The Sun. — London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

ought to be recollected that, in addition to the advantages which would result to trade and commerce from the universal prevalence of free trade, there would also be the advantages which always followed a free commercial intercourse between nations.—(clear.) Solong as that free and close commercial intercourse which might be produced by the abolition of the corn-laws existed, there would be no danger of such nations going to war with each other, and he, therefore, looked upon the establishment of free and unrestricted intercourse be tween nations as the best mode of preventing all the evils of war. Ho firmly beliffed that if they could effect the abolition of the corn-laws, tiny would, in addition to those blessings, increase the wealth and commerce and foster the industry of the country, whilst it would remove the evil which Lord John Russell had complained of in the House of Commons by preventing the poorer classes from every day becoming poorer. —(Cheers.) If they had a free commercial intercourse, un restricted by any corn-laws, he was convinced that the condi tion of the working people would be rendered better than ever it had been at any former period.—(Cheers.) They ought to remember what Mr. Cobden stated at Bath last night—they ought not to suppose that the question could be settled, un less through influencing the registration; and he hoped that with such a knowledge of the position of the cause of free trade they would not neglect any opportunity of securing to themselves a favourable position on the registration. He would not detain them any longer, but would conclude by proposing the first resolution, which was to the effect "that the meeting felt thoroughly convinced of the injurious effects of the laws which restricted the importation of corn on the prosperity of the country, and on the morals, the health, and the lives of the people, and that it highly approved of the plan of purchasing freeholds in order to secure a favourable position on the registration list, and earnestly recommended its adoption in order to assist willing or influence unwilling ministers to abolish the mischievous and injurious corn-laws." The resolution having been seconded by Mr. G. JoNEs, was 'parried unanimously. 11r. CoBDEN then rose, and was received with most en thusiastic and reiterated bursts of cheering. As soon as the plaudite which greeted his appearance had subsided, he said,—My Lord and Gentlemen, I do not know whether this is my three hundred and sktty-fourth or my three hundred and sixty-fifth speech on the corn-laws—but it must be one or the other.—(Cheers.) I could sneak 01 this subject almost at any time with great facility; and so long as I felt that I had a new audience, who had something to lean, I enjoyed a satisfaction in speaking on this subject• But we have come to that point now, that I almost have a feeling that it is a work of superorogation to use any new arguments on the subject of free trade ; and I find my difficulties somewhat increased, when I discover that at a moment when my arguments are least required, I see a greater desire than ever on the part of that portion of the press which has so ably advocated our principles, to give publicity to my speeches.—(Cheers.) I see around me gentlemen connected with that portion of the press to which we are so much indebted for its able support of our exertions.—(Cheers.) I see some gentlemen whom met at the meetings in Yorkshire within the last ten days (the reporters of the Chronicle) and others (the reporters of the Chronicle), whom I have met at every meeting which I have since attended, and I must now repeat the request which I made more than once in private to all those gentlemen, that they will not on this occasion give my three hundred and sixty-fifth told tale.—(Cheers.) And yet, although I make the request, I feel a propensity to go again over my old argu ments, for I believe they are the best—(Cheers) —they have stood the wear and tear of seven years, and after such good serviee as they have done us it would be wrong and ungrate ful to throw such trusty companions aside.—(Cheers.) Here we are again met to confront our old foe monopoly.—(Cheers.) You live not far from Wales here, and I will tell you an anecdote illustrative of the nature of monopoly. the scene of which was a district in Wales.—(Hear, hear.) A lecturer upon the corn-laws was addressing an audience in Wales, and in the course of his speech he felt it necessary to trans late the word monopoly into Welsh, but he found no little difficulty in the attempt, for the ancient Britons, it appears, would not stand monopoly—(Cheers)—they fled to their mountains from those old monopolists, the Romans, and they have no language to express monopoly.—(Laughter.) The lecturer was so much at a loss that he applied to a very clever Welsh scholar for aid, and the way in which he ex pressed the idea in Welsh is so perfectly descriptive that I will repeat it for ;von. The way in which he rendered it was, " A one-handed bargain."—(Laughter and cheers.) Now I don't think that a bad definition of monopoly. It is something like the definition which Colonel Thompson some where gives of it : serving oneself with a bucket and another with a spoon.—(Renewed laughter.) And yet it has not proved all profit with those who Made such a bargain.—(Hear, hear.) That one-handed bargain was a bad bargain. It was made from a desire to get high prices, but those who made the bargain thought only one way, and their conduct in mak ing that bargain was as unwise as the conduct of the Dutch, when they formerly burned half their spices, in order that they might get a higher price for the other half.—(Hear, hear.) It never occurred to those Dutchmen that they could have made infinitely greater profit by increasing the market for their spices, by trebling the number of the consumers of spices, than by burning one-half to enhance the price of the other. The argument with which we meet the monopolists on that point is this :—if the wealth, and commerce, and ma nufacturing prosperity of this country are increased, then their chances are better for getting a prise for their pro duce, than if the prosperity of the country were decreased, and the manufactures depressed.— (Hear, hear.) What is it which makes the price of corn higher in this country than in Poland or in Hungary ? It is the superior wealth, intel ligence, and manufacturing industry of the people—(Hear, hear)—and let us do anything to check the prosperity of our manufactures, and we thereby strike at the root of agriculture, and tend to bring its products on a level in price with those of Hungary and Poland. I want to show the friends Of monopoly, that they have been wrong in the policy which they have hitherto adopted. I want to show them that " honesty is the best policy."—(Loud cheers.) It is a very simple way, and it is perhaps too natural a way for getting wealth to put a ntan's hand into his neighbour's pocket. He may think that an easier way than obtaining money by the slow process of persevering industry, but it will be found that when such a course is adopted, the police will be after one set of prigs, and the Anti-Corn-law League after the other.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) We must be prepared to maintain our doctrines to their fullest extent, and if it be charged against us that we require a monopoly for our manufactured productions, we must, in order to support our case, come into court with clean hands, and state that we abandon all idea of protection for our manufactures.—(Hear hear, and cheers.) We again and again have declared this, and stated that whilst we seek the abolition of the corn-laws, we require no protection for any elms of manufacturing industry.—(Cheers.) The agricultu rists who advocate monopoly must, under those circum stances, see that they have not the slightest chance of a con test with men who set out with that proposal. We com menced with it, and we now repeat that we are resolved, if possible, to have no law on the statute-book which shall have for its object the benefit of any class of the people, by giving them a monopoly in the article in the production of which that class may be engaged. There are people, how ever, and perhaps there are some in Bristol, who are so ob fuscated, that they do not understand this, and who say that we are desirous on the same principle to abolish all customs' duties, and do away with all indirect taxation. That is not the object of the League—it may be the object of a future League—(Cheers)—to do away with indirect taxation, and adopt the eimnler. and. I think, the more effective, plan of direct taxation ; but it is not our business, and we shall leave it to our children to accomplish by a league of their own.—(Cheers.) We are not monopolists, and we do not profess to cure everything, but we do profess to put an end to the system of monopoly which enables the Duke of Rich mond and the Duke of Buckingham to instal themselves in certain offices in the Custom-house, and levy duties on the whole country for the benefit of a class.—(Cheers.) There may 'be duties, such as the revenue duty on tea, which are not for the benefit of a class, but which nevertheless operate against the importer, but the duty on corn is levied altogether for the benefit of a class. The desire of the Government would naturally be to bring as much tea as possible into the country to increase the revenue, but the object of the duty on corn is to keep as much as possible out of the country, and its object is not accomplished unless it is kept out. Those who were in favour of monopoly created all sorts of chimeras to support it, and amongst other things they say, they cannot carry on their business if the corn-'aw be re peled. To that we answer, " You can as well then as now, but whether yon can or not, we mean that you shall try."— (Loud cheers and laughter.) Seeing that manufacturers, or those engaged in other departments of industry, do not re quire exclusive protection, they can only be looked on as paupers, literally paupers, who require this protection at the expense of their fellow-countrymen. The Times once gra phically described the corn-law as an extension of the pen sion-list over the whole agricultural community.—(Cheers.) If they are to be paupers, then let them take the sum which they require directly from the Exchequer—let the commu nity pa that sum, but let trade be free.—(Cheers.) I put it in that way, in order that you may understand their posi tion, but we don't intend to let them have it, mind you— (Laughter and cheers)—in one way or the other.—(Cheers.) It was not tube wpndered at when we consider the nature of this protection, that high-minded Irobleman, like our Chair man—men like Lord Radnor and Lord Kinnaird, who knew what land could do if properly cultivated, should leave us alone. This conduct is highly to their credit, and we ought to pay every honour to our Noble Chairman for having been one of the first to come forward and repudiate such elemosynary support. (Loud cheers.) I am, you perceive, anxious not to forget our old friends now, when we are daily obtaining many new ones.—(Cheers.) They were the first to step forth from their ranks to take a prominent part in this movement. Honour be to them for at.—(Loud cheers.) They will find in less than five years everybody to agree with them, and they may well congra tulate themselves on being the first to leave their order in common sense and common honesty. And when I speak of distinguished politicians, I must say that, though no one can appreciate more than I do the manly, straightforward, candid, and honourable adhesion of Lord John Russell— (Cheers for some time)—and though no one can appreciate more than I do, who have lived some title among York shiremen, the accession of Lord Morpeth—(Loud cheers again)—the man who, of all others I should say in the kingdom, lives especially in the hearts of Yorkshiremen, and • wherever lie is known in every other part of the • country ; though, I say, nobody values more than I do such adhesions, I can never forget the noble services ren dered us by the present Lord Grey.