. Washburne; and the latter, in ten dering an apology, said he courted an investigation, and a. resolution was adopted for the appointment of a committee to investigate the charges of fraud. When the debate concluded, one of the Democratic members moved for the withdrawal of those charges in the Articles of Impeachment founded on the President's indecorous speech ; which, for the sake of consistency, after these exhibitions, the House ought not to press; this motion it refused to consider, but approved the suggestion of Mr. Donelly, who asked "if it was not advisable to imi tate the illustrious example of Secretary Stanton and General Thomas, and go and take a drink." So long as such scenes are of common occurrence in the deliberative assembly, elected by universal suf frage to represent a leading nation, the enemies of popu;ar government will not be at a loss for the strongest illustration of the unfitness of the masses to choose representatives. Abroad the principles on which the Republic is founded are brought into contempt and disrepute as pretty theories inap plicable in practice. Nor is there a stand-point from which such a scene can be viewed in a light other than degrading to the House. If the mem bers describe each other truly, the vilest scum in the United States sit as Representatives ; if not, they have ready tongues for libel, and a surprising volubility in slander. But it is even more humili ating to the national reputation that the floor of the House should be permitted by the body of Repre sentatives to be made the arena of such disreputable brawls. The United States claims as a nation to take the foremost place, and as the freest of all, the elected are declared most fully to represent the electors. The electors profess to be the most enlightened and edu cated of peoples, and the oligarchical factions of Europe, admitting these premises, point scornfully to Washington and say—there is the result! A specimen such as Mr. Donelly is of no earthly account, and would be better employed in. digging turf in his native bog than legislating in the halls of the greatest of nations, but in bringing the assembly into dis repute he is lowering in the eyes of the world re presentative institutions and degrading the citizens of the Republic. It is easier to spread abroad an evil reputation than to wipe away the slur. It is no difficult matter to pitchfork sheaves of Donellys into the House, for they grow in thousands without care and culture as rank weeds, but who is to undo their work ? But it is hard that American gentlemen should hear the great Republic, of which it.is their proudest boast to be citizens, sneered at in that unconscious way which most galls, and to feel the truth of the remark the more painfully because the speaker had no intention of giving pain. Mr. Donelly in a ridiculous way shows the Pat, for he piles all manner of epithets on the head of his antagonist, and after having made him out to be a liar, a thief, and (soaring into the wildest flightS of Hibernian fancy) one whom it would be base flat tery to call a coward ! winds up by stating that such is the " gentleman" from Illinois, using the word—not sarcastically—which means the very re verse of all he had said. It would be easy to apply terms to Mr. Donelly which would be more inju rious to the Anglo-American Times than to the individual thus vilified. But we are not in the habit of degrading our pages with such senseless, unmeaning abuse. Nor have we the slightest in. tention of allowing ourselves ender any provoca tion to be betrayed into ungentlemanly epithets, however annoyed and ashamed we may be at the disrepute into which even an Irish emigrant may be the means of bringing institutions yet destined to regenerate manhood. There is a proneness to exaggeration in the American mind which often leads to extravagant expressions, and it is a well known fact that the Representatives are not fair specimens of the best classes of American society. To become " a mere politician" is to fall in Ame rican opinion from the high esteem in which their best citizens are held—to pit themselves against the low and the unscrupulous, and to truckle to un washed and whisky-perfumed mobs for support. Fortunately from the rural districts enough sound honest Representatives are returned to give weight and stability to the House, but they are not the culti vated gentlemen who through the sifting process have reached the Senate. An exciting squabble in the House appears to them a sound merely echoing from the walls of the Chamber, for they do not see through these walls aver a wide world, nor hear the jeers of laughter and the scornful descriptions carefully conveyed to every nook of the globe by those who hate their institutions. To gratify the paltry but natural feeling of listening to a row, they play the very cards their adversaries desire. From abroad we regard them as the spec tator does yaust, guided by Mephistopheles, the con temptible victim of momentary gratification, with the spirit of evil at his elbow, using hirA as an in strument to degrade and destroy others. The grati fication is so paltry, the loss so stupendous, that the proceedings appear almost like those of idiots, or of beings wholly unaware of the effect they are produc ing. Now, what has Mr. Donelly gained but the small addition that a person of so little weight can give to the degradation of the English language, if he be a Fenian, and bent on lowering the standard of everything English. Words in such mouths lose their meaning and force, being