The Sun. — London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

Mr, DISRAELI thought the observation aeplied by 'drib Right Hum. Geetlenian to his predecessor in the d titte might wish equel justice to retorted upon him a"O'• What was the line of argument pursued by the fight Hon. Gentleman? First of all he proposed to Prove that the Cestle of Dublin had undergone a great r evolution, and that it was co longer the rest of au thority and omnipotent influence, and that all those corrupt means of which they had heard so much had ceased, because it had le.ceme pure, and that was the reason why he called upon thaw to abolish the office of L ord-Lieutenant —(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentle ten painte I the country as in a state which required 411 administration of no ordinary character, and then Proposed to destroy .the local Government, which he admitted had become a pure relmiuistration. — (H ear, tear.) H e felt the difficulty of the question before the 11 ° 11 se• In the only division which had taken p l ac e on ' d rib subject he had recorded his vote with the Go vernment, thinking it but au act of Parliamentary cour tesy to permit a MiniAer to introduce a meisure of this beture; but upon that occasion he had ventured to ex press the objeoviene which presented themselves to his mind. Since then belied had an opportunity of perusing the and had an OpPurtunity of listening tr the speeches of lion. Members on both sides, and bed heard nothing Ithich could shake the general impression which some ' ls 3's ago he had ventured to express. He bad, more ever, reason to feel con fi dence in that opinion, from the „ '°lishiousness that throughout this discussion no strong Party feeling had iiiterposed.—(Hear, hear.) He had a prong inapt ession thnt the measure brought under their ' c onsideration was an unwise measure, and one which iriattld not wink; and, before lone, the country, and that „nise would recoguiee the consequence of such qualities. lie wished, with the permission of the House. to state his reasons for arriving at this conclusion. * What was the reciple of the Bill? The Right Hon. the Secretary of tate had endeavoured to impress on the House that the Principle on which they had to decide was, the abolition „, ° r maintenance of the Lord -Lieutenancy i n Ireland. There he entirely differed froth him. The principle Of the Bill was expressed in its title. The object of the Bill was to provide for the abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant, and the appointment of a fourth oseretary of State was as much a principle of the Bill as t he abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. He made this o bservation in passing, because it had been referred to as s tnere question of detail for the consideration of the k %enamittee. But he would argue the case for a moment Pon the ground chosen, though unfairly, by the Secre tary of State. The object of the Bill, then, was to abolish an office which had existed for centuries, and Which even in its present farm, modified by modern ex ?_lrieuce and adapted to modern practice, had flourished for nearly fifty years. But if they were going to abolish !itch an office, what were they going to substitute? — Olean) Some might prove that it had been made the keens of corruption; others, that it was totally inade tilde to the difficulties with' which it had to cope, but, to man Was justified in voting for its abolition unless e Was prepared to find a substitute.—(Hear.) Nothing could authorise a rash and precipitate vote, the effect of which would be to &stre y an ancient form of adminis tration unless a substitute were provided. This was ten the first time that ,a new Secretary of State had on proposed tor institution by a Ministry, and assented ' 0 by the House. A third Secretary of State was pro- Posed a; Minister of England for the administration of e colonies in 1768, he believed. The plantations of England were so prosperous, and her colonial interests *ere developing themst lees in so striking and satisfac 'tory a manner, thet a third Secretary of State was ab solutely required. What was the consequence? Ten sears afterwards they lost their colonies.—(Hear , hear.) 4 4 / 1 e new Secretary in 1768 was established pa rticularl y 2 guard the fortunes of our American plantations, and t ea years afterviards the plantations of America no l onger belonged to his Majesty. — (Hear , hear.) There• ,Ore, so far as precedent was concerned , the p ro p osition to establish a third Secretary having been so unfortunate he looked with some suspicion on the establishment of a a Remvenber what were the words of Mr. Pitt when rib proposed the union. He said his object was to place trader osie public will the direction of the whole force ofthe empire. Was the proposition to establish a fourth ecretary calculated to realise the plan of Mr. Pitt. On t he contrary, it would call into being a great ministe rial officer, se c ond to none but the first minister , who , Pieud of his position, would think himself entitled to stand upon the rights of his office, and insist on his own views. Possibly the policy he would recommend might e wise, but still it would be his policy, and not that of the'Cabinet.—(llear, hear.) The Government had been ;Aced whether the fourth Secretary was to be resident in reland or net: No one had answered that question. — (Rear, beer.) If he 'was to be resident he was a go- Verner.—(Elear, hear.) All the consequences of the Present system which they pronounced injurious, but Irhieh he was nor prepared to udrnir, must again occur. If he were nut resident they must depend upon the sub ordinates of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Nor could rib see that under any circumstances they could free t hemselves from local influence and local manage - !tent. The only difference between the p resent and the ancient system wee that under the latter they would have the local management of an individual of exalted Position and high character, whil; under the former they might have the local management of obscure and possibly : i ntriguing persons.—(Hear, bear,) But it was said that it was an anOmalouS office. It was possible; but were 41 U:images so rare in our ancient Constitution that the moment one was discovered it must be destroyed? Did anything in this country exist by force of pure reason, or were not even anomalies sometimes sources of strength !thick no wise statesman would idly destroy?—(Hear, 'lest.) The office of lord mayor was an anomaly.— ' hear.) If you were to describe to a foreigner that in a metropolis with 2.000,000 of inhabitants, he ~Was the chief magistrate of probably net more than 00,000 inhabitants, what would be his astonishment? Stich was the conti a - 4 between his real position and 'is general reputation. And yet he was treated with ceremonial almost roya', and held an office which had contributed to the liberty of the country and the !ilaintenance of its high spirit.—(Hear, hear.) In the aistory of England he was a eery considerable personage, ~a t ild one to whom the people of Ebgland were consider 401y indebted. The Right Baronet the Member for %/niworth, like the other distinguished orator, on whose *Pe ech he had made a slight comment, appeared to him ea have delivered a most unawerable speech against the measure of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Right on- Gentleman closed his address by stating that, "evertheless, he should support the measure of trio Go 'vernment as an experiment. He had no great taste for 1 3 tperimental legislation.—(Cheers.) He had seen many "ungs introduced as experiments which had not suc ceeded. Not to touch upon things that might create ill "'nod, he might instance the income-tax as an cxperi7 %eat that had not succeeded, but which could not be Itteily got rid of.—(Hear, hear.) While the Right Hon. I tentleman consented to the abrogation of the office, he laid that he would only consent to it upon certain terms *--namely, that the citizens of Dublin should have an equitable and liberal consideration. Before the House ent to a vote on the measure, he thought they ought to Equitable some explanation on that point. — (Hear , hear.) •ciquitable and liberal compensation comprehended great deal, and he thought the citizens of Dublin s hould press for some definition. He knew an unhappy ' , Liss with which he was connected who had been pro reed- corn pensatioß, equitable compensation , by the hle Lord—a promise never forgotten by them, and s ever performed by him.—(Loud cheers.) If the Hon. ember for Dublin had no better assurance of compen -lation he would advise him to hint no means of op tieing it, and h o pe for nothing hereafter. Ho (Mr. t he had been puzzling his brains to know what tax .:_!e Noble Lord 'meant' to impose, and had pictured to mlatself the Noble Lord proposing a loan to be turned afterwards into u gift.—(Hear). A hint had been !brown out . to tren'f.-r the adoeleistration of criminal Justice to Cie Lord CFancellor. He did not think that the prerogative of mercy was one that lawyers should be celled upon to exercise. He f,,r one deprecated such u Mange. lie disclaimed anything like . party feeling on e present occasion, but he contended that the case tade by the Government for the abolition of the Lord ientenaney was a weak one—that the measure was in :self unwise and unstivesmanlike, and unnecessarily of 'easive to the people of Ireland, and he should therefore ° PPose it. Sir R. INGLIS said the brilliant eloquence of the B ight Hon. Gentleman could not induce him . to o ver lo ok 1 closiegs observations:, and which were cheered loudly by the Miniaterial side of the House. The Right Hon. i -01 1 1 1 ,, mati evidently designei and hinted at the restora tion, if he might so call it, of the Church of Rome in t he i Ingdom of Ireland.-i-( Rear.) To that, or to any mea sure tending to it, he should be at all times prepared to pure and determined oppositio.—(Leud cheers.) te could not uneerstand bow it was n that neither of the 4 , l. 'irt parties who had during the last ten years held alfi t ce in that country had proposed a measure similar i ° the resent. It wits evident that both were agreed up.% th p e time for such a change was not come, and as no * :tirnetion had been risen up to a very recent period of °3* irate s Lime he must it that the circurnstanCee th at e iwitici.d this change in the eovi rnment Of srelenif tied occurred but very recently. It c ould nn t 1)9 prete.