—(Loud cheers.) Now 3 think those members of the aristocracy have shown a wise discretion in the course they have taken ; for I defy the aristocracy, if they value the continuance of their order -3 defy them to take up, in the face of the world, so dis advantageous, so perilous a position, as when they enter into collision with the middle and industrious classes en the most odious, contemptible, and meanest of all battle-grounds—the bread -tax.—(Loud cheers.) It is really asurprising that men of large property should condescend, in :the face of the world, to appear as the taxers of the bread .of the people, for their own emolument, that such men should ibe found to filch a third of his loaf from the half-starved land-loom weaver,—(Shame)--and that they should not *id any shame in going down the area steps, and sharing the 'perquisites of grea.se and lard with BtuhpepoCo3oek, t laughter lGarrdeaatnd grease cook.—(Great e ( sand cheers.) - You all recollect , alebate—(yes, yes)—that celebrated night w h en t h e great landed proprietors of this country came out in such glorious and distinguished characters. lam not surprised to find that genuine Englishmen, wearing sagacity coronets, should b e h eartily ashamed of this kind of conflict, and who hav e 'enough to see that if theeristocracy is to be preserved in any laf its privileges, it cannot be preserved so long as it attempts 'o maintain the bread-tax.: Now, I think the reason we have preserved our aristocracy in its ancient privileges longer Shan in any other country, is simply because there lave always been found a select few, like the late Lord Durham, like Earl Grey in by-gone times, like the Russells 5n all times—(Loud cheers)—who have always stood out From their order immediately the people unfurled their banner even in the face of their own order, provided only justice and wound principles were inscribed on it, and that the object of she movement was to obtain the legitimate and constitutional lights of the people.—(Loud cheers.) It is such men as the Itadnors, the Fitzwilliams, the Greys, the Russells, and the licirs it iielk U ..• e aristocracy of this country. We are 1 6rorlein a .; 1 as I told my friends at Bath, the Maga ?' ' tion. I never despaired of our s. i it..o& , 1 .. . T .,.... . u p,. „ I :1 1,,, F--, of the League could go into a ric. A ITh room a quarter the size of this, and when the largest sub scriptions amounted to ss. That is seven years ago. I have been hopeful and sanguine from the first ; but if ever there was a time when 1 felt a cold shudder of apprehension, it was when I read that startling article of the Times at Stroud yes terday. I no sooner read it than I wrote a hasty letter to my friends at Manchester, and said, " Now, don't let us have any throwing up of caps. This is just the time when cool heads will,be most wanted.—(Hear.) Don't let anybody become so intoxicated (I don't mean with drink), but so elated in spirit as to believe that somebody else is going to repeal the corn-laws for them." I recalled to their recollection what took place on the Reform Bill. The people became delirious. They handed over the charge of watchiag that Bill to others. They shouted something about the Bill, the whole Bill, and they left the Bill itself to be frittered away in piecemeal. You bad the 501. clause added to the Bill, and the whole mea sure fearfully marred and injured. I remember the friends of anti-slavery were tricked in the :same way. They had the seven years' apprenticeship—which they had afterwards to get rid of—and twenty millions to pay, which some did not bargain for when they began the agitation for abolition. Now, as I said to my Manchester friends, let us profit by the experience of past agitation. Let us take care now that when the hour of triumph comes that triumph is not turned into a fearful defeat. When we fancy that we are going to pluck the fruits of our long toil, let us take care those fruits are not turned into dust and ashes when in our hands to fake it ; but remember that it will not be given to you'as a free gift. It will be conceded with a sullen re luctance, and I repeat that the only question will be whether you will put out your hands to take it.—(Hear, hear.) The repeal of the corn-laws, like other great changes, will not be given to you as a free gift, and it will, like those other great changes, be the result of the steady and persevering exertions of the people themselves. There are at present, I am satisfied, no less than 80 or 100 Members of Peel's majority, who could not hold up their heads against him ; and if you take these, and add them to the numbers of the Opposition, you will find it will place him in such a position that he can carry any such measure as this.—(Hear, bear.) Well, then, it will be asked, will Wel lington agree to such a measure? Perhaps not at first. Per haps the House of Lords would in the first instance reject it, but let the country be appealed to, and let it pronounce in favour of the measure, and the House of Lords will submit to it, and bishops will not oppose it, but will express wonder how long they could have been supporters of such a horrible thing as monopoly.—(Laughter and cheers.) Sir Robert Peel would have no difficulty in repealing the corn laws, and what a dreadful responsibility must it be upon a Minister who knows the effects of monopoly as well as any man, and yet having the power to do so, hesitates to repeal the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) The whole responsibility now rests on Sir R. Peel—he can command the Cabinet—he can command the House of Commons, and if he now takes the proper, the bold, and the manly course, I believe the country will support him.—( Hear, and cheers.) Opening the ports has been talked of, but that is not what we want; such a course may be necessary in a great emergency, but it is only an expedient, and our object is not to provide against the present scarcity alone, but against scarcity in future.— (Cheers.) I believe, if we exert ourselves, the time is ap proaching when this odious law will be swept from the statute-book, and will be consigned to the records of the past, only to be regarded as a beacon to future generations. Mr. BRIGIIT next addressed the meeting, followed by other speakers of less note, when the party broke up. OPENING OF THE PORTS. MEETING OF THE WARD OF EARRING DON WITHOUT. Mr. WALKER (in continuation from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday) said— It was not in consequence of the present state of the country alone that he had been induced to come forward on that occasion. Without regarding this question, as con nected with the produce of the year's harvest, their duty was still the same. They ought to have been actively anxious to have had them removed long before. They should have been impressed with the convic tion that the prosperity and well-being of the country and of the industrious classes demanded their removal, and it was on this broad ground, and not on the mere exigencies of the time, that he took his stand. Why should they be considered through the distorted medium of political considerations or party feelings ?—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that a better time was coming, and that the sympathies of all classes would be aroused ; that their patriotism would be called into action, and that they would consider what were the most effectual means of promoting the welfare of the rising, as well as future generations.—(Hear, hear.) Their cause would be successful, for it was based upon sound reason, and was not influenced by crooked or party policy; they rose in dignity, with the consciousness that they only asked that justice which should be the foundation of all their laws, and they were anxious to see that the improvements which so eminently marked the period should be extended to their legislative enactments. By the removal of these laws an impetus would be given to the industry of the masses : the thought which inspired, the wisdom which directed, and the interest which secured, would each be brought into play, adding not only to individual property, but to the efficiency of every department and institution of the country.—(Hear, hear.) And if these advantages could be secured them by the abolition of these laws, would they, he asked, cease their ex ertions until they were fully done away with ?—(Hear, hear.) In asking the repeal of these corn-laws they did not wish to depress others ; all they wanted was to elevate themselves, and they felt that in thus elevating themselves they were benefiting all classes of the community.—(Hear.) With these views, he would impress upon the meeting the propriety of assisting those who had formed themselves into an union for the purpose of relieving' the people from the trammels which had been thrown around them ; of assisting those who wished to break the last link of the chain which had been placed upon their necks by the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) He knew that there were many gentlemen present with more talents than he could boast of; who could do greater justice to this important subject, and he trusted that they would come forward then and do so. They could do themselves no higher honour than in being instrumental in effecting the consummation they all so anxiously desired. He would but add for himself that he had no personal object apart from that of his fellow-citizens to serve in this matter. He had come forward as an independent man, anxious to pro mote an independent object.—(Great cheering.) It was the duty of every Englishman to do his best to get these laws repealed, no matter what his station in society might be. He did not despair of their ultimate triumph ; nay, more, he hoped to see the day when civil and religious liberty would be freely extended over the world.—(Cheers.) They were anxious that their views should be fully understood ; they were not of a _destructive or injurious tendency; but, while they sought not to inflict injury on others, they were equally determined to have justice for themselves.—(Loud cheers.) They were anxious to have good laws, and to improve to the utmost the advantages of their present posi tion in society.—( Hear, hear.) The speaker then read and proposed the resolution. Mr. CauressrrEst said that he had been requested to second the resolution which had just been proposed by Mr. Walker, and he did so from exactly the same motives and feelings which had prompted that gentleman to move it. He felt that that was a time which rendered it impera tive on all men to discharge a public as well as private duty, especially in a' case of great emergency like that which had brought them together—(Hear, hear)—and no man, however humble his station or contracted his talents, should shrink from the duties which society imposed on him. —( Cheers.) The resolution which had first been read had reference to the prospective state of the industrious classes of the community, and their anticipation that in consequence of the disease of the potato crop and the scarcity of the wheaten harvest the depressed condition of those classes would be exceedingly increased. Whatever men's opinions might be in reference to the corn-laws—whether in the eyes of one party they were unjust and not so in the eyes of another, was of no consequence. Neither of the parties who divided the country would, for a moment, blame Sir Robert Peel for a calamity which was ;oiely attributable to the seasons under Divine Providence ; at the same time it was right to look beyond the immediate causes of the present pressure, and to ascertain what course should be adopted in this comparative dearth of the ordinary productions of the country.—(Hear, hear. ) And they had a right also, if they believed that these laws were calculated to aggravate the distresses of the people ; if they believed that, in the present extraordinary state of things, their removal would mitigate these evils by rendering the importation of food comparatively easy, in those circum stances, and with this belief, they had a perfect right to have these laws abrogated.