The Sun. — London, England, 1850-08-05 00:00:00

I -" rr ittart SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. TA. TTERSALL'S—T HIS E N VNING za E o'CLocic. BRIGHTON STAKES. 2 to 1 agst St. Rosalie 5 to 1 agst Fernhill 6 to 1 agst Beebee Bunnoo IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. ROYAL ASSENT. The R. ,, yal Ascent was given co-day, by commission, to the following seventeen public and private Bills: The Population. The Fakorieg. The lidetropolitm Interments. Municipal Corporations (Ireland). Highway Rati-s. Au-v*li= Colonies Government. Vestries and Vestry Clerks. The Trnst'e Aet (1850). Bills of Exchange: Gorbals Gravitation Water Company. Bridge across the River Clyde (opposite to South Port• land-street, Laurieston, Glasgow)• Birmingham and rershorc-road (Act to continue Act o: 6th Geo. IV.) Peterborough Improvement, Police, and Cemetery (Amendment of exi.ting Acts). Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway (Deviations, Enlargement of Stations). Manchester. Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway. Chippindatl's Divorce, and ...—. . .- Ashby Divorce. The Lords Commissioners were the LORD CHAN CELLOR, the Earl of MINTO, and the Earl of CARLISLE. Their Lordships aiii , urned during pleasure. Their Lordships resumed shortly after Five o'clock. CRUELTY TO ANIMALS (SCO ['LAND) BILL. On the motion of the Earl of MINTO this Bill passed through Committee. PUBLIC LIIiRAIUES AND MUSEUMS BILL. •. • This Bill passed throe b Committee. COMMONS ENCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. This Bill was read a second time on the motion of the Earl of CARLISLE. PETITIONS. Lord HARDWICKE presented a petition against the Rating of Small Tenements Bill from Liverpool. The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition in favour of the Bill. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. • Lord REDESD ALE presented a petition against this Bill, and ho;-ed it would be withdrawn. Lord BROUGHAM most reluctantly withdrew .the Lord STANLEY presented a petition against the Bill. He regretted that the Bill haa not been brought in earlier. and brought in in that House, which it might have been, without infringing on the privileges of the other House; and while on the subject of privilege, he would observe that he understood that the Bill for the suppression of outrage in Ireland, which had been intro duced in that House, had been dropped in the other House because it interfered with their privileges, and that another Bill had been introduced there which had been threatened to be defeated by delay. He considered that • the Miuisters were responsible for having intro duced a 81l into this House interfering with the pri vileges of the other, and therefore they were responsible for any ' delay which might have taken place. After a few observations from Lord LANGDALE and Lord WHARNCLIFFE, the was withdrawn. STEAM COMMUNICATION WITH AUSTRALIA. Lord TALBOT presented peiitions from Glasgow and from Plymouth praying for the-establishment of a regu lar slam communication • between this country and Australia. Divers sums had been voted by the legislatures of the different colonies to pro mote steam communication with the mother country, and already they could command with the amount of postage for letters to Australia, 40,0001. per annum derived from tho se colonies for that purpose. Three routes had been proposed; one by Singapore in con nexion with the Oriental. Company, another by the Cape of Good Hope, and another by the Isthmus of Panama. He considered the route by Singapore the easiest, but he understood there was some difficulty on the part of the East India Company; but he thought it was the duty of the Government to take some route, and if their difficulties . were insuperable, they should take the route either by the Cape of Good Hope or by Panacea. It would be of great benefit to our South African colonies to open a route by the Cape of Good Hope and Mauritius, which would also promote emigration. The route by Panama would secure us against any impediment to the transmission of our mails in cons« quence of an European war. On the whole he thougut, iethaps. that the route of Panama was the best, as we had a line of stenmers ready to take up the transit on the Pacific. He wished to im press upon the minds of their Lordships the rail im portance of this subject and the absolute necessity that existed for establishing some rapid steam communication with our Australian colonies. Earl GREY said taut Government were fully aware of the extrrnrs importance of the subject to which the Noble Earl had drawn their Lordship attention, and could assure him that the Government were extremely anxious to establish a rapid ste::.m communication with Australia. lie considered tte route by Singapore the most desirable, and ho thought the offer made by the Oriental Company an exceecingly fair one, and most beneficial to tho public.—(llear, hear.) The East India Company coy:A:ler-A that nut of regard to their own officers they ought to oppose it. Ho thought, however, thee he might say that ere long a steam communication with the west coast of Africa and the Cape of Good Hope would be established, and by that means with Australia, and also by a line from Singapore. He entertained a sanguine hope that even tually both lines would be established, but at present there were ditlicultizs whiet prevented the establish ment of kit line by Singapore. Ile thought it extremely desirable that the matter could be amicably settkd with the East ledis Company. Lord MONTEAGLE thought that if ever there was a step taken by a gre4 company exercising almost Imperial fuectioes, ly to set them wrong with the people cf this country, it was this opposition of the East India Company to steam communication with Australia. (LEFT STEAMING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The EPEAKI:II took the Chair shortly after Twelve o'clock. LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' amrndment•► to the fullowirg Biils were comidvred stld ug,r( el to: — East of Fitt. R•ii A-ly. West Cornwall Railway. iiirvoure3) Estate. Somervtlie's, or (auford Rretory) Estate. Wtstaiinster Temporary Bridgp. . „ AMENDED BILLS. The following Bills, as amended, were considered and agreed to:— B.shop of Lnntion (Saint Michael' Church, Chester tquare) E,tate. Loadt,a (City) Schoc l .4 f..r 0-pbans-of Freemen. PETITIONS. Sir R. IT. INGLIS presented petitions from several psrts of Oxtcrdshirr against the admission of Jews and other nebthcvers into P4rlisment. NEW MEUBER. Mr. HIGGINS took tho oaths and his seat for Mayo in the room or Lhe lbte Mr. Dillon Browne. Thu Hon. Member w.ts introduced by Mr. Hatter and Mr. F. Fren , :b. BARON ROTHSCHILD. Mr. J. A. SAIT 111 said, before the Honourable and Learnt d A ttorney-Creneral moved his two resolutions, he wished to take the opportunity of asking the Speaker u qUestion of some importance to the proceedings of the House. Tho house would remember that when the ilunourable Member for the city of London came to the table to take the oaths in the form most binding upon his conscience, and after he had done so, he ac cording to the Act of Parliament, signed a declaration of having taken the oaths, - and lets it on the table. Now, he dirt not see that fact mentioned on the minutes, and he wished, therefore, to know why it was omitted. The SPEAKER replied that it was not entered on the votes b•_chuse he considered it an informal and irregular procceditg.—(Cheemy - The practice of the house was_ this.. atter—an aun,)iember had taken the three oaths he sired a book prepared by the clerk, in which he declaied that lie bad duly taken the oath,. New in, this c:...!Ne, atter the Hon. Member for the city of " London had taken the oaths in his own manner he siv.ned a paper which was not prepared by the clerk, and the contents cf which the clerk was perfectly ignorant of. That paper was not formally ten d ered to the House, but was merely left on the table, and when he found that it *as a declaration of the Honourable Member, stating that he had taken the oath, omitting the words "upon the, t r u e faith of a Christian," be considered it to be an informal proceeding, and directed the-clerk not to take auy notice of it. Mr. HUME wished to know then, if the precedent r established by Mr. Pease's case had been followed, and 'the paper had been prepared by the clerk, the declara tions would have been allowed? The SPEAKER replied in the negative. In Mr. Pease's case the declaration was sanctioned and author ised by the House. The House came to no decision of that sort in Baron Rethschilif.s case. Ho was only em powered to hike lir? oath in the form which he declared to be most binding upon his conscience. The minutes of the former proceedings were then read, after which The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose to move the two resolution; of wnien no nod given notice, remarking that they were distinct and separate, and the House oc(uld rejertt one and adopt the other, just as it thought fit.—(Llqa,r, hear.) It appeared to him, how ever, to be essential that the Meuse should come to an I'VE Ws i. x j If: mediate eeeision upon the question. It appeared / - e- - him, after what had taken place, that their .„. ' _ 1 /,'""t - t proceedings woulol be , nothing less than F k. • - ,,/.l\'' . . f•- e r zty`,( - -• , k.- , oekery if the House did cot determine now what -ir:: : :: ) , i te,..-1 I Zet se should be adopted in the =Yen—Meer, hear.) l .e.k%-1 -, 4 ,..0'. ': l 3‘ at that decision should be he had already expressed :- 41 `"4 . , he former observations, he ventured t o a dd ress to t h e - ._l'% . 4 ' . e, and ho , thereforo. did not propose to go .over all .111 ytkieli : in ,k.l644F,eAlAir i v.d:upga t t lmillouse a e for the course he .luggesteo justatter th;Tharon appeared at the table.