“:cd that any Lord-Lieutenant V h ad neglected the duties of his high „office, and If ath e power was to be transferred to a Secretary of Late they gained nothing-. If that secretary resided in a t eland, he would be a worse kind of Lord-Lieutenant , " if he resided in England, he could not disc h arg e its auties ge its with anything like the same efficiency. For these Wagon s he should vote vgainst the Bill. Alr, REYNOLDS wou ld comm ence by thanking the oyHon: Gentleman, in his own name and t he n ame them e citiz-ns of Dublin, for the intimation ho had given ,of some measure of compensatiort.—(A laugh.) lie of however, that compensation would be nothing riot an empty sound.—(Hear. heir.) He bad been as p'ted by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) that the e° Ple of Dublin would lose nothing by the abolition, 41 t h ey l 34 , would have occasional visits from the Queen; ta %when he asked if a clause to that effect would be in (titurced into the Bill, he received a nod, which plainly ' t C L )ated that it would not be done. He beard nothing th, 4B Way of argument in- favour of the measure but q tt i to , construction of the tubular bridge across the Menai to laugn.) ne did not think the Government earnest with regard to this 'feature, and that they ttti e h only meditating a speedy end honourable retreat , %d o _ ; would, as their friend . , strongly counsel them to thit r i hat me isure as tint dily as possible. He did not r ead tt liessible that the Secretary of S-ate, who was al feirl cverwhelmcd with business, could conduct the af ee,t. t! l ' Ireland. Because Ile'and had been badly goe N e h o l . ,"_ they must abolish the Lord-Lieutenancy. Rut W o ,S: fault wss it if she was badly governed? He k e m a lu not or en up old sores, or refer to the misgovern lana'„'vhich took : place in the reign of Crete% ell—(A a nc ri—or of Henry the Eighth, or any other of the able llu e Powerful monarchs of thet country. They were to co nae zt fourth Secr e t a ry of State—an Englishman, of )0 4 4; who, bseauFe he resided in Downing-street and of the affairs cf Ireland, was better able lIPPrfl ireleoci tilittl a nobleman resident on the conmentoatlng with the leading civil and mill.- THE S UN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, tary functionaries of Irulawl. He was anxious to seo the bonds of union drawn more closely between the two countries, but if he wishel to toe the union severed and rendertd nugatory, he should vote for the present measure. Celo.Ael THOMPSON (who was mot by cries of " Divide") said, he was sure many English Members like himself were anxious to avoid passing under the sweeping description of boing men who followed the beck of Government, and could offer no reason for their votes. A century ago Scotland was in such a situation as to form a parallel to the cue of Ireland. There was not a single reason urged on the question now before the House that might not with squal force be urged in _ _ the circumstances - which affectt'd Scotland 100 years since. John o'Groat's house was then less within our reach than the r(motest part of Ireland was at present. Amongst the reasons which influenced English Members to vote for the proposition of the Government was this -that they Lelieved the office of the Lord-Lieutenant was the centre from which issued half the evils that afftc:ed Ireland. But on various grounds, which must be obvious to every Member of that House, it was of the utmost importance that the best possible understanding should be maintained between the people of England and Ireland. Was there not danger that at some time—not perhaps so distant as people might suppose—America would in Ireland repeat the proceedings which had recently taken place in Cuba? —(Divide, divide.) He had in his possession a docu ment usually put into the hands of all Americans who visited England—it was a book that, like Peter Pindar's razors, was made to sell; it was one which too many of the Americana liked to read. The writer, speakins , of the royal flag floating over the ancient keep of Windsor, said that he looked forward to the time when it might be replaced by the modest stars and stripes of Amerien. —(Divide, divide.) Yes, he would say that America was stealing onward, and that England ought not to be indifferent to the necessity of strengthening her position by a wise and liberal policy. Peace between England and Ireland was an object of the utmost importance, and he felt the strongest persuasion that by adopting the present measure they would take the most effectual mode to unite two countries which never ought to have been divided. Providence had removed the barrier of sepa ration, and he trusted that Parliament would lose no time in taking advantage of so favourable an event.— (Divide, divide.) Mr. P. BUTLER, who spoke amidst general marks of impatience, was understood to oppose the motion. He suggested that, as in olden times, the relatives of the Sovereign filled the high office of Lord-Lieutenant, when the young Princes came of age they ought to be sent over to represent their Sovereign in Ireland.—(Hear and laughter.) He had always supported the Govern ment, but he could not give a silent vote on that occasion, but he should go into that. gallery—(Laughter)—in opposition to the Bill for the abolition of the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland. He hoped to see many con scientious and sympathising English Members on the same side with him, because he thought that proposition would alienate the affections of the Irish people from England, and inflict a deep blow, and, may hap, a fatal and sensible injury on the British empire.—(Hear, hear, and loud cries of " Divide.") Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the galleries were cleared for a division. The numbers were — For the second reading .. 295 Against it ... 70 Majority in favour ofoe —225 The Bill was then read a second time. Mr. MOORE gave notice that, on the motion that the Speaker leave the chair for the House to go into Commit tee on the Bill, he should move that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee. The Metropolitan Interments Bill, as amended, was considered and ordered to be printed. On the motion that the Factories Bill be read a third time, Lord J. MANNERS thought that the House ought not to be called upon to assent to the third reading of this Bill at half-past twelve o'clock at night. There were some amendments which required a little time for consideration. Sir G. GREY consented to postpone the third reading until to-day (Tuesday). Mr. F. MACKENZIE brought in a Bill, embodying the resolutions agreed to by the House upon the motion of Lord Naas, relative to home-made spirits in bond. The Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on the 4th of July. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 17. Their Lordships mot at Five o'clock. Those portions of the House appropriated to strangers were crowded to excess. JUDGES OF ASSIZE BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL this Bill was read a second time. _ _ .. - Several petitions were presented on the subject of Post office Sunday labour. ACCO MMODATION OF THE HOUSE. Lord BROUGHAM complained of th l e conduct of cer tain persons who refused to obey the orders of the House. It was clear that no Peer or Commoner had any right in the Peeresses gallery—(Loud laughter)—and there was now a gentleman there who had no right there, and he moved that the standing orders be enforced by the officers of that House.—(Loud laughter, particu larly in the galleries.) He did not move this discourteously, because he had given ample notice to the gentleman that if he did not leave that gallery he would have him turned out.—(Loud and long continued laughter and great con fusion.) Alter the lapse of a few minutes the gentleman alluded to ltf; the gallery, accompanied by a party of ingly coatt.k.tli , rory, and it appeared doubtful whether the account of this lonian subject were true or not. The local officers might have been punished by due course of law. The trial took place; the police were acquitted, and it was said that no torture had thken place. One would have thought this would have been a staggerer for the Se cretary of State fur Foreign Affairs, but this did not satisfy him. The Noble Lord bad declared the trial unsatisfactory, and demands reparation, whereupon Coletti transmits a note, that the lawyers of Greece determine that there is no reason for further inquiries, and the subject dropped. This was not calculated to raise the representative of the Foreign-office in the eyes of the Greek Government. He would now proceed to the claims which had been urged on the Greek Govern ment, and there was only one of these cases in which be thought that reparation ought not only to have been demanded, but to have been promptly entoreed—he meant the insult to the boat's craw of any of her Alijosty's ships at 1 3 <vrai—but even this outrage was not without it 4 c xcuse.—(Hear, hear.) At the commencement of the year 1848 the provinces of Greece had been in a state of disturbance of a revolu- tiin,a^y character, and a very short time before, her Majesty's steamer, the Spitfire, in pursuance of that kind and generous policy which her Majesty's Ministers have always pursued towards the Meliterranean states, called in at Patras and received on board a notorious rebel against the Government of Greece. Whilst the country was in this strote of disorder her Majesty's ship Fantome appeared off the coast of Patras ; and ou the ovening of a dark day, in violation of a well-known order, a boat of ours landed in a remote place in the very neighbour hood of the house from which the former rebel made liiaesCWOio — oull4etimer: The attention of the guard wai called to the fact. The boat landed two unknown persons. On being invited to stop one of them imme diately fled, and, aided 'by the darkness of the night, escaped. The other was taken. The guard then pro ceeded to the boat, and it 3 crew were made prisoners by three Greek soldiers. The guard found a midshipman on board the boat, not wearing his uniform, or any distinction by which he could be known as a Bri tish ,officer. The boat's crew and the midshipman were immediately taken before the nomarch. As the one party could speak no Greek, anti the other could speak nothing but Greek, there was some difficulty in coming to an understanding of each other ; but as soon as the commandant of the place ascertained that they belonged to a British ship of war, he discharged them from custody, and saw' them on board the Fantome himself. Captain Le Hardy on the next morning demanded from the Greek nomarch, as was his duty, a reparation or apology for the insult offered to his boat's crew, and compensation for the loss of his boat's gear, as a bOathook (belonging, however, to the Spitfire) had dropped overboard in the struggle. Captain 'Le Hardy then appeared before the nomarch and proposed that all parties should be called in, and the whole case should be openly examined into, but the nomarch refused to enter upon it, on the ground that he had already put the case into the hands of the Procureur du Roi. The Fantome was obliged to sail the next evening for Malta; and, after she was known to have departed, the nomarch demanded from our con sul leave to examine the boat's crew, contending that it was not a boat of the Fantome but of the Spitfire, which had landed on the previous evening. But the following day the consul, not satisfied, says the nomarch must have known he ought to have sent his explanation sooner—must have known the Fantome was on the point of sailing, and he transmits the whole correspondence to the Minister at Athens. Together with correspondence is a letter from Lieutenant Macdonald, of the Spitfire, and Lieutenant Macdonald, of the Spitfire, appears to correspond very well with the name which his vessel bears.