—(Cheers.) It had been even an axiom in politics that when capital was in great abundance there was an increased demand for labour, and that when there was a great demand for labour the wages of the productive classes were corre spondingly high. It has also been admitted that for the last four or five years, while profits have been high, wages have been low, and this because there was too great an inequality between the two classes of society. What was the state of things at present? They found capital in great abundance— in such abundance, indeed, that theydid not know how to dispose of it, and the wildest projects, therefore, had been brought before the public, and such was the superabundance of capital, that men rushed, with open hands and pockets, into the arms of those who proposed the wildest schemes to them. They in igiit London,bet w had heard before the railway speculation commenced of bankers who om hadillionlys of lying in money,their coffers one million. orit m willing to lend at two per cent., and yet were unable to find persons to borrow it from them.—(Hear, hear.) And what had been the tendency of this accumulation of capital ?—was it to increase the wages of the working classes on the one hand, and to enhance the profits of the trading classes on the other? They found that there had been, during the last fourteen or fifteen years, a gradual declension in the wages of the labouring classes, and a gradual reduction in the profits of the trading classes. Now was not this state of things calculated to excite the sympathy of all reflecting and right•thinklng men? Let them put this state of things before those who entertained a different view of the corn-laws from what they did, and let them be asked to explain the contradiction. Let them be asked to account .for an increased capital and diminished wages and profits. They would find that the corn-laws were in part the cause of this anomaly, because their tendency was to fetter and restrict the industry of the working men. It was gratifying now to find that men of all parties were be ginning to see their injurious tendency, and to acknow ledge that they pressed most unjustly on the humbler classes of the population. It was lamentable to find that is consequence of these the distinction was gone between the poorer classes and the industrious classes. In dustry and poverty were synonimous terms, as were riches and ialeness.(Hear.) But they were glad to find that the causes of this anomaly were being investigated, and he hoped, sincerely hoped, that with increased knowledge, they would do away with the causes which had resulted in these evils. We were told that the question was settled. It was nearly ten years ago that a letter was published from one of the two great leaders of one of the two great political parties in this country. He alluded to Lord John Russell, who, after twenty years' experience, had been converted to sound politi cal economy. He reminded him of Rip Van Winkle, who, after twenty years' sleep, awoke. Lord John Russell had been asleep for twenty years, and now suddenly woke up, and came forward to aid in the work which so much inte rested them all. He had found eut, after twenty years, that corn does not form an exception to political economy, and had contributed his influence to do good and realise the important aid they were seeking. It had since then been announced in a sort of demi-official way that the Premier (who ought to be called the great Corn-law Silence) had been impressed with the ne cessity of doing something to relieve the country from the oppression of these laws, which had so long disgraced it. He was not one of those who would judge the motives of statesmen. It would be unfair to decide upon them by the same principles that were usual to men in the ordinary walks of life. They appeared to him to be governed by principles of which the generality of people had very little idea, and to which most men were strangers, and they would be in error who attempted to fathom their reasons when they were actuated by so many particular circumstances. It was enough for them; to know that if that announcement was founded in truth, the two great leaders of the two great parties had at length found it necessary to sub mit themselves to the decision of the public will, and to express their readiness to do what was required. He had heard it mentioned after the announcement of the decision of the last Cabinet Council, that this meet ing was not to be held to-day. He was delighted to find that it was held, and that the expectations of some persons in that ward were disappointed, because it was certain that, whether the announcement of the Cabinet Council was true or untrue, there was the same necessity for the very same course of proceeding on the part of the public. If it was true, Sir R. Peel would require all the support which the public could give, as it would give a great blow to the aris • tocratical power of this aristocratic country; and if the public mind decided that he did not intend to do any thing, there would be the same necessity for coming Loud forward to help themselves , as the lande d i nterest would take advantage of any i ndecision. The y would fi g h t the battle to the last step , an d would not g ive u p their last And if great hold the on publicth the finances we re n not tf alivethis c t o o u country.—(Loud supportt ry a Minister who. —( applause.) was thrust into the battle against his will, they would not succeed in their endeavours, and would be foiled in their attempts on all sides. He felt that he had already occupied the time of the meeting longer than he should do—(Cries of "No, no," " Go on")—and he would conclude by begging to second the resolution so ably proposed by his friend Mr. Walker.—(The speaker then sat down amidst thunders of applause.) Sir JAMES DUKE then put the resolution to the meeting, and it was carried unanimously. Mr. C. WOOD then said that he had been called on to pro pose the second resolution. He wou ld begin by calling to their attention the resolution :—" That Sir R. Peel, by not advising her Majesty immediately to assemble Parliament to consider the necessity of repealing the corn-laws, had been guilty of a neglect of duty, and had rendered himself re sponsible to the country for the present deficiency in corn." In support of the resolution he would call their attention to the feeling of the public mind some Cabinet Council. It was then the uni versal feeling that an five or six weeks ago, previous - to the assembling of the Order in Council on the more important measure of assembling Parliament would be necessary, in order to open the ports. Sir Robert Peel was in a situation to open them, but he required the support of the people. It was an act which, as the chief member of the Cabinet Council, he was enabled to perform, and on him lay the responsibility if he neglected this important duty. It was seen that there was a difference of opinion in the Cabinet Council, as nothing resulted from their deliberations. The corn market went up in conse quence, as many persons suspected from the evident difference of opinion that the ports would not be opened. The inferior sort of corn now in the market was at from 50s. to 545. per quarter, and it was of such a bad quality that, in order to use it, it was mixed with a better quality of corn. That better quality was at 745. per quarter, and the duty was so high that the good corn, necessary to mix withsthe inferior stuff they had already, could not be im ported. The duty at present amounted to 14s. per quarter. He was told that the report that the ports could not be opened had closed the hands of all who held bonded corn, and it was now worth from 4s. to ss. more than it was at that time. An objection might be made to the second reso lution, on the ground that it placed Sir Robert Peel in an improper position—(Hear, hear)—and he would defend it on that point, as Sir Robert Peel had taken no measures to as semble Parliament. Supposing that in the Cabinet Council the Duke of Wellington, Lord Wharncliffe, and the Earl of Ripon should hinder him from doing that which he con sidered necessary for the good of the country, and which, as First Lord of the Treasury, he bad a right to do, could he not say that if he was hindered from prosecuting his own measure, they should seek another Minister? He had not done so, but had called meetings from which nothing had resulted. The Times had asserted one thing yesterday grasp.—(Cheers.) Peel and his oolleagues have had a month's consultation. They have had ten Cabinet meetings. Nobody doubts that there has been great disunion, and a long controversy, and nobody doubts either that what Sir Robert Peel has been aiming at is to bring over a majority of his Cabinet, in order to save him from the dis agreeable issue of a rupture of the Government. We are now told, and I believe the report to be true, that he has gained over a majority of his colleagues, who have given him a carte blanche to act as he likes. Now, what sort of argu ments think }roil has he been using to bring over his col leagues ? Has he been offering them some compensation ? Has he been offering any nice conditions ? If he has been offering any compensation or condition, if he has made a bargain, recollect it is you who must pay the price. Now, there is the malt-tax (and though I have not the privilege of our friend Punch to be under the council-table) I venture to surmise that tax has been talked of. I know the farmers have an infatuated opinion as to the injury the malt-tax in flicts on them. I never met a farmer, however rational and intelligent, who was not bitten with this notion, and quite irrational on this subject. Every farmer I ever knew labours under the delusion that the farmer pays the malt-tax. They do not seem to understand that the farmer, when he pays the tax, charges it to his customers, and that these are found in far greater number in the towns than in the country.—(Hear, hear.) I don't deny that getting rid of the exciseman for the malt-house would be a great boon to the maltster. Sir R. Peel, knowing the feelings of the farmers on the subject, may propose to get rid of the malt-tax. But how does he in tend to make up the five or six millions of taxation thus sa crificed? Does he interfd to tax any particular class more heavily, in order to get rid of that tax ?—(Hear, hear.) Not the malt-tax only, but other questions have no doubt been discussed. Will he attempt to conciliate his colleagues by a re-adjustment of taxation? We have heard a great deal of exclusive burdens, though we could never get a word of evidence on the subject, and though the monopolists refused to attend any tribunal for the examination of the subject. But, no doubt, a great deal has been said about exclusive burdens in the Cabinet ; and, it may be, that Sir Robert made an offer of this kind : if you will give up the corn-laws we can make the towns pay the poor-rates for the country, and the highway rates, in addition to their own paving -rates, and, it may be, that he proposed the church-rates in the rural dis tricts should be somehow paid by the towns; and that, in addition to the expenses of prosecuting and maintaining pri soners, you should be liahle to a similar charge for the relief of Mr. Miles and his supporters in the agricultural districts. —(Hear, and a laugh.) I merely suggest these as probable topics of discussion in the Cabinet; and at all events as they have been so pressed by the protectionists, it is right to assume that Peel, who is the protectionist's Minister, is still ready to do the dirty work of his masters on these ques tions, as he has been on others.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, I am ready to agree with the Noble Lord who spoke here, and to say I am as ready to take this measure of re lief from Sir Robert Peel as from any one else. We should not be true to our principles if we did not make that candid avowal. But our principle is the total, immediate, and un conditional repeal of the corn and provision laws.—(Loud and continued cheering.) We do not intend to buy their repeal. I say we could not, in the face of this country, or of the civilised world, come before them with any decency and say we were willing to purchase our freedom. We demand it as a right, and we have no right to it unless we can so de mand it.