available only to convey to other minds disgusting pictures. Like children gambling, they may play for coppers ana fret over the lofts within their means of payment, but by degrees they extend their operations till the world is staked and the heavens ransacked for a wager. Th e coppers were a reality—the wealth of worlds a farce ; the one had a meaning, the other none. So it is with such epithets, and when a man declares it to be " base flattery" to call a man a coward he raves, giving utterance to nonsense—words without force or meaning. Had Mr. Donelly confined himself to a clear statement and a logical conclusion, showing the acts and motives of Mr. Washburne and explain ing his own, men would not have supposed--as they cannot fail to do now—that he has been engaged in a transaction which it is his object to conceal under a cloud of dust and smoke. No gentleman would con descend to use such epithets. Gen. Butler does; so does Thad. Stevens; the member forlllinois has; yet, we maintain, however high may be the position of these individuals, that no gentleman uses such epi thets, and it is because they shrink from such con tact that so few of them are to be found in the House of Representatives. It is the fault of the people generally, and in particular of the Press. Reformation is hopeless so long as editors substitute coarse abuse for argument, and notably when such a man as Horace Greeley writes and publishes in his piper such articles as that headed " Horatio Seymour as a Liar," the smaller fry, of course, following suit, and torturing their brains for terms of opprobrium. But the best papers in the United States have condemned, in the strongest manner, the senseless and childish system, which accomplishes nothing but the degradation of those who use such language,r,and of the language itself.—Anglo-Ame rican Times. MATERIAL IVEALTII OF CALIFORNIA. A work thus entitled is now in' the hands of the binder in San Francisco, containing 700 large im perial octavo pages, beautifully printed on heavy white paper, in the highest style of the art, and will be accompanied with a valuable_ coloured map of California and Nevada. To history, the author (T. F. Crouise) devotes 70 pages ; geography, 20 pages: ; statistics of counties, 237 ; climate, 21 ; agricul ture, 43 ; geology, 37 ; zoology, 67 ; flora, 27 ; mining and metallurgical processes, 34; m ines and mining, 34 ; manufactures, 47 ; San Fran cisco, 23. A large amount of space is also devoted to various miscellaneous topics, such as immigration, population, educational mat ters, railroads, petroleum, ship-building, &c., &c. - Such a work will be of interest in England now that capitalists are turning their attention to the mines of Nevada and California, as well as to the emigrant. The author considers the settlers' chance to be, on the whole, almost as good now as in the earlier days. Taught by the mistakes of his predecessors, the modern prospector, avoid ing these errors, is enabled to insure for his ex penditure of labour and means, if not always more remunerative, at least more certain returns ; while, as regards comfort and health, the mining community of California enjoy these blessings in a full measure as almost any other, whether we seek for them in America or elsewhere. lf, then, the adventurer, having discarded all speculative aims, desires to pursue the occupation of placer mining, he will do best to seek the more northerly group of counties, comprising Place'', Nevada, Yuba, Butte, Sierra, and Plutnas. If a novice, and without means, it will generally be found expedient for him to work on wages, until such time as he has be come familiar with the modes of operating, a nd acquired some knowledge as to the character of the different kinds of • deposits, their methods of occurrence, and the rules to be observed in prospecting for or searching after them. - With this knowledge and experience gained, he may proceed to take up claims for himself, if, as is generally the case, any of sufficient value can be found to justify locating ; or, having earned some money, he may now buy an interest in grounds previously secured by other parties, and which, if not already developed to a productive condition, may have been sufficiently prospected to enable him to form a tolerably accurate estimate of its value. . . . Auriferous deposits that a fewyears ago were overlooked as worthless, now give remunerative employment to large numbers of labourers. Quartz that could not at one time be made to defray cost of extraction is now making millionaires of the fortunate owners ; while tailings that were suffered to run to waste have given rise to a new branch of mining, as we have seen, now being washed with largely accruing profits. And thus, in canvassing • the future pros pects of the gold mining interest of this State, we are warranted in presuming that it will continue to experience large and constant expan sion through the application of the same means that have hitherto worked these results ; while the business of exploring for new mines, both in quartz, the ancient river channels, and is hydraulic desposits, will, no doubt, lead 'to im portant discoveries in every direction—the field of labour, from whatever point viewed, appearing almost illimitable, and the future full of encouragement and promise. After giving an important collection of facts, the writer uses them to establish the following conclusions :-- "That the chances for making money in the mines of California. are, to the industrious, frugal, and patient, nearly as good now, everything considered, as they were 15 or 16 years ago ; that the induce ments for immigration, more especially for me chanics, common labourers, and others desirous of hiring out their services, are great—the scale of wages ranging from 60 to 90 per cent. higher than in the Eastern States, and more than a hundred per cent. higher than in the best-paid labour oppor tunities presented for the safe and profitable invest ment of capital are vastly better in tke mining regions of this State than can be found in any other country in the world."