—(A laugh.) Hero is the moderate, temperate letter of Lieutenant Macdonald, which is duly and offi cially transmitted with a request for reparation, and, as a conciliatory mode of obtaining it, is sent to the Minister at Athens:— _ _ " The governor of this town has taken upon himself not only to display a hostile feeling towards the British Government, but also to permit a most unjustifiable out rage to be committed on an officer and boat's crew of her Majesty's sloop Fantome. I consider it my duty, as the senior officer present at Patras, to prevent all commu nication between her Majesty's ship Spitfire, under my command, and the town of Patras, except fur the pur pose of receiving the necessary supplies for the ship, through the medium of a boat belonging to the shore. I have further to request that you will be good enough distinctly to state to the governor, that I have repre sented to my own Government this state of affairs, the more especially when I bear in mind the abominable falsehoods circulated by his authority, and through a letter to yourself, accusing the officers and men of land ing strangers under cover of the night. It is quite im possible under these circumstances that I can hold any communication for the future with an authority that sets all international law at defiance. I have strictly prohibited any officer or man to land from this ship, ana my reasons for doing so must appear evident, fJr in the event of a repetition of the circumstances that occurred to the boat of the Fantome' the evening before last, a collision must inevitably ensue, which it is my wish to avoid as far as lies in my power. My positive orders having been issued that in all future communications between this ship's boats and the shore, the Spitfire's boats are to be fully armed and equipped, and fully pre pared to resent any insult that may be offered to them." Was there ever such a mountain made out of a molehill? —(Hear.) This was transmitted as a serious matter of international quarrel by her Majesty's representa tive to the Minister at Athene..—(Hear. hear.) %Veil, what says he? Ho says, " I am exceedingly sorry to find that there is any misunderstanding, and that it is supposed there is an unfriendly feeling on the part of the authorities towards her Majesty's subjects; I assure you there is nothing of the kind. I send you at once the papers I have as yet got; you shall have all that I re ceive; I only send you those now that you may see there is a iffirent accountfrom yours."—(llear;hear.) There the account closes; and mark, where there has been really an insult offered—where the solemn declaration and word of honour of two British officers commanding ships of her Majesty were not accepted and admitted as a declaration of a matter of fact—where that affront (for such I conceive it to be) has been offered to the honour of her Majesty's service, you find upon that question, though the consul is exceedingly 'salve and the Minister is exceedingly active, there is no demand for reparation or apology on the part of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the whole matter has been allowed to sleep from 1848 to 1850.—(Hear, hear.) The next case was one in which some lonian boats' crews were plundered in the port of Sal cina. It appears that a band of armed men took pus session of the Greek CuStom-house, bound the Custom house officer, and, availing themselves of the Custom house itself, decoyed lonian boats into the harbour, and plundered them to the amount of 1,200 dollars. Sir E. Lyons of course reported the facts; he wrote to M. Coletti, and this is the letter which he hands in to M. Coletti:— The enclosures relate to the plunder of six lonian boats at Salcina, in the river Achelous; with rt ference to that subject, I have to instruct you to address a note to M. Coletti, stating that her Majesty's Government expect and demand that the Greek Government will make full compensation to the lonians for the losses and sufferings inflicted upon them by the Greek robbers and pirates who were allowed upon that occasion to take possession of the Custom-house at Salcina; and you will say that her Majesty's Lord High Commissioner of the lonian Islands will be instructed to ascertain the amount to be claimed on behalf of the masters and crews of the six lonian boats, and to send you an account thereof." It was exceedingly doubtful whether, on the part of the British Government or the lonian Government, there was just ground for demanding; indemnity from the Go vernment of Greece.—(El e ar, hear.) The Government was bound to afford protection to foreigners and to its own subjects alike; but British subjects before now had been pillaged in the Roman States and the Neapolitan States, and he never heard of any demand against the Government of either of those states because robbers came down and committed plunder.—(Elear, hear.) lie was very much inclined to agree with the very tempe rate answer of M. Coletti. Ile says— " The duty of the King's Government was to put down crime, and it has not neglected to do so. I think it su perfluous, M. le Chevalier, to bring before your notice again the difficulties which are always opposed to effec tually maintaining authority in the province of Acar nania; but no one is ignorant of the attempts which have been made. Soldiers have fallen in encounters with the banditti; several of the latter have recently been killed. The pursuit is still continued, and, with the assistance of the Lord High Commissioner, I hops that the individual marked out as the principal author of the outrage committed at Salcina, the lonian Tryphon, who has escaped from the prisons of. Santa Mawa, will at last fall into the hands of justice. No thing aaill be neglected in order to obtain this result, which I have much pleasure in hoping will be consi dered by the Government of her Britannic Majesty as the fofitnavnt of the only obligation which the Govern ment of his Hellenic Majesty can be held responsible for in this affair." What is the answer of Lord Palmerston? " I have received your dispatch of the 9th ult., enclos ing a copy of M. Coletti's letter to you of the 30th of March, declining to compensate the master of the six lonian boats which were plundered at the Custom-house at Salcina in October lust; and I have to instruct you to state to M. Coletti that there is nothing in his letter which alters the view which her Majesty's Govbrnment have taken of this case; and you will say, that as the Greek Government have been either unwilling or unable to put down the gangs of robbers which have for BMW time been allowed to infest Acarnania with impunity, and even to choose a Greek Custom-house as the spot for plundering and otherwise ill-using lonian subjects, her Majesty's Government must require the Government of Greece to make good the loss incurred by those lonian subjects, and they hope and trust that M. Coletti will see the justice of acceding to this demand without any further, ,delay." If a similar case had occurred in England, and if such a demand had been couched in such terms, he wished to know whether the ambassador wbo had dared to present it would not have received his passports in less than 48 hours?—(Cheers.) He had been told that within the last few weeks an application had been made by the Austrian Government in a case that occurred on the coast of Ireland. A request was made for compensa tion, and was transmitted to her Majesty's Government. He should like to know whether the demand was made as a right.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government, finding it a very convenient time for acceding to that request—(Hear, hear)—finding it might be brought for ward as a precedent—(Hear, hear) —thought that 5001. would be well expended in compensating the Austrian crew for their losses and sufferings; but he should like to know whether it was granted as of right or of favour. Here was another case, some lonians at Patras, keepers of a coffee-house, on a festival, put up a great variety of flags—British, lonian, Greek, and others—as ornaments over their shop. There was some little disturbance in AFFAIRS OF GREECE. Lord STANLEY rose to move to resolve, that while this House fully recognizes the right and duty of the Government to secure to her Majesty'a subjects re siding in foreign states the full protection of the laws of those states, it regrets to find, by the correspondence recently laid upon the table by her Majesty's command, that various claims against the Greek Government, doubtful in point of justice or exaggerated in amount, have hem enforced by coercive measures directed against the commerce and people of Greece, and calcu lated to endanger the continuance of our friendly rela tions with other powers. He knew not whether the anticipations of the Noble Marquis, as to the settlement of our differences with France on the subject of Greece, were realised or not. He sincerely hoped they were, but at all events no considerations with regard to that subject would induce him to postpone his motion; indeed, he doubted whether the last postponement had not rather tended to continue than to heal those differences. But, highly as he valued the continuation of a good understanding with France, he felt that question had little to do with this eubject, for when first lie had heard of these transactions ho had given notice of a motion on the subject, which he had postponed on the representation of the Noble Marquis, that the interveation of France would settle the diff-rences, while it appeared that inter vention had aggravated them. He would not go through all the papers, and inflict upon their Lordships the weari ness he had suffered from their perusal. Ho had risen from that perusal with a feeling of shame for his country, and nut with the feeling of the Swedish Chancellor, of how Hide wisdom was necessary to conduct the affairs of the world, but at the prodigality of folly, which had been exhibited through these negotiations.