—(Loud cheers.) We say the moment we acknow ledge any conditions, the moment we begin to huckster about a principle, that moment we become contemptible in the eyes of our countrymen. The Premier may be desirous of winning the honour and fame in history of being handed down as the instrument by which the corn-laws were re pealed. But if he do repeal them, it is the League and the League only that is entitled to the credit of the good work.—(Loud cries of " Yes," and cheers for some time.) We are stronger than Prime Ministers, and the way in which we have become so is by working honestly and con sistently in the face of our countrymen for seven years, and our countrymen trust us, but do not trust the present Prime Minister.—(Loud cheers.) Now, do you think that Sir R. is disposed, at the meeting of Parliament, in the same manly, frank, and honourable way that Lord John Russell has done, to declare his reasons for a change in his opinions, and to submit a proposition for the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws? No, I don't believe he is so prepared, because I never saw him do anything of that kind yet.—(Hear, and laughter.) But if he will propose it, and do it fairly, and do it honestly, he shall have our support to enable him to carry it.—(Cheers.) But don't take it for granted that Sir Robert Peel intends to do anything of the kind. I have been assum ing that he was about to propose this change, and if ho do we shall take it at his hands; but if he does come to our ser vice, he must bear in mind that he will come without a good character from his last employers.—(Much laughter.) When he comes into our service he will have to act very differently from the manner in which he has hitherto conducted his administration. We will have no more of that double-faced dealing which I have witnessed with disgust in the Homes of Commons for the last four years, of openly playing into the hands of opposite parties, in a way which one can hardly say is more discreditable to the intelligence or morality of his countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) You have heard allusion made to one specimen of this dealing, when he told one set of Members, " 'Tis true you have to bear an income-tax, but you will be compensated for this by the cheapness of provi sions, guaranteed by my tariff;" and then, before our faces turning round, he told his supporters, " Don't be alarmed, no cattle can come to lower your prices from Spain or any other country."—(Hear, hear.) During the progress of our career we would fain have a strong hand or two from the political parties to rock the cradle of that infant freedom over which we watched; but now that it has reached a giant's strength, don't suppose that Peel, or any other Minister, is to conduct it in its maturity. There is more neceasity than ever for re solution, not as displayed in mere talk, but in active working. We intend to work still, and we have come here to talk about the mode of working with most effect. You have heard of the progress of the 40s. franchise. The agitation of the ques tion of free trade compelled us to ponder over the instru ments by which we could hope to effect this great end, and I think we have some merit in having induced our country men to think more on this subject. We saw ourselves con fronted in the House by Members from every county. With one venerable exception, Mr. Yilliers's motion had not a county supporter. We asked how it was that the counties were in the bands of the monopolists? We took up the Reform Bill, and we found, to counteract the Chandos clause, the 40s. franchise. Having so far succeeded in our county operations in the north, we have made a selection of twenty five counties more. Our agents are visiting them, and we are visiting them to stir them up, as we hope to do you to night.—(Cheers and laughter.) Don't relax because you hear tidings of the decisions of Government, or of the break ing up of cabinets. Do not relax for any consideration. We are influencing Government. The most potent argu ment Sir Robert Peel has to influence the aristocracy is, " Look to the League.—(Loud cheers.) What is it doing? It has won the large boroughs, it has won the largest counties. It now possesses four counties, which in wealth, population, and influence are more than equal to all the other counties in England. They are now extending their ex ertions to twenty-five counties more. They have money at hand, and can in fact have it to any extent. How can you stand against such an organisation as that? You must put it down, and dissolve it by abolishing the bread-tax, or very possibly it will not content itself with the downfal of that odious impost, and the end will be that that formidable body will put you down."—(Cheers.) Such is the argument held by Sir Robert Peel to the aristocracy, and the only one by which they are likely to be moved. The forty-shilling free hold movement is one which is at this moment striking ter ror into the hearts of the aristocracy. Therefore, I say, persevere in it.—(Cheers.) Form your committee. Work it. You will want funds. Well, we shall supply them. Yon have contributed here to our stock, very many of you hand somely, some munificently. All that has been so given has flowed into a common reservoir. We want no money in South Lancashire, but we can't be idle either with purse or tongue, and are interested in the great work wherever it be carried on. We shall come and help you to achieve it here. —(Loud cheers.) I have done. I attempt to wind up my speech with no ambitious peroration. I simply, in conclu sion, repeat my request, my entreaty to form committees, to commence in good earnest the battle in the registration courts, and from this to the 20th of next January let your watchwords be—Qualfy, qualify, qualify !—(The Hon. Gen tleman resumed his seat amid cheering, which lasted for many minutes.) Mr. MILXER GIBSOX then came forward, and was received in the most enthusiastic manner. He said—After the very impressive and powerful speech which has been delivered by my friend Mr. Cobden, it would be presumptuous in me to endeavour to amplify the subjeot of his address, or to trespass long upon your indulgence. I must, however, thank you cordially for the kind reception which you gave me when the Chairman introduced my name to this meeting, and I beg to express to you all the gratitude in my power for the enthu siasm which you have displayed in my regard.—(Cheers.) I feel proud to witness such an assemblage, and I shall go hack from this meeting with the strongest impression that the citizens of Bristol are, as the citizens of this commercial and important city ought to be, animated with a firm deter mination to put down the odious and detestable system of corn-laws, and they are resolved not to be diverted from their purpose by deceptive promises or sur mises from newspapers, however influential.—(Loud cheers.) I shall go away from this meeting with a feeling that the people of Bristol are a type of those whom I have met in other parts of the district—that they are resolved to assert their rights to commercial freedom, and that they will be con tent with nothing but a total and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws.—(Leud cheers.) I wish that our opponents were present at this meeting, for they can have no idea of the in telligence, and unanimity, and enthusiasm, which prevail here : they think that our meetings are like the meetings which they witness of the protection societies—(Laughter)— and they cannot imagine the logical arguments which are brought forward—the application of the principles of political economy to those ordinary details which most affect our hap piness; but they think that ours are like the meetings of the protection societies, at which they talk of the glorious con stitution—(Laughter)—and the wooden walls of Old Eng land; but the? , might more correctly say, " the wooden heads of Old hngland"—(Renewed laughter and cheers) — for it is to the wooden heads of Old England we owe that unfortunate policy which impedes trade, which restricts in dustry, and which, in fact, is the cause of most of those evils in our commercial system which this country has to deplore.—(Hear, hear.) I have not been over sanguine in expecting a speedy success of the cause of free trade, for I was conscious of the great barriers which pre judice and error and ideas of self-interest had raised against us ; I therefore never imagined that our success would be so speedy as it has been. It seems to me that no great public v cit l t l o s l e l as of o t ri b l e y co t rn be -la sa w m s e h as tim b e ee b n efo h re ad th ev e er pu sa ls c li h c ci th u a e t Bt t i h ° i n s rapid end decided success.—(Cheers.) I was always of opinion that truth must eventually triumph over error, and that freedom would succeed at length against tyranny and injustice. But remembering the amo u nt of timidity, and error, which we had to prejudice, ecommanding struggle aga against, ° I s m i t i u o s n t confess that I am astonished at the which we have so rapidly at tained.—(Cheers.) I believe the final triumph of your principles, in the total repeal of the corn-laws, is within your reach if you only put out your OPENING OF THE PORTS. BATH, DEC. s.—An anti-corn-law soirée was held in the Guildhall of this city last night, over which the Mayor (Mr. Batchelor) presided. It was attended by many of the influential inhabitants of Bath ; but the issue of tickets at Is. 6d. for tea was limited to 500 only. After tea, however persons were admitted by sixpenny tickets, and the number of auditors was thereby increased to nearly 700. The intelligence announced by the Times that the Govern ment were about to give up the corn-laws was very generally circulated through the city in the afternoon., Mr. HUNT (a town-councillor), having repeated the news, it was welcomed with loud shouts of joy and waving of hats. Mr. Hunt proceed to remark, that the funeral of the corn laws was about to take place. No doubt some of the gen tlemen on the platform were ready to become pall-bearers, more especially as they had been instrumental in producing the dissolution of the party.—(A laugh.) He had thought that Lord J. Russell would be the undertaker, but it ap peared that Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington were candidates for that office.—(Laughter.) He was sure that his auditors would join with the rest of the people in making up a multitudinous procession of " merry mourners."— (Cheers and laughter.) He was quite sure that the people of this country would never have endured the corn-laws so long had they not been surrounded by political terms and a paradoxical play upon the phrases of " low wages " and " cheap bread ;" but that illusion was now destroyed, thanks to Cobden and Bright.—(Cheers.) Those gentlemen had made not only great exertions, but sacrifices in the cause of free trade, and after much labour had succeeded with the sagacity of statesmen in convincing the Senate and Govern - ment of the land that the measure which they advocated was the right one to be adopted.—(Cheers.) The conduct of the Government in resisting the repeal of the corn-laws so long, and particularly under the present scarcity and prospect of general famine, was neither just nor humane.— (Hear, hear.) But, if the Government would not adopt the only remedy for existing and threatened evils, the people must provide it themselves.—(Cheers.) He concluded by proposing a memorial to the Queen, praying for the opening of the ports and the importation of foreign corn free of duty.—( Cheers.) The Rev. J. Mortar (Unitarian minister) seconded the adoption of the memorial. Mr. COBDEN, on presenting himself, was uproariously cheered. He said ,this enthusiastic reception was the mora welcome because this was the first time he had appeared before an assembly of the inhabitants of Bath, who had already done much to promote the repeal of the corn-laws by returning Members to Parliament to support Mr. Villiers's annual motion and by other demonstrations.—( Cheers.) Some of the manufacturing districts had not acted so nobly and so independently, but still on the part of the manufac turing districts generally lie tendered the citizens of Bath his grateful thanks.