The Sun. — London, England, 1850-07-27 00:00:00

10 th, --"----..........--, :so sliql:ra.!eles and satisfactory to quarters where •!, paa!aii/lnk.it their interest to fawn and ttrp;°.r.this country had the right to the eh) ).3ser)", h e tai g h t r ' e s,, and on this point, if it were hater.*, •re ent of nea r s° ,T,r to the time of Henry 111., t ia lt 2 e7C en h . t arie i sC s s t , perssoiti,lo,...,ezleigWai,liiam IV., and to our P who would he one of present very ~,02nl r La , o,s r r' . silki est , t° sanction anything hostile to the '0e1! ), .. , I u reere sti ' °l' calculated to interfere with their enjo) . me , in'ent of the a°e•Sosaered was considered the right ot er3 ' )) . i • - I l y, pa re b ° l ple to the parks, that in the time ( Ide. `e oarriar z tha,aPsrit, where etshe;'erheadeoft'ormPeerrmlof Wil kiam y i t t interfered o Kith of o , PersatYalent and recreation of a respectable class _r to p t ; It was now proposed to appropriatf, the Pa' k t 4 Purpose Which would not tend to the recreation of l 11 1441 7: or conduce to their advantage, 11 r, reli • either mo- Wi th th • ei°4Bl Y, Or socially, but which would ioterf l e r r i e . da gt , (ar interesta—he mea , nt the Exhibition of the _ lts t e ° I; all Nations or rather of the trumpery and re 01 foreig n •' s, -\o which the " t if chi so etrortLy..4 I,,iraerrestigoef:tdlliiis'nicso—u ii ( t r Cy lug h u s ' d e . ) I. fle n j al r ad -Y, t he tr743l°flers of Woods at a d the ,or will sta a , n ‘i d . ly pleasures re in t the l rt. Bet i tw e t te _,s of the public with regard to this prue ,were ItatineSu of protecting their property, they lettaeaslsil apoliation and robbery. . unction, t ° be n u i ‘ientlraae, in refusing to allow information T th n e eilon.ani hat at " er eci : for the purpose of obtaining ,an up t h and Na m , e ' s e'l his power against the Pelierig not ' be ttilli Y With to Principle., The public would lit:c or itin„ in this matter, and it was not la s tt : 3 en the part of any public officer to ro P) ake . . such the 4413 t• l ie had been informed and believed that te _ ha,itrineipal actors in this business deeply regretted to ri ptoteeetitsk.en it in hand; they, however, fell bonn kid i hea w ?th the scheme, inasmuch as so manyforeignerstoact ItSiest alayllel. But he would ask, was it right grati6ear Wishes of the people of this TmutLryrefaotr all?ihe right n 4 44 1 i°ll of foreigners who had no tita n t referred to the able opinion which here been , 1,40,1 counsel, and th • portant declarations made alltesi eatapbell and M e r. lai Jtistice Cresswell, the Gal stklerstinet'el said he would leave the matter tothe con 'se 'se 11; 11 of the Rouse and the Sovereign, trusting tecOasis' and Learued Gentleman would be compel a le y d ., to t Vet s t'er and alter his decision. On a future a d ?rQ4ll";_ss intehtion to move that an humbl a d .a d s r ,y ess w b il e l b!g ese 7 to the Queen, praying that her 3 , 1 - J r General to IN k ; .481 y pleased to direct the Attorney informs- lion fi r san ction to the tiling of the proposed. any I)Rilildi in injunction to restrain the erection of . 141.-`4 (liear!' Th e . de -park for the intended exhibition of it t to ,4t, -rrORNEY-GENER AL was desirous of stat itletee." lionse the motives by which he had been ae- t°tll i l ia li fe t r ila eolarse which he had adopted with respect t !ssea 8.., anon in question. ea eked on his own responsibility, no He had withoutadoptehdaythinag s etibt s e a Or his by any one; and entertaining to% "a the subjEc, ti . t o „„ r , hethought With respect to the . tint. s" aae—(Elear, hear.) that the most dignified It eas e °` the inf ormation, there could be no doubt that which the Afoot a Mere matter of form, but a matter exercise a .. s.. tretien'orney-General had the right to ni ,ethethe'att.fler reading over the information ascertainto •t at, -, l l . t s w as a proper case for the considerationof the 1441,1'44 had Pre had been not only the established and i .. ceded hPractice of all Atorney• Generals who that j in e t tl l g t e , B l e rn ' th b e at he had heard over and over again the a a courts of equity express their regret , au_ Ges•rr-latti not been fully brought before the At•or , . 0 i ll s (ita9 r ., ; o ' l , l4(l e i d s ing that if such had b i e n e f n orm th a e tio c a as ; s aa n d so k , • is nave sanctioned such an stte ra 143tan ces eases had been referred backto he th en e !eticert:,,Y'Utnaral, when additional facts had t evil alah'ecl. There were various cases in which 'se e , e occasioned if informations were Ra re tilitit tout With fully considering how far partiesthe L s. re placgedrebaefore lead tstietY be benefited, and he . had . rectehatY the ikes‘, 'Arent an information, considering 4414' eld 4 P e i l ' el ee sought ar charity would not warrant thntilltttlrbe ineurred. There could be no doubt, then, l hob'etielae w as a discretion in the Attorney N - m now endeavour to explain the manner in _ 4 ' 4 41 tlreeeeded. This was an information bysignedd ioua Reties gentleen in Hvd - Park - Gr e whiche Attorney-General. a . a Mi ens lag to the Woods and Forests, . 4e -g reitlt. - e - ' stating a ih n e d that ver the retailees.Proposed would interfere with the i ri . g o h a ts to tc! stal sss of the hi. and • g an in s tinct' . :4the 4 tile ore .NI le, praying ilitio ction of those buildings. It was essential l 11, 4 all °ald bear in mind the interests connected •m ll4 - s ° Place ie a hich it was proposed the building d e l or_ 0 4 f 8tly tri: %reeted. The information alleged, and 0 the e gcu, that the interests were two—the . interest t iii`othe parblaicakand the interest of the . public, the i Woods d 1 0 ' it s le "eing divisible into the interest of the p a ti a ti_- °teats Presented by the Commissioners of To e as trustees and that other interest of the public park. ` tl e r' rela ted to C ' ex r ercise t and recreation in the Naitilght of the property of h ek e It was Crown n o h the di p t a a r r k y was simple and t _ e ) i.. , a. I , i. part of the ere of par ha Part never been alleged d'd rent from that the should in relation be 1 e by anybody that thetas ° ther st any . hts of the Crown, ,-reers oyal parks. The rig 'lra 1 v, were of doing s; Pe of e those arising from possessing the fee 'th i t ssge Property with the absolute power that vo, We s woat it thought ' fit, except so far as 4e_tterin:i,l,,erestrainedby various , Acts of Parliament ~roist, the Crown, from granting the property of the d Forests Teich sav e °t Prejudice of successors, and by those Acts raes.rPt;rett'laaathee C ommissioners ht of Woods an P s and to receive rents and ,raisti It Was &ed e ' Pre th el •n ' formation that the C . om to , 4s et% e , k r a of Wood din d el Forests had no authority - 41 /es 8 s - g a huildin; aasnthat proposed, and that t sta *45 " V s the str• 1 re no such authority. - In Ntv s ie l tree • tia, hat wa, • It did not give them Crown, suchone sense ail aa t t h h o a - t and the 44 h had t 0 say. as against the ejlieil din an absolute power to provent them erecting Rik g Winch might interfere with the 4 eat r r A ttor sei'Qe 13 ' the Crown and might call on the iehts and ur 's4 o ° 4l to fii •', • t p e, ret . . 0 an information rx But that the 'wo W.""ralaing the Commissioners. Forests, 54 th'e POWs" the Commissioners of Woods and 4 3 , ef rwer of erecting a building in Hyde-park, , or slightest ils:l,lhletlierslal parks, be did not ente . rtain t h h e e m s, the ig in • fi Ittlile practicegh.----(Elear, hear •) That it had . -s0 of the Crown . to exercise that right was hi NI bY e Rat er 414 had very species of record. In St. iv , been erected, and of late ',ea required,°rag, for which no Act of Parham n tga ess All that the years necessary was, the 7erl ts 'Alai permitting the Commissioners wts. to erect_ R. • ' bf li„ 4l ,or ss . s . 111 W i 8° 4180 with the respect to the cottage erected Regent. Ven d it the Crow n cl to the P- •`'' whe George IV. was Commissioners_ t 0 the -ds and .„ ar n consen . te . ji at i c, that tixle eats exercising the powers entrusted for an Act of Par tite:4 for tre was no necessity. he purpose of erecting a building 1 . ttrePa.l Parks. Of if such a proceeding "nter th • W ith th • course, . n et t e rights of individuals they would have ew , be ind Pendentof the Crown, but that the . al ha t i had Rich ae4°4 , 4(4 the alqteaetrdonunbdt. _... had(a doubt.—(bear, r w , tl t the -q, Perhapq, as respected the rights and interests ht a h y e s ar e . x ) ere l i t se w d a i s t Polak Pablie, that 'he should here at ate his views on t h a c_ t acte s. Zile interests of the public were of a twofold c Of No -ther e , _, ere in the first place, the Commissioners talilloselist eau Fore'sts created by Act of Parliament, and t -4411 d -lit W as to naanage the Crown propertin 0 e e er . rnost beneficial to the Crown and the andpublic, ta all °l4 the fines and rents which, bye compact . known ilist 1° Ili' tiara in consideration of the grant of a my' Wi I e :ill.° Fund. He heededle t Wn, paid into the Consolidated 4 0 direct the of the House to that point, e Infer sae it had been e attention l brought forward in th 14. °elation, __. prorninent y ble and Gallant Mem inte' npeaite.an!!! by the Honoura they right to had no to th . 1•0 wi th ,•tt Fes said that public, so far as relate k elr tale use rights of the . the park. in a Iv, h 0 venturei leasure and recreation h -0 44 , to say, It the best consideration . po int ALI% the subject, a far er related to any lsgal taltealn thi s questimi tl ' iTt the recreation as and pleasure lake fo e th e public in H de-park stood exactly en the 44(4 '4 as regardedYthat ark as they did with re o!' boo any other Royal P d that they depended 4. win ~_ , park, an hear.) ta e 'Ns 8 , 79 Pleasure of the Crown.—(Hear, Poief',*aLring merely as to the legal interpretation of - sta r • --. fop it was a - f all that the Crown would -s t ar fare with re t the leisure ete and recreation of the t4setahlittshe get, so farasthe right of way might be '' 111114os'. the Public mightas well interfere as eertain"lag the t articular a gate,' hour, or insist on a s k i tioaesisBl o' al a es a being 1-.§aturA-• tue Perk, as insist on any particular species of g ear.) 'rsti,od recreation ,in art of tie ark.—( Bear 4 1% 4 There was no o s 13 -law right—by which he d 24ert4t!I righ t h to the whole e 1121%1' t take pleasure an v ' e re el°- ov er th e f ie— t o tter person. There te nd t %terns, andprtperity o h ano custom did not . ex- Patti e ° all olOrises _on ted y ; ut a but only to certain thtit he of i t. 1 , , 0f the community, be bad to allege l'ill it ° Publi c b u r instance, it would cricket on a tillage Rs tree _ . ad a custom of playing extend to 41 : wh ole u 2,. because a custom could . not til)°eteci tt`7°lnnaunity, though it Ealg . ..t h b good as e d• trict. h le an „ '4,0 inhabitanta of a particular . 