The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

MARKET INTELLIGENCE (From the London New Price Current, May 31.) SUGAR.—To-day there was firmness on the part of holders of Raw Sugar, and none of any kind was offered at public sale, but large parcels will be brough to market next week. The rates obtained by private treaty for West India are fully equal to Friday last , and in some cases rather above, but refiners or growers did not appear much disposed to operate, and the sales are 450, making for the week 1,450 hhds, &c. REFINED.—To-day Refined Sugar met with ready buyers for home trade purposes, and prices rule firm at 49s 9‘l to 51s for grocery lumps. A fair business was concluded in Crushed Sugar, and 27s 6d to 29s are the rates paid for British. MAIIRITIUS.—The quantity brought to public sale has been extensive, amounting to 490 casks and 15,123 bags, still nearly all found buyers ; low and middling yellow went at from 34s 6d to 36s 6d, good to fine 37s to 395, mid to fine brown 30s to 345, inferior 28s to 295, very low 26s to27s 6d, commo n t o fi ne grey 34s to 38s, and ord and mid grainy y e ll ow 35 1 to 36s 6d per cwt. The chief part consisted of mid and brown qualities. EAST INDlA . — Pri ces h ave not advanced for Ma d ras, still several parcels have been sold by private treaty, and there is only a limited supply at market. At auction 397 bags realised 28s 6d to 29s 6d for good and fine soft brown. There are several purchasers of Penang, and last week's rates are well supported, with a less amount on offer of all qualities. Bengal has been in excellent re quest, and previous pri ces are rea dily g i v en, whilst the supply is not so plentiful. At auction 6,030 bags were disposed of; good and fine white Benares went at 38s 6d to 40s 6d, low to mid 37s to 38s, common to good soft yellow 32s 6d to 355, better sort 35s 6d to 375, yellow like Mauritius, common to fine 34s to 39s 6d, mid to mall grainy yellow 37s to 39s 6d, and good grainy white 45s 6d to 46 8 p e r cwt. By private treaty a fair business has been concluded in soft brown at from 28s to 30s, and on the part of holders there is firmness. FOREIGN.—There has not been more desire on the part of exporters to operate in bonded parcels by private treaty, yet holders are firm, and will not sell but at full rates. At auction yesterday 2,000 chests yellow Savannah were in part disposed of at from 19s to 21s 6d for mid to fine. 2,629 bags clayed Manilla were taken in at 18s. In duty paid kinds little has been done privately, yet holders will not sell but at full terms. At auction 4,569 bags Manilla were taken in at from 30s 6d to 374 6d. The private operations for the week in Foreign Sugar are 500 chests yellow Savannah, in bond, at 20s 6d, 200 chests brown Bahia 17s 6d, and 10,000 bags Manilla at about 17s. 2,200 cheats white Havannah 335. COFFEE.—This afternoon Plantation Ceylon Coffee met with greater attention, and at the public sales of 126 casks 253 bags, prices advanced 2s per cwt, and all sold; good realiseds7s to 60s, mid 52s to 565, low mid 49s to 51s, fine to fine fine ord 46s to 48s 6d, and pea berry 55a to 635. Of Mysore 53 bags went at 40s 6d for com mon. Native Ceylon met with a good demand by private treaty, and prices closed firmly at 40s to 41s. MOLASSES.—For West India there is still a quiet market, but holders are not disposed to accept lower rates, and require 13s to 17s for low to fine. Of Porto Rico 190 pkgs at auction were taken in at 17s per cwt. Mauritius and East India continue to be operated in with caution at 12s to 13s per cwt. Coco.t.—Prices have ceased to decline for Foreign, and a fair business has been concluded by private treaty at 27s to 28s per cwt. A good demand exists for British Plantation, and last week's rates are obtained for the parcels sold by private treaty : the supply is also less plentiful. At auction 108 bags Grenada realised 37s to 40s per cwt. There is a further increase in deliveries of Cocoa for home trade purposes. TEA.—Thero are several buyers of common Congou for home consumption and exportation, whilst supplies being small, prices are rising, and rule at 9d to 9fid ; in medium sorts a fair business has been concluded at 9il to le. The better qualities, however, continue to meet with little attention ; still no further reduction is apparent, and prices rule from is Id to Is 7d. Scented and Pekoe aro freely offered at last weeks' terms, still few orders have been executed, and several parcels are on offer. Three vessels have arrived this week. At auction of 1,943 pkgs offered, 836 found buyers, good Congou with all faults went at I Id, Hyson fair and middling is 20 to Is 4d, superior 2s 64d, Young Hyson fine 2s Oid to 2s 6d, good and fine Imperial Is 3d to is 7d, and Gunpowder is 9d to 3s per lb. An impression exists that large public sales of Tea will be declared shortly, more especially of Green. SPICES.—To-day black Pepper was in greater request, and rather higher rates were obtained; 933 bags of Penang at sale sold at 24d to 2id, and damaged at 2iti to 24d per lb. Of Ceylon Cinnamon 46 bales went at is 6d to 3s Id, and out of condition at lld to Is 4d per lb; 31 jars West India preserved Ginger 2s; 100 bags white Pepper sold at sid to Bid; 6 bags Nutmegs in the shell at Is 6d. RlCE.—There are many buyers of East India at the late decline, but holders refusing to sell thereat caused the sales to be of little moment by private treaty, and none has been submitted to auction. For white Bengal prices rule at from 9s 6d to l ls, Madras pinky white 8s 6d to 93 6d, cargo and pearl barley 8s to 8s 6d per cwt. Cleaned Rice has sold freely, Town-dressed Carolina at 22s to 283, Patna 12s to 20s, broken 103 6d to 11s 6d, and American cleaned Rice 203 to 203 6d per cwt. Saao.--To-day the public sales went at rather lower rates, and of 450 chts a part only sold at 22s 6d to 233 fur small white pearl; 130 pkgs Tapioca went at 33 to 6d, and 135 pkgs St. Vincent's Arrowroot at 5d to 6d. SPutiTs.—Holders of Jamaica Rum declined to sub mit to any further reduction. For 20 to 29 per cent over proof, prices rule at from 2s 2d to 2s 6d, 38 to 38 over 2s 7d to 3s 4d, and high flavor 4s 2d to 4s 6d per gall. In Leeward Island operations are upon a more ex tended scale at former low rates. The sales are 300 puns at is 3id per gallon proof. In East India the business ha 3 been chiefly confined to small parcels on the Quay at is 2d to is 2d proof. Demerara from 2s to 2s 3d for 30 to 40 per cent. over proof. In Brandy only a limited business has been done, and holders are more disposed to sell this week. Cognac best brands of the vintage of 1849 is offered at 4s 4d to 4s 6d, 1848 ditto 4s 6d to 4s Bd, 1847 ditto 4s lld to 5s Id, and inferior sorts 2s 8d to 4s 2d per gallon. Geneva is still is 7d to is Bd, and fine 2s to 3s. There is no variation in prices of British made Spirit, and the market is quiet. COCHINEAL—BIack met with less attention, and must be quoted Id cheaper. At public sale 130 bags Honda ras silvers were all sold, ordinary and good middling at 3s 8d to 3s lld, good 4s to 4s Id; 11 bags black, com mon 35 10d to 3s Ild, good 4s 7d; 47 bags Mexican black good ordinary and middling 3s 8d to 3s 1 ld; silvers, common and middling 3s 7d to 3s 9d. INDIGO.—Since the conclusion of the quarterly sales of East India several parcels have been taken by ship pers and home dealers, whilst full rates are paid, and on the part of holders much firmness is apparent. Spanish has been sold to a fair extent at former quotations. SALTPETRE.—For rough by private treaty a fair busi ness has been concluded at rather higher rates—sales havinc , been made at 25s 6d to 27 s f or common to fine. None has been offered at auction, but 1,600 bags are de clared for Tuesday, and the stock still exceeds that of last year. British Refined has been in good demand at 23s 6d to 29s per cwt, and there are not free sellers. Nitrate of Soda 14s 6d per cwt. TALLuw.—Today the market for Tallow presented a dull aspect, and rather lower rates are acceded to. At sale a small part only of 845 pkgs South American sold at 343 6d to 365 3d; Grease 30s; 270 cks Sydney mostly found buyers at 33s to 36s 6d, and 50 cks P.Y.C. at 36s 3d for first sort. OlLs.—Although Linseed Oil is offered at a further reduction, yet shippers and home dealers have operated with cautioa, and 29s 6d to 29s 9d per cwt is the value On the spot. There has been little passing for forward delivery. In Rapeseed more business has been done, and rates have become firm; English pale at 36s 6d to 378, brown 35s 6d to 363, Foreign pale .38s to 38,4 6 1. Palm sells with more freedom, w and s at stiffer rates, good and fine quality realised 30s 6d to 30s 9d. Only limited demand exists for Cocoa Nut, fine Cochin at 31s to 325, Ceylon 303 to 31s, and Sydney 27s to 293. At auction 67 hhds of Calcutta sold at 283 to 283 9d for . ma. There is still little desire to operate in Olive Oil, and prices continue to recede ; Gallipoli is offered at 411 103 to 42/, and other sorts 401 to 411 per tun. In Southern Oil there is still little passing, but as the S pply is sm a ll h o ld ers are f i rm and atk 32l to 341 f,r to fine. Seal hss been in better de mand, still there has been no advance in prices to " t ine. At public sale 40 tuns went at 301 10s to 31/ for fine. Cod is held for 34! lOs to 351, but little has been done. Sperm is in greater demand, and higher rates have been obtained. At auction 52 tuns Colonial went r eadily, fine at 841 5s to 85l 15s good 831 15s, mid 811, and low d ar k at 751 per ten. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From last night's Gazette.) An Account, pursuant to the let 7th and Bth of Victoria, cap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday, the 25th day of May, 1850. 18805 IMAILTIVINT. Note,' 19311eu. • • • •• • . 29,927,240 G overnment debt • . • 11,015,100 O ther securities ...• 2,984,900 Gold coin a n d bu ll ion 15,717,363 Silver bullion •• •• • • 209,877 £29,927,240 I M. MARSHALL, chi4-29T277240 Dated the 30th day of M a y , 1850. er Cashi er . BANKING DEPAZTXBN T. Proprietors 'capital • 14,553,000 Rest .. ........ .. 3,067,271 Public deposits (in sinding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings-banks, and Di vidend accounts).. 7,287,063 Other deposits • • • • • • 9,608,436 S wen day and other 1,156,575 Government securi ties (including Dead Weight Annuity).. 1 4,316,195 Other securities •• •• 9,697.076 Notes •• •• •••••• •• •• 10,884,675 Gold and silver coin. • .774,709 £3%672.645 X 35,672,645 if. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. Dated the 30th day of May, ISS, GREENOCK HARBOUR.—On Sabbath last, about three o'clock,• a most untoward accident happened at the new harbour, which will have the effect of considerably re tarding the completion of these works. At the north-west corner there has always been a small stream of water escap ing into the harbour, passing under the wall of the East India Quay. The workmen had been engaged for some time upon the foundation of the harbour wall at this spot; and the volume of water was observed several days since to be increasing in size. At three o'clock yesterday it burst in with a violent irruption, threatening to inundate the whole of the works. The alarm was given, the men were all in stantly .ummoned, and measures were forthwith taken to check the current. A barge laden with clay was sunk out side the East India Quay, where the water obtained ingress, and about 1,800 bags filled with sand were sunk opposite the aperture. It will take a long time, however, before the mis chief done can be fully retrieved, a circumstance which is much to be regretted, seeing the harbour was so near its long expected completion.—Record. IRISH HORSES. .--- The vessel Duchess of Kent, arrived in the river from C or k, h as b r ought the l arge num ber of 26 horses as part of her cargo. ~: -- : ) THE SUN, ~~ a~ ]CONDO IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, May 31. ROYAL ASSENT. The House sat to-day, shortly before Four o'c'ock, for the purpose of giving the Royal assent to the follow ing Bills: Alterations in Pleadings. • West India Appeals. Defects in Leases Act Amendment. Process and Practice (Ireland). Kew and Petersham Vicarage. Londonderry and Coleraine Railway. Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway. Walsall Improvement and Market Act (1848) Amend moat. The Lords Commissioners were Lord Laegdale, the Earl of Carlisle, and Earl Minto. The House then adjourned during pleasure. Their Lordships re-assembled at live o'clock. PETITIONS. The Earl of CARLISLE presented several petitions praying for an alteration in the law regulating beer-shops. Lord LYTTELTON presented petitions against Sun day labour in the Post-office. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented a peti tion from certain inhabitants of the county of Kent in favour of an extension of the jurisdiction of county courts; also a petition for additional accommodation to assistant-surgeons in the Navy. The Earl of HARDWICKE presented a petition from Cambridgeshire complaining of agricultural distress. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented several peti tions against Sunday labour in the Post-office. PREVENTION OF SUNDAY FAIRS BILL. ___ _ _ The Earl of CARLISLE moved the second reading of this bill.—Agreed to. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL. Lord LY TTELTON feared it was in vain to ask that the discussion on this Bill should be taken on going into Committee, instead of on the second reading. Earl GREY was understood to oppose the postpone ment of the discussion. In answer to the Earl of FITZ WILLIAM, Earl GREY said that he had no objection to lay be fore the House some most important dispatches which had been received from Australia, on the subject of emi gration, but those dispatches bore but indirectly upon the Australian Colonies Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE thought that all documents relating to emigration and land sales ought to be be fore the House before they were ca ll e d o n t o discuss the Bill before the House. Earl GREY would, in moving the second reading of the Bill, state his reasons for so doing, and it would then be competent to his Noble Friend to answer him. DISTRESS FOR RENT (IRELAND) BILL. The Earl of LUCAN moved the second reading of this Bill. The object of the Bill was to re-enact a clause which had been repealed by the Bill of 1846, a Bill which had passed in the month of August, when the greater number of the Noble Lords connected with Ireland were absent from the House. It was very true it had been introduced upon the recommendation cf the Commissioners, but he differed entirely from the Commissioners on that subject. The law which was repealed authorised the landlord to distrain growing crops, and he was convinced that power had never been abused. The fact of the existence of that law was suffi cient to secure the payment of the rent of the landlord, and its repeal was uncalled for. The repeal had been most injurious. Tenants now reaped their crops on Sun days and during the night, and thus robbed their land lords. The Government ought to have provided a re medy for this evil, and not have left it to an independent Member like himself to introduce this measure. The Landlord and Tenant Bill they had waited in vain for, and it would afford no adequate remedy to the evil. The reaping and removal of growing crops should be made a misdemeanour. The power of distraint on growing crops existed in England, and it ought to exist in Ireland, where the landlord had to pay poor-rates for his smaller tenants, and was liable for arrears of rates, which was not the case in England. In England a landlord could get rid of a tenant who owed six months' rent, which was not the case in Ireland, and therefore the Irish landlord ought to have the same remedy against growing crops which the English land lord had. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had no objection to agree to the second reading of the Bill, for the purpose of considering in Committee whether it would not be possible to devise a remedy for that which he admitted was an evil. The Marquis of WESTMEATH thought there could be no injury done to a tenant by giving the landlord the power of seizing a standing crop, because, if the tenant were aggrieved, he could sue out a replevin. The Earl of GLENGALL supported the Bill. The Bill was then read a second time. SHERIFF OF WESTMORLAND BILL. On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, this Bill was read a first time. SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION BILL. The Earl of HARROWBY moved the committal of this Bill. Lord BROUGHAM looked upon Bills of this nature with great anxiety. No man was more convinced than himself of the necessity of the observance of the Sab bath, but ho feared the adoptioa of measures which, by overdoing it, by straining too hard, should make the observance of the Sabbath unpopular, and defeat the object which they all had in view. He hoped the Bill would be very fully considered in all its provisions before it received the assent of Parliament. Why should such a nice distinction as this be introduced, that you might sell milk and cream, but not tea or sugar? Now this Bill introduced this distinction. Again, it per mitted shaving and hair-dressing before ton o'clock, but not after. Then newspapers were permitted to be sold on Sunday, but not Bibles or Prayer books. If you wanted to know the odds on the Derby or the Oaks you might buy Bell's Life in London, but with regard to a Bible or a Prayer-book—oh, nu! you must not buy a Bible or a Prayer-book. These were a few of the anomalies of the Bill, and he hoped it would receive the greatest consideration before it was passed. An address, it was incredible, but it was true—(Cheers)—an address had been voted by the other House that all Post-office proceedings should be stopped on a Sunday.—(Hear, and cheers.) All mails were stopped on a Sunday. The Earl of HARROWBY—This Bill does not in terfere with the Post-office. Lord BROUGHAM—Did the Noble Lord imagine he was such an idiot as not to know that ? but he feared that that Bill might follow this, and he had reason for his fears when he considered the un qualified and outrageous address which had been agreed to by the other House by a considerable majority. Of course they would follow it up by an ad dress that all ships should lie to on a Sunday. There was no country in which the Sabbath was better ob served than it was in England, and there was no great city in which tit. Sabbath was less broken than in London, but he feared that if this course of legislation was pursued a reaction would be the consequence, and the Sabbath would be less observed than it was at present. The Earl of HARROWBY knew the Noble and Learned Lord meant to promote the object of the Bill, but it was evident he had not received the information which had been laid before the Committee with whom this Bill had originated, nor could he have personally made himself aware of the state of certain localities in the metropolis on Sunday morning, otherwise he would not have attempted to thwart th e measure . Wi th regard to the exceptions alluded to by the Noble and Learned Lord, they had arisen from a desire to err rather on the side of indulgence than of severity. This Bill had re ceived the approval of the parties chiefly concerned, the tradesmen and shopk eepers, who all concurred in a wish that shops should be generally closed on Sundays. To show how such a principle had worked, he would re mind the Noble and Learned Lord of the Act for closing. public-houses on the Sunday morning, which he had much gratification in saying had been found to work ex ceedingly well, and even the very persona on whom it might be supposed to press with severity had come be fore the Committee on this Bill and expressed their satis faction with the alteration. He hoped the Noble and Learned Lord would allow the Bill to go into Committee. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) in viewing this subject with great apprehension, lest by pursuing too extreme a course they should excite a spirit of re sistance against more prudent measures. This was a great measure of moral and religious police, and they ought to proceed with great caution, especially as it was not a measure in any way affecting the habits, comfort, or convenience of Members of that House, or of the upper or middle classes, but which did affect the habits, com- forts, and convenience of tho humbler classes of the corn- munity. The Noble Earl, who had charge of the Bill had questioned the ability of his Noble Friend to judge of the necessity of the measure because he had not read the evidence, but he (Lord Ellenborough), had waded through the evidence—and a heavier blue book he had never encountered—and while agreeing that there were some places in London where regular markets were held on the Sunday, he urged the House to bear in mind that if that Bill were passed, they would have a riot in were rli e every one of those l oca liti es . Th e Bill ga ve a policeman the power at hi s own di sc retion to seise go o d s expose d f or sale i n these markets, in some of on a ten sti o o r day twenty . thourn w d as p ab er a s u o r o d s to sap p ose that such seizarescomuladrnbmg em . ade t without ex • citing' distu o r f ba l n l ee. The Noble Earl ought to go to the ; payment of a these evils, think that any foundation ef fected by any and that was the very kW wages t on . the Saturday night. He did not ao e to rnration of that system could be ef but that there ought ation of the masters themselves, wages should be d to be a legislative enactment that gnoigohdte.freoutseiratlahoo thoughttiniter the close of work on Fridsy that it would be productive of twhheicShaturday night were still public-houses were and ifahop s for the sale of other al lowedar- ticles to be kept open on o so allowed to remain on Saturdays to enable the further restricted ; restricted ; v instead of g p o u purchases s () e t ! Wes than spirituous liquors the Sunday morning, He open longer than they now do, was sure that if the House went into beingman to compelled mak a i I i t s o Bill they would find it was essentially Committee on the imperfect, and required great amendment. He thought a slight alt tion of the Metropolitan Police Act would b c) 21 4 - sufficient to remove the more serious evils complained of. I Cer tainly on a subject of so much importance they ought to bestow the most serious consideration on any proposi tion, and if a measure wer e necessar y it ought to pro ceed from the Government. The Bishop of ST. ASAPH said ho had long been convinced that the Act of Charles 11., which was the only law of this nature at present in force, was quite in adequate to:carry out the object for which it was intended. The only difference between that Act and the present measure was, that this Bill placed the a dministrati on of the law in the hands of the police instead of the parish authorities. With regard to the alarm expressed by the Noble Earl of its creating riots, he would tell him that the whole question had been discussed and examined by one of the Commissioners of Police, and he stated that there would be no difficulty in carrying it out. With regard to those places of great resort in Camden-town, Whitecross-street, and Houndsditch, people had no con ception of the extent of the evil. He was occasionally called on to go to different parts of the metropolis on Sunday morning; on one occasion he passed through Lambeth-cut, and a more disgraceful fair be never wit• nessed, and that was close to the parish church. The same thing he knew took place in Seymour-street, Camden-town, where thousands of people as sembled every Sunday morning. He knew of no difficulty the police would have. At present if a woman had a basket which inconvenienced people, the police would remove it, and did so constantly without leading to any riot. That was exactly what this Bill empowered them to do, only on a more extensive scale. He was aware that there would be difficulties in the way of carrying out this Bill, but if any one had asked him ten years ago whether they would shut up i every gin shop in London till one o'clock, he should hovel said they could not, but it bad since been done, and it had been found a great blessing. Earl GREY said, he, in common with the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham) generally viewed legislation of this nature with great suspicion, but in this instance he believed a case had been made out for legillative in terference. What they had heard from the Right Rev. Prelate was entitled to great ,weight, and as it was also earnestly desired by the parties chiefly concerned, the shopkeepers themselves, that all shops should be com pelled to close on the Sunday morning, he thought the House ought not to reject the Bill without fully weigh ing the reasons which hal urged the Select Oommittee to recommend it to the House. He felt the less inclined to oppose the Bill, because it was not to be carried out through the agency of the common informer s —through whom formerly the greatest oppressions took place. The power of enforcing the provisions of the Bill would be placed in the hands of the metropolitan police, and there was every reason to believe that it would be pro perly exercised. Earl ST. GERMANS said, that he had entertained an opinion unfavourable to this Bill, but he was induced to alter that opinion from the evidence which had been laid before the Committee, and from which evidence he now thought that the interposition of Parliament was neces sary. It appeared that markets and fairs were regu larly held in several parts of London, on the Sunday, and that other practices, detrimental alike to health and morality, were prevalent. This was well known to the tradesmen of the metropolis, and some of them had held a meeting, calling upon Parliament to interpose and put, them down. That was the feeling of the tradesmen of the metropolis, and he was persuaded that it was the feeling of the working classes themselves. The evils of the present system had arisen greatly from the practice of paying wages late on Saturd a y night; but+ now, in nine cases • out of ten, the wages were .paid early on Saturday, or on Friday night. The employers say now that it makes little difference whether they pay their workpeople on Friday or Saturday. The Noble Lord opposite had alluded to what he called the impos sibility of carrying out this measure. He (Earl St. Germans) did not believe that there could be any im possibility in carrying it out.—(Hear, hear.) The po ' lice magistrates examined before the Committee said that they would find no difficulty in enforcing this mea sure, and some improvements had been introduced at their suggestion. He did not say that it was not sus ceptible of improvement, but he approved of the measure as a whole; and if their Lordships refused to go into Committee on the Bill, they would disappoint the hopes of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of the me tropolis. For himself, he thought that every man should at least have one day in the week of cessation, from his ordinary employment, and he hoped, therefore that their Lordships would go into Committee. Lord MOUNTCASHELL said that the only opposition to the Bill emanated from the Chartist body, and the petitions they presented, upon examination, were found to contain a great number of fictitious and forged names. The great majority of shopkeepers took no part in this opposition, in fact the Bill was the Bill of the shop keepers, and it had emanated from them. It was quite evident that Sunday trading must be put a stop to. There was one fact which had not been alluded to. A great deal of diseased cattle was sold and slaughtered on a Sunday. When such things took place it was high time that these practices should be put a stop to. Their Lordships then went into Committee. Upon the first clause Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that he wished to know at what hour the Sunday was to commence. Wise it to commence at midnight? It was important to know that, because a great deal of trading went on after midnight. Whatever might be done afterwards, in the first instance he recommended that the Sunday should be made to commence one hour after midnight. The Earl of HARROWBY said that the Noble Earl should recollect that the enforcing of the Bill was not in the hands of common informers, but of the police. However, if the Noble Earl persisted in pressing his amendment, it was hardly worth opposing. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that his desire was that the law should be observed, and that it should not be left to the discretien of police officers. Earl GREY thought, that upon the whole the clause was better as it stood, but if the amendment was pressed, it would be better to add a clause declaring at what time Sunday was to commence. The clause was then agreed to. Upon clause 2, which provided exceptions as to the sale of various articles, The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said, he would sug gest that the words " bread, butter, and sugar," should be added to the exceptions. Then again with respect to the hour of opening shops for the sale of milk or cream, he thought that nine o'clock on Sunday morning was too early to open these shops. He would suggest ten o'clock. Earl ST. GERMANS said that they should except fish, and numerable other perishable articles, as well as fruit, pastry, prepared victuals, &e. Earl GREY said that the intention was clearly to draw a distinction between perishable and imperishable articles. Lord BROUGHAM indulged in some observations respecting bread and butter, and morning tea and even ing tea, which were very indistinctly heard. Earl ST. GERMANS said that the sale of milk or cream was excepted, because milk could only be bought on Sunday, when butter or tea could be bought on Fri day or Saturday. The Earl of HARROWBY said that this should not be a subject lightly dealt with. They were dealing with the happiness of the people. They were bound to secure to every man on a Sunday as much rest and re creation as was consistent with the general comfort and welfare of the community. He would ask their Lord ships to agree to the clause as it stood. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he would not move any amendments in Committee, but would re serve them for the report. He would, however, ask one question. Did the words "fermented liquors" apply to ginger-beer and soda - water?—(Laughter.) They were to some extent fermented liquors, and in hot weather were most desirable. When he suggested the insertion . of the words " bread and butter," it was rejected on the ground that they were not perishable articles; but were stamped newspapers perishable articles? He should like to know if Bell's Life and other Sunday papers were perishable articles. The Earl of HARROWBY said that of all perishable articles newspapers were probably the most perishable; for generally they were not heard of after the day of their birth. The Earl of MOUNTCASHELL said that newspapers were printed on Saturday, and not made on a Sunday. The clauses were then agreed to, and their Lordships resumed. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES GOVERNMENT BILL. Upon the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill, Earl GREY said that before moving the order of the day for the second reading of the Australian Colonies Government Bill, he begged to present a petition from Australia, very numerously signed, in favour of the measure. Earl FITZ WILLIAM said that, considering the pre sent state of the House, perhaps it would be better to postpone the discussion on so important a measure. Earl GREY said that next week there was abundance of business, and it bad been publicly announced that there was to be no opposition to the Bill. He therefore begged to move the second reading of' the Bill which was intended to provide for the future government of the Australian colonies. It was little more arta 70 years colonies t o , s l e4 d mdsh e se s 6 rndtoi population during nsg f ; oa t wtw h nwh ed e ear s rse e l colonies se notn lfl y2B obm4so93yut,founded.eiscitahohwroiesann:snwoiuwnar number abBle3trh a recent n M d date.ani ny IrTo rapid hpel t in numbers —in numbers now more than 300,000. Their had the remarkable. po pulationin creased to 333,910. But their progress in wealth was still more remarkable. Of that wealth the value of the ex ports was the best test. In 1828 the value of the ex ports to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land was 181,500/., and in twenty years the value of the exports had increased to 2,800,0004 —Wear, hear.) The num ber of emigrants to those colonies was yearly rendering them of greater importance. Last year the number of emigrants was no less than 32,000.—(Hear, hear.) The otw t hg sh are ee se t object of the measure was to provide for the constitu tional development of the government of these colonies, and it was now his duty to point out in detail the mode in which that object was to be accomplished. But be fore proceeding to that he must observe, that the leading principle of the measure was to avoid any great or ex perimental change. He now thought it necessary to remark, that in 1824 a regular form of legislative autho rity and judicial power was given to those colonies and that through the instrumentality of Mr. Huskisson this Act was considerably improved in 1828. He assured the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) that his main and principal object in pressing the necessity of this Bill was to pre vent the evils of jealousy among those colonies which would be inevitable if the slightest scintillation were af forded to ignite the fuel of their local attachment. He should at the same time remark, that by this Bill the Go vernment proposed to afford the same privileges to those colonies as these already afforded to New South Wales, and that electoral divisions would be established on the same basis as in that colony, and he felt it necessary to add that two-thirds of the representatives should be !i e nh le e c pe t o e hw d hes b Hrti y towu t ait h til e people, and that the Crown was to have the prerogati hos v ono e uewto o i f appointing the remaining one third.n tu s h h l ed e wished sanction e t c) nl a r d e e m baayrnkd theteh consent governorse no n t a 0 1 f t e o r t alteration t e io e no othersoi s n a yst slighteds t . h a ll t e he c i o r u d l duts inhabitantsy rt , y o, p m f a ru thattci much u o l a n rl the al e eihnt s . ou themb subject :cost complained locality that ttpheery t h P a n d d n i Philip ; one but to to represent negli gence of some Members of the Legislature who had that he w t o h u e l i d pr not twh y ei s e.s furtheror theirallude interests,to and that they did not enjoy I i t g h h a t e t s t t h e benefit gri e v f a r n o e m e ecessary "- their mock constitution. should be redressed, Then, and ultimately ,the cure was worse after some time of suf fering, it Was deemed S'ATURD AY EVENING, JUNE 1, 1850. than the disease. In consequence of this and other circumstances, he perfectly coioeoliel wit?; the Council on the point that the line of decoareetion should be drawn between the territory of New South Wales and the northern district at latitude 60 degrees north. He should next add that he fully concurred with the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley), on the grounds that some system of government was necessary for the local go vernment of those colonies, because the great source of vitality to most of the institutions of this country, and the very vitality of its constitution were owing to the influence and eood effect of local government. Such self-government ho belived to have been the source of the independence of Englishmen in America, and for that reason ha wished that municipal institutions should be carried into effect, end supported in those colonies, par ticularly as they proved so beneficial to this country, when established in 1835, and for that reason he pro posed to have a legislative power to control local bodies, for this country could never be aware of the require ments and exigencies of those remote colonies. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of outlay of the revenue for the preservation of order, the survey of the territory, and also for the education of the rising generation of those colonies, which he looked upon es new features, as cetnpered with the Act of 1842, and he therefore considered that another system of taxation on the land, according to its value, should be established. For that reason he fully con curred with the colonists that they should have full control over their own resources, and considered it alien to a representative government to be at the disposal of persons who were almost totally ignorant of their con cerns, and should therefore opposed the idea of a central committee. He would call the attention of their Lord ships to the state of the revenue of New South Wales in 1842, when, out of 500,0001., no less a sum than 81,6004 was separated from the control of the Legislathre, which he looked upon as unwise and unjust. A similar ar rangement was proposed with regard- to the Australian colonies. It of course would rest with the advisers of the Crown to exercise that discretion; hilt in cer tain respects it was provided by the Bill on their Lord ships' teble, and the Government would not be at liberty t alter those regulations without the sanction of the Colo nial Legislature. Bat in respect to the salaries of the judges, the Colonial Legislature was not to have the power of altering or reducing the emoluments of thejudges by any Act of their. He thought it of great importance that they had now, by the proposed Act, a recognition of the principle of the Colonial Legislature to deal to a cer tain extent, and in certain matters, with questioni relating to their local affairs. He should certainly support the principle of a reduction of the expenditure, not only of the judges, but of other functionaries in the colbny, but under certain restrictions of the home legislature.— (Hear, hear.) Ile thought that existing interests should be respected, and he hoped, with respect to any future changes or reductions that might be called for or neces sary, that they would be attended to. With respect to the proposed Act, he was of opinion that, in its amended form, it ought to be applied generally to all the Austra lian colonies, with - the exception of Western Australia, to which it was not intended that it should at present be extended. Having directed their Lordships' attention to the various amendments which the present Bill pro posed, the Noble Lord said that he thought it possible that some time would elapse before it would become necessary to overrule the colonial wishes ; but he thought that a necessity now existed for the Parliament of this country to take such a course as that proposed. Of the various clauses, the most important was that which prposed a power of summoning the Australian Legislature. It appeared to him that a mere inspection of the map of those colonies would show, distantly situated as they were from each other, that some machinery or other was necessary to enable them to combine for some common object. His Lordship then took a geo graphical view of the colonies, and said that it appeared to him that there was a necessity for such a combination as he had alluded to. In North America, in 1764, he might remark that a congress was attempted to be drawn together, and Dr. Franklin prepared a plan for its insti tution. Now his (Lord Grey's) own opinion was, that had such a course as that been at the time adopted, so tar from having the effect of hastening the separation of their North American colonies from the mother country, it would have had an effect of a very contrary kind, teat of preventing the separation that afterwards took place—at least, of preventing the occurrence of the most expensive war into which the Government and Parliament of this country entered; and he believed also that if the course to which he had just alluded had been carried out, that the home Government would not have taken the violent course they had; and, on the other hand, such a show of justice would have taken away from the colonies any motives for separation. --(Hear, hear.) All that was now prop ose d was that her Majesty should have the power to appoint a governor-general of the colonies, and that it should be in the power of one or more of those colonies to legis late. He trusted, then, that their Lordships would re cognise the principle of the Bill, and consent to the se cond reading, by which course they would be discharging an act of great justice. He believed that the form of government proposed was well adapted to the present state of the Australian colonies, and he was firmly of opinion, that from the advances which the colonists were making, the time was not far distant when the Parlia ment of this country would find it necessary by their intervention to make such modifications in the Bill as U. circumstances and condition of the colonists might demand; but that time was not yet come, and he be lieved that if hastily resorted to, such a course would be attended with great inconvenience. The governor, for instance, would have the power of objecting to any changes; and with respect to the great distance of Australia from this country, and the length of time that must elapse in communications on the subject, he thought it would be most desirable. He had little to add beyond the assurance that the Bill which was now proposed had been accepted by a very considerable ma jority of the colonists in Australia, whither the draft of it had been sent out, and where very considerable dis cussions had taken place between all parties on its merits. He was convinced that their Lordships would that even ing give a second reading to this Bill, which might re ceive several improvements in Committee ; and they would, he might add, by the Bill, be providing for the rights and liberties of millions of their fellow-subjects in future ages, who were destined to spread themselvet over the vast expanse of the regions of Australia—regions now almost unpopulated in some districts, and that they would be thereby confirming to them the protection and connexion of the - British flag, which they now enjoyed. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst cries of " Hear.") Earl FITZWILLIAM had no doubt that this mea sure was the most important that ever came before a re formed Parliament—he said a " reformed Parliament " emphatically, because he should like to see its acts in substance what they professed to be in principle. He did say, then, to his Noble Friend, that of all the Acts which the Government of which he was a member had brought forward, there was none of more importance than that now before their Lordships' House. He looked upon it as a measure most desirable, and he rejoiced that it had received the sanction of the other House of Par liament. It was a Bill which, as his Noble Friend had said, was destined to give a constitution to millions of theirAnglo-Saxon brethren, and he rejoiced, he repeated, at seeing it brought forward. But while he so expressed himself, he must at the same time express his regret that the measure had not, in some respects at least, been brought forward in a different form • and he believed that it was the duty of h e r M a j es ty' s Government to have brought it forward in a far more perfect form. There was a feeling about the principle of the measure, which was to give free institutions to their brethren in Southern Aus tralia. That principle he was undoubtedly in favour of. This, hnweer. was not the sort of constitution, the Noble Lord himself admitted, which it was the inten tion of Government to give to the colonists; their inten tion having been to place in the hands of those colonists the means of establishing a constitution for themselves. Whsn the Noble Lord talked of giving to the colonists the me ;peel' forming a constituti o n, he ought to place in their hande the tneans of establishing a constitution. —(ilear, hear.) The Noble Lord was not about to form t.vo chambers, but was about to form a constituent assembly, nut of which a constitution might be in time formed; tied whether he (Earl Fitzwilliam) looked at ancitint history or at modern circumstance', he found that peace and prosperity were the objects aimed at, and he was of opinion that it would be desirable to make, in some way or other, a second chamber. It was all very well that the light of the sun should be felt in those distant culoniei, but he thought that their re flected light should be seen here. It would be quite as well if seine persons, were to try some little experiment whether a constituent assembly might not work as well in this country. They ought to determine who might he elected by the electoral districts. While they g ave popular assemblies, some might think it would be quite as well to put some alloy into the crucible. If they had two assemblies, the governmental element and the popu lar element should find a place in each assembly. Th e greet advantage of this House was that it acted as a drag when things were going too fast in the other House. If this was found n ecessa ry in this country, a fort ior i it would he beneficial in those colonies. They should give them further opportunities for dis cussion and consideration than they could have in one assembly. He did not intend to give any opposition to the second reading of the Bill, which he approved of generally, but he wished their Lordships to consider this particular detail. Lord MONTEAGLE said that he agreed with th e Noble Lord that this was a very !important part of th e measure. The Noble Lord (Earl Grey) had opened th e Bill with the principle that there wee every desire t o stand upon the old ways, but as he went o n hi s argu ment showed that there was a disposition to abandon the old ways. He had recommended and endeavoured to enforce a departure from them. In 1847, with respect toNew Zealand, he proposed a double chamber, and in ' the Cape now a similar plan was proposed. Now they called upon the Noble Lord to show from what authority modern or ancient, he derived his plan of the present chamber in Australia. They relied upon that constituent assembly for the preparation of the constitution itself. ' Nothing could be more unanimous, said his Noble Friend, than the acceptance of this Bill by the colonists. Now, which of the gosernors was in favour of a single chamber? There did not appear to be any authority in favour of the Bill. Where, then, did the recommendations come? Why, said his Noble Friend, there was an extra ordinary union of the newspapers on the subject. There was a want of tact, and an extraordinary generosity in this avowal. He did not seem to perceive that if he made the newspapers authorities in one instance, they were equally authorities in another. In some of these colo nial newspapers there were accounts if meetings, which passed resolutions loudly vituperative of the Govern ment and this measure. He did not admit that there was not the materials in those colonies of forming an other chamber. In 1842 he (Lord Monteagle) had sup ported a Bill similar to this, introduced by a Noble Earl opposite (Lord St a nl e y). He did that believing it t o b e adapted for the stat e o f so ciety then existing in th e colo nies; but for the very s ame reason, the state of a popula tion growing in wealth and importance, he now opposed this measure; therefore there was no inconsistency in his conduct. He asked, was it not just that the repre sentatives of one chamber in those colonies should - have the power of disposing of their waste lands? And why, therefore, deprive them of that power, which is the only , object of their wishes, for the improvement of their co lony, particularly when you, the Parliament of Great Britain, propose to give them an extension of authority, and of power over their own revenue, by the proposed alteration in their constitution, as appears according to this Bill? He should therefore add that, if discontent prevailed, as he was certain it would, among the inhabit ants of New South Wiles, and should therefore move, as an amendment to the second,, clause, that there should be in each of the two colonies, a legislative council and a legislative assembly. Earl GRANVILLE thought the objection to the legislative council being a constituent assembly was in valid, inasmuch as there was no analogy between them. The Government only gave to those colonies the power possessed by the English Constitution of adapting their constitution to the growing wants of the colony. The next objection was that of a single chamber. Nobody could deny the advantage of a House of Lorda in this country; but the state of things in respect of the compo sition of a second chamber in the colonies was different from that of England. The Government would willingly give a constitution with two chambers if they were un fettered in the matter; but they were nut. In 1842 a constitution of one chamber was given to New South Wales, with which the colony was perfectly satisfied; and it was not desirable, for the sake of giving one theoreti• tally more perfect, to destroy this state of satisfaction. With respect to the elective franchise, he considered it better that it should be settled by the local legislature than by the Imperial Parliament, and let the colonists imitate the mother country by working out their own constitution, suited to their own wants and requirements. Lord WODEHOUSE said that he considered that this measure was worthy of the character of this country, and he looked upon it as the turning point of local legis lation, which, as an Englishman, he felt it his duty to support; as he considered that the interests of all British colonies should be advanced, and that the more they were succoured and supported, the more was the strength and vitality of English independence promoted. And why, he asked, not grant the same privileges to New South Wales, as have been granted by America and other nations, as well as by England to her independent colonies. Whatever might be the character of the Bill, they should take care not to lose sight of the maintenance and stability and interests of the colonies. He would now ask their Lordships whether they were not satisfied in their minds that they were legislating for a great country; and seeing that there were thousands, and tens and hundreds of thousands of their own race in those colonies who entertained the same feelings with them selves, he hoped that their Lordships would so legislate on this question as to give them no cause of discontent. Lord STANLEY would not detain their Lordships long, but there were one or two points in the Bill now before their Lordships on which he wished to make a few remarks. With respect to the constitutiou of 1842, to which such frequent reference had been made, and of which he might say that he was the father, he would here remark that he bad never looked upon the establish. ment of a single chamber as anything more than a tran sition state.