—(Applause.) In opposing the corn laws, they were not opposing a mere Custom-house tax for the sake of supporting the national income. He believed, indeed, that the time would come when all indirect taxes would be abolished, and it would be seen that much trouble, annoyance, and expense might be avoided by collecting all necessary taxes directly.—(Cheers.) At present there were two sets of Custom-house officers —one representing her Majesty the Queen, God bless her !—(Cheers)—and the other the Duke of Richmond and Co., who collected a tax for their own benefit. Now, he decidedly objected to the collection of any tax for the exclusive benefit of a class.—(Cheers.) It was said that goods in bond were under the Queen's lock. He did not object to that, but he did object to the food of the people being under the Duke of Richmond's lock.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was called protection, but it was just that sort of protection which the sparrowhawk afforded to the sparrow.—(Hear.) He had never been of opinion that the rents of the land would de crease because manufactures flourished. He thought the value of land would rise. It was suicidal to themselves for landlords to admit that they were living in mansions of the value of 5001. to 1,000/, a- year, and that all this was got out of the bread tax.—(llear, hear.) Landowners must not ex pect to continue to raise their rents by means of the corn-laws, and by keeping nests of vermin, called game, to destroy the produce of the farmer—(Cheers.) No, no! They must learn to act like the manufacturers. They must study, think, and mind their own business, and let their tenants have farms on terms which would induce them to lay out capital and labour upon them ; they must let their tenants to do as they liked with the land and with their votes also.—(Cheers.) The matter must be treated in a mercantile way, without any reference to Church and State and our glorious Constitution ; just the same as the buying and selling of a piece of cloth.—(Cheers.) If all Gloucester shire were cultivated on the terms and principles upon which Earl Ducie's example farm at Whitfield was, there would be three times as many labourers employed, and the profits of the farmers, as well as the rents of the landlords, would be greater.—(Hear.) He had repeatedly told the landlords that if they would have a committee and call their own witnesses, he would prove out of their own mouths that the corn-laws were of no benefit to themselves nor to any one else. But that challenge had never been accepted.— (Hear.) He believed that they were approaching a perilous crisis. —(Hear.) There had been frequent meetings of the Cabinet, and it had appeared that the Duke of Wellington and Lord Stanley had stoutly opposed the repeal of the cern-laws. How had Sir R. Peel reconciled them to repeal ? By conditions ? By clogs on the measure ? By bartering away the rights of the people, which had been withheld from them during a long series of years of wrong? If he has (continued Mr. Cobden), it will be our business to see that this compact for bartering away any portion of our rights in this unjust manner shall not be completed.—(Cheers.) The League was founded upon a principle which has been the rock of our salvation—the total and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) There can be no midway course between total repeal and total abolition. If Lord John Russell or Sir Robert Peel can show us any justice, or right, or reason,—if one fact, one sound argument can be adduced to warrant the imposition of a single shilling duty on corn, or a tax of any kind on bread, or the slightest restriction on the food of the people of this country, then we will submit; but if not, then not one single shilling or farthing shall be imposed.—(Cheers.) Now, I don't care for dukes or lords. —(Repeated cheering and laughter.) I say this question is taken out of the hands of dukes and lords, and prime mi nisters, either in posse or in esse. The question is placed in the hands of the people of this country.—Cheers.) They will profit by past agitation, and not fall into a state of joyous intoxication because they are told that this minister or that, this duke or that lord, happens to agree in opinion with them. No, but they will profit by the experience of the Reform Act and the Negro Emancipation Act, and will be determined. The people are fixed and determined on this question. They are prepared for every trick or act of jugglery that may ema nate from any quarter.—(Loud cheers.) The people are pre pared not to accept the repeal of the corn-laws from any party as a boon, but to take and claim it as a simple act of justice. —(Renewed cheering.) The Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that he knew, from personal observation, that the country was with the League in this object, and that the people would not suffer themselves to be tricked by any party.—(Laughter and cheers.) The memorial was then put by the Mayor, and unani mously agreed to. Mr. EDWARDS moved the second resolution,— " That the efforts now being made to secure, through the medium of county freeholds, a more effectual representa tion of the people deserve the warmest support of the meet ing."—(Hear, hear.) Mr. J. KEANE seconded it. Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., who was enthusiastically cheered, next addressed the assembly, repeating his usual arguments in favour of an immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws. It is not out of any disrespect to the Hon. Gentleman that we do not repeat them, but because they have been fre quently published before. In the course of his remarks he said, there was a paper—he did not know whether to call It one paper or two papers, for one half was published in the morning, and the other half in the evening—he meant the Herald and Standard—(" Oh," and laughter)—that paper, or double paper, or half-paper, had lately said that the abo lition of the corn-laws would drive the people to a potato diet—(Laughter)—just as if the introduction of more wheat would make the people eat more potatoes.—(Renewed laughter.) In allusion to the United States of America, he contended that if we ran any risk of a war with that country, we had to thank the restrictions upon free trade for it. But he believed that there was a vast number of the Americans who were free-traders, and who would make any sacrifice rather than go to war with us. And surely the English did not desire a deadly conflict with those who were not in theory, but in fact, " bone of their bone, and flesh of their —(Cheers.) But beyond that, let the Americans know that our corn-laws were abolished, and down would go the American tariff, and every little dispute would cease, for the two nations would perceive it was their mutual interest to maintain peace, and would refuse to go to war to gratify the ambition of a warlike Minister, whether in America or in England.—(Great cheering) He con cluded by observing, that the people in this country could have no hope in a privileged aristocracv—he doubted if they could in any country—their only hope must be in themselves, and, therefore, let them not be satis fied until they had beaten down the tyranny of the corn laws,—(Cheers.) It was true that Lord J. Russell had writ ten a letter, giving in his adhesion to the cause of free trade, and a more honest, statesmanlike document, he had never seen. But still the repeal of the corn-laws was no Whig movement. Lord Morpeth, too, had joined the League, and his talents and principles were more honourable to him than his alliance with nobility.—(Cheers.) Still the League had not sought to promote a Whig or party movement. If Sir R. Peel should send in his adhesion, he would be received with as hearty a welcome.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But, after all, the people, by their votes and their opinions, must do the work. The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst much cheering and waving of hats. The resolution was carried unanimously. Mr. WIT SON, a magistrate of the city, proposed a vote of thanks to Messrs. Cobden and Bright, which was seconded by Mr. Moger, banker, and carried by acclamation. A vote of thanks was also presented to the Mayor, and three times three cheers for the repeal of the corn-laws, vociferously given, terminated the proceedings at a few minutes past ten o'clock. DEAL.—An occurrence of a very distressing nature took place here a few days ago. The infant son of Mr. Pain, baker, an interesting child, of three year of age, tempted by the contents of a box of colours, abstracted unobserved a green paint, and swallowed it. The disooloured state of the bed indicated the nature of the mischief, and though some portion of the poison had been dislodged, medical assistance arrived too late to be of service. Tho child died shortly after the discovery.--Kent Herald, ~.,~ . T 11E S UN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 6, 1845. morning, and it was contradicted the same evening by the Standard, and this morning the Chronicle asserted the state ment of the Times to be true, inasmuch as the allegations it contained were quite consistent with the professions of Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Whose assertion were they then to believe? If the Duke of Wellington advocates the repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Lords, while the Premier advocates it in the Commons, then by these meetings they were assisting them in their endeavour, but, if otherwise, they were forwarding their own views. He wished Sir Robert Peel to remain in office, because he did many things for them which, with all their efforts, they would be unable to do themselves. If he was guilty of neglect of duty they ought to impress it upon him, and point out to him the necessity of some immediate remedy. Supposing that Lord John Russell's letter had not appeared, would the article in the Times have appeared, or would any change in the views of the Cabinet have taken place? Cobbett and his assistants had done all in their power to forward that change, which was undertaken with the view of benefiting the working classes, and enabling the industrious man to get his own living.—(Loud applause.) He knew that from ten to twenty-five per cent. had been taken off from the wages of the men in the north, and even now in some of the large manufacturing towns they were working short work. Take a bushel of wheat new from the last harvest, and its quality was such that it would be, if cleared, two or two-and-a-half pounds lighter than a bushel from the preceding harvest; and then let them think what a deficiency that would amount to when spread over millions of bushels. Let them add to that deficiency the failure of the potato crop, and what a frightful picture was there. They heard daily the accounts from Ireland and from Somersetshire, that the decay was going on to an alarming extent. He knew a potato-merchant who bad pur chased a quantity of potatoes at 6s. per cwt., and in i short time after he was glad to be able to h ell half of them to the cowkeepers at Is. per cwt. Let them, therefore, impress it on the mind of Sir Robert Peel, who was the ruling power, and who was personally responsible to the whole country . for his own act in case of an impeachment—and such a thing might occur. He saw that Sir James Duke was smiling, and well he might, and laugh also, as he knew how tenderly that word was used in the Houses of Parliament. Supposing that such a thing was to arise as an impeachment for neglect of duty—a neg lect of duty which brought hundreds of his countrymen to starvation and death—who did they think would be im peached? Would it be the Duke of Wellington? No. Lord Wharncliffe, or the Earl of Ripon ? No ; it would be the First Lord of the Treasury—the man who had the nomination of his colleagues, who has, or ought to have, the whole power of the country in his grasp. Who, he again asked, was responsible ? Sir R. Peel, who would alone be looked to for the remedy for a grievance, and who alone could remedy it. He felt that he had taken up enough of their time. He would conclude