1 s . at Jr taat might technical distinction, th e ,it was Seen 2 a it bore upon Is,_ step s whieh itz2ld importance a • s this iformation. asetiPtibl byte er ef a • been taken in had of the n public, eria tt rlt n ,,, .;:re, la the nharactetro pleasure and re pheatc,ia iO the °f Parliament ' 4 could be found. In ‘,,ilie. s er , ee of Say . A t o such Act Parliament the only righ . t ea;:41113, portion feh o Id have must be in 0t e public cou • tc f a 141 4 "a ellStom • h e inhabitan s elate nla r place. Re admitted to theret might be such a ste t : k for all the inhabitantsltdmitted Loden and Westmin e • eas e je.lt'l reference of wore th if that ti ee , Woul d „._ to the parks, but . informa for an Proslvhich ,elate properly be a subject but the se,Per % ode ,i‘ e rt . to the public ally; gener be for some 4e v of 9te i..:_uti..ntrce the custom would V stminster to % sa l tall 'n habit b eh l i t r t 8 of London and N c and ho re " tilete°4 ti le Part 4 of themselves and others, prevent h e ~, enf esein _Of the A ttorney -General couldhing could tar e °re e asy 1 0 rne right if it existed. Not Of eree that ri proceedings to t' them than to institute etition ee n ;Rht es h Rh!. Whether they proceeded by P Itt ti Proof 133, suit, no power of the Attorney -Generall , 1. y thatt the m enforcin it. But no lawyer would 4.11,.. such a right • g •. pity % ti t • N I far asexisted in the thecommu gene distinc- a gttia W i lt s s a raatte ofpubjic was concerned _ I. I had v eat "" at B 4o th a t little importance. But , - as sa °4 su c h a matter o refusal of his could pre hut 1 ) re b e _ ins other _ being so brought forward. rle s hu,e,the s n i t !_°lll3 which he had to consider. It ) was la liet the ri..7asseinstituted at the instance of the relators, rnaV:ditethguna observe the advantage they would have Plat ; rise o f t , a n ult of that description, if they could ne se Z ti i! of „ nea t': erne of the Attorney -General in co.m rneat jet whi ch w g, for the purpose of enforcing elar e e a pri vate Was really intended to be the enforce able t Positivei right•-s(Hear, hear.) Now he de ryerelate° th.. ',..after the best attention he had been Rives thia":nee, that it appeared to him that the ide a °f the AttOr ° h rI endeavoured to make use of the of o ll ,, I 'll? cub, I,_ aeYaGeneral, not for the purpose of e t ta mve_avenri'n 'refit to the public, but for the purpose q eit Siasta g y, s ° °Aan some advantage to themselves, Property, which they had been advised. or which they felt the courts of law did not enable them to enf,rce in any other manner. If that was so, he vea tured to say if the Atterney-tkneral had permitted his name to be used for the purpose di scribed he would have grossly tailed in his duty to the Crown—he would have betrayed the interests of the public, and would have deserved the severest censure of the House of Commons. Another ground of objection had been put forward by the lion. and Gallant Member opposite as repected the allusion to the vote which the House bad come to on the question. It had been truly said that the Commis sioners cf Woods and Forests, being trustees for the public, ought to be responsible for the exercise of their powers. He he'd this to be a point of the greatast im portance. The Commissioners of Woods and Forests were Ministers of the Crown, appointed for the ma nagement of the Crown revenues for the benefit of the public. Now, without reference to private rights, he held as regarded the public, though they were strictly accountable, they were not in his opinion account able in any other place than Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Is would be a most dangerous innovation if they were to allow the Court ( f Chancery to call such public officers to account for the manner in which they performed their duties, instead of holding them respon sible to Parliament..—(Hear, hear.) As an illustration of the danger iif such a proceeding, he might refer to an Act of that statesman whose loss they all deplored. About six years ago the late Sir Robert Peel admitted by Order in Council foreign corn free of duty, though an Act of Pailiament was in existence at the time imposing a duty. What would have been more easy than fit a collection of landlords to have called on the Attorney - -General—not for the public interest, but their own—to file an information in the Court of Chancery to reicind that order? The cases ap peared to him to Le analogous. If, with resp:et to public fines and rents, they were to allow the At torney-General or private individuals to call the Com missioners of Woods and Forests to account in the Court of Chancery, they would be establishing a most dangerous innovation, which would be most injurious to the best interests of the country. Of late years the courts of law had manifested a strong deire to inter fere with the rights and privileges of that House. — (Hear, bear.) That such a disposition existed in the courts of law was notorious. In fact, a favourite adage in Westminster Hall was, that every judge ought to ex tend his jurisdiction. Now, if they had an Attorney- General who should hold public officers accountable to the Court of Chancery the most serious results would follow.—(Hear, hear.) It was with reference to such a consideration that he had alluded to the vote of the House as an important element in this case. A majority of the House had confirmed the proceedings of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and so far as the information complained of the Commissioners, as trustees of 'the public, he considered it as an appeal from the decision of that House, as to the conduct of public officers, to the High Court of Chancery.— (Hear, hear.) Ha did think that, as Attorney-Gene ral, he would have grossly neglected his duty if he had sanctioned such a proceeding. These were the grounds upon which he had acted. If he had consulted his own convenience, nothing would have been easier for him than to have considered the question a mere matter of form, and have given the use of his signature. His doing so would not have deprived him of the office which he had the honour to hold, nor would it have interfered with his advancement in his profession; but he must have been blind not to have seen that by taking the other course,—knowing the great influence of the press, which took an opposite view—he would have to sustain a vast amount of vituperation and blame.—(Hear, hear.) He had adopted the course he had done because he firmly and sincerely believed it to be the best; and so long as he filled the office which he had the honour to bold, he would undertake to say that as far as he could he would discharge its duties on his own responsibility, with out throwing any part on the shoulders of others; and that he would always endeavour to do tempe rately, but fearlessly, that which he considered to be his duty. (Cheers.) SUPPLY. The House then wen; into a Committee of Supply on he army estimates. 1,362,400/, being the remainder of the sum necessary f,r defraying the expense of the land forces in Great Britain, Ireland, and abroad. Mr. HUNIE complained of the increase which had taken place on the three branches of the service since 1828. He trusted the Government would take the whole subject into their consideration, whether the Committee should make their report this session or not. He wished to see the distinction between the line and house hold troops abolishei, and every regiment take its routine of duty at home and abroad. Mr. F. MAULE said that he had no doubt the report of the Committee would contain many suggestions which would be of great benefit to the army. Tney had consi dered the questions of clothing agencies, as well as the commissariat, and time and deliberation would be re quired before they could make their report. He would undertake that, before the estimates were brought for ward in another year, they would give the evidence heard before the Committee their most careful considera tion, and the Government would come to that House in the next session prepared to state the grounds upon which they would either make changes in conformity with the opinions of that Committee, or the grounds upon which they abstained from making such changes. Colonel CHATTERTON complained of the practice of compelling the soldiers to pay for every good conduct badge which they received. The cavalry officer, too, was subject to much greater expenses than the com manding" officer of an infantry regiment, and the pay of the former was, under the circumstances, much worse than that of the latter. He (Colonel Chatterton) wished to repeat those remarks he bad before made as to the impropriety of allowing the married and single sol diers to occupy the same room iu the barrack. He had heard that a great boon had been granted to the soldiers in this respect, but he found, upon inquiry, that that boon amounted to only 41 a week for the lodging of the mar ried soldier. Colonel DUNNE said that when the report of the Committee was presented, ho should make many obser vations as to the evidence that had been given before that Committee. He hoped that the Government would take immediate steps to put down that system by which a corporal, when promoted, received for a time less than he had previously been paid. Mr. BRIGHT said there was one point which he wished to bring before the attention of the Committee. There was, it appeared, 17,500/. allowed to officiating clergymen performing services at home and abroad. He did not object either to that vote or the clergy. But he had observed with great pain that the practice of coast cra'ing banners presented to regiments was continued. — (Cries of " Oh, ob.") It was a practice which he thought was well calculated tc give pain to a very large class of persons, including the members of the Established Church, and of Dissenting bodies, and more particularly from the manner in which it was performed. There was a case reported in the Freeman's Journal of the 28,h March, 1850, on the presentation of colours in Phoenix park, Dublin, to the 55th Regiment. The Rev. C. Hor ton read the prayer. This gentlems.n, who was chap lain to the garrison, appeared upon the occasion in question, and robed in full canonicals. After praying for the Queen, and offering up a variety of petitions, the Reverend Gentleman went on to say, " Having im