—(Hear, hP.ar.) There mere three iequi- 1 sites to be observed in taking an oath. First, the sub- I 1 stance of the oath, sec , ..ndl7, the words or form in which I THE the substance is to be expressed; and, thirdly, the man ner in which the oath is to be taken. He had already told the House that they had decided wisely in allow ing the Baron to take the oaths in the manner which he de clared to be most binding upon his conscience, but that they could not vary or sanction any omission in the words of the oath. Now the Ist of Geo. I. chap. 13, sect. 16, provid e d th at un l ess t h e oat h s were taken in the form prescribed by law, a Member should not be entitled to sit and vote in the House. It appeared to him, therefore, if he was right in saying that Baron Rothschild had not already taken the oath of abjuration, it followed as a necessary consequence, from the 16th section, that be could not be entitled to vote in that House, or sit in it during any debate, until he should take that oath of abjuration in the form in which it was proposed to him. It then remained to be consi dered whether any further or ulterior proceedings should be taken in consequence of his not having taken that oath. He (the Attorney-General) was of opinion that no such further proceeding should be taken. In looking into the subject more carefully than he had been able to do previous to the last debate, he still retained the opi nion he then expressed with respect to the repeal of the statutes, yet he had come to the conclusion that the seat was by no means vacant in consequence of his not taking the oath—(Hear, hear)—and that there was so power legally in that House to order a new writ to be issued.—(Hear, hear.) A question was raised with respect to the statute 13 and 14 William 111. being in force on this subject. His (the Attorney-General's) disposition undoubtedly was to consider that the penal. ties under that Act were only cumulative, and that those penalties under that Act were still in force. On referring, however, to that Act, he found that the penalties which disabled any Member from sitting in the House arose from the circumstance of voting in the House—that was to say, that the penalties of dis ability to sit and vote in that House arose solely from a Member presuming to vote, in consequence of his not having taken the oath. Baren Rothschild had taken an oath, but not the oath, a course which the Honourable Gentleman's friends thought was sufficient, but he (the Attorney-General) thought it was not. It was well observed by the Hon. and Learned Member for Ox ford, that there was no Act of Parliament which made the seat of a Member of Parliament vacant by reason of his not taking the oath of abjuration, though there was with respect to the oaths of supremacy and allegi ance. By the law, therefore, as it at present stood, we had come to this singular state of things as a necessary consequence of the existing state of the law—that a gentleman possessing the Jewish persuasion being elected a Member to serve in Parliament, could not sit or vote in that House until he should take the oath of abjuration in a form in which no conscientious Jew could take that oath, yet that nevertheless the seat was not vacant. Be did not find any case on the journals of the House ana logous to that of Baron Rothschild. There was no example cf . any Member refusing to take the oath of abjuration. The state of the law which arose on this case was of a most monstrous description.—(Hear, hear.) They bad a Member returned by the free choice of his constituents to serve them in Parliament, and yet by that 'most idle form of oath--(Hear)—be was not permitted to take his seat in that House. He was thus prevented from sitting in Parliament, and his constitu ents were prevented from having the benefit of his ser vices. It was, therefore, incumbent on the Government to pledge that House that it would, at the very earliest possible opportunity, pass a law for the pur pose of ahering that state of the law which was so monstrovs in itself, and of which the results land effects were ao absurd. It appeared to him that it was for the benefit of both Baron Rothschild and his friends and supporters that the conclusion which he (the Attor ney-General) asked the House to come to was not only consistent with law, but most prudent for the ' House to adtp.; for if they came to an opposite decision the strongest possible argument would be given to the House of Lords to object to any Bill which the House of Commune might pass for the pur pose of remedying that evil. No lawyer in that House or out of it, earning 5001. a year by his profession, would advise that Baron Rothschild could take his seat without incurring the penalties under the Act of Geo. I. One among others of the monstrous evils which might I arise from the existing state of the law was this—in the event of an action for penalties being brought against a Member for venturing to take his seat in the House, the defendant in that action might bring the question before the House of Lords in its judicial capacity, and it would have to decide whether or nut this House had come to a fit and proper conclusion in point of law in permitting a Member to take his seat under such circumstrnces. He was, therefore, satisfied that nothing would be more injudicious on the part of the Baron himself, and those who pro fessed the same religion, than to press for the decision of the House, for the purpose of enabling him to take his seat, because in that case a strong and over powering argument might be offered by his opponents, vis., that it was not necessary to pass any Bill to remove an anomalous state of the law which the House had by its decision declared did not exist. (Hear.) The Hon. Member for Montrose had suggested a resolution which in substance did not differ materially from those he intended to propose,. with the exception that it proposed to postpone the decision of the House. Now that appeared only one step less injurious to Baron Rothschild than the absolute vote of the House that he should take his seat. The disadvan tage of leaving the decision of the matter in suspense was this, that it would hold something in terrorism over another House of the Legislature, p course which he submitted would bo very undignified and improper on the part of this House, while it could have no effect on the House of Lords.—(Hear.) It had been suggested that a Bill of Indemnity should be passed to suit this particular case, but that would only be accom plishing, an end by a side wind which be thought ought to be done openly and fairly. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said he could not conclude his observations without expressing his sense of the propriety and firmness, and moderation of the conduct of Baron Rothschild in all the steps which he bad taken in this difficult and peculiarly unprecedented matter.—(Loud cheers.) He had acted so as to gain the esteem of all persons, and in a way which induced him to express that in w hich the whole House would concur —'that he felt great re gret that any system of law so monstrous and absurd as the existing law, which he hoped would be repealed next session, should exclude from among them a gentleman whom, he believed so calculated to add to the estimation with which this House was regarded by the people, and also materially to assist them in their future deliberations.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman concluded by moving the following resolutions:— " That the Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild is not entitled to vote in this House, or to sit in this House during any debate, until ho shall take the oath of abju ration in the form appointed by law. "That this House will, at the earliest opportunity in the next ses.ion of Parliament, take into its serious con sideration the form of the oath of abjuration, with a view to relieve her Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion." Mr. HUME was glad to find at least that one diffi culty had been removed in regard to the decision of this question. He always considered that the law as it stood gave the Baron the right to take the oaths in the man ner most binding on his conscience, and having done so, he (Mr. Hume) if he had been in the position of the Baron, would 'have taken his seat in the House, fearless and regardless of all penalties. There was, therefore, a proviso that any individual pro fessing the Jewish persuasion shculd leave out that part of the oath; and it was further provided in the same sta tute that the words "on the true faith cf a Christian" not only might in such a case, but should be left out. He 'elt'bound, therefore, to consider that under that Act the Baron Rothschild had done all that was required by the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) But if any doubt was entertained upon the subject, that doubt had been set at rest by the Ist and 2d Victoria, by which it was declared that it was not necessary for any party to take an oath which they considered against their conscience. Had he (Mr. Hume), been in the place of the Baron Rothschild he would have taken his seat, and tried the question in a court of law whether he was subject to the penalties or not. He came now to that part of the case which the 'Honourable and Learned Gentleman the Attorney-General called the monstrous state of the law. The city of London had sent a cer tain gentleman to that House as one of its Members, it had returned him no less than twice, and the House had refused to receive him unless he took a cer tain oath. Such was the preposterous state of things in which they at present were, and such being the case, all he asked was that the question should not be pre judged.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the Attorney- General ought to have ventured to bring forward a Bill on the subject, and he had no doubt that if he had done, so, the House of Lords would not have prevented the Bill becoming law. He deprecated the course that had been taken by the Government; they ought, instead of throwing the weight of their authority against the public, to have put their w e i g h t i n their scale.