by proposing the resolution, and saying, that so long as they obtained what they re quired, he did not care who got it for them—Sir R. Peel or anybody else. Mr. floyme was then called on to second the resolution. He said that he was taken quite by surprise. He had come there more as a looker-on. He was sorry that the task had fallen upon him, but it was necessary that those in power who did not do their duty properly should have their neglect expressed to them. Yet the gentlemen of the ward had not the boldness to come before the meeting and give ut terance to sentiments that he had heard them often express in private. There should be no question of delicacy which should hinder them from expressing what they considered the wants of their country called on them to do. They knew that in consequence of the increased prices of provi sion trade had been paralysed. Many of them knew that the mills were decreasing in work ; the work men in consequence were -earning less, and could not afford to spend so much with the tradesmen around them. That train of reasoning was simple enough. It might be that the famine was further off than their fears had represented it to be, but it was their duty to prevent its recurrence at any time. If the Prime Minister was not quick to do his duty, they should not delay. If Sir Robert Peel had not been so wedded to party, and had adopted the simple principle of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest one, there would have been no necessity for this meeting. They were all convinced of the neces sity of free trade in order to save the country from ruin. How much better off would the country have been if those engaged by right in commercial pursuits had followed their own business and paid less at tention to railways. Had those persons, whose offices in the City entitled them to go into the presence of their So vereign, done something for the poor instead of attending to railways, the poor would perhaps have been better off. Sir J. DUKE said that the Corporation of London had done all in their power to assist the poor and to obtain the required measures for them. Mr. BOYLE said that there were splendid reminiscences connected with the city of London, but the time had passed, and they bad now become so bad and so degenerate as to become a by-word and a reproach to all men.---EA round of continued and loud applause followed this declaration.] Instead of leading on every great question, they are found the last. They come in after Manchester, Glasgow, and other minor communities. One's heart throbs while think ing of the glorious deeds of old ; but now the most they do is, if a gentleman's character be irreproachable, but because he differs in some sentiments from them, to expel him from amongst them, and make an election null and void. — (Immense applause.) He (Mr. Boyle,) seconded the reso lution with the greatest pleasure imaginable. He hoped this would be the beginning of a change in the ward, the largest in London, and that it would take its proper place in leading on these great questions. When it was thought that every luxury we taste, every gem in her Majesty's crown, comes from abroad ; that not a wind that blows but wafts a vessel laden with the riches of other countries; that this inter course has a power to civilise, an effect most desirable, considering that round the globe the people are from one great hand and for one great object—(Applause)— it would be lamentable indeed if the cause of these laws being continued till now were traced to our own supineness. If this ward had done its duty— if the Corporation of the City of London had done their duty—they could have compared with pleasure the glories of former days with the present. They would, in that case, look upon each alderman as he passed, and say, there is a man who spends all his time for the good of his fellow-citizens; did you read his speech ?—(Laughter.) But, on the other hand, they, the degenerate descendants of former aldermen, are occupied with some trivial matter of a sewage.—(Applause and laughter.) If they are not car ried away with the gold chains, the sword, and other gew gaws of office, they would act so as to be entitled to the name of the poor man's friends.—(Loud Applause.) Richard Cobden, that great man, has borne on the contest to a victory without the aid of such men as Lord John Russell or Sir Robert Peel. Is not that man of genius deserving of being presented with the freedom of the City of London?—(Applause.) Why should Glasgow and Manchester be forward in this, and anticipate the City of London. If a soldier, who has been fighting with savages, unknown and unacquainted with the modes of European warfare—if such a soldier come home, honours are heaped upon him, snuff-boxes are handed to him, but such a man as Richard Cobden, who labours to ameliorate the condition of the people, and to christianize the world, such a man is passed by.—(He sat down amidst great applause.) Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR said he had been requested to se cond the resolution read and moved; but,having declined, he just begged to say his reason was, that while he agreed in all that had been said by the mover and seconder, he could not agree to censure the ward, or to put Sir Robert Peel in the position which the resolution puts him in. He thought that we should speak courteously of our opponents when they were coming over to our side. The framer of the resolution perhaps had not made allowance for opposing forces. Sir R. Peel has been moving round to free trade, and Lord John Russell has but lately declared his conversion ; allowance, therefore, ought to be made for these things. He moved as an amendment to the former resolution—" That this meeting expresses its satisfaction with Sir Robert Peel's course in re ference to free trade, and begs that, since he has admitted the scarcity of food, he would advise her Majesty to repeal the corn-laws, and thus merit the lasting gratitude of the people." Dr. LYNCH said he had great pleasure in seconding the resolution as amended. They ought to be thankful to Sir Robert Peel : he has launched the barque and it is for the people to waft it along. The intimation made in the Times is by the same journal affirmed to. day in every circumstance, therefore they owed a debt of gratitude to Sir Robert Peel. At such a moment of congratulation it is a pity to hear one word out of keeping with the spirit of the times. Such hap piness is too great indeed, he was afraid, to last long He had read an anecdote of a gentleman who went to dine with a miser, where he had never dined before. After dinner he rhymed it thus : here we have dined, where we shall dine no more— Chimneys smoked that never smoked before." —(Laughter.) In public calamities it is better to try to prevent than to cure. Sir Robert Peel is trying this. Sir Robert had the best interests of the country, he believed, at heart, and would secure them, if the power with which he has to contend be not too great for him ; for in all times, ancient and modern, the power of the British aristocracy of Eng land was unequalled •, and their interests were wound up in monopoly. But this proud aristocracy, yielding only to necessities, must yield before the terrible necessity of public calamity.—(Applause.) Truth and matter of fact reach the peasant and the prince, the castle and the cottage. He said he would just give them a few facts. Typhus fever and pes tilence are never out of Ireland. For one hundred Years typhus fever had always accompanied scarcity, and this scarcity of food in Ireland is never absent. Oar reports on health of towns prove this. Round this neighbourhood there were hovels and huts. 11l drainage and sewerage, and if there be a scarcity of food the people will die, as if the angel of dowth had broathod upon them. To make England the emporium of the world, and make it available to all, should we not merge their differences for this noble object ? Sir Robert, the most powerful Mi nister ever existing, before whom Pitt sinks into insigni ficance, who puts away his sliding-scale when he finds it will not work, and every consideration natural to a Premier, and carries the object for which the meeting had come together, the meeting would be worse than foolish to censure Sir Robert or to express other than gratitude. (He sat down amid great cheering.) Mr. ANDERTON begged the mover and seconder of the original resolution would agree to allow it to be withdrawn in favour of the amendment. This was complied with by both. The amendment was carried unanimously. Mr. PRENDERGAST said he had been taken by surprise. He would always express himself in favour of the repeal of these laws ; but to come on now with an harangue against the corn-laws seems like a person coming in at the end of a fight who had stood coldly by. They might now light their fires and glory all day. He would not debate about the share of honour due to each party in bringing about this issue. He was certain Richard Cobden was a man too high for having -the„ freedom of towns presented to him.— (" No, no !") But he must say the Corporation of Lon don, long before Cobden or the League were heard of, was in the front of the fight.—(Disapprobation.) Lord John Russell deserved greatly the honour which any and all might be inclined to render him. lie had not published his letter to oust Sir Robert from his office, but to retain him longer in it. And who does Lord John represent? The City of London itself, which his friend had thought fit to censure so severely. Time had elapsed during the debates on the corn-laws, but there is a season for everything. Considering there was a large aristo cracy in the country, and a Church connected with that aristocracy—considering there are so many op posing interests. Sir Robert Peel has done just that which a great statesman would do—lie has delayed till the proper time arrived the bringing in this great measur?. The aris tocracy must now see that either this measure must be car ried, or Sir Robert must resign his office, and throw the country into confusion : hence the propriety of Sir Robert's delay to the proper time. His friend had censured the corpo ration. He would not go over these points to-day, as it was not St. Thomas's-day; therefore he would leave corporate matters. But why dared his friend to bury that great talent of his in a napkin ?—(Laughter.) He has not done his duty-. After this, he knows what he has to do.—(Laughter.) lie moved, " That in the opinion of this meeting, the time had arrived when the corn-laws and all differential duties should be abolished, and an outlet opened for the produce of the country into foreign markets, thereby securing the prosperity of the people." Mr. WATSON seconded the resolution. The resolution was put to the meeting and carried with Out opposition, Mr. ANDERTON said he would take no honour to himself in appearing there that day, but he would say he had been one of fifty gentlemen who contributed first to the abolition of the corn-laws, when Mr. Hume and Mr. Warburton entered themselves on the long list of opponents, long ere Mr. Cobden was heard of. Not corn only, but tea is necessary to the poor. In 1804 tea was purchased at 10d. per lb. ; the duty was 2s. 3d. Now tea is down to 7d. per lb. in China, but the duty remains the same. He would draw their attention to soap. In Ireland, Dr. Lynch's country, the poor man had his soap without duty, but if he came over the water, it must be under an additional duty. He hoped Sir James Duke would draw Sir Robert's attention to those particulars. He moved that Sir James Duke be requested to present the foregoing resolutions to Sir Robert Peel, and im press on his mind the great necessity of repealing these laws at the present moment. Mr. BUCKMASTER seconded the resolution. The resolution was put and carried unanimously. Sir JAmEs DUKE said he would with great pleasure wait on the Prime Minister, and give effect to the resolution. He said he owed it to himself and to them to correct any ' error. ffe had the requisition sent to him late on Saturday evening, and early on Monday morning he waited on the gentlemen sending the requisition, to know what day would be most convenient. A gentleman had said that the Corpo ration had not been the friends of the poor; for himself he must say it did not apply to him.