plored thy blessing, Lord, ou the Quo n and the Royal Family, we would now implore thy Wes dug on the loyal and devoted subjects now present, and more immediately on those engaged in the service and defence of the country." The prayer then pro ceeded to say, in effect, that " Though the main tenance of an army was rendered necessary owing to the wickedness and depravity of man, and was counte nanced in the pages of thy holy word, like the banner of the cross of Christ, upon which the soldiers of Jesus Christ relied in the day of trouble, and to which they looked with an eye of faith, and were inspired with con fidence and energy, so may this earthly banner, conse crated to the service and honour of our Savereign, be as instrumental as those laid aside have been in maintaining the fidelity and loyalty of thy people, and that it may stand forth in confirmation of the tame and glory of the British Army. We call upon Thee, 0 Lord, to bless and consecrate these banners in thy name, most mighty Lard of Hosts. May they not be un urled in any but a good cause, and may they be borne by strong arms and brave hearts; may they be enabled to do all things through Christ who will strengthen them. May Thou, 0 Lord, shield and protect those over whom these colours shall wave in battle, or if they fail as men have before fallen, may they die as good soldiers of Jesus Christ, and like those who have triumphantly borne the banner t f the cross. • • . . . May they be strong in the Lord. May they this day put on the armour of God and fight the good fight of faith and eternal life. And for their encouragement may they treasure up the words of the Great Captain of Salvation, Be thou faith ful unto dea'h and I will give then a crown of life.'" Now (observed Mr. Bright), if there be any person who really believed that this prayer could give any advantage to the banners, or to them who served under them, he could only say he believed it to Le one of the grossest superstitions conceivable. If a man did not believe that any advantage could be gained from this religions ceremony, then he said it was a hol low imposture which should be abolished. From the day when Constantine marched under the banner of the cross, upon which this motto was inscribed —" In hcc signo vinces," up to the present there was nothing more approaching to superstition and imposture.—(ob, oh.) There was here an awful confusion of things totally die' tinct in the minds of the soldiers before whom this lan guage was addressed. Th e y were sacr ifi c i n g Christianity ot itselfhu that t whichin e n Christiandme a u v i o t u b r e i religion.n wholly to make h o y They oppose C m dhi mixed e i o s d t i t a hu n ep i t yp rho hi b ne o c l i s ter up P s l a e c s r sacred name and attributes of religion with such a ridiculous ceremony as this. The case to which he had referred worstthe tnhoet mreo religious, t a g s ie t om e u . sp, h a l b i tu e i ct c o ah n ue s g i w d u eoaruApelerddat thethat e ato r t was the worst he had as y e t seen recor d e d . The prshrinkayer was re m o n o one ryo dictated lu nots aoyni iygn as in he could resort to, it was as blasphemous a prayer as was ever offered in the face of Heaven. Mr. F. MAULE, in reply to the Hon. and Gallant Member for Cork (Colonel Chatterton)), said that he did not think it a great exaction to ask the soldiers to pay a trifle for their good - co nduct bad g es, when they carried - with them an increase of their daily pay. In respect to the separation between the married and the single soldiers, he could only say that he had done everything in his power to effect such a change in their mode of living in barracks as would secure this desirable result. The subject, however, would still receive his best at tention.—(Hear, hear.) As to the question of the con secration of the colours of a regiment, it was one which must be a matter of opinion with regard to its observ ance. It was a custom which had been handed down in the army from time immemorial--(Haar, .hear)—whsn new colours were presented to a regiment, to sanction their psesentation by invoking upon them the blessing of God. He could see nothing offensive in that — (Hear, hear) —nothing superstitious in it.—(Elear, herr.) Whilst he admitted it might not be necessary to attach to those colours the regard of the soldiers who fought under them, still he could not refuse to admit that it was a recog - aition of the protection to which the soldier should always look up (Mir, hear) and soldiers were none the worse I T having a uleszing open them.—(Hear, hear.) With reference to the prayer the Hon. Meml - ,er had read, he saw nothing in it that either could be found fault with, or no expression in it that could be improved.—(Hear.) The chaplain of the garrison of Dublin, from whom that prayer W 23 stated to have emanated, no doubt expressed the inte rest which he felt for the soldiers over whom ho had pastoral charge sincerely and cordially ; and he believed there was no act which attracted so much the respect of the soldiers of the regiment, or one with which so little fault had been found, either by the public press or by any individual, complaining of a public department, as the observance of a religious ceremony at tit- , p-e -sentation of new colours.—(hear.) It was established by no order or regulation of the army, that he was aware of. It was a custom that had come down from the earliest times. It was one which might be dispensed with at the ple isure of the army or the wish of that House ; bat it was one which he saw no grounds to in terfere with. Therefore, with all respect for the reli gious feelings and conscientious opinions of the various classes of the country, he must say he had never be fore heard it stated that such a proceeding—whilst he knew it to be acceptable to the army at large—was at al! offensive to the religious feelings of the public. Captain BOLDERO thought [hat the prayer com plaincd of by the Hon. Member did honour to the clergy man. From the manner of the Hon. Member for Man chester a stranger would imagine that he was as well acquainted with matters pertaining to the army as he was with looms and spinning jennies.—(Hear hear.) To do away with the practice would be considered as a gross insult to the army. The vote was then agreed to; as also were the votes -54,9164 charges and expenses of general staff officers; and, 46,6841. charges and allowances for the officers of the several public military departments. The following votes were also agreed to:- 8,8954, being part of the charge for the Royal Military College. 9,657/. for the Royal Military Asylum. On the vote of 41,0004, part of the charge of the volunteer corps, Mr. H. BERKELEY moved, pursuant to notice, the rejection of this vote. He looked upon it as a most un constitutional force—it was only a mummery of noble war—a playboy of the nobility. He had no doubt he should be strenuously opposed, as there were a troop —if not a whole squadron—of yeomanry officers in that House. He approached the subject with no hostility whatever--(Hear, hear)—to the regular army—(Laughter.) He contended that the yeomanry had never adequately fulfilled the duties for which they were originally constituted. lie contended that no armed force could be of utility unless it was strictly amenable to discipline, and unless it was amenable to the Government and authority. It was because the yeo manry had of late shown itself disorderly aad disobedient that he bad come to the conclusion that they were no longer fit to be entrusted with the preservation of the public peace. He would refer to the proceedings in which they bad been engaged for the last thirty years.— (Oh, and great laughter.) He would show that they were in the pernicious habit of reasoning upon the orders they received instead of carrying them out. He would remind the House of the occasion of the corona tion of George IV. The Queen had just arri►ed from the continent, and had expressed her intention of taking her place in the ceremony. The Life Guards were called out, as great rioting was apprehended, and so als ) were the yeomanry, who, after their kind, pro ceeded to reason upon those orders, and preserved the peace by cheering for the Queen and Alderman Wood. He admitted that no loss of life took place, the mob con tenting themselves with smashing the windows of those who who were supposed to be opposed to the Queen. He would now remind the House of another ease of insubor dination on the pin of the yeomanry—the Manchester massacre of 1819 at Peterloo. The yeomanry were called on to disperse an unarmed mob, and brutally slew men, women, and children. Both these were cases of gross insubordination. He came next to the Swing riots. The yeomanry were called out to assist the civil power, but they would not come.—[ An Honourable Member— " Where?"] It was a general complaint throughout the country. The lord-lieutenants reported in many parts of the west of England the total inefficiency of the yeomanry corps. In 1838 he found that Lord Mel bour❑ reduced the yeomanry corps, and thereby gave great umbrage to that body. The yeomanry in those riots behaved in the worst possible manner, having been ineffivient, disorderly, and undisciplined. The opinion of all lord-lieutenants was that yeomanry were unfit for the purposes of police; a couple of guns and a regiment of soldiers could be taken from London to Leicester before a body of local yeomanry could be got together. It took 48 hours to concentrate a body of yeomanry on any given point of a county; and the lord-lieutenant of Gloucester had said that he could take the staff of his own militia regiment to any part of that county in wag gons several hours before he could get together the local yeomanry. He would show what good the yeomanry were on an emergency. All persons remem bered the Bristol riots.