—(Hear.) The conduct of the Government had been unjust, improper, and calculated rashly and unnecessarily to dis turb that harmony which ought to prevail among all the powers of Europa. He asked them to determine whether any of the claims made upon the weak power of Greece were •exaggerated, and in some cases without foundation, and conveyed in such a manner as to occasion their refusal; and, although he would not apologise for the prevarica tion of Greece, yet that prevarication found some excuse in the imperious tone in which those claims were urged. The language in which claims should be urged should be more careful and courteous when urging them on a weak than on a strong power. He called upon them fully to recognize the duty of the Govern ment to secure for her Majesty's subjects residing in fo reign states the full protection of the laws in that state; but he maintained that it was the duty of every foreigner residing in any fcreign state to obey the municipal laws of that country. If those laws were corruptly adminis tered he had the right to appeal to his country's re presentative to see that justice was done to him as to a citizen of the country; but no foreigner had a right to repudiate the jurisdiction of ordinary tribunals, and to ask for the diplomatic intervention of his own Minister. There might be cases in despotic countries, or in countries where the laws were corruptly administered, in which the subject had the right to demand the protection of his Minister, not against the law but against those who corrupted the law. Weslt necessary to consider the peculiar circumstances of Greece. It wags a kingdom of only 14 years standing, was a 'canstitutional kingdom of much less standing. It was also under the joint protection of England, France, and Russia,. who had guaranteed its independ ence, and it was under pecuniary obligations to all of them, which unfortunately gave them the right, the fatal right of intervening in its internal affairs, an intervention most fatal to the interests of Greece, when a great part of the population was in a state of anarchy, and unfortunately the representatives of the other powers had each been engaged in caballing to secure the preponderance there of English, the French, and the other of Russian influence, rather than in securing the stability of the Greek Government. Since the time of Coletti French influence had predo minated, and Sir Edward Lyons was led to con sider the Greek Ministers as French agents, whom it was his duty to circumvent, rather than as Ministers of the Greek King, and the consequence was, that the Government was not inclined to regard with favour claims urged by Sir Edward Lyons, and the result was a most irritated and irritable state of relations with Greece. That tone of irritation was not confined to Sir E. Lyons, but was sanctioned and adopted by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs ; and ho would take, as a proof of that, certain portions of the correspondence. Of all the persons whose claims had been enforced, Mr. Finlay appeared to ho the only one of perfectly respectable character. There was among the claimants one Stenio Stommachi, who was arrested on a charge of burglary; he complained to the consul that he had been tortured, and the consul had forwarded the petition to Sir Edward Lyons, stating that he had ordered the matter to be inquired into, but that he had appealed to the monarch in behalf of this victim of official brutality. Sir E. Lyons remits this petition to the Foreign Secre tary, who instructed him to demand upon this petition, unsupported by evidence, that the police who had been guilty of the outrage should be dismissed, and that pe cuniary compensation should be made to Stommachi. This Was before inquiry was made,and the evidence was exceed- the neighbourhood. In consequence the police interfered with these lonians, and commenced taking down the flags. The lonians resisted, and they were therefore marched to the police-office, for violating the older% of the police. On arriving at the police-office it was found that it was a mere violation of police law, and they were dismissed. The Noble Mar quis had talked about this as a case of torture, and of the employment of thumbscrewA. The two lonians were walked through the streets, handcuffed together, the wrist of one bound to the wrist of the other, the thumb of one to the thumb of the other—(H,ar, hear)—and when they arrived at the office they were released.— (Hear, hear.) Then comes this long complaint about the insult to the British flag. It was said the British flag had been torn down; but that turns out not to have been the case. The Consul wrote to the Ambassador, and he to the Minister, and talked of the insult to the British flaz, and torture of British subjects!—(Hear.) Just let your Lordships notice the elms of persons who are concerned. This is mentioned as a great grievance and proof of the despotic tyranny and oppression exer• cised by the police against the lonian subjects of her Ma jesty !-- " I have to observe to you, that on Sunday last seve ral lonians presented themselves to me, complaining of the Gendarmerie soldiers, who, while going the rounds at night, give them continual offence, as they (the lonians) are, obliged, on account of the heat and fleas, to sleep in the streets, and the Gendarmes parade with their arms and compel them to sleep in their houses, otherwise they are taken up to prison, besides other - - menaces ~ —(Laughter). Here is a serious case of oppression!— (Hear). British subjects, forsooth, are exposed to the grossest oppression because they are not permitted to sleep like pigs in front of their doors.—(Laughter). Two of these highly respectable persons, according to their own statement, are found in the market place, and they are marched by soldiers off to to the aurhorities, who flog them and turn them out, It is suggested, " Would it not be as well to examine them; they may have the marks upon their persons?' But these lonians have dis appeared; they are not to be found.—(Hear, hear). They are not to appear to give evidence as to the fact of the flogging, or the reason of it.—(Hear, hear). But the Consul, without waiting for the explanation of the Greek authorities, considers that Lord Palmerston should be written to.—(Hear, hear). What says Lord Palmerston ? "Her Majesty's Government have had under their consideration your dispatch of the 18th ult., containing an account of two cases in which lonian subjects have been maltreated by the:authorities at Patras and Pyrgos, and I have to inform you that the conduct of the Greek authorities towards these individuals, as set forth in your dispatch, appears to her Majesty's Government to have been cruel and oppressive. I have therefore to in• struct you to demand from the Greek Government, for each of the lonians who have been maltreated, the sum of 201., as some compensation for the unmerited ill-treat ment which they have undergone." —(Laughter.) It is difficult to argue these as questions upon which the peace of Europe is to turn.—(Cheers.) Were these cases upon which we were to go to war, and for which a fleet is to go to threaten a friendly Sove reign, and demand a certain compensation, just or un just?—(Hear, heal.) But these are not all. There is the case of a highly respectable gentleman, a canny Scot —(A laugh)—one Mr. Finlay, a gentleman who likes to make a good bargain, and knows when he has made it—(A laugh)—a gentleman strongly imbued with the wisdom of the sentiment of " buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market."—(Laughter.) This gentleman at the time of the revolution thought it would be no bad speculation to buy the pro perty of some Turkish gentlemen who might tind their position not very agreeable in Athens. His speculations were not very extensive, for, though we read of thousands of pies, a pie is some thing loss than a square yard, and the whole subject in dispute in his case is the price of about two-thirds of an acre, for which be gave either 300 drachmas, or 600 drachmas; that is, either 101. or 201. The land was taken by the Government to be enclosed in the royal garden, and no doubt he was entitled to compensation. His was the case of a great number of other persons, and an ordinance was passed fixing the value of the property at half a drachma per pie —about 4d. per square yard. Some parties were dissatisfied with this, and demanded more; and some obtained more —some, a drachma; and, at a drachma, this gentleman would have been entitled to about 100/. for land for which he had given either 10/. or 20/.—(Hear, hear.) The demand made by Mr. Finlay fur land which cost him 300 or 600 drachmas, I forget which, was 45,000 drachmas, or about 1,5001 for a piece of ground which cost him 101. or 20/. That was the state of things when these proceedings took place at Athens and the British fleet appeared to demand reparation. In a letter addressed by Mr. Wyse to Lord Palmerston, dated August 20, 1849, and pub lished in the papers presented to Parliament in Feb ruary last, Mr. Wyse says—" I am still without any answer from the Greek Government to my note of the 2d of July, respecting the unsatisfied claims of Messre. Pacifico and Finlay, and others of her Majesty's subjects. Not only at the period when these dispatches were laid open the table, but at the period when the demand was made upon the Greek Government for reparation to British subjects, this question of Mr. Finlay was abso lutely and entirely and conclusively settled by a re ference, according to Mr. Finlay's own desire, to two referees, one of whom had been named by himself, the other having been named by the Gresk Government, who were jointly to select an umpire, and by whose decision it Was agreed that the claims of Mr. Finlay were to be settled ? What would their Lordships say further when he told them that at Mr. Fin lay's express desire the case was withdrawn from the mediation and interference of Mr. Wyse and Baron Gros, and that the arbiters came to an agreement with out the necessity of calling in an umpire, and awarded 30,000 drachmas to Mr. Finlay as compensation for his claim? What would their Lordships say, also, when he told them that when these papers were laid upon the table in February the Foreign-office was in possession of that information, and withheld or suppressed it?