—(Hear.) He wished that the state of the law, monstrous as it was, bad not be wa s prejud ge d i n t h at House.—(Hear, hear.) It not for that House to interfere, but the courts of law. He was quite sure that the time had come when the lln,ecessiti th of taking those oaths mustthem Ho wasa be pas removed to put t t u t was en the dto duty of andatnhfaotr ththeatHpounrspeossehohnledwroigulhdt move itstlf wthiethth public,amendmenta of which he had given notice. The rt:s ing—" Honourable M em b er concluded b Lionel by the That the clerk of this House, having proceeyde House to administer th e oaths to Baron L Rothschild, one of the M em b ers for the city of a l l : I :n an on d de y upon the Old Testament, b e i ng the form which be declared to be most binding upon his conscience; and the Baron having so sworn to the oath of abjuration, with the omission of the words upon the true faith of a Christian,' and doubts having arisen as to the legal effect of his so taking the oath, it is expedient, at the ',commencement of the next session of Pars liament, that a Bill should be introduced to de: clare the law with reference to the due administra tion of that oath ; and further, that this House will then take into its serious consideration the subject of the oaths now administered to its Members with re ference to the changes which have taken plaee since they were first imposed by law." Mr. C. ANSTEY had a communication to make to "the House on the subject of the amendment he had "given notice of on Friday, "That the Baron Lionel Nathan der Rothschild, a Member duly elected for the city cf London, be heard by himself, his counsel or agents, in support of his claim to sit and Tote in this House." , He had bad that morning a conversation with Baroti Rothschild, and he had to inform the House that it was not his intention or wish to be heard at the bar by counsel. if the Hon. Member for Montrose pressed his amendment to a division he should support it. He should have nishcd that before the end of the session a declaratory Act should be passed, and the Baron admitted to his seat in the paean time. Mr. LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUG UST 5, 1850. SUN, Pease was admitted in that way by resolution, and an Act afterwards passed declaring not what the live was, but what it should be. That course ought to have been pursued here. The Baron should have been seated, and afterwards a declaratory Act passed and tendered to the other House, to enable them to confirm the decision. However, he was quite pre pared to take his Honourable Friend's amend ment as it stood, and -he should certainly Tole for it. But, with regard to the speech of his Hon. and Learned Friend the Attorney- General, he must confess that be was more than ever deeply involved in the mazes of astonishment and perplexity. How such a resolution as the first could have' proceeded from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman be was at a loss to under stand, but being heralded by such a speech as they had heard from him was still more surprising. What did his Hon. and Learned Friend say? The case, he said, was unprecedented, and therefore the conclusion he bad come to was to disfranchise the Honourable Member for the city of London. The Hon. and Learneed Gentleman, however, was not always of opinion that a Jew was bound to prove his right to enjoy the privilege of his fellow-subjects, for in 1847 the Hon. and Learned Gentleman told the House of Com • mons that the onus of proof rested with those who denied the right. Now the opinion of a pour barrister like himself, whose professional income did not exceed 500/. a year, might be worth very little, but, the decision he had come to was the result (,f mature deliberation, and though it might be erroneous it was sincere. His opi nion was that the Baron ought to be allowed the benefit of the doubt, and to take his seat. But what, said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. " Why," said be, "I am called upon to expound the law, and you must take it upon my exposition; but then I must tell you that the law which I so expound is monstrous and absurd." Now, suppose a client was consulting the Hon. and Learned Gentleman upon a point of law, and he gave such an opinion as that it struck him forcibly that the client would immediately seek another professional adviser. Now that was precisely the position in which the House was placed by the extraordinary speech of the Honour able and Learned Attorney-General, and they had to choose between the law laid down by him and that laid down by those who were called the friends of Baron Rothschild. Well, then, what did the latter say? Why. they , said that there was no precedent like this case, and therefore they had no right to make one. They said Baron Rothschild was free, and therefore they had no right to disfranchise him. They said it was at the beat a doubttul point, and therefore let their own Member have the benefit of • it. Now, which was the more reasonable course of the two ? He paused for a reply, but he thought the House would decide in favour of the Baron. His friend did not tell them that their law was mon strous and absurd, but said the Hon. and Learned At torney-General, if you pusue that course, you will lay the Baron open to heavy penalties • but no court of justice would venture to inflict any penalties upon him when they were told that he took his seat not only under the sanction of the House, hut in obedience to an order of the House.—(Hear.) No court of justice would for a moment dream of ques tioning that decision ; but if there was any danger of that, would the House be more considerate for Baron Rothschild than he would be for himself? Baron Rothschild said he was willing to take the risk. Did the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen (the Attorney-General) mean to say that his mind was perfectly clear that the oath Of abjuration could be tendered to any Member of that House at all without an alteration being made in the terms of it by the decision of that House ? That was one of the points which he had to determine. • The Hon. and Learned Gentleman quoted statutes which had no force—statutes of William 111. and George I.—but what did he say of the ssatute of George 111., under which alone the oaths taken at the table could be administered to any Member ? Two important events bad happened since the oath 'of abjuration bad passed, which mate rially altered the case; the princely Stuarts were no more, and George the Third had long been gathered to his fathers. The aid of Parliament had therefore ceased to be applicable, and the oath could not be administered at this day. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating, that whether the Hon. Member for Montrose proceeded to a division or not, his vote should be given against the monstrous and unconstitutional resolutions which had been proposed by her Majesty's Government. Mr. DISRAELI then rose and said—The previous discussion which has taken place this session respecting the seat of the Hon. Member for the city of London, and ; the deliberations upon it, appear to me to be of so strictly a legal character, that I have refrained obtruding myself on the attention of the House. But, Sir, the resolutions which have been placed on the table to-day have departed from that limited character which future resolutions proposed to our consideration ' have profesied. The resolutions which the Learned Attorney-General has brought forward are, one of law and another of po licy. I therefore think the House will excuse me if, under these circumstances, I venture to make a few observations as to the position in which the Hon. Gentleman the Member for the city of London, who has not taken his seat, finds himself, and also as to the posi tion occupied by the House. The course which has been pursued by the Member for the city of London, by the electors of the city of London, and by her Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion, in their attempts to obtain an amelioration of the grievances which they feel, and the disabilities under' which they are placed, this year differs from that course nhich they have hitherto pursued. I understand this arises from the impatience—he would say natural im patieoce—wh ich the electors of London and her Majesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion feel at the posi• tion iu which they now had themselves. But I would ;ask the House here to consider whether that position, grevious as they may feel it to be, is the consequence of having pursued a constitutional course' to release them- selvestiom Those grievances, or whether it be in con sequence of having: deviated from that constitutional course which they had hitherto pursued? Now, Sir, with respect to Englishmen professing the Jewish religion, I am bound to say that no class of religionists in this country have less cause to complain of the spirit of the community, or of the temper of the Legislature, than Englishmen professing the Jew ish religion. When I remember, Sir, what was the position of such men a very brief period back— hardly a quarter of a century ago—when I contrast that position of social degredation and political die ability with the position which they now oc cupy and enjoy, I am proud and gratified by the contrast; and I am bound W . say that it is one which is far more favourable than that which any other body of her Majesty's subjects not professing the religion of the state could have relied upon in so brief a space of time. The Roman Catholics. for example, were for a much longer period disqualified for:the possession of any offices and enjoyments and many more rights than the Jews were. Every class of Dis centers also had to undergo a more prolonged and more severe struggle than Englishmen professing the Jewish religion in order to obtain those rights which they now enjoy; and, Sir, I think at a moment like the present when we admit the