—(Hear, and laughter.) Well, Bristol stood in two counties which abounded in yec manry, well-dressed and moustachiod gentlemen, bat that tows was three days in the hands of a lawless mob, and the yeomanry were no more good than so many old apple-women. In the course of the riots ten Somer s, t yeomen marched into Bristol, but they had to bo locked up by the mayor in the riding-school, for fear the mob would do them any harm—(Laughter.) This was stated in the Bristol Gazette of 9th of May last; th at was his authority. So much for the gallant corps of Somerset yeomen—so much for Somersetshire. But what aid had Bristol from the heroes of Gloucestershire? Captain Codrington certainly appeared at the head of the Doddington and Marshfield troop of yeomen; but he only marched into Bristol at the request of the ma gistrates, but he marched out again to the light of the incendiary fires. Yet this was the force which the people of Bristol was compelled to pay for; but they could not be compelled to respect them or to confide in their prowess, when, as old John Dryden said, the yeomen were— "Mouths without arms maintained at vast expense, In peace a charge, in war a weak defence. Stout once a year you march, a blustering band, And ever but in time of need at hand." It might be said they could not find a magistrate; and he was perfectly aware a magistrate could not be found; but it must be remembered that this was in the time of the old corporation; and it was laid down by the judges of the land and the president of the court martial, that soldiers might act for the protec tion of life and property without a magistrate. One mare instance of yeomanry valour, obedience, and mili tary qualification. It was a rare instance in which the yeomanry was under fire. This was in Glamorgan shire, and his authority was Mr. Franklin, a magis trate at Bridgend, is that county. It was is the time of the Merthyr riots, in 1831, which that gentleman had hoped, were wholly f orgo tt en —(Laughter)—as they did no credit to any party. A whole regiment of yeomanry, consisting of three divisions, were ordered to assemble and march on Merthyr. The western division, com manded by an old Peninsular officer, never reached Merthyr, having been disarmed in a bloodless encounter with the mob. The centre division marched to Merthyr where it found the eastern division. A party was ordered to escort some powder to Brecon, and about two miles from the town they encountered numbers of people who obstructed the road, and threatened to attack them if they did not retire. After some delay the major in command gave the word " threes about, march—retire," which they did accordingly. The mob then fired on then, and the march became a run.—(Laughter.) The writer said he attempted to cut down some of the pri soners, but his sword being blunt—(Bursts of laughter) —he was thrown back on the crupper of his horse, and did not recover his seat until he reached the barracks. When it was reflected that the yeomanry jacket scarcely reached down to the os sacrum, it could scarcely be said they turned tail.—(Laughter.) Mr. F. concluded his letter by saying that was the consequence of making bad farmers worse soldiers.—(Laughter.) Humanity for bade the employment of such a force, as the results of excitement on the part of an infuriated mob could not be calculated on such a force. If Newport had been de fended by this regiment of yeomen, and not by half a company of the 45th, what would have become of it? — (Hear, bear.) So much for the past; but for the future, what? The yeomanry declared that if certain measures were not carried they would fight—they would not draw their swords except for their own interests 'This was stated at public meetings—at the great Crown and Anchor meeting, for instance, in the Strand. At York again they had Mr. Ferrand flinging up the hatchet. What would they say of a cavalry officer who should say what mob his regiment should charge and what it should not? Would they not call that insubor dination? The Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer had said, in a late debate, thatall this ought to be treated with contempt—that the contemptibility of the threatener excused the threat. But they had to deal now with the people's purse; and to pay those who resorted to such threats, and maintained a sort of private Horse Guards of their own, would be a measure of which he appre hended they would disapprove. The Right Hon. Secre tary of War might tell him that some force was neces sary to support the military. Then increase the civil force, and instead of maintaining a rabble of 300 or 400 yeomanry, who were never found when wanted, and when found were of no use, substitute a mounted police, with well-trained men, with well-broken horses. The magistrates and the people at large would have infinitely more confidence in such a body of men than in three or four times the number of yeomen.—(Hear.) One word on the subject of discipline. All cavalry officers of ex perience preferred being without raw recruits, who had been entrusted with arms in their hands; and what could yeomanry cavalry be but raw recruits? Distinguished infantry officers were of the same opinion. He had read an account of a speech delivered by the llon. and Gal lant Member for Frome, in returning thanks for the army, in which ho said he trusted the army would not be reduced in number, for a soldier was not made in a day.—(Hear.) What could a rabble do who met only once a year to go through what was called a drill ? Cavalry officers had their portfolios crammed with cari catures of yeomanry at drill. He had shown that, for a long series of years, the yeomanry had been insubordi nate and useless, and that at the present moment they the M v r o . te E h . had added the additional characteristic of being disobe dient and dangerous. On these grounds he thought a to the present sufficient case was made out for rejecting this vote. three instances in ' which the a M d A h de : yL notE, t h saidfee Hon, he convinced Gentleman would n e e d that theha v e yeomanry proposed corps was a good and a constitutional force. From 1831 hayed otherwisethan they yeomanry force than might m havr have only h a ee d oerepee xh expected. edeeo: be haved office of Under•Secretaryi'xoPf He bad had a little e s ri t e e n te ce fe o r f si t x he ye h a a r b s i:s en of d t h h e e is Hon. Friend, having held the knew from the report of the . Commander-in•Chief the state of efficiency of the various corps; and he knew, that no deficiency in discipline was is any case passed over. His Hon. .Friend had st , . - .l,:sd tha . , Lard Mel'ooarne, , *caling. the insufficiency of the force, made great reductions in it. But his Hon. Friend must per mit hitn t 3 say, that Lord Melbourne, while Secretary of State, increased instead of diminished it. Reductions certainly took place in 1837 and 1838, but they were made entirely on financial considerations. He main tained that the character of the yeomanry was not to be assailed on the ground of honour and z?al. As to the absurd and wild sentiments uttered at the Crown and Anchor, no ono could for a moment suppose that they expressed in the smallest degree the feelings of the yeo manry.—(Hear, hear.) As to what had taken place in the north of England, he was quite certain that if the yeomanry should be called on they would do their duty as faithfully as they had hitherto discharged it. The Hon. Member had ql3ted instances in which the yeo manry had failed to do their duty; but he knew a case which happene I at Stirling, in which: had it not been for the assistance of the yeomanry cavalry, a great loss of property and life would have ensued; and their services were remembered with gratitude to this day by the in habitants. Similar services bad been rendered in times of disturbance in other parts of the country. It was not that the force was always called into active service ag,►inst mobs, but it was the knowledge thyt yeomanry (turps were in reserve to protect the locality to which they belonged, which enabled them to avail themselves more effectually of those other means of defence.—(Hear, hear.) The vote had been from year to year put upon a very reduced scale, and he could state from his own knowledge, derived from the report of officers who had inspected them, that at this moment, when they were accused of leaving the country in an almost defenceless state, if they did away with the yeomanry force they would do away with a force which contributed mainly to the safety and protection of the country, and at a trifling coat, which this House had hitherto voted, and he hoped would still continue to vote. Colonel REID entertained an opinion diametrically opposed to that of the Hon. Member for Bristol. The Hon. Member complained of the incapacity, the inade quacy, and insubordination of the yeomanry troops; while he, on the contrary, was of opinion that they were a corps of immense value, both physical and moral, and eminently qualified to perform all the duties which could possibly be imposed on them.—(Hear, hear.) This was no mere casual or theoretical opinion, but one founded on experience and personal observation. When he had the honour of commanding one of the regiments of the household brigade, he was sent to inspect some troops in Hants, commanded by the Right Hon. Gentle man (the Speaker), under whose able command they all were in that House.—(Hear, hear.) He saw the Right Hon. Gentleman presenting a most soldierlike appear ance and bearing, and he saw him conduct his regiment through a variety of well-selected movements, so prac tically useful, especially one of them, that he had never had a field day with his own regiment since without adopting it. He left the field with the conviction that the corps whose evolutions he had witnessed was emi nently fit for any duty which it might be called on to discharge, and he would stake his reputation as a sol dier, that a body of such men would quickly rout and disperse a mob of thirty times their number. With regard to the expense, he considered it the most econo mical description of force which could be employed: 13,500 men coat the country, if not called out, 45,000/. per annum, and, if called out, 81,000/. What was the cost of the regular cavalry ? A regiment of 400 men had only 271 horses, out of which there were not more than 250 really efficient. The cost ,of this was 17,7771. per annum. The cost of 1,140 men in the regular cavalry was more than 13,500 yeomanry, and it must be recol lected that these 13,500 men were liable to be called out at any hour. During the Chartist riots the Bucks Yeo manry were called out to replace the regular troops sta tioned at Windsor and the neighbourhood, and that regi ment, to the number of 600 men, assembled, ho had•been informed, in less than four hours, and not more than 20 men were absent. There might be inefficient corps, but they ought to be disbanded. This was, however, a course which ought to be excercised with very great caution and discrimination—a little more than had been shown by the Whigs. He would not deal in general charges. Ho was sent on one occasion into Berks to in spect some corps of yeomanry. He inspected three corps. Two portions of the yeomanry troops were in a state of great efficiency, and he reported accordingly to the Commander-in-Chief. The third corps was not in a state of efficiency. The three corps were, however, disbanded. The Hon. Member for Gloucestershire inquired the reason, and was informed that it was in consequence of the unfavourable report of the inspecting officer. Now, as the inspecting officer's report was confidential, therefore it was hardly fair, after the report be had himself made of the efficiency of two of the corps of yeomanry, to disband all three of the corps on a confidential report. This was a specimen of the judgment exercised by Government in dealing with the yeomanry force. He believed the country gentlemen and yeomanry constituted the most respectable portions of the community, and he did not think their characters would suffer by any calumnies that might be directed against them. Because a few persons used intemperate language at public meetings, was it fair to implicate all in the same censure? If occasion should arise he was satisfied that no political considerations would shake their feelings of loyalty, and prevent them from doing their duty. - _ Col. CHATTERTON bore testimony to the efficiency of the yeomanry force, of which ha had inspected sixty- ,hree regiments. Mr. 6s BORNE complained that the officers of yeo manry corps went to balls and assemblies in uniforms which were not sufficiently distinguished from those of officers of the regular army. Officers who had been serving abroad all their lives did not like on their return to see yeomanry officers in such uniforms, and called captains and colonels.