—(!:fear, hear.) In the mouth of February the Government re presented that the last information they hal on the sub ject of Mr. Finlay was that no answer had been made by the Greek Government respecting the claims of Messrs. Pacifico and Finlay, while they were at the time in possession of the letter of Mr. Finlay to Mr. Wyse (as we understood), dated Oct. 16, and which was re ceived at the Foreign-office at the end of October? s (The Noble Lord read a copy of a letter addressed by Ma Fin lay to Mr. Wyse, stating that he had informed the Greek Government that he had appointed a gentleman, an ad vocate, to act as his arbitrator in conjunction with a gen tleman who was to act as arbitrator for the Greek Go vernment, and that by the decision of these persons he (Mr. Finlay) was willing to abide.) The effect of the last paragraph of the correspondence upon Mr. Finlay's claim is that subsequently to the 20th of August no communication had taken place with the Greek Govern ment relative to that claim, although communications had taken place two mouths later. This was tamper ing with the question and was a breach of faith towards their Lordships and the country. In 1817 the master of en English vessel called the Berwick Packet was com pelledb t e p by intoof w theeat pheerrt of and the Na de damage ov theshiphad sustained Portimao. In order to defray the cost of repairs, the vessel was sold, and the sale produced about 600/. more than was sufficient to cover the expenditure. The master, not being disposed to bring that amount in hard dollars with him to thiscountry, thought himself exceedingly for tunate in being paid by a bill upon the Navy Board. The bill, which he obtained from an accommodating gentle. man of the Hebrew persuasion, was brought to this coun try, when the unfortuea'e captain, upon presenting it, was immediately arrested as a forger, the acceptace turning out to be a forgery. The law officers of the Crown were, however, of opinion that under the circumstances I legal proceedings could not be taken here. The captain returned to Portugal, and after a very considerable lapse of time, he was fortunate enough to meet in Lisbon with the individual from whom he received the forged bill. The captain brought this person before a Portuguese court of law, and the consequence was that, in order to escape further judicial proceedings, he repaid the captain the whole a mount of the bill, and thereby escaped pu nishment. Now, it was a singular coincidence that this forger happened to be identical i n p o i n t of name, of na tionality, and of religion, with Mr. David Pacifico,' who has subsequently pr efer red a claim upon the Gr eek Go vernment.—(gear, hear, and a lough.) Then, what are the circumstances under which Mr. Pacifico made his claim upon the Greek Government ? It seems that the Athenian mob take g reat deli g h t on Easter Sunday in burning a representa tion of Judas Is cariot; but on Easter Sunday, 1847," in consequence of the presence in Athens of the Baron C. M. de Rothschild, the Government, out of compliment to that individual, took measures to prevent the assembling of the people. It is clear, then, that the loss M. Pacifico sustained is trace able to the presence of Baron,Rothschild at Athens. — (A. laugh.) If the Baron had not been at Athens, the fiZtise of Judas would have been burnt, nod, poenibly, , M, Pecifiio's house would not have been plundered. An opinion arose, however, that M. Pacifico had obtained the discontinuance of this annual celebration, and a mob assembled, and most indefensibly made an attack upon M. Pacifico's house, and destroyed what furniture there was in it, and, indeed, a ccording to his statement, every. thing else. The rapidity with which the mob effected this destruction appears to have been wonderful—(A laugh)—but no doubt they did great injury to the house, and caused considerable alarm to M. Pacifico and his family. It does not appear that there was any great activity manifested by the Greek !police, either in put ting a stop to the riot itself or in endeavouring to iden tify the rioters. It seemed, indeed, from the papers that the police were deterred from taking such steps in consequence of persons who had high connexiona in the state being concerned in these outrages; and that circumstance gate to M. Pacifico a fair and reasonable claim to compensation for those injuries which l e sustained in property or person, and which the Greek Government were unable or unwilling to pre vent. But M. Pacifico's bill of costs is really one which passes credibility. M. Pacifico, who had been born of Portuguese parents, had been consul for Portugal, and preferred certain claims against the Government of that country ; and. he complains, in one of the papers, that the Poatuguese Government not having acceded to his reasonable demands, he was left in poverty and indi gence; he was unable to redeem a small amount of plate which he had lodged with the Bank of Athens, the whole value of that plate being only about 301. That plate, it seems, was deposited for the purpose of obtaining from the bank an advance of a stun of money at a low rate of interest, which M. Pacifico was in the habit of lending at an usurious rate of interest to the indigent population of Athens and so making a profit upon borrowed capi tal. Now,ovith this view of M. Pacifico's circumstances, your Lordships would be prepared duly to estimate the demand 'tie makes for compensation to the amountof more than 34000/. His demand for the destruction of his furniture and property amounts to about 4,5201., and his claims on Portugal to 26,6181. It appears that the mob not only destroyed all his wines, china, and glass, but they JUNE 18, 1850, carried off numerous copper stewpans—(Laughter)— and various other utenstls.—(Reno'Netl laughter.) It appears, however, that they left a precise inventory of every item of furniture in the house, and of the value of evs , ry such article, every saucepan and pudding-mould— (A laugh)—aud an account, too. of all M. Pacifico's clothes, his coats, linen, stockings, j ack-to welt:, and sheets. —(Laughter.) But they left him also one sheet to his bed, which he was enabled to produce for the purpose of proving the excessive fineness of three other sheets which had been taken away.—(Much laughter.) He states that he had in his drawing-room— " 1 large couch in solid mahogany, British work, with double bottom, one of which in Indian cane for summer, 701.; 1 bottom for the winter for the above, a cushion in tapestry embroidered in real, gold (Royal work), 25/.; 2 pillows and cushion also, for the back of the whole length of the couch, in silk and wool covering, em broidered in real gokl,, as the bottom of the above couch, 751.;" total for one couch, 1701—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Then the bedrooms were famished on a scale of equal maarnuicencr. Their furniture is very minutely de scribed. M. Pacifico had A double bed in solid mahogany, with four pillars richly carved, 2;4 yards long by 21 yards wide, with the b:Lcic and the end carved, the crown in carved ma hogany arid carved frame, and a stet of brass castors, worth 150/.," and then he explains, with the greatest minuteness, that every utensil in the bedrooms was composed of the finest porcelyin.—(Great laughter.) In addition to these items, there was the demand of M. Pacifico upon the Por tuguese Government to the amount of 21,0001., or, with interest, of 26,0001.; but, unfortunately, all the papers and vouchers for this claim have been destroyed. The claim is for services alleged to have been ren• dered the Portuguese Government, and the precious document on which the British, or rather the Greek Go vernment, are called upon to pay this sum, is a protest, signed by M. Pacifico, admitting that the Portuguese Government absolutely and entirely repudiated every , f his claim!. The Portuguese Government de . .... one of his cleieee Glared they did not owe M. Pacifico a shilling, and re- claim on Portugal, the mediation was suspended, and fused to pay his demand; but because the men who force was had recourse to, which need not have been destroyed his house luckily dropped this protest ire; the the case if Lord Palmerston had only taken the trouble street. he puts forward a claim for 21,0001, with to send a special messenger to Mr. Wyse. But a con -5,0001. interest, at 10 or 12 per cent. The British vention is established in London, and what are the Minister at Athens, however, declared under his hand and terms? That if any other arrangement should have seal that he believed that claim to be just and moderate. been come to in the meantime by the three Ministers of —(Hear, hear.) When the claim was first made Lord France, Greece, and, Great Britain, be it more advan- Palmerston directed Sir E. Lyons to state that the tageous or less advantageeus, the convention of London Government would, as soon as possible, fix the amount was to be set aside, and that agreement adopted. No they intended to demand as compensation for the such convention had taken place, but another settlement sufferings sustained by M. Pacifico. In a previous had been made, says Lord Palmerston, not by all the dispatch Lord Palmerston directed Sir E. Lyons to sup- three Ministers engaged in the negotiation, but by direct port M. Pacifico's claim if he considered it just and communication between the Greek and British Minis moderate. Sir E. Lyons said, in reply, that he believed tars, and it was the result of the renewal of hostilities the claim to bo just and moderate, and that he had by the British squadron. Now, what would have sent it in ; and it was not till the February afterwards been more natural than to have said at once, "An un that Lord Palmerston began to intimate a suspicion that derstanding has been come to at Athens; to a certain there might be some little exaggeration in the case of extent it has been acted upon, bat to the extent that it the Portuguese claims, and called upon Sir E. Lyons to has not been acted upon I accept your convention of send him word what was the particular nature of those London. I prefer the good offices of France rather than claims, and how they were supported. Sir E. Lyons re- the intervention of our naval force. I prefer to Owe plied that M. Pacifico could give no further information the settlement of this great question to the good than he had already given—the list of his losses and offices of the French Government." Lord Palmerston claims; but Sir E. Lyons again made a demand on the goes on stating, though there is little diffhrence between part of England upon the Greek Government for the them, that he is still not prepared to adhere payment of M. Pacifico's claims, without the slightest frankly to the convention of London. In refusing intimation that any deduction would