impatience and naturally the impatience evinced by the electors of London at not imme diately accomplishing the results which they desire. hay, Sir, I think i; is expedient to take a calmer and more comprehensive view of the circumstances of the case than the electors of the city of London, and taking that more comprehensive and calmer vier, I arrive myself at a result much more favourable to the enlightened spirit of the community, and temper and moderation of the Legislature of this country, than some opinions which have been expressed out of this House and in this House on the subject. But, Sir, if Englishmen professing the Jewish religion have little cause to complain of the bigotry of the country in which they live, or the want of toleration in the spirit of the age in which they exist—have they a fair quarrel with the con duct of another branch of the Legislature, who.e conduct in these discussions has been subjEcted to some criticism which, on examination, I think will be deemed not only harsh but unjust. It is barely three years ago, when, after a prolonged discussion in this House in consequence of Baran 'Rothschild being elected for the city of London, a Bill was passed which removed disabilities which prevented that Gentleman taking his seat. It received the solemn and deliberate consideration of the House of Lords, but it was not passed by that House A Bill was certainly proposed which made great altera tions ; that Bill received a full and temperate discussion, and it was objected to, not by a . majority of a startling amount. The Government brought in another Bill, and it was discussed with mitigated hostility in the House of Lords, and he wanted to know what bad taken place in that House to cause the reprobation and the language that had been used with respect to it. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, it was true, had been returned again for the city of London by an over whelming majority, and if after such a demonstration the House of Lords had objected to the Bill, he admitted that it would have been to blame.—(Hear.) It ought to be remembered that the late triumphant return of the Baron Rothschild bad not been brought forward as a data in the House of Lords, and if it bad, be had very little doubt different results would have taken place.—(Hear, hear.) It the second election of the , Baron Rothschild was, as. he admitted it would, be, a nig nil:leant demonstration of public opinion on the subject, was not that an additional reason that the Bill should have been again brought forward, and the opinion of the House of Lords taken upon the subject?—(Hear, hear.) He thought the natural impatience felt by the city-ot London bed no foundation against the community or the House of Lords; but that if any persons were responsi ble for the situation in which tbo city of London was Placed, it was h er M a j es ty' s Gov e rnm en t.—(H ear , hear.)tn the e s H e 0 a sobservations ,_ He had thought it his duty to make occupied upen o n th e of the L eg i s l ature had light.— (H ear , hear. ) N tioas that had b een he felt boundto e question, pe si tiee because b thought the cou rse t h at had be en pursuby pursued that branch not been looked up on i n a j ust Now, with respect t o th e res.lu n pro posed by the Attorney-Ge neral,make a few o b servations. The first resolutio n was declaratory a the l aw, felt bound to confess, an extremely pro ceeding.—(Hear.) The other resolu e tio ' tion pledging the house on a subse quent a subsequent session; that, it, was not a very politic not, he nnstwitutional occaassioanraerdliL certainly, to say the least of 1 piocceding—(llear, hear)— and Was one that ought not • to be adopted except in a case of extreme necesssity . .—(Flear, hear.) Now where, he would /telt, did the neces s ity f or suc h a pro!. needing exist ?—(Hear, 'hear.) Where was the neces illy for the House to take such a course? He would venture ta -say it was not to be found in the community —that it was n ot the temper Of 'the' community that had been the great impeniment, noit , was' it the temper of the House of Lords—(Hear, bea r ) that House bad considered the subject to the best of their abilities, and they had come to that decision which they considered just. The case was clear to them, they had a novel and important proposition before them, to which they gave an impartial and solemn consideration on two instances, and although they rejected the measure they never rejected it by an overwhelmning or an overbearing majority, but upon the last occasion by a majority diminished in numbers. —(Hear, hear.) Su far as the temper and community of the Legislature was concerned, there was nothing to discourage those who believed they were pressing a just claim, nor was there anything to justify the impatience which had been naturally shown by the electors of Lon don.—(Hear, hear.) Then they came to the fact which no one could deny, that it was the conduct of the Go vernment which had brought the House of Com mons to a proposition that was made as if it were the opinion of the Government that there was no other means of extricating them from the difficulties and embarrassments in which they now found themselves.—(Hear, hear.) The House of Com mons then was to take the most unusual—not to say a most unconstitutional course, and one which none but the gravest circumstances could vindicate or justify.. —(Hear, bear.) And now for myself (continued the Hon. Gentleman), speaking only for reyself, especially upon this question, I decline to take that course ; I shall not vote for either of these reso lutions. ( Cheers. ) I leave the law as I find it, and if there he any necessity to change the law I call upon the Government, who have expre,sed on more than one occasio❑ an um quirocal opinion upon this subject as regards a matter of policy, to remedy the grievance which they have aLknowledged.—(Cheers.) I want to know what excuse can be made for Govern ment for not having the moment Parliament met introduced a Bill upon this subject. If it was desir • able in 1848 or 1849, it was witch more desirable in 1850, after the recent election for the city of London. —(Cheers.) if the first election produced such an effect as to induce the Ministry to believe the city was ripe for legislation merely, the second election for the city of London renders that course much more imperative and clear, and one, about which not a moment ought to have been lost.—(Cheers.) I may be told that there was a Com mittee formed to inquire into the nature of the oaths taken by Members of Parliament, and that Government, until they received the result of the labours of that Committee, were incompetent to advise Parliament upon the ques tion.—(Hear, hear.). Does the Government mean to say, then, that they have been acting upon imperfect infor mation upon a subject of such importance, of such peculiar delicacy and interest. Have they rushed into the House of Commons without due deliberation and research, and. counselled the Legislature on the subject? —(Hear, hear.) Is that the policy of the Government? I am in the correction of the gentlemen learned in the law, from Mr. Attorney-General to the Hon. ant Learned Gentleman who had been so frank upon the extent of his practice this morning—(A laugh)—and even in the presence of all these learned gentlemen, and of all these gentlemen of the long rube, I venture to say that however extensive may have been their researches—however profound might have been the investigations of the Committee over which the Honour able and Learned Gentleman the Member for Oxford presided, they did not succeed in producing a new fact, or in eliciting any new result to those which had been arrived at by those who had given any previous study or investigation to the subject.—(Loud cheers.) Well, then, Sir, I consider it .a mere mockery on the _ part of the Government to pretend their project of legislation was retarded. because they wailed the results of the investigation of the Com mittee on oaths. I shall use no violent language upou the subject; but I say, the Government having brought themselves into this condition, we ought not to do any.. thing to extricate them from the consequences of their own mitconduct, or the consequences •of their unfounded clamour; against the constitutional proceedings of another branch of the Legis. lature a clamour, not only. unfounded, buf absolutely most unjust, and one which II believe the candid, arid just, and generous people of this country will never countenance, and never approve ot.— (Cheers.) I have taken the liberty of makierg these few observe• tiona. I have, 'as the House will perhaps con descend to remember when the question of the removal of the disabilities of Englishmen pro fessing the Jewish religion has ever been brought before the House--I have recorded my vote in favour of their removal.—(Hear, hear.) I have been accused sometimes of not accompanying the exercise of the suffrage with any observations on the subject itself. I remember the Noble Lord the First Minister, not very courteously, and certainly not in a hearty manly way, reminded me last year that my vote was a silent one. Now, if I thought anything I could say could accomplish what is so dear to my heart and convictions my vote would not have been- a silent one, but, inasmuch as I believe my opinions upon the subject were not shared by. a single Member on either side of the House, I thought it was but good sense and good taste that, alter, having unequivocally exp.r ssed the grounds upon which my vote was given, I should have taken refuge in si lence, which at least could not offend the opinions or prejudices of any gentleman.—(Cheers.) Those opinions, however, I now retain; they are un changed, and if it were not presumption to speak of human opinion being unchangeable, I would express my belief that they never will be changed.—(Cheers.) this were a Pagan country, I can easily conceive and comprehend how the claims of Englishmen being Jews should be politically resisted, and to a certain degree with a show of reason opposed.