—(" Ob!") He wished to know why the general order establishing a distinction between the silver lace of the yeomanry and the gold lace of the regular army had not been enforced? Mr. MULE was not aware that such an order had been issued. _ . . said, that after thirty years' service in the regiment of yeomanry to which he had the honour to belong, his experience led him to the conclusion that the yeomanry corps did not deserve the opprobrium which had been cast upon them by the Hon. Gentleman. —(Hear, hear.) The instances to which the Hon. Gentleman had referred were, he thought, more dis paraging to her Majesty's troops than to those corps. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman bad also said there was great delay in getting the men together, but it had happened to him (Ur. Bass) to be called out on many occasions, and he had known his regiment summoned at seven o'clock in the evening, and to have marched into Derby before eleven o'clock the same night hear)—and they had afterwards the satisfac tion of receiving the thanks of the magistrates for their te-vices. In 1842, wh en at a great distance from home, he had been ordered to attend in his county, and his re giment, which cousistei principally of farmers to the number of 600 men, cheerfully left their own labours, though it was in the middle of harvest-time, and served for three weeks.—(gear,) The only advantage he had ever had from belonging to a yeomanry corps was to spend 15,0001. of his own money—(A laugh)—for he had never receive I Is. pay in his life. If his corps de served one-hundredth part of the opprobrium the Hon. Gentleman had lavished upon the yeomanry in general, he (Mr. Bass) should feel it a disgrace to belong to it, but it did not deserve that opprobrium, and he hoped that until he had a son r ea d y to succee d him he should be allowed to remain in it. Mr. HUME objected to the yeomanry force, because from their short service they had not time to acquire habits of steadiness when they came into collision with the people. He believed that twenty-two troops of forty men each, of regular cavalry, would do mere to preserve the peace of the country than all the yeomanry; and, in deed, if free trade continued, as he hoped it would, far mers and their sons would have something else to do than to belong to these corps, and having a spree when they were called out.—(A. laugh.) Mr. F. MAULE, in explanation, said that the yeo manry when they were on permanent duty received pay, and in that character became subject to the Mutiny Act. Mr. CLIVE bore testimony to the efficiency of the yeomanry corps with which be was connected. Mr. EDWARDS referred to the services of his regi ment in preserving the peace of the town of Halifax in 1842, and said that they had received the thanks of the Lord-Lieutenant of the county. The moral effect of 150 men iti that district was sufficient to disarm disaffection; and as to the trumpery matter cf expense, he thought the Committee would scorn- to take it into consideration. Mr. NEWDEGATE trusted that when the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. H. Berkeley) should again be about to make so unpopular a proposition as that which he had made to-night, accompanied, as it was, by an attack on the Protectionist Members, ho would not select that (the Protectionist) side of thellonse to make it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. H. BERKELEY believed the Hon. Member (Mr. Newdegate) commanded a force somewhere in the neigh bourhood of Uxbridge. Mr. NE AT DEG A. TE— I do not. events, the Hon. M em o Mr. H. BERKELEY- A t .a.ll —..-- - ber belonged to that distinguished corps which wasCOWI - known in the country by the name of the " mournful and dangerous."—(Great laughter.) He had been told of some half.dozen of them marching through Uxbridge with umbrellas over their heads.—(Renewed laughter.) As regarded his (Mr. H. Berkeley's) select ing his seat on the Opposition side of the House, that, he presumed, depended upon his own feelings, without the necessity cf consulting the Hon. Gentleman. ( llear, hear.) But if the Hon. Gentleman wished to know wby he preferred addressing the House from those benches rather than from the other side, which he should , very much prefer, be begged to say that from having a physical infirmity b e found Hear, it convenie ) nt to resresp t upon hear. With ect the table while spea.king*.--( to the magistracy of Bristol, he hoped the present gen tlemen who held the Commission in that city would not be confounded with the past. The town of Bristol was now as perfectly safe from the threats of an ill-dis posed mob as it would be from an ill-disposed yeomanry. Mr. HENLEY observed, that as the Hon. Gentleman had chosen by inference to cast an imputation against a set of what he called unreformed magistrates, it would have been but common justice if he had stated that those gentlemen were brought to trial in the county of Berks and acquitted. said that it was the last thin Mr. NEWDEGAT E g he should have thought of to make any observation as to which side of the House it might be convenient for the Hon. Gentleman to a ddress the Committee, but he could not help feeling, that as the Hon. Gentleman had indulged in language not highly complimentary to those ( g r . Nevvdegate) might be excused for around him, he having adverted to the circumstance. As to the " mournful and dangerous troop"—(Loui laughter)—he would not stop to inquire in what purlieus of Uxbridge the Hon. Gentleman had:pickeclup that name.—(Divide.) The Committee then divided, when th ere appeared—_ For the vote ... 147 Against it ... 25 Majority The following votes were than agreed to, to complete the sums previously granted on account :- 29,000/. for the pay of general officers not being colo nels of regiments. 8.112/. for rewards fur distinguished services. 27.5001. for the pay of retired officers. 21,000/. for half-ply and reduced allowances to officers. 63,5001. for the charge on account of the pensions of widows of officers. 46,0001. for allowances on the compassionate list. 18 7561. for Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospitals. 20,0001. for compensation and superannuation allow ances. 633,0001. for out-pensioners of Chelsea Hospital. The Howe then resumed, the report was brought up, and the resolutions agreed to. The Fisheries Bill was real a third time and passed. POOR RE LIEF.BILL. On the question that the Poor Relief Bill be read a third time, Sir W. JOLLIFFE moved a clause to prevent the practice of passing the poor from parish to parish of a union in order to get rid of the liability to relieve them. The clause enacted that a residence within the union should have the same effect as if such persons had con tinuel to reside within any single parish comprised in such union. Mr. BAINES said that the change proposed to be made by the Hon. Bsronet was one of so much import ance to the whole poor-law (system that it could not with propriety be introduced at so late a period of the session. The subject of the present clause had better be reserves until the whole question of settlement came be fore the House. The clause was then negatived, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. The Excise Sugar and-Licenses Bill was read a second time. The Equivalent Company Bill went through C mittee. SAVINGS BANKS BILL. In reply to a question from Mr. SPOONER, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, ho was pressed to go on with this Bill. At all events he wished to have a discussion upon it, but whether he should be able to go on with it or not would depond upon the turn that the discussion might take. If this Bill did not pass, he must pass a short Act on the sub ject. He would put off the Bill until next Friday. The order of the day for the second reading was then postponed until Friday, Aug. 2. The Cruelty to Animals (Scotland) Bill was read a third time. BENEFICES IN PLURALITY BILL. On the motion that the Lords' amendments to this Bill be agreed to, Mr. GLADSTONE said the Lords hall made an al- teration in the Bill as to the value of benefices that might be held in plurality. but in that alteration he saw nothing objectionable. With regard to the contiguity of benefices, however, they had made a change of which he did not approve. Instead of the arrangement agreed to in that House, the Lords had made it necessary only that the churches of two contiguous parishes held in plurality should not be more than three miles distant from each other. This he considered fatal to unity of charge, and therefore he would move there-insertion.of the words containing the principle of contiguity. Mr. FREWEN hoped the Right Honourable Gentle man would not press his amendment. Much considera tion had been given to the subject by the bishops in the other House. Mr. GLADSTONE said he withdrew his amendment with considerable reluctance. _ _ . The Lords' amendments were then agreed to with an unimportant exception in the 9th clause. The Engines for Taking• Fish (Ireland) Bill went through Committee. The Duke of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was brought in and read a first time. The House adjourned at Two o'clock to Monday at ,welve. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Conunotu.) FRIDAY, JULY 26. SUPPLY. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Motion made, and Question proposed, " That a sum not exceeding 41,0001., being part of a sum of 81,000/. (of which 40,0c01. has been granted on account) be granted to her Majesty, for defraying the Charge of Volunteer Corps, which will come in course of payment from the Ist day of April, 1850, to the 31st day of March, 1851, both days inclusive." The Committee divided: MAJORITY—AYES, 147. Anson, Colonel Ferguson, Sir R. Newdegate, C. N. Arkwright, George Fitzpatrick, J. W. Nicholl, John Bagot, William Foley, J. 11. Nugent, Sir Percy Baines, M. T. Forster, Matthew Paget, Lord A. Baldock& E. H. Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord C. Baring, Sir F. T. Frewen, C. H. l'aget, Lord G. Barnard, E. G. Gladstone, W. E. Pakington, Sir J. Bass, M. T. Goddard, A. L. Palmerston, Viscount Bellew, R. M. Granby, Marquis Parker, John Berkeley, Admiral Grey, Sir G. Pelham, Hon. D. A. Blair, Stephen Grey,:lt. W. Pennant, Hon. Col. Boldero, IL George Grogan, Edward Pigot, Francis Booth, Sir R. G. Grosvenor, Lord R. Portal, Melville Bouverie, E. P. Guernsey, Lord Price, Sir R Bowles, Admiral Gwyn, Howel Prime, Richard Boyle, Colonel Hallyburton, Lord Rawdon, Colonel Bramston, T' W. Halsey, T. P.' Reid, Colonel Bremridge, Richard Hamilton, Lord C. Rich, Henry Broadley, H. Hatchell, John Homily, Colonel; Brocklehurst, John Hawes, Benj. Romilly, Sir John Brown, W. Hayes, Sir E. Russell, Lord J. Burghley, Lord Heald, James Sandars, George Buxton, Sir E. Healey, J. W. Seaham, Viscount Campbell, W. F. Herbert, Henry A. Seymour, Lord Carter, John B. Herbert, Sydney Sibthorp, Colonel Chatterton, Colonel Hervey, Lord A. Simeon, John Childers, J. W. Hobhouse, Sir John Smith, J. A. Cholmeley, Sir M. Hodges, T. L. Smyth, John G. Clay, James Holland, Robert Somerville, Sir W. Clements, Charles Howard, Lord E. Sotheron, T. H.'S. Clerk Sir G. Howard, Sir R. Spearman, Henry Clive, R. H. Jollhre, Sir W. H. Spooner, Richard Cobbold, J. C. Knox, Colonel Stafford, Augustus Cole, Hon. H. A. Labouchere, Henry Stanford, J. F. Corbally, M. E. Lascelles, W. S. Stanley, W. 0. Cowper, W. F. Lennard, T. B. Stuart, J. Craig, Sir W. G. Lennox; Lord H G. Start, Henry G. Dodd, G. Lewis, G. C. Taylor, T. E. Douglas, Sir C. E. Lindsay, Colonel Tenlson, Edward K. Duncuft, John Littleton, E. R. Townley, R. G. Dundas, Admiral Lygon, General Wellesley, Lord C. Dundas, Sir David 31agan, W. H. Willoughby, Sir 11. Dunne, Colonel Manners, Lord J. Wilson, James Ebrington, Viscount Matheson, Colonel W4aqd, Sir Charles Edwards, H. Maule, Fox Wortley, S. Egerton, W. T. Milner, W. M.' 'Wrightson, W. B. Elliot, John Monsell, William Wyld, James Estcourt, J. B. Morris, David TELLEas. Evelyn, W. J. Mostyn, E. M. L. Hayter, W. G. Ferguson, Colonel Mullings, J. R. Hill, Lard Marcus MINORITY—NOES, 25. Anderson, Arthur Heyworth, Lawrence Thompson, Colonel Bright, John Jackson, William Thornely, T. Brockman, E. D. Kershaw, James Wakley, Thomas Brotherton, Joseph Mangles, R. 1). Walmsley, Sir J. Cobden, R. Mclgtuad, Viscount Williams, John Duncan, George Pechell, Sir G. Greene, John Pilkingten, James llardcastle, J. A. Reynolds, John Elastic, Alexander Robartes, T. J. Headlam, Thomas Stuart, Lord D. TELLERS. Ilerkeley, H. F. Hume, Joseph COURT CIRCULAR. OSBORNI, FRIDAY. The Queen and Prince took their usual early walk this morning in Osborne-park and grounds. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, and the younger members of the Royal Family walked and rode as usual. Colonel and Lady Katherine Harcourt had the honour of j oining the Royal dinner party yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester House. The Duke and Duchess de Nemours and Prince Leo pold of Saxe Coburg Gotha visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent yesterday, at Clarence House, St. James's. The Duchess of Gloucester visited their Royal High nesses the Duchess of Cambridge and the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, on Thursday, at Cambridge House. The Commission for promoting and encouraging the Fine Arts in the rebuilding the Palace of Westminster met yesterday afternoon, at two o'clock, in the new Pa lace of Westminster. The Commissioners present were L-,rd John Russell (in the chair), the Marquis of Lans downe, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Colborne, the Right Hon. Sir James Graham, the Right Hon. T. B. Macau lay, Sir Robert H. Inglis, and Mr. B. Hawes. The Se cretary, Mr. Eastlake, was in attendance. The Commissioners for Auditing the Public Accounts, with their Secretary, Mr. Bromley, attended the Chan cellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at the half-yearly de claration of accounts. The Royal Commission for the promotion of the Ex hibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations, to be held in the year 1851, met at three o'clock yesterday afternoon, in the new Palace of Westminster. The Commissioners present were Earl Granville (in the chair), the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Sir Richard Westmacott, Sir Charles Lyeil, Mr. Barry, Mr. Baxley, Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Cubitt, Mr. Eastlake, Mr. John Gott, Mr. limey, M.P., and Mr. John Shepherd (Chair man of the East India Company). Mr. Scott Russell, Secretary to the Royal Commission, was in attendance, Colonel Reid, Chairman of the Executive Committee, was present. The Building Committee of the Royal Commission had a meeting yesterday morning, in the new Palace of Westminster. Mr. Tidd Pratt had an interview yesterday with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Dispatches were sent off last evening from the Colo nial-office for the Governor of Canada, and also for the Governors of the other North American colonies. ARRIVALS ' AT MIVART'S HOTEL. - The Prince Barietinsky and suite, from Naples ; the Count d'Oberscoff, from St. Petersburgh ; the Baron Kleist, from .Berlin ; the Count Alvensleben, Minister d'Etat, from Prussia; M. and Madame Montgomery, from the United States. Departures —the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury, for Alton Towers ; the Marquis and Marchioness of Waterford, for Curragh more ; the Dean of Worcester and Mrs. Peel, for the Isle of Wight ; Colonel and Mrs. White, for St. Helen's, near Dublin ; Lord and Lady Farnham, for Gray's, near Henley-on- Thames. CITY or LONDON SCHOOL.—The annual distribu tion of prizes and examination of the pupils of the City of London School, took place yesterday afternoon, in the theatre of the institution. The Lord Mayor was in the chair, sup ported by Sir Chapman Marshall. Mr. Under-Sheriff Wire, several aldermen, and a number of common council members. Declamations in praise of the founder were delivered by John Robert Oesley, in French ; by Wm. Cornell in Latin ; by Wm. Woodward Mills, in English ; by Earnest Abraham Hart, in Greek; and by Robert Chapman Noble, in German. Prizes were afterwards distributed to the successful competi tors, consisting of scholarships, some of the value of 501. per annum each ; gold medals, so m e worth 101. 103. ; silver medals, valued each at U. ; and parcels of books, some worth five guineas. At the conclusion of the distribution, votes of thanks were passed to the benefactors, masters, and others interested in the institution, and a similar compliment to the Lord Mayor, closed the proceedings. ROEBUCK AT SHEFFIELD. SHEFFIELD, THEilSDAY.—Yftrtiay Mr. J,,hn A LI; ur H &Jack, one of th;. Pit , .it.ttne , ifary represent.Atis this 6:_trough, app-!ii.l7ed hjor,l eo! , stituent.; to dliver to them an ati:tre ,, a, in a-cr..)rdsne- with an attriull custom th It was established by his nredecetsor, Sir H. G. WArd. There was a large at:d influential meeting, hel.: in the Town Hall, under the presidency of the Mayor (Mr. Thomas Birks). The proceedings began at one o'clock in the afternoon. through in spite of every thing—a Protectionist Minis r try, eat' , L ed Stanley at its head, end a proposal to ut 00 z: es: eie duty en corn. That will -be proposed as sure as we aie in ex tense and it will only (R timid upon tie strength of feeling out of doors whether or not it will be succesefut —(eha era.) Mr. Roebuck next addressed himself to the working.. men of the town, and pointed out to them that it lay with themselves to secure the 101. householder fran chise. He did not know how many pots of beer a good hardworking man might drink in a week, but if he would only cut off one and put by the six pence that it cost, every one of the class might be a freeman. The Honourable Member then referred to a case tried at the recent York Assizes, when two Sheffield men were convicted of a diabolical outrage against one of the principal manufacturers of the town. Trades unions were in great force iu Sheffield, and according to the manner in which that forco was employed would be the opinion of their capacity for government. If by their conduct they persuaded the middle classes that there would be danger in trusting them with the franchise, years would pass away before the fatal impression could be removed. Mr. Roebuck thee proceeded as fol lows:—Now, gentlemen, I could by taking separate topics keep you here hour weer hour; but, as I said at the commencement, my career as your representivive has been st-p by step before you. If any proportion, or Vie mejority, of my constituents think I have done wrong,l only ask of them just that fairness and goad faith that they will tell me openly what they think. Give me in opportunity of removing misrepresentation, setting right that which has been wrongly conceived, and de fending myself if I be myself accused.—(Hear.) I l &Wee that from the beginning to the end I have had only ) our interest at heart. My own individual aggrand z -ment. after now eighteen years of public life, I may nk t think myself called upon to talk of; and I shall believe that any man who makes any open or covert imputation or insinuation respecting myself and my mo ives must either be very blind or very malicious. [Alderman Dunn—Hear, hear.] Hitherto there has been no benefit for myself. \ And if, as some of you have now and then told me, I believe, that I ought to have been present here or there when a di vision took place, my answer is, it is impossible with limited strength and human endurance to do all that lam called upon to do. There are Members in the House of Commons who make a glory of being in every vote. Now, first and foremost, I honestly tell you that many a thing is decided in that House which I do not understand—(Laughter)—and I do not like to vote in a matter that I do not compre heed .