be allowed. It was to; accept the convention at the last moment, :her matter of regret that the Greek Government were not Majesty's Government were trifling with the_powers informed what amount we did intend to claim, for when which proposed it. There was only one more point to the demand was made at Athens, in January, 1850, which he should call the attention of their Lordships. it was required that all claims that had been It was one of considerable importance. namely, the gees sent in to the Greek Government, just or unjust, tion of territorial difference between this country and should be paid in full, with interest, within the period Greece. Intrinsically the amount and value of the ter of twenty-four hours. Now, surely, that was the time ritory in question was incalculably insignificant—but to have said, "We do not intend to press the Portuguese internationally it raises points upon which Russia and claims, but we ask as compensation such reasonable sums France, as parties guaranteeing the integrity of :the as the Greek Government can have no difficulty in Greek territory, have a right to interfere, and 1 in giving." But it was not till February, 1850, after the respect to which England has no right to ;an French intervention had been accepted, that Lord Pal- independent action. And England, being one rnerston intimated to Mr. Wyse that some proposition of the three protecting po wers, cannot i4er might possibly be made to diminish the gross amount of pose between her own protected states of the lonian M. Pacifico's claim, and that, in such a case, Mr. Wyse Islands and the state of Greece, and decide as bet+en was not to consider himself precluded from entertaining the two, to whom that territory belongs, setting aside such a proposal. It was, then, in support of the exagge- the claims of France and Russia to express their opinions rated pretensions of M. Pacifico—for with regard to the and pronounce their judgment with regard to what may other claims there was little or no difficulty—that a British form part of the territory of Greece. Upon that ewes fleet was sent to demand compliance with an unreasonable tion neither France nor Russia will allow your inter request in 24 hours, and on failure of compliance with that ference single-handed; and now—now when you have request, to capture the vessels and injure the commerce had the indignant remonstrances of Russia—when !she of a friendly power. M. Londos, the Greek Minister, has told you that she will not tolerate that infraction only came into office late in December, 1849, and on the upon her rights—l suppose you are about to recede from 17th of January, when he had not been three weeks in the position which you took up.—(Hear.) But lore office, the demand which had thus been enforced was vious to that declaration, so far as the Secretary of State made, without his having any opportunities of institut- for Foreign Affairs and her Majesty's Government viere ing inquiries to ascertain its justice. He would call concerned, in October, 1849, orders were issued to ithe their atcentionto what heconsidered the dignified,hemight commanders of her Majesty naval forces to seize upon almost say, the grand reply given by M. Londos to this the islands of Cervi and Sapienza, to expel the G reek most extraordinary intimation that, without any attempt inhabitants, and take possession of tnose islands in :the at a reference to other powers, without any attempt at name and on behalf of the lonian States.—(Hear.) For any mediation whatsoever, the claims of the various years that claim had been set up, but without lefing parties upon the Greek Government must be satisfied followed by any activity on the part of this con try, within 24 hours, or hostile measures would be had re- and years ago Greece was promised the docum sits course to by the British Minister. A more becoming on which was founded your claim, and which documents protest from a feeble against the encroachments of a she has never yet received. But in the month of Pio mighty power he never read in his life.—(Hear, vember last, Greece did put in a detailed answer to the hear.) The reply proved unavailing, on its receipt claim put forward on the part of the Foreign-offici to the mediation of France and Russia being alto g ether t he p ossession of Cervi and Sapienza, and vitidicate&lier dispensed with. The vessels of the Greek Stat e were, ow n c laim and re j ected that of Great Britain to the bus in the first place, seized by our ships, and when these session of these islands. Bat what is the rejoinde of were found insufficient to meet the demand, an embargo Lord Palmerston? Does the receipt of this intelligince seas laid upon private vessels, and private commerce and induce biro to pause before he takes further step to private interests were stopped, in the Expectation that, bring the inciter to a satisfactory conclusion? Not at by the power of distress upon their commerce, the do- all. In January he writes a letter in his usual off-hand termination of the Greek Government and of the Greek fashion, declaring that there is no force whatever ituthe people would be broken, and that thus violence would argument put forward on the pert of Greece. And sq far exact the full demand.—(llear, hear.) The Greek a s the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is conce ned people, nobly sustained tae protest which their it does not rest with his discretion that forcible possession Minister had delivered in their na me ; t he wa s not taken of the islands of Sapienza and Cervi. pr_ :cenzo of oppression rallied round the Kin; of ders to that effect were issued, without consultin 4 or Greece not only the sympathies of Eerope, but the ear- communicating with the French or Russian governiT)lts; nest zeal of his own people. lie would now read an ex- and it was simply incauie Sir W. Parker and Dir. 1 , iyse tract from one of Mr. Wyse's dispatches, detailing the took upon themselves, peuaing further instructimila to effect of the screw ho is a pplying ti Greek commerce that effect, to suspend these orders, that those islehids acid to the Greek people, to force them to yield corn- bad not been forcibly taken possession of.—(Hbar, p if - n ee ; the naiveté is absolutely amusing. hear.) This is the position, then, in which we have heal " The embargo, too, and seizures, arc beginning slowly placed by the Noble Lord—we have put forth positive to produce their effect. The irritation at first naturall y demands which we have finally waived; we have oVer directed towards us and our prozeedings, now that the footled the claims of Frence and Russsia, as well as t air question is better sifted , is turned to wards those who ri g ht in the matter. Fortunately, your officers d' re nave compelled us to such a course. A deputation from garded your orders—(Hear, hear)—and now this maim- Spi.zzla was to have been received yesterday. Others try will, through the action of the Noble Lord upon dier will follow from Hydra, and probably 'hares. Public foreign relations, by the remonstranees of Frauce land opinion at Athens—where the truth is now known, Russia, as well as by a sense of right and justice, reeled° and provisions are rising in price, will second their ap- from that position, which is one that she sheuld plications." never have taken.—(Hear, hear.) He had substant4ted The combined operation described of moral and physical that some of the claims put forward by the Noble 4 ord causes upon public opinion, and upon a ric e in p rovi- the Forei g n Minister as against Greece were execs ye; sions, was quite edifying, and quite in character with that others were, to say the least of themi latof the whole affeir.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) lie was doubtful justice an d e q uivocal validity ; bound to say, strongly as ho disapproved of the course those claims had been enforced regardless) of of our Government in the matter, that he did not find the feelings, and also of the rights of our allies; land that Sir W. Parker, or any of the officers engaged in ex- that they were calculated to endanger—nay, that alley ecuting those orders, overstepped in the slightest degree had endangered—the good understanding that ;had the letter of their instructions; on the contrary, they hitherto subsisted between us and our most powerful fulfilled their very painful task with firmness, of course,. allies.—(Heer, bear). God grant that his anticipations but at the same time with temper and moderation— of evil might not be verified! God grantthat the pros ed (Hear, bear)---and he was only doing bare justice tojugs of the Noble Lord mi g ht not have the effect of dis -1 that distieguished officer and to the officers acting under turhing the general peace of this world! But if sue be him, when he expressed the belief that they would, one the case, that happy result would not, ho was bound to and al', rather have been engaged in deadly conflict with aid, be brought about by the temper, the judgment, oil the the fiercest enemy this country ever encountered, moderation with which that Noble Lord, as the migan than hen seen the honour of the Briti sh fla g thus of the British Government, had conducted the neg icy attacking a weak, unoffending people. ions in that case to a conclusion.—(Cheers). ; If, "rho Noble Lord then proceeded to allude to the effect indeed, we had been guilty of injustice towards which these proceedings had produced as regards our the defenceless, and oppression towards the weak, relations with other powers. T he Russian Government a t the same time that we have endangered !our had addressed to our Minister a protest as bitter, as im- relations with the powerful, and perilled peace vith perious, and as offensive as the provocation had been. the strong, surely it became the British Legislature The Russian Minister did not deny that England had to come forward and declare that the Foreign-offict of claims upen Greece, but .I'3 contended that, before the England W9S not the people of England—and hat ult:ma ratio was resorted to by England as against the fine generous feeling of the nation was not expreised Greece, some intimation at least we) clue by England to by the proceedings of the Noble Lord at the lw 4 of powers equally with herself concerned in maintaining that department.—(Hear, hear.) We separate ;ou u r r the independence of the weaker power; but not a word acts from his on this occasion.