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, it is a Christian country, and because like every other Christian country, it owes its 'Chris tianity to the agency and influence of the House of Israel, I cannot believe that the course which is pur sued at present by the Legislature of England is a jest or 'slap one—(Cheers)—and though I may abstain some times from dilating upon feelings and views which may not be prevalent or popular in this House, I will never retract them, and even now shrieking from offending the feelings of any one, I will express my hope that full and complete justice will speedily be done to the descendants of a race which we acknowledge to be sacred, and the protessers of a religion which we adroit to be divine. Sir R H. INGLIS did nut think it necessary to follow the HA. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire in his elaborate defence of the House of Lords, or his briefer attack upon the Government; but his Hon. Friend must forgive him for saying that, like himself, hit opinions upon this subject were unchanged, and as far as human opinions could be, unchangeable. These opinions he had entertained ever since he had held a seat in the House. It mattered no to him from whence these resolutions came, he should treat them as he found theme—(Hear, hear.) The British Legislature had never sat except under Christian sanc tion. The question in the case of the. Quakers was a question of difference of Christianity. But the ques tion was different now. If the Iluu,e admitted Jews into its assembly, they would admit those to legislate for our Christian country and our Christian Church who themselves would feel it a grt at affront to be described as members of our Church and cur Christian Government. —(Hear, bear.) He (Sir R. Inglis) would remind every Member in that House, that on his single vote might depend that constitution which had never sat except under Christian sanction, and the question whether that constitution should continue to he bound by Christian sanction. Believing as he (Sir Robert Inglis) did that the profession of our common Christianity was the birthright of this nation, and that they shou:d would nut it undervalue th3cb iid might g i t h ,— t furnish a s at not lighly sell that birthright f or any such a d van t age ,— w an h d ic h h e t ( h S e e B u i ou to their deliberetiens, still when he (Sir R. Inglis) considered what they were to pay fur that advantage he could not agree with his Honourable and Learned a He w pa o s u s l i d ug opp r o e s g e re a t ny th th in a g t wh s i o c m h e shou d Friend (the Attorn e y-G enerai) in expressing even l e d la h y ave sh t o h u e ldbe opposed to the a d m i ss i on of such a men. effect of making that House anything but what it was now, a Christian Legislauture, of which every Member must profess himself a Christian, or else be unable to take his seat. Under these circumstances he should feel bound to oppose the proposition which was laid on the table. Mr. ROEBUCK said that he was pretty well con vinced that whatever might be said the question was now_settled.—(Hear, hear.) Though ho had come to that conclusion, and was petty. well 'satisfied as to the result, he could not say that the mode which they would arrive at those results would r«fleet much credit on the House. The qnestion before them was no longer a mere legal question—it was a question of policy, and he must protest against the mode in which that policy was sought to be carried out. The House was no longer sitting in a judicial capacity, but they were deliberating on a voluntary proposition on the part of the Administration. It was a proceeding on the part of the Administration. It was no longer a Bill pro pounded by the Member for the City, but a re solution' propounded by the head of her Majesty's Gavernuient; and they could not, with common honour, fail now to puieue the proposition of the Attorney-General. It must be propounded in this House in the shape of a Bill; it must be carried through that House, and carried through the House of Lords successfully, or the honour of , the Ministry would be forfeited. When Baron Rothschild was first returned for London, feeling a great interest in the settlement , I the question he (Mr. Roebuck) had pressed to bring it to a speedy issue. The answer was that the matter was in the hands of his colleague the Noble Lord at the head of the Government. Well, a Bill was brought in, but the Bill did not pass. Well, the matter was delayed, and the answer he always got to his remonstrances was that the Bill was coming in time, and he was told not to be im patient and in a hurry. But at the time he prophesied that the Bill would not come, and bade them mark his words at the, time. He knew that : the Government would never dare a difficulty.—(Hear, hear.) When a question was importaut, and excited immediate and great Interest, it became an open question in the Cabinet; but when matters swam smoothly it remained a Ministerial qnestion. It was the duty of the Noble Lord to have propounded that Bill, and to:have gone through with it. But as long as they could, they eluded the question; and when the Hon. and Learned Member for Oxford's Cum mittke was proposed, they took it quite as a God-send. Will, then, after the required precedents were found, and the report was l a id on tee table of the House, what was the conduct of the Noble Lord? Promises were made, and those promises had been broken,--(dear, hear.) At last, when the House was tired of all legislation, and bu siness of all sorts had been postponed until a future session, what did the Learned Attorney-General take upon himself to do? He said there was a monstrous state of law and but and that, min d, was not the descri p tion g which they w hich be gave—be said , there e a monstrous state of law, and the sooner they got rid of it the better. He would' ask the Hon. and Learned Gentleman whether he believed that that House was a fit tiibneal to decide upon a question of law? And he would ask whether, as a matter of policy, there was no other course open to him than the, one he had taken? It Was admitted that there were doubts on the correctnessof the conclusions which had been come to, but tbcre were no doubts as to the facts; and yet he asked them to assume to be what they were not fit to be, judges of the law. Let them look at the thing in its present posi tion, and he would ask if that House was the place where this proposition was to be met. The Attorney- General, throughout the whole of his speech had placed the House of Lords in a very invidious position. He considered them to be persons of so idle a character, and so easily impressed by Considerations so beneath the character of legislators, that wat was true and right MIS of no consideration placed by the side of personal vanity. If they left the matter as it was then, he told them, the House of Lords, would say why did not you pass some resolution on the subject:-" but for his part he (Mr. Roebuck) could not see how they could possibly arrive at that conclusion. The whole of the argument of the Attorney-General was that if they did not ac knowledge that Baron Rothschild had no right to sit in the House without taking the oath, they would have no chance of carrying a Bill through the House of Lords. Despite of the assertion of the lion. Baronet opposite (Sir R. Inglis). He believed that at this moment there was a very strange feeling in the country on that subject; but the reason was that a great queation lay under this. They might pretend to say that there was a large majority of perm ns in this coun try ready to stand up for the Protestant religion; the majority of persons in this country were nut to be caught by cobwebs like that. And then to say that they al wa) s met with prayer and religious observances; how could that bind such a man as Bolingbroke for instance ? He would have taken not nine nor nineteen, but nine teen hundred oaths, if they made them. They could not bind such a man. Whom did they bind? None but the most conscientious men in the House, who least needed it. When he heard the Hun. Member for the City of London repeat the oath atter the clerk, and only omit the last few words, which were not binding on his conscience, he asked himself whether there was a man in the House who really did not believe that all the purposes of the oath had been answered.— (Cheers.) This was said to be a Christian assembly, but he thought that no really pious body of persons would allow words of holy import to be applied in so mischievous a manner on grave and serious matter?. Now if they maintained these oaths for the purpose of excluding certain Members, why should they not say so at once? Let there be no side wind in securing such an object ; let the House propound at once its desire, and then pass a resolution that from this day .henceforward no Jew should have a seat in the House. —(Hear.) At the time when the oaths were first con cocted the Jews could not have been in the contempla tion of any parties. Improvement, however, marched rapidly; and he was not, like the Hon. Member for Buck inghamshire, surprised at the advance which the ques tion had made within the last quarter of a century. We were very different to what our ancestors were, and if we were desirous to understand clearly the difference between the past and the present we had nothing to do but to refer to the history of those oaths. A more painful part of our history could not be concealed. —(Hear.) From their first inattlution they were cha racterised by bigotry and hate, but they were gradually improved, and we were now endeavouring to do away with the last wretched remnant of bigotry which still remained. He hoped the House would not only get rid or that, but would go still farther and grappel with the whole question in a fair and honest spirit. The course proposed by the Attorney-General was not generous, safe, or candic. He had no right to assume to him self the privilege of stating what the law was; he acknowledged that he was not infallible, and that this House was a bad tribunal, but he could not deny that there was another course to adopt which would meet all difficulties, and prove—which his resolution would not do—acceptable to a large body of conscientious men in this country, and at the same time attain every end which be said he wished to attain, viz., doing away with this most monstrous state of the law, which he acknow ledged was a disgrace to the country, and which might at once subject the Honourable Member for the city of London to all those pains and penalties which the Attorney. General kindly and considerately begged and entreated the House not to in flict upon him. Now, could not Baron Rothschild take care of himself—(Hear)—could they not let him run the same risk as Mr. Pease, whose case he understood the Attorney-General to say was attended with the same difficulties.