—(Hear, and cheers.) I never can, and I believe there is not a man in that House who can, understand a debate upon a private Bill. Uuless I really know the contents of a Bill and understand the matter I always go out of the House. But if I gloried in being in every division this would rob me of a glory— a most easily acquired one. It only consists .in a power of sitting—(Laughter)—and carelessness as to the consequences of your vote. But as I believe a vote a solemn thing, I never give one unless I understand the matter in hand.—(Hear.) Now I have no doubt that there are certain gentlemen in this town who take a great interest in questions releting to Church and State.— (Hear.) So did L And if you listen to any ono of us who shall come and describe to you the course of conduct in the House of Commons with respect to ques tions, you will know that it is a much more easy thing to desire a discussion than to be able to bring it on. Mr. Cobden says that he has balloted, I believe, every time that a ballot has taken place in the House of Commons, for the purpose of bringing on his views about peace and arbitration; and yet Mr. Cobden, with all his good inten tions, has been unable to get a night for that purpose. I, like Mr. Cobden, had my hobby; it was not the peace society, but it was the Church of Ireland. I tried, night after night, to be on that ballot to get a chance. But there is a set of honourable gentlemen—and we are all honourable men—(Laughter)—who have a fancy and a pleasure to see their names always upon the books of the House of Commons. They are invariably pro posing questions about which the world takes no earthly interest; and as sure as the day for balloting comes round you find twenty or thirty balloting papers which relate to those mysterious , matters that only concern the gentlemen who propose them. The consequence is that the real work ing business of the days which are devoted to the private Members is overrun by those ideal matters; and the consequence resulting from that is, that those in which the people really take an interest when the people desire it cannot come on to be dia. cussed. I will give you an illustration. There is a body of gentlemen in this country—l dare say you have heard talk of them—called country gen tlemen. Now, the country gentlemen had a great ambition about the malt tax. They wanted to discuss the malt tax. They, like us, found the ballot overrun. There was no possibility of getting the malt tax dis cussed, but instead of the malt tax there was something about the Raja of Sattarah or Kamschala—(Laugh ter)—or something in which nobody took any interest. Under these circumstances ten of them, I think, combined together, and every one of them put his hand into the box, with the full intention that the first of them that was called should give the malt-tax for dis cussion ; and that was the only way in which they were enabled to get the discussion. They got it, and they were beaten as you all know. If I could get ten friends to do the same with respect to - the Irish Church, I should fancy I had a very decent minority to go out into the lobby of the House of Commons with. Whether I shall ever get ten men into the lobby Ido not know. Bat as good luck would have it I did get a day • and it is to explain the con,eq uences o f that day that I favour you with the description which I will now give you. The day came, and I was first on the list. The Irish Church had been down many mouths on the books of the House of Commons, and that was the first night I had a chance of discussing it. I had taken great pains with respect to the foreign policy of this country. For a fortnight lasi not in bed till after thred in the morning, and was necessarily obliged to be up at half-past seven. There is but 'lgnited endurance in man—l broke down, and when the Irish Church came on for discussion I was lying on my bed and unable to move. I hope ray friends will take that as an apology for deserting that which I could not help deserting.—(Applause.) I hardly know whether I have any further explanations to make. You know what I have done for you ; you know the principles upon which I have acte.i. The time will come—it may come more rapidly than some of us, or at least some of you, expsct—when you will be again called upon to select your representative's. If the sample that I have given you the last two sessions be not to your liking, you will then have the remedy in your own hands.—(Hear, hear.) I am frank with you—you will then be frank with me. I cannot alter my course of conduct, because that course of conduct is the result of a good deal of calm reflection. The principles which have governed that conduct y( u know. The conduct itself has been before you. If it suits you, you know how to reward the ser vatit; if it does not suit you, you know how to punish him. Gentlemen, I have done.—(Vehement and protracted applause.) The meeting, before it separated, unanimously re solved, " That the best thanks of this meeting are here by given to John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., for his inde pendent conduct in Parliament, and for his attendance here this day." Before Mr. ROEBUCK made his address he replied to queries put to him by individual members of his consti tuency. He defended the vote of 24,0001. to the family of the Duke of Cambridge on the ground that the majority of the people of England were determined to have monarchs, and therefore it was but jus tice that the members of the Royal Family should be suitably provided for. He explained his absence from the meetings of the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association, by stating that the House os Com mons was his arena. It was easy to talk to an applauding audience. The difficulty was to go iute an assembly where all the prejudices of social life, all the prejudices of ancient education, all the prejudices of individual am bition were against you—to state boldly, fairly, freely, and decorously, your opinions, discuss arguments opposed to you. and never shrink from meeting a discussion. These preliminary queries disposed of, Mr. ROEBUCK addressed the assembly as follows am here, Sir, at the request of certain gentlemen who believe that there was a sort of implied obligation on my part, when I received the honour of being your representative at your hands, that I should from time to time make my appearance amongst you and explain what required to be explained in my conduct. Now, I think I may say one word more about this, and then dismiss it. The ex ample is constantly brought forward of the celebrated Andrew Marvel; and people appeal to his conduct towards his constituents, and say, " there is the model of a representative." Now, my answer is, that the time of Andrew Marvel and the present time are greatly different. When he represented Hull there might be a newspaper, but it did not travel down into the country until a month after it was printed. There were no railroads; there was no electric telegraph; and in fact the country was as different from the present as light is from darkness. You, I believe, know every act of my political life just as well, by the aid of those gentlemen (pointing to the reporters) whom I see so well represented at this table, as if I were to come down once a week and tell you what I had done—and I suspect a great deal better. Every step that we take as your representatives you know. Every vote we give is published next morning before our eyes are_open. There is no hiding what your representatives do. Therefore, I say they need not be anxious to thrust themselves be fore your notice unless some very important matter calls for them. I have been now asked to make my appearance here with a full persuasion in my own mind that I could explain nothing that you did not already know, but it being part of my duty to satisfy you I have come down here to do so. As I am here, permit me to say a few things. First, with regard to my view of what will be our political history for the next year, at least what I prophesy it may be. I will then say a few words respecting the individual acts of the present Parliament in the present session, and I will close what I have to say by addressing myself to certain public transactions in which the working men and masters of this town have an especial interest.— (Hear and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, our friend the mayor has referred to one act of my Parliamentary life in which, as far as I myself am concerned, I feel perfectly satisfied; and that is a late motion which I presented to the House of Commons, and which the House of Com mons was kind enough to pass with a large majority. That motion referred to the foreign policy of the Go vernment. Now, I must frankly tell you that with the present Administration lamby no means satisfied. I do not agree in many portions of their public policy with regard to our own international affairs. But in so far as I believe that the English Administration, as now constituted, represents to foreign nations a great liberal principle, I was anxious that that principle should not be put down in their person. And when I say that I do not agree with them in many por tions of their policy as regards our internal concerns, I say that which I fear you yourselves will discover to be the truth in a very short time. If, instead of being at the end of a session, we were at its com mencement, you would find that the great principles of free trade and liberal government would be in daily, hourly, danger. And so sure as Parliament assemble together next year in the month of February, the old fight between free trade and protection will have to be fought.—(Hear, hear.) We have gained one victory, but we have not subdued the foe. The present Admi nistration is, unfortunately, in all its good purposes, un decided—it is in its aspirations for liberal government so lukewarm, that the slumbering power of the House of Lords, which is ever directed against liberal go vernment—(Hear, hear)—has reared up its front and has awakened its energies ; and next year, so sure as Parliament meets, you will find that those energies will be directed both against free trade and liberal govern ment generally.—( Hear.) There is only one way to meet it. It is to have an Administration strong out of doors, strong in the support of the people, and strong also in its own individual energy and knowledge. There must be no lukewarmnees, either as regards tree trade or the Irish or the English franchise.