—(Hear.) He might here observe that in Newfoundland, where there was an assembly constituting an upper house, little numerous, and another assembly, still less so, there was a system of s qua bbli ng carr i e d on between the two conflicting parties in both chambers, which led to the greatest interruption of the public bu siness. He found in that case that the Speaker of the Upper House threatened to commit the Speaker of the House of Commons, who was in opposition to him in his views, and by those petty squabbles the whole bu siness of the Parliament was at a stand-still. He, therefore, recommended a fusion of the two parties, and during the short time of that experiment it had produced the best effect, and the petty squabbles of the two parties had been se c )nciled—there were mutual concessions, the best feel ing was restored, and the business went on better. He did not say that the time was not come when, in New South Wales, there would not be a demand for a second chamber; and he was cleerly of opinion that as a prin ciple, founded on reference to ancient and modern his tory, that two chambers were most desirable. He could not but remark that he hoped the Government and Par liament would retain in their hands the power of alter ing, modifying, and extending the constitution proposed to be given to the colony of Australia; and he must say that he for one was not for yet extending to the colonists of New South Wales the same power to alter the con stitution given to them which the Bill now on the table of their Lordships' House proposed to give to the colo nists of Australia. With regard to the check proposed to any alterations which the colonists might propose to make in their constitution, it merely consisted in giving to either House of Parliament a period of thirty days, in which to object to such change, and that he did not consider sufficient. The point to which he most objected, and which he thought most uncalled for, because most unnecessary, was the introduction into this measure of the machinery of the federal government of the continent of Australia, a course which would be extending to the federal government the power of overriding the whole of the local governments. He thought that the powers to be given to the federal government should be such only as the whole of the local governments would be satisfied with. He was quite sure that it would not be wise to give to those colonies the power of making al terations in their constitution, and that that was a power which the Government and Parliament of this country ought to retain in their own hands; and he was of opinion, also, that they should not give to the federal government power without knowing exactly the nature and extent of the power, and without reserving to the Minister of the Crown for the time being power to deal with the subject. Earl GREY replied. The representatives of the co lonists, by their silence, had shown their approval of the Bill. lie would now propose Monday, June 10, fur the Committee .upon this Bill, and begging those of their Lordships who had amendments to propose them in time, that they might have full consideration. He moved the second reading of the Bill. The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lord ships adjourned. circulated, and which principally related to the peineiple compee , ation that ought to b. affor.4 , d to pare who eight b, injured by the operation of the Bill. He therefore could not consent to delay the fur ther progress of the Bill, but if there was any clause which the Noble Lord wished to have postponed for the purpose of consulting his constituents upon it, he would readily assent to that course.—(Hear, hear.) Sir B. HALL said those amendments were really of the most vita! importance; and the Bill itself would be the groundwork of similar Bills throughout the king dom, and it must therefore be carefully watched. He concurred in the application to postpone the measure. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION BILL. Mr. HORSMAN gave notice that on Monday next he would ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government if he could fix a day for the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Bill. On a former occasion he (Mr. Horsman) remembered that delay in proceeding with this measure was asked, because of its being in the House of Lords, and now delay was urged because of its being out of the House of Lords. 'EVICTIONS IN IRELAND. Mr. P. SCROPE asked the Home Secretary whether th`e Government had taken the opinion of the law officers of the Crown as to the legality of the wholesale evic tions going on-in Ireland ? He (Mr. Scrope) would continue to repeat his question every week during the session, and so long as those convictions continued. Sir G. GREY said that the Honourable Gentleman had given him (Sir George Grey) no notice of his question, and, therefore, he should postpone his answer eatil the next occasion on which the Hon. Gentleman re peated his question. SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. On the motion for the reading of the order of the day, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ,paid that as on a former occasion the Hon. Gentleman who had a motion on the subject of slave-gr own sugar on the paper had postponed it at the request of the Government on the understanding that a Government night should be given up to him, he hoped the House would agree that the orders of the day should be postponed until the Hon. Gentleman's motion had been disposed of. Sir E. BUXTON then rose, and after presenting nu merous petitions from Glasgow, the Island of Grenada, St. Vincent, Belfast, Southampton, and other places, proceeded to move, that it is unjust and impolitic to ex pose the free grown sugar of the British colonies and possessions abroad to unrestricted competition with the sugar of foreign slave-trading countries. He said he came forward with great diffidence, and with a great feeling of inefficiency, to bring forward such a great and important question as this before the House of Commons, but feeling that this question was of great importance to the West Indies, and it seemed to him of still greater importance to the interests of humanity, he had there fore ventured to throw himself upon the kindness of the House of Commons. Ho must say, in beginning, that be brought forward this motion in no spirit of hostility to her Majesty's Government. If he were to turn to the men who had done the most to promote the interests of humanity, so far as the slave trade was con cerned, he should certainly turn to those gentlemen who occupied the seat below. He must return thanks to them for what they had done at various times and in various ways to put down and to prevent the extension of the slave trade. It was his intention not to bring forward this matter as a matter of trade, though he was well aware of the great importance of this question to the West Indian colonies. He would shortly enter into the condition, because the question of the West Indies was so connected with the question of the slave trade that it was impossible to separate the two. But his object was to consider this question as a question of high principle rather than as a principle of trade. It was in 1846 that the measure was introduced by her Majesty's Government, against which he now directed his chief complaints. The effect of that Act was in some degree mitigated, at least for the time being, by the measure which was subsequently passed by the Govern ment in 1848. No one would deny that in that year, when the late Lord George Bentinek was the chairman of a Committee on the importation of foreign sugar, the greatest distress existed in the West Indies. Ho did not mean to say that the same amount of distress now existed in those colonies, because, as he had said, it had bean much mitigated by the Act of 1848, but he be lieved that the accounts of the great prosperity which now existed were far from being true; and he had no doubt that when the duties on our colonial sugar were brought down to the level of those on foreign and slave grown sugar, the same distress which existed in 1848 would exist again. In British Guiana, where the soil was equal to any in the world, the value of property was very much reduced in value; the estate of the bishop, which cost 30,000 dollars, was sold a short time back for little more than a third of that sum That showed that very little permanent prosperity was anticipated in British Guiana from the Act of 1848. In the West Indies, he learnt from a communication which he had received, that owing to the low prices of sugar, a great number of estates were now out of culti vation. Great stress had been laid on the Act of 1846 as improving the condition of the West Indies, whereas if any improvement had taken place, it was to be attributed to the Act of 1848. Let them turn for a moment to the condition of Cuba. They found that the exports of sugar from Cuba had increased from 145,000 tons in 1840 to 270,000 tons in 1850, and the increase was likely to continue. True, the number of slaves in - Cuba had alto gether diminished, but while the production of sugar had increased the growth of coffee had been greatly reduced, in fact the production had fallen from 24,000 to 10,000 tons, and the result had been that 38,000 slaves had been transferred from the culti vation of coffee to the cultivation of sugar. He need not enter into the state of the Brazils, but he might observe, in passing, that there also the quantity of sugar exported had considerably increased, and there also a great degree of prosperity pre vailed amongst the planters. Indeed, the Emperor of Brazil, in making his speech to the Cortes, informed them that the empire was greatly in want of lab Our, thereby showing, that notwithstanding the increased export of sugar, notwithstanding the great degree of prosperity which the empire still enjoyed, the growers were nevertheless desirous of further extending :their cultivation. It was, however, not on account of the West Indies that he made this motion, but on behalf of the great cause of humanity.—(Hear, hear.) In 1815 we gave instructions to the Duke of Wellington, by which he went abroad; and at that time he proposed that a convention should be made with the different states of Europe, stipulating that we should prohibit the im portation of the produce grown in countries where the African slave trade was still carried on—not only in our own country, but into all the countries of Europe which should enter into the treaty. At that time we gave 300,0001. to Portugal, and 400,0001. to Spain, to induce them to put down the slave trade. It was quite unnecessary to remind the House that we gave 20,000,0001. in 1833 in order that slavery should be extinguished in oar own colonies. He thought every one would acknowledge, that if there was any principle which this country had maintained during tho present century, at home and abroad, in our treaties with foreign powers and in our domestic concerns, it was, that having once for all abolished the slave trade in our own colonies, we would do all that in us lay, as a great and Christian nation, to put it down in other countries. He hoped that the time would never come when this country would give up that great princi ple.