—(Hear.) If the House had no power to alter the oath fur Mr. Pease, as stated by the Attori.ey- General, why, as he was now living,,he might any day be called upon to pay all these fines and penalties. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said he should vote against the proposition of the Government, believing it to be not only unsuited to the circumstances of the case, but also unjust and reprehensible.—(Hear.) Mr. REYNOLDS rose amidst loud cries of divide," and finding himself unable to proceed, said he would either go on or move the adjournment of the debate. — (Loud cries of "No" and " Go on." The motion for the adjournment having been put by the SPEAKER, Lord J. RUSSELL said, as it was now east 3 o'clock, it would be advisable to adjourn if the House thought the debate should be continued; but if the House was ready to divide, of course be had no objection to that course.—( Loud cries of " Divide." Mr. REYNOLDS then withdrew his motion. He re joiced that though the Hun. Baronet the Member for the University of Oxford had spent twenty years of bis po-; laical life in fighting and speaking against his (Mr. Reynolds's) faith, yet that the middle and trading classes of Oxford, who returned his Learned Friend behind him (Mr. rage Wood) were far more advanced than the magnates of the University. The Hon. Member for Warwickshire had the other night protested against Mr. Berkley making any attack on the Yeomanry of England from the other side of the House. Now, in the same spirit he protested against the Hon. Member for the University of °afar& occupying a seat on this side of rho house.—(Cries of " near, and question.") Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Right Hon. Gentle man had already made the greater part of his speech. Mr. hEYNOLI denied that the grounds taken by the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire were correct that the House of Lords was not to blame.— (Hear, hear.) He begged to remind Honourable Gentleman over the way that they were playing a des perate game, and all that be would ask was, would they beele tootstoal of another place ? (Cries of " Order.") Because if they would, they might depend upon it the people would ask the significant question, was the House of Lords never to be reformed.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. P. WOOD rose amid loud cries of " Ad journ." It was impossible for him to allow the debate to conclude without saying a few words. They had asserted that the seat was full, the House had asserted that the seat was va cant, because Baron Rothschild had not taken the oath. On that side of the .House they contended that he had, and he denied that any of the arguments that had been put forward on behalf of Baron Rothschild had been answered. He . protested as much as the Attorney-General against its being supposed that the House had a dtspensleg power, it certainly had no such thing.—(Hear, hear.) It was said it was dangerous to tamper with an oath; no one more fully accorded with that doctrine than himself, but what he asserted was that that which was proposed to the Baron Rothschild was no oath at all to him, and therefore in leaving out the word: he had done hetampered with no oa:h at all. He thought that the course the House had adopted was of the most inconsistent nature—they had decide.] that the Baron Rothschild should take the oath on the Old Testament, and yet they would not permit him to take the only oath which he considered binding on bis conscience. —(Hear, bear.) He considered that the Baron Rothschild bad taken all the oaths that could be required of him, and that the House ought to allow him to take bis seat. In a much weaker case than this the House had necided favourably to the Member claiming his seat; and at the instigation, too, of men, aot like himself, of small expe rience in the laws and usages of the House, but fully versed in the privileges and practice of Parliament. That man was 140 other than the Honourable Member for the county of Nlortgomery, who would have come down to support bins on this occasion had he not been prevented treat doing so by illness.—(Cheers.) At that time he would say no more. He had simply attempted to vindicate the law of England, which recognised in the highest degree the principle of common sense, and which iu the highest degree respects the liberties of the subject. The law held that no British subject could differ from another British subject without an express l i statute could be produced to support the difference. The moment the black man put his foot upon this country he became free, and it was the same law which recognised no difference between the Jew and the Christian as a British subject, and therefore he contended that, by common law, the Member for the city of London was entitled to take his seat.—(Cheers.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL was anxious to say a few words to justify and explain the vote he was about to give. He regretted that he could not arrive at the same conclusion as his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Oxford. This was a ques tion, however, upon which every man ought to speak out according to his own conscientious convictions. They were called upon not to pass a law, but simply to expound .the law as it already exists; and speaking, therefore, as a lawyer, it seemed to him to be impossible to come to any other conclu sion than that the words "on the truth faith of a Christian" formed substantially part of the oath. — (Cheers.) Those words were introduced as an essential part of the oath for' the purpose of binding Catholics; and altough a s i n courts o f justice they might permit par ties to take the oath in the manner which they declared to be must binding on their consciences, they still bad no power, without an Act of Parliament, to vary or alter the substance or form of the oath.—(Hear.) In a court of justice, a man was seem to tell the " truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth," and although he might take the oath by touching or kissing the book, he could not change the words. Now the Act which established this oath was passed to meet the cases of Roman Catholics who professed Jt, suitical principles, and felt that in taking an oath they could make mental reservations.— (Hear.) buppose, then, a Catholic refused to make use of these words, on the ground the ground that they were not binding on his conscieitov. he apprehended that he would not be permi , ted to take hisses% He apprehended that eat clear and indisputable law. With regard to Mr. Pease's case, as fur as it went, it certainly was a prece dent; but it did not go far enough to justify them in seating the Member. for the city of London.—(He r r,) Ile must say, looking to the general intentions of' the Legislature in passing those various Acts, and looking to those sp,cial Acts of Parliament made in the case of the Jaws, it admitted of no doubt that those words were of the very substance and essence of the oath; and he fur one cruld not permit Baron Rothschild to use words which were not in the form of the oath. Baron Rothschild had defined to take one of the catbs—(Hear, hear)—in the form prescri'oed by the Act of Parliament, and what had been done? Had be been admitted to take his scat? No ; Mr. Speaker directed him to withdraw. The ques tion then was -.would the 'House allow him to take his scar, or would they not ? The House was in a false po sition. If Baron Rothschild was prepared to take his seat, would the House allow him to take it? Ho (the So- licitor-General) contended the words which had been omitted by Baron Rothschild were not intended to exclude the Jews, and it appeared to him (the Solicitor-General) that the House ought to take a fair and manly course of either admitting or excluding him.—(Hear.) Mr. BRlGHT—(Amidst loud cries of " Divide") — said he had observed from the commencement of the discussion on this question, that the case of Mr. Pease had been alluded to by gentlemen opposing the introduction of Baron Rothschild, and the case had been treated as one of extreme difficulty. He (Mr. Bright) thought he should show that the whole argument which the Hon. Gentleman, the Solicitor-geeeral, had made, had no foundation whatever. What did the House do in the case of Mr. Pease? He (Mr. Bright) came into that House and took his seat by vir tue of the declaration which Mr. Pt ase himself had made when he was admitted into the House. Mr. Pease re fused to take the whole of the three oaths; and the question was, what did he take? The House did not even ask Mr. Psase to take the substance of those oaths.—(Bear, hear. heir.) He did not take the oath of fidelity ; to did not even affirm it. Wish respect to the mai of supremacy, Mr. Pease did not affirm or sweer that in any shape what ever.—(Hear, beer) Then he came to the oath of ab ju7ation. Mr. Pease did not affirm the substance of that oath.