—Anglo-American 7inzes. " While the long-winded Impeachment debates are in progress," says a Washington letter, "Fessenden whittles the end of his pen stick, Grimes slowly rubs hie chin, Ross and Norton snow up the floor around them with bits of torn paper. Conkling strokes approvingly the peninsula of light curly hair which stretches down the centre of his forehead, Trumbull is always in his seat, his desk covered with law books, and be gives the case noticeable attention. Notwithstanding his constant writing, Sumner is attentive to the trial, and always informed of each aspect of the case as it comes up. Yates, who sits besido Sumner, keeps his desk unencumbered generally, as well as his chair. When he is in the Chamber, Saulsbury acts like a Polar bear in menagerie—except a Polar bear doesn't choW quite se much tobacco, nor spit on fine carpets. He is the most uneasy of the Senators. He marches up and down, up and down, turning quickly and walking rapidly for an hour at a time. No Senator on the floor takes a greater interest Kt the trial than Reverdy Johnson, or pays it more steady atten tion. He chews his lip;, and when his hands are not nervously picking at his p mtaloons, or rubbing them, his mouth is never still. He leans back in his chair, and is, or looks to be, supremely happy. Chase is still tine looking, the moat imposing personage in the Chamber. Some blockhead doctor, on account of some affection in the throat, last fall advised the Chief Justice to allow his board to grow under his chin, and a thick clump of white hair in that region iS the result. The friends of the Chief Justice have been looking for that doctor ever since. If he is found you Wil l hear of another impeachment trial. Whiskers helped Lincoln's appearance, but they spoil, as much as such trifles can, the face of Mr. Chase." • The performance of "Ten Nights in a Bar-room," at the theatre in Henry, Illinois, was announced from the pulpitS of that town, and the respective congregations were re" commended to attend. Ristori began her farewell engagement at New York, Saturday evening, May 2, appearing in " Sor Teresa," the play which gave so much trouble at Havana. [A.DvEnTisnmErrr.]—Holloway's Pills are decidedly the best remedy fur all disorders of the stomach and bowelei the liver and kidneys. They act with so decided an ogeo. and yet so gently that people can use them with perfe ct confidence. They do not contain a single grain of mer' culy or other noxious substance, being composed exele c : sively of rare balsams. They are therefore equally sew and efficacious, and as a family medicine nothing yet in" vented or discovered can be compared with them for e moment. With these inestimable pills at hand, together with the printed directions affixed to each box, no other medical advice or assistance can be needed in any ordinal case of sickness. Births. DALToN—On the 25th inst., at 3, Dorset-street, Portraallo square, the wife of Charles Fitz Gerald Dalton, Egli a sou. HAMILTON—On the 24th inst., at Dalzell, the Lady E°3ll/ Hamilton, of a son. NOEL—On the 23d inst., at 31, Bruton-street, the Hon- 3111 ' Gerard Noel, of a sun. Marriages. EAST—MILLAR—On the 23d inst., at St. Philip's, Dalsl John East, Esq., of Albion-road, Dalston, to Marion to Millar, of Lower Clapton-place, only daughter of late James C. Millar, M.D., of King-street, Fiusbu i. / . square. vieg, WARD CORNU—On the 23d inst., at St. Clement Strand, S. B. Ward, Captain G.V.E.C., eldest son of 1 ; e , late Rev. B. Ward, to Elise M., third daughter Of late J. J. P. Cornu, Esq. Deaths. BARTROP—On the 25th inst., Henry 13artrop of 31, LolOr Bolgrave-street, aged 51. of DAVis—On the 22d inst., George Augustus, eldest soli the lAte 1)r. Davis, aged 50. • gar it+, FAIRLIE -On the 22d inst., at Edinburgh, Agnes b ite, relict of the late Lt.-001. Fairlie, of Holmes, Air' N. B. i Sr " HoßuousE—On the 22d inst., at 24, Cadogan-viace. , Henry William, third son of the late Sir Benjalu'l l house, Bart. f SWINFORb—On the 23.1 inst., DP. James Swinford , °' Huntingdon-street, and 276, Strand, aged 51. be ei " THObISON On the 20th inst., at Banchory Hous e, deen, Alex. Thomson, Esq., of Banchory, aged — S irs London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AND° 1 12. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tam SUN 031ce, 140 of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the 001/34 Blidcilosax.—Tamlay, BUT 21 1 180, ~~l\ Ti I PrIZO ME It is p Sold i the Age, Obsen han's Li Nco 14, R ADVAN hold or able are( P orn f j A, (Inv t -kY a; itirntin t 7 th„, w i t , o'cloc!r: Ro U r . A ICATI sir. L. Priv r ro rnc , 114eItE SPE Alice C range( and ly chars., Itosali Pen t t Sev en ATTILI Per for ProkE 11 1 Rion , sa•; A' Tht Fo r solo Gl' 31 and Strax Pr . 11 . de or of nun tio as ' tra rn , 14 1' E It ve a l ages. g.eSti COrrir bealt bra, scree Sv 6s. stern all C li This hoar for Char curls Rom arid col°, feet' With ; V Er Sta n ail ( Sew 104 1 ,n aid ini bar, 11t, 114 ( for