—(Hear, hear.) _p about the matter had been vouchsafed either to the Court views of good faith and justice were not those ) of th e . of St. Petersburgh or to the Court of Paris. It was true Government of which he is a member, in this m a st d etr o thet shortly after this first dispatch from the Russian (Hear, hear.) He knew the amount of pr b iva n on p r Court another dispatch was communicated to Lerd Pal- sonal influence that will be brought tobear up ami lt eb h l i e s merston, couched in terms of moderation, for which he question to-night. He who lso the T e nn gave great credit to the Emperor; but that was a dis- qualities of the Noble . L t ord n se et p h o e lic w y ee n bo y i e m n rg i n n ed a patch based upon the circumstance that the mediation,from personal acquam anhe. the friendly offices of France, had been accepted. In case involvingsihrich large issues, to speak, not of the reply to that dispatch, a reply singularly illustrating man, but of the in cy r . st r• and speaking thus he had to the difference of tone used by Lord Palmerston towards express his deerte:: dt e . a'n_d l u i n s q w u n al s i n fie o d ea c s o e nd in em w r ic t h; n pr o i ! powerful and towards powerless states, the Noble Vis- his acts in thih n c e "1 count sought to withdraw from his original position on yen predilection r_p e rsonal feeline can be honestly in the ground of some subsequent information. Bat to dulged. You sit, 11 the NobleLord,in ajudicialcapaelty. a the feeling of the nation with; the that reply of the Noble Viscount there had been a re- Yon are reconcilet f o .o justice; at all events, you aro here, that your joinder. 1)11 that rejoinder establish perfect amity be- dictates of . :case may go forth, and remove from the tween us and Russia? Does it satisfy the Noble Mar- judgment in erne which moist always attach to a great stills that there is not jealousy, aliens ion, almost hos- cou d utr i y ,,ht power enforcing unjust, untenable, and ex elite' in the mind of Russia towards us, hostility that a r n b., e may not break out now, but which may seriously and Theo e. m ant Lands upon a feeble and defenceless ally.— very alarmingly operate upon the condition of lisle coup- Noble Lord, having read 'hie resolution, resumed lye bereafter?---(Heer, he ee ) H ave no c eiree of alarm seathis . at teeenfy minutes past eight o'clock amid gr e et lensetion. ad ees le us out cf the e eineonstauces with relation to ric( T ) ~ Frenc:‘?—(lienr, heete) Whet has been the course Toe 7,larquie of L AN , S . DOWNE trusted their Lftlrcl por,acri by our Government towards the Govern- ships would not l:cc tam assenteto the motion o th e ment of France, in return for the most friendly course Noble Lord. He did not dispute the right of the Noble they pursued towards us? W ithout a word of Lord to bring the question under heir coltsideration, or complaint of the manner in which their rights F in re . ls- his right to hold her Majesty's Ministers in that House tion to Greece had been set aside by our Foreign responsible,. one and all, as they admitted themselves to Minister, the Government of France generously and be, for those proceedings of which the Noble Lord had frankly tendered their good offices; those g ood offices limits e s pronouncedy(rsathat so tiewas it a n opinion. He must, how were accepted, but upon conditions andwould be a source of con which, from the outset, promised very ill withinfor their ulti- ever, say his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign On the 3d of February a private de e r D epar tment, which was more immediately concerned in mate success. mediation was L o rd by the French Minister at our these transactions, that in that other branch of the Legis eCfoumretdion the sth Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Wyse !store of which that Noble Lord was a most distinguished that he expected to receive a formal offer of the good ornament—(Hear, hear) —in which, beyond, perhaps, any offices, not the mediation of the French Government,.of assembly in the world, the mercantile and manufae which be should forthwith instruct him, and desired him turing interests of the country and the world were meanwhile to be prepared to act upon those instructions, adequately represented, and which was long in the hait and to suspend coercive measures. The formel offer was ot the ec p i o u s b e ll i y c vte'Kaptcehnianigtuarlel_ptrgteeindinthgast wa assembly b w l y o uolpd tot effecthe received by Lord Palmerston on the 7th of February, y e t on the Bth Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Wys e , a„ present moment there hed not been one single ma notice of any such offer leaving been Made. The good tion—(Hear)—of any intention to bring under its notic d e offices of France, however, were aeceptee. A inis. understanding occurred, and the French Minister a c a al Y led uf at t t h e e nt P i o r lc) c.eeNde7,smotore,ew-hhieenh tthhoe found it necessary to intimate that he should had been put to the Minister in thst assembly c.n cameto s e N q u e b e i s e t i o L n o s r d sv hick suspend his functions ; but still this intimation be tested by feet and truth they venished intreehoif con in no degree justified Mr. Wyf.e in describing the —(Hear, hear.) That et least must be h a source mediation as at an end, for it had been expressly stiPu - tolation to the Noble Lord. As foorrdt uun selfbe h rel upon lilted that, in the event of any such misunderstanding, fore them, eo little did the Noble the status quo should remain until reference had keli it that be found it necessary to devote the entire ' first made to the respective Governments. In the meantime part of his speech to explain away th o e terms ef aot i ir t o . nms le ' it was felt by France and England that differences more objectionable resolution, ofor one more entirely at might arise, and probably interfere to prevent any set- variance with the past policy , o o re r country, a ll n tlement being arrived at, and dohterefore a convention directly contradictory f p lic this was proposed by M. D r°u Y n Lhu Y s ) which , with more calculatetd to cut away from future Governments, mig u h u t se be c c u a a lled cut on to maintain ofthat H Id the very little alteration, was acceded to by Lord Palmers- as far as a vote ton ; and the day alter the suspension of the negotia- grounds upon which and e they the country the security of British tion on the part of Baron Gros, Baron Gros received the lionour of from General do Lahitte, under date of ~.thee s u bjects, had never been proposed in that House.- 12th, from Paris, an intimation that such- a donven- (Hear, bear.) Tho Noble Lord was sensible of that tion had been entered into. He then writes in haste when he found it necessary so elaborately to qualifet it. to Mr. Wyse, saying that an agreement had been en- As for the claims of M. Pacifico and the pesitton of the terod into that, in case of differences, they were to lonian Islands, their Lordships must at ones see how write home for farther instructions ; and he says— little they had to do with the principle of the ease.— " Here's en eseape from, our nienculties. I retract my (Hear, hear.) The practice of all countries, and more note of yesterday. I entreat you to receive this. I especially commercial countries, had,been to procure re bate this positive information. Come to me and I will dress from other countries by force. The Noble Lord show you my instructions, and for God's take take no must himself know full well that France and the United coercive measures until you shall receive F corresponding States were from time to ti me i n t h e h a bi t , w i t h out instructions to mine." Mr. Wyse 's answer was—" I consulting anybody, without thinking it necessary to have no such instructions from my Government, and invite the opinions of other powers, to proceed to make therefore I cannot be guided by your instructions; and good their claims when an injury had been sustained cannot for cue hour suspend coercive measures." He by threatening force, and obtaining those claims by wanted to know why these instructions were not sent? the use of force when not otherwise settled. In the That they were not is a matter of notoriety. These in- course of thirty years he found that in tha case of France struetions were agreed to on the 9th, and Lord Palmer- not less than fourteen, and of the United States not less stun says—" The existing arrangement of the packets than sixteen or seventeen such instances had occurred, for communication with Greece afforded me no oppor- and in almost all by the application of force on justice tunity, that I was aware e£ of writing to Mr. Wyse be- being denied. The Noble Lord's language on this sub• twrea the 9th and the 17th of April." Now, having ject had been somewhat studiously guarded; but did he come to the most delicate of all questions of interns- mean to say that there was no difference in the re- Lionel interference on which the whole thing turned— sponsibility of the Greek states as compared with the having come to an arraneement with the French Go- responsibility of other states similarly circumstanced? vcrnment on the 9th of April, Lord Palmerston did Tee Noble Lord had spoken of a certain guarantee—a not think it worth his while to intiteate by ex- guarantee which he seemed to think bad created the pe traordinary means to the Minister at Athens, that culier position of that country. Tee guarantee - was ter any errengement had been come to, but was perfectly ritorial—(flear, hear)—not only was it territorial,. but content to wait for the ordinary packet on the 17th. it was admitted by the Russians to be a territorial gua- Why could he not send till the 17th? General de La- rantee, and a guarantee only. The Noble Lord would hitte received the intimation on the 9th, at Paris, and find in the papers a most distinct admission upon the part he found no datooltY, on the 12th, in making a ccina • of Count Neaselrode that she was to be considered as wunieation to Baron Gros; yet her Majesty's Secretary en iitilspendent state; and how aas it possible that she of State for Foreign Affairs, nut knowing that a packet could be considered an independent state unless she was was about to sail, was not aware that there were any also u responsible state? Give him a state whose inde means of communicating with Mr. Wy se bef o r e the pendence had been tsken away—give him a state which 170.