—(Hear, hear.) In the affirmation which Mr. Pease and he (Mr. Bright) made ht the table of the House, there was not a 6iuglii word about " defending the Qm en," tho wores `• will daft no" were entirely omitted. He would ask the House it those words were or were not a portion of the substance of the oath? Mr. Pease was also allowed to affirm without declaring in the words if the oath that he would '` defend the succession." He (Mr. Btig,,t) undersioed those words to be of the form and substance of the oath.—(Hear. hear.) With regard to the words "on the true faith of a Christian " they were not put to Mr. Pease or himself at all.—(Hear, hear.) Was the House, then, asked to do in this case one-tenth part of so grave a thing as the House of Commons by an unanimous vote permitted Mr. Pease, the Member for South Durham to do in 1832. Ile (Mr. Bright) si as of opinion that the House was not allowing an) thing to be done half so serious as was done then. He was in clined to think that the House did right in the case ef Mr. Pease, It might be a stretch of the orders of this House to allow Mr. Pease to take his seat; the House was asked now to do a much lighter thing, when leave was asked for Baron Rothschild to enter his seat. The Houses of Lords and Commons passed the Bill for admitting Mr. Pease. He (Mr. Bright) said, that being so, it would be scandalous indeed of him who sat there by right of that whicri the House of Commons had done on that occasion, if he did not give in every way in his power the greatest, support he could to the proposition that Baron Rothschild should be admitted to take his seat. After a few words from Mr. GOULBURN, Strangers were tben ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Hume's amendment lOl Against it 163 Majority against the amendment -62 On our return to the gallery we found Mr. ANSTEY protesting against the assumption taken by the Attorney-General, that the words "on the true faith of a Christian" formed part of the main question. The gallery was again cleared, and the House divided on the Attorney-General's first resolution, when there appeared — For the resolution ... ... 166 ... ... ... 92 ... -74 Against it ... Majority On our return to the gallery we found Mr. V. SMITH addressing the House, and suggest ing that the resolution should embrace an i[.quiry into the whole oaths administered to Members of Parlia ment. Lord J. RUSSELL said as the House had sat so late it would be the most convenient course to continue sitting until the Royal Commission, which set at a quarter to five o'clock, and then adjourn after the Com mission for two hours. In answer to the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. V. Smith) he had to state that though these bad brought more prominently under v,ew the real difficulties which stood in the way of gentlemen taking the oaths at the table being deemed Members of the House, yet, as the only point on which an obstacle had arisen to Baron Rothschild taking his seat, and which the Bouse had just declared he could *not get over, bad reference to the last few words of the oath of allegiance, it was de sirable that that question should be brought by itself nudes the consideration of the House. He should be sorry to injure Baron Rothschild and the constituent body of England by mixing it up with other questions. Mr. GOULIIURN said as the subject would un doubtedly come under the consideration of the House next session, whether the resolution was passed or not, when every Member would have an opportunity of ex pressing bis individual opinions, he should content him self on the present occasion with entering his protest against the resolution, not simply with reference to the admission of Jews into Parliament, but because he objected to the principle of the House pledging in one session what it would do in the next. He thought it was most impolitic and injudicious to make any plkdge of that kind. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by protesting against the alteration of the law with regard to the ad mission of Jews. Mr. BRIGHT concurred in the propriety • of passing such a resolutson, because it gave persons of the Jewish persuasion and the constituency of London a hold on the Government and the House, that this question would be brought forward next session. lie understood the Government as a Government, intended to take up the question and would stand or fall by the issue of it.—(Cheers and laughter). He would not give a single snap of the fingers for the sAution unless, the public and the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) understood it in that sense.—(Cbcers, and continued laughter.) Mr. HUME observed that the Attorney-General's re solution only reicrred to the form of the oath, whilst his related to the substnlicr.—(litar.) Mr. AGLIONI3Y suggested' that the word "sub stance" should be inserted instead of " form." Tee SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought ho had clearly stated that ho intended the inquiry to extend to the subs , EttlCC, to the form of the words, and to the man ner in which it was taken. Strangers► were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divide!, when there appeared— _ ... 142 ... 106 -36 For the second multi - lion Against it ... Majority for the resolution .. The resolution was constquently carried. ROYAL ASSENT. Mr. Pulman, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the table, and summoned the House to the House of Peers, to hear the Royal Assent given to se veral public and private B;11s. On the Speaker's return he read ovur the titles of the Bills, for which see our Lord's report. The louse then adjourned at Twenty Minutes; paw Five. ROBBERY OF 1201. BELONGING TO THE FILESMI VHS' SOCIETY. The funds of the filestniths' society were a few days ago rubbed of the large sum of 1201. by an executive member of the trade. The delinquent is Samuel Paley, a tile forger in the employ of Messrs. Blake and Parkin, of Meadow-street, under contract. He has absconded, leaving a wife and four helpless children, and has takt-n with him an abandoned woman of the town. Paley was a member of the filesuaith.' committee, and as such he attended at the society's rooms, Cualpit lane, un the evening of 'nestle) , in last week. A good dt al of money was turned over in the office during the evening, and Paley assisted in counting it. The sum of 1201. iu coin, and a like sum in Bank of England and local notes were deposited in the iron sate, a receptacle provided with three locks, one of the keys of which he carried. The notes, rolled up together, were in an open case some thing like a pocket-book. The coin was in a bag. To wards nine o'clock in the evening, when the officers were about to leave the place, a payment of a couple of sovereigns that had been received late remained upon the table. Paley remarktd that it ought to be put into the safe, in the bag with the other cash; and, taking out of his pocket his key, asked for the other two keys, in order that he might open the safe for that purpose. The keys were given to him, and he knelt down and un locked the sale. It was then dusk, and his movements could not be distinctly observed, but no one present thought it necessary at that time to watch him very closely. A hard substance was heard to drop in the bag, and then the sate was again lucked and the three keys distributed as before. Almost immediately after wards the, parties separated, and the office was duly secured as usual by Mr. Warren, one of the secretaries, who resides on the premises. On the following Thurs day evening the members of the executive met by ap peintmont ; and Paley, whose term of office had expired, ought to have come forward and given up his key to his successor. He did " not come, however, and hence arose it suspicion as to the safety of the money. Inquiry heightened the suspicion into alarm. On Friday merning the safe was forced open, and it was then fonnd that all the bank-notes, veluell2o/., had been abstracted. The locks had evidently not been tampered with, and the safe appeared precisely as it was when left on the Tuesday evening. The CQll elusion naturally come to then was, that Paley while depositing the oddment of money, hau taken the notes oat of the open case, squeezed them to gether in his hand—he had a large hand—and held them there unobserved till he found a convenient opportunity for depositing them in his pocket. The other money put into the stile along with the notes, was all right, ex cept one sovereign, and it is supposed that Paley had kept back one of the two sovereigns that he took off the table under the pretence of putting them into the bag. On inquiry it was ascertained that the traitor had ab sconded from the neighbourhood, in company with a prostitute as already stared. anibtless he had pre viensly taken the precaution to convert the notes into gold. On Friday afternoon Mr. Warren set off to Liverpool and searched the Cambria steamer at the mo ment she was about to sail for America, but the fugitive was not there. Mr. Kirk, the other secretary, went. to Hull by train on Saturday evening, that being considered a probable port for the delinquent to embark at. Aided by a policeman Mr. Kirk found that a man and woman, under the name of Mr. and Mrs. Smith, in many important particulars corresponding to Paley and his female companion, had been staying a day or two at a lodging-house near the railway station, and that they had sailed by the Queen of Scotland steamer, on Saturday evening, fer Hamburgh. Believing thatithese were the parties he was inquiring after, Mr. Kirk abandoned the search and forthwith returned to Sheffield. The trade were called together on Monday morning, and in pursuance of a resolution come to, Mr. Warren was forthwith dispatched to llamburgle on the track of the thief. Messrs. Blake and Parkin and several other par- I . -- ties kindly famished Mr. Warre wi rences to t - frarci;_s i n th e city of Hamburgh likely to be service !,o_ him in furthering tLe object of his visit to that city. 15 uppears that the msnufacture of files is carried on t° ( s l o t m b e extent in Hamburgh, and also atiitbe city of r ilfl g; hope hope r, about 200 miles further into the countryl .f.. vi, is eriterttuned that at ote of thosea places l'ai Y f ilfbt, found. Considering the extreme insuffiniencY,o. our o criminal law with respect to this description of dia• f fusty, we fear that no adequate means of puni s 1 ; him will be re t i e d in the event of his being brought bald to E_ ngland, but at any rate it is right that be hiZld . 