—(No, no.) , Mr. OBBAiD moved that the thanks of the meeting were due to Sir James Duke for his kindness on the present oc casion, and on all occasions. It was unamiously carried, and Sir James shortly and warmly acknowledged the honour they had done him. It was afterwards resolved by the meeting that the reso lutions should be advertised in the papers. The meeting was then adjourned. MEETING AT PRESTON. (Abridged from the Preston Guardian of Thursday.) On Thursday a meeting, in compliance with a requi sition bearing about 700 signatures, was held in the Town-hall, Preston, for the purpose of memorialising Government for the immediate admission of foreign grain duty free. On taking his seat, the CHAIRMAN (Mr. Alderman Ilaydock, in the absence of the Mayor), said—l regret exceedingly the absence of the Mayor on this occa3ion, for I know that he does commiserate the present state and prospects of the:country. It is, lam sure, ill-health alone, that has kept him away. Since you have, in his absence, called me to the chair, I will endeavour to do my duty as well as I can, and I shall be glad to have the support of the meeting. (Cheers.) It is now, I believe, somewhere about five years ago that the question of free trade was first fairly brought before the inhabitants of this borough. I was applied to on that occasion to preside ; I stated that I was rather sur prised that I should be applied to, because I was con sidered to be favourable to a more moderate measure than one which went from one extreme to another, and that, therefore, I was not disposed to preside. But when I was told that the object of the meeting was to give the two distinguished individuals who came to visit us an opportunity of stating the case against the corn-laws, I at once consented, and for the best of all reasons, that it is only fair that both sides of the question should be stated ; besides, it was also mentioned that on that occa sion no resolutions were to be moved. Those gentlemen did state the case fully and fairly. The other side of the question have had their meetings also, and stated their case ; and, after four or five years' deliberation, what is the result ? Why, that we have it now from some of the most distinguished Conservatives that " the corn-laws are doomed"—(Loud cheers) — and that it is only a question of time. I apprehend that it is the question of time that has brought us here to day, because it is represented that we have a great failure in the harvest, and that there is a prospect of a defi ciency of supply for the country before next harvest. If, then, it is a question of time, it is quite time now to take it into consideration.—(Cheers.) It is on that account _ that I affixed my name to the requisition to the Mayor to call this meeting, to take into consideration the pro priety of opening the ports fur the free admission of grain. I shall be glad now to hear, from any gentlemen who have anything to move on the subject, their reasons why the present meeting ought not to take some steps in the matter.—(Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. SLATE said—Mr. Chairman, the resolu- tion which I have to move is, "That this meeting fed convinced that the alarm in Ireland, owing to the potato disease, the stagnation of trade now felt in this district, and the fear of famine generally entertained, have all been produced or greatly augmented by our present corn-laws ; that these laws have prevented large quanti ties of grain being stored up in this country, have in duced other countries to manufacture instead of extend- ing the cultivation of the soils, and following upon a fail ing harvest, are sure to aggravate the sufferings of the people by making food scarce and dear." Perhaps it may be thought by some that, as a minister of re ligion, I ought not to be present on such an occasion as this. I must say that I think otherwise, and lam not ashamed of the reasons. I dont know why I ought not to be allowed to take a part in some subjects that may be considered party-political—for it will be a happy time when our statesmen are traly religious per sons ; nor why I should be deprived of my privilege as a citizen, of taking part in the common affairs of this country ; and as I think the corn-laws are injurious to our national welfare, I think it right to come forward and show that I disapprove of them. I look, however, on this question as connected not merely with politics, but with the cause of humanity, morals, and religion. Now, I have witnessed the operation of the corn-laws since I came here, and I can say that it has been the source of much misery. Besides, my Bible is opposed to the corn-laws. I read in it, " He that withholdeth corn the people shall curse him ; but blessing shall be upon the head of him that selleth it."—Prov. xi. 26. —(Loud cheering.) This shows the Bible is opposed to the corn monopoly, and I am acting consistently, there- fore, as a minister of the Bible. — We have now one statesman after another coming to give in his adhesion to the object we have in view. —(Loud cheers.) lam no prophet, nor the son of a prophet ; but I may venture to predict that if God spare our lives to this time next year we shall see oiir object attained—(Cheers)—and as I have taken a part in some of the first skirmishiugs, I am willing to take a part now that the victory is at hand.—(Applause.) Mr. Slate concluded by moving the resolution. _ _ Mr. J. Ilawmus, after giving an alarming account o the extent of the potato disease in this district, said— It will be rather strange if, after all the agitation and opposition we have had for the last seven years, this potato rot should be the means of softening such a per son as the old " Iron Duke," or Lord Stanley and others. I should not be surprised if it does not upset the whole of the Cabinet.—(Loud cheering.) The present state of things is intolerable ; and I hope every man in this town, and in the country in general, will come forward and do his utmost to do away with that odious tax that has so long oppressed this country. I beg to second the motion.—(Great applause.) The CHAIRMAN then put the motion, which was car ried unanimously. Mr. LivEsEic rose to propose the next resolution, and said, no greater calamity can possibly come to the coun try than a scarcity of food ; the very measures of Government should tend to make food plentiful and cheap. In fact, food is the strength of a country. Look at all your buildings—the immense extensions of your towns--the cuttings of your railways and canals—the vast increase of your manufacturers and mills, and the improvement of your soil—whence proceeds all this ? From the labour of men sustained by food. Food is the physical strength of the country ; and to lessen the supply of food, or to make it dear, therefore, is to lessen the physical power of the pe )ple, to deprive them of the ability of adding to the wealth, the strength, and the impJrtance of the kingdom. Of all things that ought to be left out of the list of articles for taxation, food is the one. There should be no tax on human sustenance. If we were left free, we should always have plenty ; al though there would be periods of change and compara• Live scarcity, yet if all countries were tree to exchange with one another, there would be plenty, becaue. it never happens that a scarcity is universal The corn-law agitation has made it as clear as that two and two make four, that in proportion as people have more money to expend on food, they will have more also to lay out on manufactured goods and other articles the produce of this country. Now, we will not speculate on the extent of the potato disease ; we just take the matter as it stands by the returns made to us weekly. I have not met with any who dispute that there is a considerable loss, yet some contend that it is not so extensive as is represented. Perhaps it is not so ; but if you refer to the price of potatoes you ought to bear in remembrance two things—First, the farmers are selling off all their potatoes in order to make what they can out of them, lest they should ultimately lose the whole, and that ovnstocks the market ;—and, secondly, you must bear another fact in mind—that whilst it was usual for housekeepers possessing the re quisite means to lay in a winter stock of potatoes, scarcely any one can be found now that has laid in any stock at all. What will be the consequence ? When farmers bring in their few remaining potatoes to the market in spring, and those householders and others proceed to buy, the prices will rise. If there be one thing which should concern us more than another, it is the sustenance of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) In a time of scarcity the rich can afford to purchase their usual sup plies ; the middle classes can curtail their luxuries, and so procure plenty ; so that when a positive scarcity oc curs, nearly the whole weight of it falls upon the poor. And it may not perhaps be out of place here to remark that if you were to raise the largest subscription ever known in England it would not mend the evil—it would not create a single additional potato or additional quar ter of wheat—it would, in fact, create a greater compe tition, and so raise the price.—(Hear, hear.) It is the bringing in of food, and not the subscribing of money, that will remedy the evil. It has been said that provi sions are from 30 to 35 per cent. higher than they were two years ago. You will perceive that that makes a very material difference in the expenditure of the great mass of consumers.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") How is it possible that the manufacturers and other traders of this country can be supported if you give so much more money to the Duke of Buckingham, the Duke of Rich mond, and the other landowners of the country. It is not possible that you can give it to your own tradesmen when you are giving it to them—and if there were no other reason, this alone would account for the depression now coming over our trade. Justcontrast, for instance, the present state of things with the advantage of low-priced food, producing good trade in Preston. I remember standing near this spot nineteen years ago, denouncing the corn laws and other measures—it was in the panic of '26—the meeting was held in January, '27. Since then there has been a struggle, less or more, against the same evils. For seven years the League have been enlight ening the people. In 1841, with a good harvest, there were in Preston 1,000 cottages closed, and rents of cot tage property reduced 25 per cent. I don't tell you of the charities that were instituted, of the advance in poor rates, or the complaints that were universal. All this was caused by dear food. Then came a change; during three years we have had good trade with cheap food— crime reduced, as we are told by the Chaplain of the House of Correction—there has been less sickness in the Dispensary-revery cottage has been inhabited, and the rents raised. So that nothing in the world is more caple of demonstration than this, that if the priceea food be high, you have bad trade, poverty, misery, a n crime; but if cheap and plentiful, you have the r everse* —(Loud cheers.) I move the resolution which bl° been put into my hands. It is as follows:—" That be following memorial be presented to Sir Robert ree l ' Order praying for immediate opening of the ports, by an in Council, and for the immediate assembling of Pour ment, and that he would recommend the Legislature le, pass a prompt measure for the untaxed admission et all kinds of food." Now, can any man assign a suflieka cause why any Government should pies a law to keep other countries from sending us food, when we Sie ing to buy it from them? The twofold effect of sue°l wicked measure is, first, it raises the price of food; an secondly, it depresses the manufactures, because th°s ' who bring us provisions are in general willing to take our goods in return. The sliding-scale, of all measure!' is the most ridiculous and oppressive. The s liding-g ale is designed simply to keep out food and raise the Prices' in order that the rental of the landholder tutli,b. maintained. That rental, I have no fear, would be rut! . tained even if there were a total repeal of the corn but on this principle, that to get more money out lo( land the landowner would have to improve it ; inste ad° getting high rent for bad land, he would have to oa k ! the land worth the rent. I have no apprehension whir ever of a total repeal doing the slightest injury to Agri); culture. I don't think anybody believes it ; thole make a noise about it don't, but they want to get AP"; rental without improvements. It is now time change ; I believe that a change is near at hand. Twif, never was so much change,within so short a time; ow', we get free trade, whether from Whigs or Tories, ey e '', industrial department of the country will thrive be.tl o i but the country does not deserve it unless it struggle . 