—(Hear.) These three things will he made the battle-field next year; and you will have this Administration, so cure as it meets in Feb ruary, put day after day in a minority in the House of Lords; and every act of theirs, whether good or bad, will be shipwrecked by that body. The consequence I believe to be unavoidable. And I was extremely struck by reading the observations made by the present Attorney-General upon his re-election at Devonport. He unequivocally stated what I now state. He saw, as I see, that this divi sion will occur, and that this dispute and this eager fight will take place. Ido not know that the Learned Gentleman felt as I do, but a great interest is about to be jeopardized because of the lukewarmness of some of those who will have to conduct the fight on our side. Therefore I - do hope that the feeling abroad will have its influence upon the Administration—that we shall have an Irish fran chise that deserves the name—(Bear, hear)—that we shall have, as connected with what I believe will be the strongest support that a Liberal Administration can receive, a pro posal to make a large addition to the Eogiish suffrage. Based upon those two principles, free trade and a large and liberal acquisition to the constituency of this country, I thiuk there will be such a feeling throughout the country in support of the Ad ministration, that the _House of Lords will not dare to interpose between the people and their repre sentative.—(Cheers.) At present they have done so. And I was struck by an observation made by a Noble and Learned Lord the other day, who said that there was a tendency out of doors to speak with contemptu ous feeling towards the aristocracy of this country, and generally to bring the House of Lords into con tempt. Now I believe that if ever we do come to speak of the House of Lords with contempt—if there should be at any time a feeling in the edu cated mind of England against that noble body—they will have nobody to blame but themselves.—(Hear, hear.) If we should find that they are constantly hos tile to the wishes of the people—if we should find them ever active in thwarting those desires for literal insti tutions—if we should find them giving way to indi vidual and party purposes, and seeking to again power reckless of the consequences to the English people—then indeed we may not only speak with contempt of the House of Lords, but have a bitter indignation against that body. And I must say there was a tendency in my mind to look with anything but favour upon them when lately I saw the despots abroad found their chief support in that Right Honourable House—(Hear) —when the battle for Russia, for Austria, for Prussia was fought there, and successfully fought; and when I saw that our only hope to prevent the down-sinking of the heart of every liberal-minded man in Europe was, by getting an opposite ex pression of opinion by means of the House of Commons. —(Hear.) Now I would warn that Right Honour able House that this is an experiment that will be very dangerous to themselves; that the less often they repeat it the more sure will be their tenure of being; and that they cannot risk its existence but by being thus opposed to the true interests of the people.— (Applause.) There is always the temptation, and that Right Honourable body have a desire to over step what I call the liberal aspirations of this country, which cannot in any way be checked or controlled ex cept by the united feeling of the United Kingdom. Be lieving thus 1 am ready, as I have hitherto been, to sup port the Liberal Administration. But I will in no case link myself to them. When I think them wrong I will say so, even though it should lead to put ting them out of office—(Loud cheers)—for I must say that of all the acts that have given me offence on the part of the present Administration— the calling together a body of Members of the House of Commons, and threatening them with resignation unless they did what their conscience did not approve—of all the Ministerial acts that gave me offence that proceeding of Lord John Russell did so the most.—(hear.) I thought it most unjust towards the persons he addressed, most un wise as regards his own influence with the country, most dangerous as a precedent in a free country.—(Cheers.) Such, then, is my view of the question. I shall now, gen tlemen, with your permission, touch upon some of the con duct of the House of Commons and the Administration during the past session. I believe that in the present Ad ministration, as I have always stated, there is not a hearty feeling towards the advancement of liberal opinions, and that they have, by presenting a multitude of measures upon the table of the House of Commons, prevented themselves from doing anything like what ought to have been done during the last session. Day by day we saw fresh measures brought in. At the end of the session they are all lumped together, and then occurs what has been face tiously termed the massacre of the innocents. Careless of the enormous expense to which the country is put—care less of the constant disappointment in the public mind by the very fact of the want of order and energy in the cause, they are doing more mischief than if they did not ABATEMENT OF RENT.—At the rent audits re pretend or attempt to do anything. And I do hope cently held by Mr. Horncast l e for t h e V enera bl e the Dean that in the coming session of Parliament there may and Chapter of York, Sir Henry Fitz-Herbert, Bart., and be such a lesson read them by the various means which Henry Frederick Walker, Esq., returns were made, varying we have of telling the Administration what we I according to circumstances, from 74 to 12} per cent, upon desire, that when next year comes they will base their the half-year's rent due at Lady-daylast. Edward Coke, Esq., principles upon some one great measure—bring that of Longford, near Derby, has reduced hisrrer&skle9opieortecoeitaito.n; forward—carry it on from day to day—and not waste we understand that an intimation of attended the rent audit with the full their time and our time arid your money, and their enee. had been giventoone tenant , who did n M ot . apprise the others, gies and ours, in a heap of little, unworthy, peddling, consequently t e r they h i gratilication at having to re-pocket the 10 per pettifogging legislation, which occupies our time, and cent. reductioni was great. The trustees of the Wakefield and renta only spoils our tempers, and does no good.—( Applause.) Charity (Sir Oswald Mosley, Bart., acting trustee) returned If they will next session bring forward what they will 20 per cent. to the tenants on Monday, the 15th instant.— not pass this, namely, an Irish Franchise Bill, if they Derby Mercury. will make it a Bill for England and Ireland—a ArevEreelsErsvere t i i:_e ] ,r,An — mvie T uaaa :sstnEhnanMessina, n au EAßL astounding care Sh F ebey o extract f t n o: 04 this miraculous really united measure—a measure for the United AND i i l n OL , L . Or te A r lr e ' S ve ra ry Kingdom, we shall beat our opponents. But if they medicine, letter, dated merely indulge, as they did last recess, in a series of Lordship'sr r rofessor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint YOl e i g tat rn y , Fe etiValiv " et ambitious promises, by which great expectations may be feecetnedaalceoufrleohoe faculty, f e a disorder t . a aanmo homey eliv and e all over t livstomacher acid tin which e all raised, which expectations are only raised to be disepeeminent pointed by the Ministerial answer on the first night of rienbad. (Signed) " AL yt oaoaouG:Y'e haetseerswofenCdar. continent, th h had e m _;: t t not pointed the session, their doom is sealed, and we shall have to go cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also Holloway's through—what I believe sincerely we shall have to go Oin by trn m tla cin t Pervefeenarormitcbrusahyo'ustEtitateheillahmviusedent,wo2:ll, Str au s, adi THE SIR ROBERT PEEL TESTI-- MO VIAL. The following communication has been received by the treasurers to the Peel Fund:— " City of London Police, Chief-office, July 25. " Gentlemen, —I have much satisfaction in sending to you, at the instance of the contributors, the sum of 431. 13., in aid of the ' Peel Fund,' frc m the officers and con stables cf the city of London police force, being a sub scription of half a day's pay by each member, including my own, as the commissioner. " I avail myself cf the occasioa to advert to a letter under the signature of ' Leo,' to the editor of a morning paper, in which the writer asserts that it is not true that the subscription from the police force in the city of London is voluntary. It is the result of an intimation from their superiors that the force is expected to sub.. scribe half a day's ray; and while very favourable to the subscription on general grounds, I protest against any direction being given to the police, or any others, in any department cn such a subject.' Nothing can be more remote from the truth than the imputation of Leo.' The first intimation I received of an intention existing among the members of the force to subscribe to the Peel Fund was in the form of an inquiry, whether I, as the commissioner, had any objection to their subscrib ing a day's pay, such being the very general wish of its members. My reply was, that while I was greatly pleased to hear of the prevailing feeling among them, I considered half a day's pay would be ample, and that every man was to consider himself a free agent to sub scribe or not. When the subscription was placed in my hands the superintendent observed that every officer and constable had subscribed, except two, and at the same time produced to me a list of names of the subscribers, but which I declined to receive, inasmuch as it would be to make me acquainted with the names and numbers of the men who had declined to subscribe, and they will consequently remain unknown to me. " It is my uniform practice to allow every man the same privilege of thinking and acting that I claim for myself. " I feel sure that you will concur with me in the opinion that whoever assumes to enter a protest which implicates the official conduct of the individual to whom it relates should take care to be well•informed as to his facts. I willingly admit that the character of a public man is public property, but it is not therefore open to the malicious attack of every unmanly assailant who may choose to shelter his malevolence under a fictitious aig• nature. " I am, Gentlemen, your faithful servant, D. W. HARVEY." " To the Treasurer of the Peel Fund." r r r .~ THE SUN, LONDO