—(Hear, hear.) An American slave owner said, on one occasion, ho trembled for his country when he re membered that God was just. He (Sir E. Buxton) thought that we might tremble in this country if we should see the day when we should give up the great principle that the slave trade was to be opposed by every means which was likely to be effective. He was told that if we kept out sugar we would also keep out cotton and tobacco from this country. He saw no reason why he should not make an attempt to put down sugar, which was one crime, because, unfortunately, we were so involved that we could not avoid introducing slave-grown cotton. The plan which was adopted by the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite (Sir R. Peel) to keep out slave-grown sugar was a wise one, and he for one should have been glad to see it carried out fur ther than it had been. If it were said that it was impossible to return to that plan, he would be rather disposed to increase than to decrease the duties on foreign grown sugar.—(Hear.) Let the House reflect upon the consequences of the present system, the miseries of every slave who was engaged in the cultivation, from his first seizure in Africa to his life of toil and misery across the Atlantic. There might be some difference of opinion as to the present state of the slaves, but into that question he would not then enter. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded road the sentiments of Mr. Wilberforce in his letter to his constituents in 1807. He thought that the most miserable condition to which a man could be condemned was that of a slave on a sugar estate in the island of Cuba. If they placed our colonists in free competition with the producers of slave-grown sugar, they must make up their minds that they were creating at the same time the greatest amount of suffering, misery, and degradation which could belong to any civilised condition, and not only would that be the case, for they would also put a stop to the pro gress of civilization in Africa, that part of the world to which the exertions of missionaries and others had been mainly directed. He admitted that it was a great desideratum to give the people a cheap supply of sugar, but:they should take care that in attaining that end the did not give rise to a greater evil than what might be produced by the dearness of this particular commo dity. He was quite satisfied that the people of this country would willingly and gladly forego any advantage that they might derive from cheap sugar, if the House took upon itself to maintain a high principle on the ground of humanity and justice, and he believed that it might cal culate on the support of the great majority of the people, if it bad the courage to pass such a measure as that which he proposed.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by making the motion of which he had given notice. W. EVANS seconded the motion, and in doing so he begged it might be understood that he was no sup porter of protection against free trade. He looked upon this question as ono of either freedom or slavery. If, in the course he was now adopting, he was inconsistent with wbat he had hitherto done, he was in the situation of those who considered second thoughts the best.—(Hear.) All the accounts ho had received from the colonies made him fear that if the duties were reduced to an equality the colonists would be ruined, and the greatest injury would be inflictA on a class whom they had hitherto legislated for—the negroes.--(Hear, hear.) He there fore deprecated the carrying out the Act cif 1846, co as to reduce the differential duties lower than they now were.—(Hear, hear.) The question having been put, Mr JAME said that he had put a notice on the paper of his intention to take part in the debate. Ho had ever been of opinion that it was wrong to put free labour into competition with slave labour; but the policy of this country had baen to place the colonies in a posi tion to make them compete with slave-grown produce. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 31. _ The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The following Bills were read a third time:— Dundalk and Enniskillen Railway. Stourbridgc Union Rates. ROYAL ASSENT. The Usher of the Black Rod here appeared at the bar of the House, and summoned the Speaker to the House of Lords to hear the Royal assent given to certain Bills (for which see Lords' report). PETITIONS.. Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition against slave grown sugar from Birmingam. Mr. HARRIS presented a petition from Norwich to the same effect ; also petitions from the same place aganst capital punishment, and in favour of the Mar riage Bill. Colonel LINDSAY presented a petition from Wigan, praying that the Savings Bank Bill might be referred to e Select Committee. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY presented a petition from a savings bank in Norfolk to the same effect. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition from the board of guardians at Rochdale against cer tain clauses in the Local Assessments Bill now before the House. Lord DUDLEY STUART presented a petition from the ratepayers of St. Pancras against the Interments Bill. Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition from Exeter, against any further grant to the College of Maynootb. Mr. WYLD presented petitions from the ratepayers and inhabitants of St., James, Piccadilly, St. Anne, Soho, Camden-town, London and its vicinity, and others, praying for alteratioli in the Metropolitan Interments Bill. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Mr. Owen Roberts, of Carnarvon, complaining of certain proceed ings of the Commissioner of the Woods and Forests. The Hon. Member gave notice that as soon as the petition was printed he should take the opportunity of calling the attention of the House to the subject. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from the mem bers of the Manchester Stock Exchange against the Stamp Duties Bill now before the House. Sir G. GREY presented a petitio❑ from the trustees of the Alnwick Savings Bank praying for an inquiry into the management of savings' banks. Mr. NEWDEGATE presented a petition from Trinidad against the importation of slave-grown sugar. Mr. LOCKE presented a petition from the Eastern Counties Railway against the Stamp Duties Bill. SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY gave notice that he should, in the event of the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir E. Buxton) being negatived, bring under the consideration of the House the Act of the 4th September, 1848, with the view of preventing the expiration, in 1854, of the duties on foreign and slave grown sugar. COFFEE. Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that on Thursday, the 13th of June, he would move for a Select Committee to in quire into the causes which gave rise to decline in the importation of foreign and colonial coffee. CHURCH BUILDING ACT. Mr. ADDERLEY inquired whether it was the inten tion of the Government to introduce any Bill for the amendment of the Church Building Act ? Sir G. GREY replied that a draft of a Bill on the subject was in preparation, founded on the report of the Commission, and he hoped shortly to lay it before the House. THE CENSUS. In reply to Mr. NEWDEGATE. Sir a GREY said it was the intention of Govern• ment to introduce a Bill this session for the purpose of taking a census of the population, but be was unable to state at what period. METROPOLITAN INTERMENTS BILL. Lord DUDLEY STUART wished to appeal to the Right . Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary with regard to the Interments Bill. Could the Right Hon. Baronet, under all the circumstances of the case, find it con sistent to proceed with this Bill on Monday? Last Monday the House went into Committee pro forma to enable the Right Hon. Baronet to introduce certain amendments. Those amendments had neither been printed nor circulated till this morning, and to his know ledge there were many Hon. Members who had not seen the amended Bill up to that moment, and he therefore put it to the Right Hon. Baronet whether it was right to proceed with this important Bill till Honourable Members had had an opportunity of consulting their con stituents upon it.—(Hear, hear.) Sir DE LACY EVANS made a similar appeal to the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir GEORGE GREY did not think his Noble Friend had made a reasonable request. The Bill had been committed pro forma, with the view of introducing certain alterations, which were yesterday printed and .... Fir woala I while they refused them 'that supply which i i~a, sue• • . Geritlerna u ta l Co - n ; t ' en . d l e i d )tr t a he ' ; '' s ' 2 l :au :' l ' el L' ha i v J e -, doubt that were d upon prcPe r .• °l o6, lt ' would find that free labour, where brought ia o Get te' tion, was cheaper than slave labour. T hel Y n iso7, but man had refern dto the horrors of slavery is ere o notwithstanding all the means they had takent_sfiLLaba slavery, it was as bad as °ler. It was well kb.° ;SO House that Sir F. Buxton moved f )1. a Comm it L . res t House in 1832, in order to inquire how fbrrn a e led' ut i lution, proposed by Mr. Canning, had been C," bead' Then came that of the Noble Lord now et tue s for el e „ the Government, but who was then Secretarafee Colonies, in which he proposed tke &vial; g o al slavery at once. li e (Mr. Hume) pres sed t fe t not to proceed with it in such haste or burry o but to have witnesses examined before a Cornra itte i e , st all n3a the r ' wss his exertions were vain. A trial was no: a ' ever sea rei- 0 assistance was given to carry it out, for a Minister characterised by assiduity and P er fare i 4ii in doing so, the Noble Lord at the head of the , Department was the individual, and let tr eatiese`v continued. The Noble Lord entered into he ir!s . every state likely to assist him in his v ievis s ;r l °' l : ready on every occasion to do all in his P e $ havin a g er o l bs suppression—he was the means of squadron kept on the western coast of did tracet entered into a treaty with France, an d l a sarPa power and sagacity could do, but with all tq we tr 6 o of life and money the evil still continued• at is ; o f thousand slaves were now sacrificed everY Y e s oov, o l sniddle passage between Africa and the . we , s hs ; O ur t„ e America. And was it not time for them 1 ° spOr % to see if the policy so long pursued was ajust,'" oL s one. The Hon. Baronet the Member for 1-4 1(11 20 read a letter from the island of Densers,Tt be' Vie, was described the distress that existed; ","b e Jl have seen from returns laid on the table of dust e 1 the vast depreciation in the amount of West l' ode als perty, and that estates formerly worth bu d o f fot i , thousands of pounds would now be