4 1 it. I believe the thing will never be done effectu all y the people themselves set their shoulders to the Ivor:. and hold something like another Birmingham reeedlt; —(Hear, hear.) Then will the Government see that l t °,, people are in earnest, and will no longer be taxed I" the support of the aristocracy.—(Cheers.) • la Mr. JAMES FRANRLAND—I second this moneys Sir B. Peel with great pleasure ; for I would the as head of the British Government, should make Jill tions consistent with his professions.—(Hear, bear. 32 , would that gentlemen making professions of Chris tine : he should act a Christian part, and not withhold fr om poor man his bread.—(Cheers.) The day has gone when we would have gone begging cap in hand for tin (Cheers.) I contend that it is our right and due ; (Cheers)—and no man, be his power what it WO b a right to intervene between God and his creator; and by prohibitory laws prevent them from elt,Ylifa those blessings which, in his mercy, he has provi utniti their use. The farmers, for whose benefit we ar e 7,6 t this law was expressly framed, don't derive any . be! i To from it. It has been the curse and bane of arcullno as well as of manufactures. Oh that we had bat be election by ballot ! —then would the farmers let t.,. landlords know how much they value their proteetti I have conversed hours with many of them, ella tP ie tell me that they know these laws to be injuriotocso every sense of the word; "but," say they, " wh aS bis we do ?" To what a state are they reduced when IS of come to this ! They are poor, dependent l a . of the aristocracy, and know that if they _Li to breathe a complaint, there is some one 7:2 1 ' to supplant them, and they ask, " What can we ev, The farmers are not benefited, and they know it ; manufacturers are not benefited, but crippled by lL t° , o serious extent ; the operatives know they are no t "10 fited, for I have felt the law an evil, and am sure 0 1 when food rises in value every department of trade If be seriously affected. The corn-law, in my 00 0 30 injurious to every class ; it ought not to existence at any time ; but, under the present Cll'":„; stances, I conceive it ought not to disgrace the s la `" book of any country. I beg to second the motion. 00 . The CHAIRMAN then read the resolution and ale rial, the letter of which was as follows : TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., f, P ., Fligr LORD OF THE 7 REASURY. The Memorial of the Merchants, Bankers, Manufs-,„,;00. Traders, and other inhabitants of the borough of I's' in public meeting assembled, Showeth,— ,, That your memorialists feel co nvince ( or o! the alarm in Ireland, owing to the potato disease, the,.4oio tion of trade now felt in this district, and the fear generally entertained, have all been produced or grest l i mented by our present. corn-laws; that these laws her vented large quantities of grain being stored up l e re ir country ; have induced other countries to manufa ctt f l or stead of extending the cultivation of their soils; end' oi ler ing upon a failing harvest, are sure to aggravate the ings of the people, by making food scarce and dear. ;0 the "Your memorialists. desire, therefore, to express! strongest manner, their deliberate and confirmed oPi m° s - bosl u i the circumstances of the country require that the ports, di a forthwith be opened for the free admission of all kI, II , co r grain ; and, further, that her Majesty's Ministers 1 ' 6 : v1; 0" suit the true interests of all classes in this kingdom.,"" g oiti , mitting to the Legislature, at the very earliest °pi: 0 1110 0 a measure for the entire removal of the corn-laws --,h of agriculture and the blight of commerce." The motion was agreed to. ted, Mr. LIV ESEY moved that the Chairman be req".,,," pre 01- to subscribe the memorial for the meeting, and it to Sir Robert Peel. o bi The Rev. Mr. EDWARDS seconded the motion, 11 was agreed to. beviPg Thanks having been voted to the Mayor for 4 called the meeting, and to the Chairman for the ce p satisfactory manner in which ho had preside& th e /13 ing separated. Nothing could be better devised than Nicolr!fite gistered Paletot to suit the ever-varied nature of our elp. forming, as it now does, not only the sins Pia n ° ll 4 ol l l, railway traveller, but is equally so adapted for any ge".„ - 00" taking out-door. exercise. It may be said distinctly . 40 .btlf the costume of the nineteenth century, if that Is . 1 70 called marked which is only conspicuous for an unpre'r e sss and graceful bearer, the wearer feeling so much 5 ; 1 ,e1m Certainly as an over-coat it is patronised highly, 50 ,n, 1- a general public favourite, being so peculiarly Eng"Ne avoiding all foreign extravagance of style. It must . 0 0 knowledged as a vast improvement over the old fr es ..eir -associated in our remembrance with an uncomforta ble tion of tight buttonings, which, from its very elutsrisj defeated its object, the warmth of the person, as 1 0 ,t e A biis i with the proper circulation of the blood. The Prin cl P„4l ol. / are black, blue, brown, and olive; also the clerics , ' — no tr, called Oxford, and can be had of the patentees , °I . " f ieLt the most respectable clothiers out of London. Everf lid ~d paletot is three guineas, and is stampted in the linr o o4 the words, " Registered 6 and 7 Vic., cap. 65. H• Nicoll, 114, Regent-street, London. AUDACIOUS AND SYSTEMATIC HOUSE KO BgE —Since last Monday, the neighbourhood of St. Jou_7 lo .o,L Clerkenwell, has been thrown into a state of g'restr A ;ool consequence of the following daring robberies the house of Mr. Walker, surgeon, John-street , is whence it is supposed that the burglars It 1 a shed, and thus effected an entrance thr°l`; Iv" stair-case window into his bedroom, where rts tad - Mrs. Walker were sleeping. Being in want of lie s gt h drew up the blind, and pinned it. They then to°,: brow, watch from the pocket in the curtains, a g oP. Wilik" from the drawers, and likewise emptied Mr. „ 07, trouser's pocket of their contents; after which the.T down etairs, ate a quartern loaf and a pot of jelly , * T ool then proceeded to an adjoining house, and entered, speoj, where a man and four children were sleeping, brst e stf t writing-desk, and took out of it 91. 10s, They 11 % is descended to the kitchen, where they drank s pa smoked cigars, which they found there. After t,lb entered the two adjoining houses, the beds of V li OP' ransacked, although several parties were sleeping lo e d tO ,es Strange to say, although valuable plate was exp o ; Ae t 'of predation, they never touched it, lest, it is supposeutool e o t marks upon it should lead to their detection. Th` w ere 50 these robberies were perpetrated in an hour, aill.„ s r 0. 1 4 discovered until the servants arose at the usue:norieew morning. Mr. Walker has offered 100!. for al jl3.- that will lead to the arrest of e burglars. A y Pi° BARBAROUS MURDER.- On SI/SONY - (h i!. man named James Costelloe, a tenant of Burton P e as rr"of of Moyada Castle, county Galway, and who' acted.4o,o f warner, was murdered on the townland of Killesb w . sells Freshford. The unfortunate man was seated 1. 010.1 with the members of his family, and was shot thldif window by some unknown assassin, who took 'l c t ce : s ol from the outside. The ball passed ehroll ea 40 11 neck, awl killed him on the spot. Tile Ic a was a witness most instrumental in the P irk t 0 and conviction of the notorious Tracys, whinj e sts stance would be of itself sufficient to adjudge i that pp him by the Rockite code ; but we understalw .wed.# was also lately concerned in driving stock distrt;etsl. rent on a neighbouring farm. It is a ,curious circt bo that a gentleman a few days since informed us therolol4 served the ruffian Daly, who was implicated in thecoo7,j, of Mortimer and Hoyne, and gained his freedom hi "Isbf ° r'ett / an approver, lurking in tho neighbourhood 0r 0_ and remarked at the time, "We shall soon hear °b s tic assassination in this part of the country"—s Pr:F l ed. of nervation which has been too well and speedily re 'otiOtildet inquest was held on Monday, and after the exsei 00 ~. witnesses, the jury returned a verdict of " Vi r iu",a against some person or persons unknown. " —Ki t he rotor. pod The Governor of the Bank of Engl a n d , • Deputy-Governor, had an interview with the Ch.lo ce It)Deputy-Governor, pce of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official roi l " - Downing-street. _ 2 j;:citit London : Printed ana Published by MURD ° Y° .,,, 5 11%1010 Strand, Printer, at The Bun Office, No. 112, St r _T...mff. of the BaYOrb in the County of 3414410 4 x 1 40 """" 8, 1845, RAI tut of iee:ii • It tr a , , arl reso ons rai • ( n. e egttitable ob :rdnoug la w vi o `VII Habil it I ?.area ; and ""' r d ia „.,way resPonsti ellrue, who a It . w as 'Throfart. . 4 , Mort on '"med to co . 'W ho will be r e A 4 41 tran "Ito the t_ :action .01 Aa elected 1 1,11111 tolihe r Mean 4. elnsa . lariev t o Sink .., c. .Aa Lockhart I`e forg e .. D om_ 4.•e • llocl 114 %Cl/ea t telto,rea e • Telling o (lock, S r 0I • 11 4 1„ 3 „ . . , , Az tos , th,boerite, v r , I leaof r t 4, 4 1 s 11 e thvo E) 4 ,ificen 04Par and yi 'CAL 1)IYM AN t444 4, a 1 b t o t l VaPIO, Biren OE' t a thi t Zte l *tit:k a ki AZ l°4 A ' l tel ] ' DUB11 1 )141 NATI( 4 4 14 hie 4 Wi th 14,.. %mu (Ma, fort fi t t i; col.) ; it 61_4443 h e th u s bip ftece Q% 4 „-:teto, Nit poZp Thi il k% ; f t' -m pitAi , 4E' "I:i1411:11(it tn:ribitt: (Pr oof do b it% Atl i *to g v v ot in to -ttrai %Or ril " N te L 411 4 1 „ ,, e 3 1 Na,r, e u ree Ilk— P et ettiZ 8ar%4144,1: ..., BIRTHS. P r of le; On the sth inst., at 47, Russell-square, Mrs. rer Jr - On the 25th ult., at Dyer's-buildings, the wl'e arite° Caporn, Esq., of a daughter. ..., 13 On the 30th ult., the lady of the Rev. T. F. Ree ti3e Rectory, Norfolk, of a son. Penton , fills, the 2d inst., at Upper Penton-street , k lady of James C. Cornelius, Esq., surgeon, of a dan%'ter."' On the 2d inst., at Oxford, the lady of W. F. F• DO" -- ' f jo Savilian Professor of Astronomy, of a son. ...e P I On the 3d inst., in Fleet-street, the lady o f gen' e Hoare, Esq., of a daughter. P.. Wif e o f the On the 3d inst., at Bury St. Edmund's, the wiie d J. W. Donaldson, of a daughter. . c , 1' w liae On the ad inst., Mrs. Benjamin William 4' Romford, Essex, of a son. , i i e l On the 3d inst., at Batheaston, the lady o f CaP-- ° tl' Dacres, R.N., of a son. wi f e 0 On the 3d inst., at West Farm, East Barn et, the poil , M. Yenning, Esq., of in Grosvenor-place, a dauhter. On the 4th inst., the Lo l l of a son. el ...- MARRIED. A Alia .1111/ On the 3d inst., at St. Pancras Church, 1, 0 Lane, Esq., to Miss Caroline Jones Ramsden. Bloai ns gei! On the 4th inst., at St. George's Church , - you°_, s i r Frederic Alexandre Le Fevre, Esq , M.D., to Etall"4:creov daughter of the late W. Maxwell, Esq , of Wilt° gelgrave-square. P DIED. airoe irei On the 29th ult., at Crawford-street , P ortm 0 John Creswell, bookseller, aged 5 41 o rb On II On the Ist inst., at Alby-hill, near Aylshalay '''' coe Baret, aged 85. wet, On the 2d inst., Mrs. Jane Hale, of Williara-0 ie. to , donian-road, Islington, relict of the late Mr. E. Illid,gaicl On the 3d inst., William Brewater,Esq ., Northue .de , head, aged 80.chear el e t' On the 4th inst., Mr. J. Taylor, of the Poultry ootre On the 4th inst., Ellen, wife of Mr. T. O C° Burlington-gardens. tro. Lia P