—(Hear, hear.) But he goes on to say that even had a peculiar connexion with a federal Government, if he had been aware, on the 15th M. Drouyn de Lhuys liable only for what they did only through the medium came to him with a different arrangement, and, in coese- of that federal Government, and then there would be quence of diet, a convention was entered into. Yes, but seam force in the Noble Lord's argument; but there up to the 15th there was no prospect of a convention had not been in the present case, in a single trans being entered into, and by that time the mischief had action, anything that took from the country the cha been done; force had been had recourse to again; and, racier of an independent state. .She had so considered not by means of an amicable arrangement, not through herself; for sho had once or twice, during the period re. the mediation of a friendly power, but solely because ferred to, been on the eve of going to war with Turkey. M. Gros could not reconcile it to his soul and cen- He contended that this was a case precisely parallel to science to demand 180,000 drachmas for M. PacifiCo's that of other states, which had been compelled to repair injuries committed. He had already fe t id their Lord ships that other states had adopted preciaely: the same mode which England had adopted with regard to Greece of vindicating the rights of their subjects. He would not fatigue the House with many references, although he held a memorandum in his hand of some forty or fifty of such cases, some of them peculiarly apposite to this par ticular transaction. In the case of one of the states of South America (and he selected this case because there subjects had been protected in a manner similar to that adopted by England in this instance)—in the case of Venezuela a law was passed preventing creditors from recovering their debts. The parties thereby considered themselves aggrieved. They had entered the country on the faith of having a very different sort of protection extended to them ; they had entered it ,on the faith of having their business and property rendered secure. They remonstrated, and a naval force inter fered. The Noble Lord seemed to feel great horror at the idea of interference upon the part of a naval force; however, a naval force interfered, and redress was im mediately afforded. Let their Lordships take another case—the case of Peru. In the year 1844 the people resident in Peru were disturbed in their vocation, their amusements, and their pursuits, and the House would most probably recollect the various acts of outrage and injustice which were committed upon them at that time. Now, redress was obtained in that case. But how was it obtrined? By the presence of a naval force and by a very peremptory demand which had been made that that injury shculd be apologised for and that the per sons who committed it should be punished. He knew not whether the Noble Lord considered the case of Peru a weaker or a stronger case than that of Greece, or whether he considered the application of force was more justifiable in Peru than it had been in Greece. But, very probably, the Noble Lord was not prepared to go the whole length which the French Government had gone in a certain case, to which he would just briefly refer. Was the Noble Lord acquainted with what had passed some years ago with respect to ren dering protection to French subjects? If not, he ought to have made himself acquainted with it, He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had no hesitation in saying, though he did not take upon himself to disap prove the acts of the French Government in that respect, and though he knew that Naples had finally acquiesced in it, that the case in question was an infinitely stronger interference on behalt of French subjects than England bad put forward on behalf of English subjects. If the Noble Lord was not acquainted with the case, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would inform him of it. At Naples there had been an insurrection. There were bar. ricades. In the course of an attempt made by the Go vernment—finally a successful attempt, to pull down these barricades, certain houses were broken open. Of course the principal part of them were Neapolitan houses, but some of them were French houses; and, after they had been broken open, the mob entered and plundered them. The French Government instantly sent to Naples to say—" These are French subjects, they have had their houses broken open and plundered by means of the civil power ; the Government were unable to prevent the outrage, but we hold the Government responsible for the property destroyed." And, upon that ground, but not without a naval force being sent, reparation was made by Naples, and the French subjects obtained redress, though the Neapolitan subjects whose houses had been broken open and plundered obtained no redress. What, then, became of the Noble Lord's "law of nations?" The French Government said in the Neapolitan case—" there is a general law cf all nations which entitles subjects in their lawful callings to protec tion," and on that protection they insisted.—(Hear.) What was going on at that morn..nt? Was the Noble Lord acquainted with what ass cuing on? An outrage was said to have been committed upon American ships at Lisbon. The strongest remonstrances bad been made by the Government of the United States against that proceeding; and, at this moment, as he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had reaeon to believe, vessels of war were on their way from America for the purpose of ob taining redress. These, then, were a series of instances in which tioat mode of receiving this question, which the Noble Lord seemed t ) think constituted a new sort of law, had been adopted—which be had called a wilful law, but which wilful law was the approved law for obtaining redress ; in fact, every power would consider that it was a degradation if it were to ask have of a second or third power whether it might or might not enforce its claims in different quer. tern of the world.—(lleur, hear.) And now he came to the particular case, which he would discuss as shortly as possible, on which the Noble Lord had dwelt at such length, and which formed the subject of the present mo tion. In the first place he must premise, in consequence of some observations which had been made by the Noble Lord, that, however entertaining all the observations he had been induced to make for the amusement of the House might be, whilst referring to the minutest details of M. Pacifico's furniture, he (the Marquis of Lans downe) would naturally exclude them from considera tion in a case in which justice and principle were in volved.—(Hear.) He hardly expected that the Noble Lord, whatever he might have read in newspapers re speetinz the minuteness of the claims, would have con descended to rest any portion of his arguments upon those details.—(Hear, hear.) Because, if the Noble Lord referred back to the history of this country, and of the world, be would find that great principles, upon which the honour, happiness, and glory of nations de pended, had had their origin in the most contemptible claims as respected particular indi viduals. On one occasion, for instance, in Eng land, a paltry claim was made, which apparently, perhaps, ought not to ha ve a g itated the countr y , as it did, from one end t o t he other, but that cl aim , of very small amount, would, if not enforced, have in volved the scandal of the Constitution for years; and, accordingly, the party politicians of that day recog nised in it one of those great principles in which they conld embark their fortunes and their lives.—(Cheers.) Now, the Noble Lord had alluded to character, and he had taken great pains to damage the character of the unfortunate M. Pacifico. The character, however, of hi. Pacifico had nothing to do with the case. — ( Hear, h ears ) Every one would remember the time when this country was agitated by the unlawful proceedings di rected against Mr. Wilkes. He (the Marquis of Lsns downe) would not enter on the present occasion into the character of Lir. Wilkes, but it certainly was asserted of him at the time that his character was open to many charges—charges of immorality, scandal, and others of that class. But did that character of Mr. Wilkes prevent the men of that day—Lords Chatham and Campbell—from interfering? No. Though he might be a gambler and a cheat, though he might be an infidel or an atheist. God knew whether these charges ware true—it never entered into the beads of the men in question to say they would summon a jury to ex amine into his ch aracter b e f ore t h e y determined to interfere in o th er respects. A n d so with Ahirn,regard to M. Pacifico ; whatever his character might be, he vva3 entitled to redress, if he possessed a rightful claim. however, knew most and h e respectableno not only r if e!. of the nirrt unjust perseeteioe, but he said that " he eith which charges is TVA; a , tonished et the 1...-oidnity resident at to be the sub bteu , rot up rr7airtet hirn to pr*ve that his house should b ee n turned. —(Hear, hear.) He add ed that it " put him in mind of a bad case which ha d once come on for hearing in Wes ra inster -hall, in which, in the brief Westminster -hall, given to the counsel f or the d e fendant, there WAS the f o l- lowin rernar• 14.—" When you come to this part of the g business,the case is very bad, but you may abuse the plaint irs ettorney."—(llear, bear, and a laugh.) N ow, No ble t Lord said in the present case—" it is true Pacifico has suffered loss, but then he was a man of dreadfully bad character." This was not the way to meet a man's claims; or, rather, were the claims to be dis allowed, because the man who preferred them happened to be considered bad in character?—(Hear.) He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) frequently referred with delight and pleasure to a work which held an immortal place in the literature cf this country—h e meant the work published under the name of " The Judgments of Lord Stowell," which might be studied with profit and ndvantage by every man of taste and judgment. They would lied there great principles laid down and great acts recorded; but, if they went and analysed that work, and, paszieg by the b,auty of the general principles there enucciated, looked nt the characters of the persons concerned, they would find most of those persons to have been slaveholdera, slavedealers, adulterers, persons of every description and shade of crime and of moral in c,,Paaity, but, nevertheless, all of them entitled to claim justice before the tribunal,; of their country, and to be protected in the assertion of their most important prin. a pplied to all the Noble Lord's ob servations respecting de relative to the minute details of discoveries he had ma Pacitico's Hear, hear.) Now, there was one circumstance which distinguished this claim from all other claims. It was—not the amount of the claim itself; nor the manner in which it was enforced—but, was l e ngth of time that had been allowed to g elapse the great len before the claim was enforce. Some portion of i t ha d j arisen gp far al@ I§§k s a 72 (lN r i) ' • Lord bad pact§ fiti auptioil iii Me 0 Ft 'RIM him e ex topk. elou office next per be had