disecs% ille rf of few shillings. They had also before thee), 1 , ;Ol io donee given before the British Guiana COD3PSNO, Governor Light, who described that colony asodoiseiiii a most deplorable state, and the wretchednel;, aef b et of the colonists were daily increasing. M u Deg thus failed, he (Mr. Hume) would ask the li• oat ios' a j why he wished that such a system should be be r i . D ast' ve Their colonies were now admitted to be a tvi'lh e o f r o t the remedy proposed was to keep up a sYs teal geol le "o tive duties. It was said the other day, bY a 0 /hilt do addressing the Anti-Slaver Society, that n n blrd free labour in their colonies would Put a l n ' ile and as neither that of the coolies or the L','"„ - a be ' A st answer so well as the labour of the Aft left ,r s taie er e or Hume) would suggest that they should be aPP - , Si° e a one or two years, under legal bonds and forrners'ooloo to acquire a knowledge of their duties. or ° o r bound to an apprenticeship in this eone t , r i, t iosi ° oe years, and there could, therefore, be no ohle,-sies rying out a similar principle in their 01°- esr or sigsostria Hon. Baronet held out no remedy, means to provide for the present evil, 0°4 4 ; tat A b e s ance of a differential duty; but that was " 9 " t heta the British public could not endure. L et a s es,pli free communication a ll owe d w ith their ecd ° "„ - L acl s u a r el bout be given to the colo n i s t s — a nd they vi t - doesa h 'eit the world with sugar ; but if that were a to v t ie would be found in a few years to revert bat (Seg e o l original state of barbari sm . lie thought k t ",:d B lot ment ought to supply th e co l on i es with lay"- " p ease expense, for it wo u ld b e b ut a ver y poor rec d laP the immense losses they already sustained. for the t bt Mr. MANGLES did not intend to vote , Lo sss a g tion of the Honourable Baronet. He b e lieve° ; ;"te3 art s duty of the Government when they eins e r c y' r: OtiS, slaves in the West Indies to have taken ev e , (at 0 1 to promote free labour. Ho stayed !Ong - r ti stiwor India to see these men come back with larg e j o icl money in their p ossess i on t h an they " str ar f ;i l ; had before, besides bein g comparat i v ely wel l s s , fi lSvo and fitted to conv e y t h a t i nstruct i on into reality barbarous parts of the country 0 bol l D e opinions he held on f ree tra d e, he sho uld thi s ti some difficulty as to the vote he should giv e i Lisp, " Y casion if he had not perused that morning t' fi v e y issued by the school of which the Hon. Iss r , ° ,.. - sts/io° representative. They persisted in that u`s -- 0 0 1 " L a saying that they would not allow the importsii°o labour into the colonies unless under regt llst L e „re et practically prohibited it. Tney insisted 001'.g-Laiioeif an equality in the sexes maintained in any eriti 10 free labour. Now th e coo li es wo uld not t'lLse women with them. I n thi s respec t they we re w olf l ' A e Chinese, and our ow n se p o y s , w h o never "otif e i sl women with them in any of their marches ° n hips dr vice, being averse to expose them to the liar would necessarily undergo. Seeing, undef, a - allralS; cuwstances, that the Hon. Baronet, and LP' pftsl o which he belonged, would virtually continue t° 1, 0 0 0 the supply of free labour into our own colct i n ies 'l3loo' not give his support to the motion of the sn -e "" "0 1 /, Colonel THOMPSON held that there wa s .)os, sistency in Freetraders supporting the °sett°, West Indians. In his advocacy r Oa° IP of free w i always made the declaration that it was noverfro bt to operate for the promotion of immorality . rude example, he would ask if they ever carrying the principle o f f ree tra d e into that P ° S o d ! t metropolis called Field-lane, w hi c h was agre e house for stolen handker c hi e f s b ecaus e there - h e atri e be able to buy in a cheap rather than in a 'd e° , ir —(Hear.) There was nothing in the free - tr ad f pie that prevented th em vot i ng f or a d u ty i ti n : si o ° te ad, the West India pl an t ers , if they thought fl t ge could be got from taki ng th a t cou rse. e fore,dhe would support the motion o f the g e l: ; — ,( 06 ear, hear.) lie had a tot a l m i s trust °` that l went under the name of apprenticesh i Pa„ , o l governor of Sierra Leone in 1809 and I , B l;isiPSo/ found that there existed a nominal a pprenU c t - h ) c 9 0 .° 0 real slavery, negroes being introduced into -l el r; on the etence of being made apprentices; 00-er point off act, it was nothing else than slav e/ o ° o i new name.—(Hear, hear.) If this turned 0116 at is case in Sierra Leone was it likely to b' differe-4.10 colonies of the present day? He would, th, er uep no party to a system of apprentices.—(hear.) a Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY . ; s aid, bisains' a ,•)+, ~01° OR that subject before the House, he tva s a 7a ) stating the grounds upon which he support e " e rg s !, of the Hon. Baronet. However, he could Ilan li°,olo the Hon. Baronet in the congratulations tvln e- a as'ss addressed to her Majesty's present Ministers,°7l3ollrie done anything e ff ectua l f or t h e suppression nt o , o e trade. Whatever h a d b een done in that resP,e'DiSos Es t duction had beed neutralised by the pernsitting of slave-grown produce into this COo9'o, Hon. Baronet said that the West Indies wer e ri s c t 13/i s o ° ing as much as they had been. He couldl' i s h airroll stand from what sources the Hon. B ar onet hau 0 1, tr i information. Wi t h res p ec t to one colony'. e/ t t e - s e els l7 of British G u i ana , he could sa that from „vi cent accounts whi c h th e y h a d received, luattase'sra 51S g s a most deplorable condition indeed. The h a lb ber then read several extracts from a disPt governor of the colony referred to, to prore t '",: cs eq, his assertion. As a further proof of the dePir-t st ays dition of property in British Guiana, he c ol !, l 7, s a fi f l l A his own knowledge that an estate there, tvh lc a ' o o 9 P:, years ago produced a clear net income of i h ur within the last six months been sold in thin or Ps" for 2000/.—(hear, Lear.) He wished to see es ci in our West ' lndia colonies a sYs t s el l f 7 OO l and free immigration; but he found, I Li c ,.. l ', L " get no assistance from her Majestys , for the attainme n t o f t h at o bj ect. H e coula sta ere 000,/ ever, that the proprietors in British Guiana present in a condition to import free lab °ll a r ," k r o k suchhad not the money to enable them to speculation. The heads of the C ° ' °- ar • S'4ool threw every possible obstacle in the way of • rirt for that colony free labourers from the near e ' t fia 114 Se the African coast. But what right, he tv° ° , l % lir ° they wh to prevent labourers from going to ° e t ' 010 ere they could obtaia the largest amou nt ii i a~ He said that the cond uc t o f t h e treestrade Par t y, ° matter was contrary to their own most eb eri'll ; 0 1 .0 1# trines. He called .upon her Majesty's G°verti V ; li° take the only straightforward course which it el f : ' it " ble for them to pursue in that case, and tc, ° ; ‘ ,„ demand for slave sugar by refusing to senit, s a t e s ; ° P ei?, produce into our markets He torte the treaties into w . foreign states for the suppression ofythe slava tratz rd Cahich thifeed u h p ad on e i n u tere ci ci„ re ja contended that it was impossible for free-I°C; Ii duce to compete on equal terms with sl A e v e b e v a° produce. The ;Act of 1846 had comele te "ee te4 of our West India colonists. Those colonist' " -- ,1 v ha told, as the agriculturists of this countr y stee r' told, that they should meet the altered circus.- , L ,O C o os their condition by increased activity and isnreetra they duce. But P a rl iament i tse lf ha d d e stroye° :; o ‘,l , n o' means the colonists had possessed of cultivn rs bs estates. He asked h ow the W est India Pl all i t : 3 o. le d grow sugar with the s li g ht est pro fi t to theirs p ee, r face of a mark e t su ppli e d b y s l ave -l a bour produe ,000 Gentlemen deno unce d s l avery as an e vil . a n cr °l o 4 of if f tolerated, and yet th e y a d m i tte d into ou r e s produce of slav e -l a b our , to t h e ut t e r prostra t or tc° 4'a et ei own free-ldbour col on i es . H e w i s hed to tole d tt l or not her M a j e sty's Government mea nt t° I° 6 l ' f with the differential duties en sugar , West Indian prop r i e t ors no h o pe The West Indian packet would sail ou the, t he o sl (this) day, and he could assure the House 9 11 4 , pe w hatever t o le folio:1 o a A vernment that the acc oun t o f that debate w ell ' anxiously expected throughout those co lonies. "a) from the latest accou n t s th a t th e slave trade i n s eo 0 1 , 1 ' 1 ,0J was on the incr eas e, an d th a t a 'p es tilence ha the ont fr,o with the legislation of that House to augo l - - t for slaves in that country. He also found that t '. duction of sugar in the Brazils had increased in fe ti d ratio in which the production had decrease d assi' British colonies. That fact clearly showed the t i ati4' o o; given a great impetus to foreign slave-labour pr:: , 09 fr fo e He believed that by excluding slave•labour peno . " or e our markets, the House would do ten tim es , 133 03 0 0 f the suppression of the slave trade than by to e spret tl i s; nance of a thousand African squadrons. At Pr e „ - a eSh i f were in the position of a man who should dor ° , ess' e sl and yet receive stolen goods. But we lived o . t a h reg' i b e extremes, both with regard to religion and w i th t 0 to politics. Nothing could be more curious . 00 6°,1 vote of the House last night, when taken in e ° , r e i,ey p with their policy upon the present question,. : er eel E e h r is resolved, in opposition to her Majesty's ul" o that there should be no labour in the r ost-?- ~,c country on Sunday, and vet they remain" ` - w eeSe li g e s t to the fact, that while every person among us s 00 1 4 his tea with cheap sugar, the hands that made to were working fifteen hours on the Sabbath daY' d a t ;/ p er , ies of " Hear, hear.") In fset, they strain re we j, )st•offiee gnat, and swallowed the slaver's eti ee l° (hear, hear.) lie believed that the most P . °s tr ilfie ' means they could adopt for putting down the s l a'oce . would be to refuse to purchase slave-l a bour Fryo d r: and as the Hon. Member for the West Riding (Ds Riding. bi shire was a great advocate'for peace, he "Pa tub o.„Berkeley) should have the pleasure of geing , ~~ Sat tha the daj bet,