11 : er the mortification ot being dragged back to Sne . whose confidence he Las so perfidiously before the face of those of his fellow cralfst..e'. punishment that he wilt dread probably more that'll...lE fhi e tg i tlikt might befell him in a country of strtogei.' Sh Ife,V !'inter _betrayed j --------------- SUMMER TIME IN "I OWN AND COUNTRY. and all, " The who c ( ,, F li rom Eliza Cook's Journal.) e S eason" of tee Fashionable World is now V b r :, great houses • in Belgravia are dismantled an _ G ., The last barouche, all hung round with travelling ping bo along the broad beech avenue up to get assay, are off to the countdelp'or'by. left town this morning, and is at this triomen r ° f V"s°n Alannr, where a group of tall footmen sari°, waiting to usher the family into their pater °l4 ,: occa• 1 few disconsolate Members of Parliament t;',' - 0 of sionally c dribbling into the weather-boarded Pen'-fort ,ommons, where they vote the estimates a her 4; bo t everything else which keeps them in town at tt!,, 1 01. sirson, when the twellib of August is so dose 0r , ...' 1 01 , Olt Iray even catch sight of the retiring eitt" c i she lord, at the Government-of:ices in Whitebell; 2,clobby old l)uke may still be seen riding up to the Fee" no . n sit his accustomed cob. Bu►, to all intents and Pu r i o se d t the season" is at an end: Almacks is cloye _ t he dowagers and their daughters bare vanished low:lido conquests. The young a hid of London life for a time—the former to cn.. t b e ir the ball.cloor ion the success of their plans—the latter to dream osv!stors buck-shot, sundry cabnlicsTedrsshoatv‘e` Ntaek.e4°,'%,,rdlo6'4:orrlshr nition enough to see them well through Su e otisi campaign. Lieutenant Scarlet, of the Cold eresirged in still be seen in the Square at St. day' barb klit,o°' the hazardous enterprise of relieving guard; ul. l o de' is contemplating a move to his sporting growl, ~ fle; Glares " the town is deserted," vows the Park L c i ooo l. ll testable," and protests that he is the "l ast (DI - oti vl i '' On Monday next, go down to the Square, ite". 1 1 sally sea the Lieutenant is off. There is only BO? 0 110 gles, and he has to be content with an occ' un ; 11 super at the Star and Garter at Richmond': de e l Not 0 " the last man" has left, and the CitY is . . i n , so il quite! About two millions of soula„,lerellfujitiCle even the gay " woikt" is scarcely missed. 11 .; w ith 0: of city life still rolls on; the roar of Lond ° % l Lbe g r t thoroughfare, yet; the streets, the. roads, the river, a,„ de, The capital i f the world iv not so easilY "led ge st ' ll y ' id-. , twenty or thirty thousand lords, ladies, lan" o ho al . with their followers, hangers-on, slid selv s ° ll 'ol ll9nd9 : have left town, were but visitors: tbe peoP°.,l 0 toivn4 are multitudinous with ibe throatsA j.p. —they whose homes are there —are all stil l trio,' 2311 " g .s 0 00 and these are a little nation in themselves' s e v to enjoy their summer as they ean; an d if i r t ;l• l „T ° t le t il l:s ; carry themselves out to the country. thel.; o , l 11 ° - lire; endeavourthe e to bring the country into the t o of 00;1,01 Londoner is ever tired of the delights are° the country is stale, flat, and unprefltable 22 , D o P a yserid s : street still a , u t r h a e c t S i v t Strand n to d , it. There are the coffee -shops, with tbet t , v g 0 1 ;fer crowded as ever. There are the shops Si b ° jo g ou t so d miles together, still overflowing with I° , l 0 DWI a E t o r u o r ud sh er ep ttan an i d f h e We o re t 010 fu be paulircohlrertsh: C"' '311:91?1. I's re'sA'l °I shopkeepers:" Napoleon may have lilt ) 1 10 0 5 1 0 0: sneer: but it was a coinplitnent of I °,l, 0 0 01 1 oar 0510- bpd oti f OUr ships' . t i, 6c B oe s 8 ro n p n k i e t' e g p . e j r " s n L i e t:n i ihnagytehmeiarafearL°:spurde°oo9l:r 4 1 b1 : 11 si r t b itl i r, ° iit e °l t o e ; nr 0% , he hail country, e throwing railways over the Ja i l ; ; oboreaol nee e en e desert places musical with life. par be rf t/- o mean civilizers; they have r easoli ' their shops. -----_—.....--------...,,‘..14C5• POLICE INTELLIIj 5 o bir MA RY LEBOYE: ~.,,,s el f to ,_ 00 Mr. William Balchin, who described al`" s ill e ". bed wo oer - . 0 , 1 0, 0 broker, residing *at 9 Water -lane, ly O ti '%l U charged with having Wilfully and wuatapto 101 0 0 1 0 0 1 g s three lumps belonging the li ht in to h icb d e r , - (h L ui ' Ring (under ri George Iv, chap',„ &On • SO la to a penalty ve t , co ol than 40s. f 01 0 % . himself amenable e4Cntohakbel of Company, ~9I i ...s_)t•fetew rsdhrooor 00 Mr. Richardson chief su erinteudent ° ► o d, 0 „ t i . alluded to, attended to prosecute P tbeeteil-0 Or e% 1 0 0 `; Cooper, a police-constable, said, bup te leir ae t as. 8 ton , 6 posts at Haverstock-hill and turn off t he 14PS ie f aiS lite t: then went into the nursery-ground° a f 6O Or d 1 torlboat whose house he had been at a partY , st ir d lit 01 el ot w lwe at ht it him e e d .m to go and fele') eri eli‘Pe rft ' ''- he came out again and put eta a t "ijet o e rr which witness took him into custody'. it, o' o e f t o his yer would, hat,ig n not toand s a , l . l t . saw the defendant clim b dent gui. br wa s in giili p ac e mb r a l p e rs c d, t s l o y n sober.alt)t7erte,ndbUll;ffeeerfujoe:ofit:oortesle°. Door' breaking open mented upon the wanton and mischielalieffortiohieg et; insidressing t he 111 8 ar& Bibs houses as W vi va I he sengers. He hoped the ma • trate gis , est be highest penalty. duet, ot t ofhy which facility as s p l i cl a io r fot I ~;0 Oa ,papp b b The del , d r w o n a a d s d i a n t v i c l t i o h t ntoisueuetqUinlne: c r fhe i a a: o t :t e f a d n ah . wr l dhr z A a l et ti g.sibagei lady, eg f° Luse r t ; P : u : h. 0 ;1: 0:1 6 1 ; e 1: 0_0 : 10: 13 0 i ,ce e id a i i el 1 ; 1; 0 0 ; party et Mr. Sinton'4,_ dared him t a ; , f * ti e " e , d , - I P i : fIS extremely a sorry fir ,„,„ .f. 0 foolishly. As tor attempting to 1 1; 1 :0 0 di. i ) e r 06 f could only say that under the e%° --e a tiolt ip 0.. 1 , , 101 l meat he was of oatrse desirous of g"„ 3 lig ° ,';t 5 P;010 his intention to have lighted the I dope f fr i i to " it had convinced the lady that he ha d 13 100 5' ha t l' l him he durst nut do. He hoped L l ' 43 . old flea' be lenient. f e ho ;0 ) A Mr. coftta 0 ei uro sr ß gtnoye n y have oo your mhub U uery G r riwe a bcedxieo T luipins o t rdytz•rerhui—sotecsoeteldetxifhsocyneluusosptwtuetaueerbbrwr coat utterly e eyhi oca l r c o wttierci b avvi 4i : ere:rt 10.r o pie ° 0,er , 011‘, l ip e briloel: r op 9 ool,ref l ep o o:oo o l t orio l ie 80,410:: you the full penalty, b at Iting l 'itol 4.- ' i ° ' 101.; in default of P y a o Y u 3 r l. do 6 i ' n . g B s j; l :tl'‘Wilelli beeti°lll°Jefil for three months. Let this o perate lis 6 Ide re 9 for the future. . ;a, s ll° The penalties were speedily P a e' i P i A liberate I. _ o , o' t .gfA ell - __- _---- _.--_-_----..---------------- 00' f ; 0 0 0' FRIGHTFUL OcCuaBENCI3 l i A l n betO ee rs tb ,t e e •P li a Brune E. —Yesterday (Sunday) aiternalell fr ° ,„00 01- „je" - 0 two o'clock, a gentlemanly dressed nr a . be inr e itit.,"ett east side of' the bridge. The skull Or % A far"' 0 an,prot came in violent contact with the stq" for ttoe,t of it , pier head, which, no doubt, stunntd i i ', / „ l t i ert . 0 a ° ll ,,, ° .re t ' e ro he sank, and never rose again. 3 1 r. '''„ - t ber '',:, 1'',401, ( master, immediately dispatched bis br" d ogs 'ids t jat ii the pier men with the life-boat and , if , v,,. 0 0. 1 ol e o order, if possible, to rescue the deceaseuttioy w po od iv e ° o p , unsuccessful ; but whilst fishing for bt u. ' d e cer a f i. Ott pf of another man, and which . from 08 01 cl„% r et i ,os e `, l l . e; was in, must have been in ttre water se v de ep " v er' 1 00 e ; 0 0 who fell from the bridge was dressed / 0 .11 1 0 .0 lice pe parent ly Was not above "22 years e f f ! g rce o/3 tba If i st Os these who were on the bridge that b'',,ae ,bes' Ao A 9 o, 4l of accident. The account those parti es v o p ' i odl o le" that they saw the gentleman s tendbl o gsPooS t ,00 second recess looking at the boats 0 5 1 3 ,, eticl e pre f fo i river, when his hat blew oil; and is " t he '':, o'o° it he overbalanced himself and fell o'er' se n, on twle t His Exerlirticy Chevalier 13 a n „ t er a ne l I g r. e fo re ,,,,, Mininister at this Court, left London YL,),,ell e " ttts:( V , the baths of Kreuznactr, at which his fie ber , ,i t g , to reside for some weeks. Count Fe r P ° oo cl a ‘l , o ofi;° of Legation, bits arrived to a ssunl e t ow ~,P Cook's t d i l A a U t ir i g a t i l r jm i e n s oa e uy s r s nn — alal. r e tivalovit.itiit:gdeeofinciaes:it!°).ll .. rf t u l : ::: 11 00 1 1 4 i r ei f ti lli .5 v On Saturday the Speak , t be il ce ro folic, Lis el' ca t he en' O d e," mons gave his usual official dinner r a ;gen . , .0 1 ';')I p• te of the House 'prior to the close of the o , e i i ie ra •r e tti , , f rty, gentlemen were resent L-ISlessrl- lt i l glit c r e ,C le Jr Dorrington, Chalmers, Hawes, 6ut:g i e l'• g e gev fes l o Rowland, Jones; Lord Charles Russ e Val iir , de' Booth, the Rev. Mr. G 'chapla ta ' - • orto • e armer, the t i -A D e be e l May , Samuel Smith, Irsrd,°,'ood 4 " a lovv o , Speaker's secretary. __Abell , i vo-we , o t LORD WAHL'S PICTURSS. Lo rd , i , .0' collected in Italy and elsewhere by 030 .10', 0 1 placed iu the great roam of the ILgY,,,P 00 il ,A 4 o" it is Lord Ward's intention to 01 11 ' e / 06 $ 0 1 public.—lt la cr. a P lii. lo le 1 01 6, 1( PITY THE POOR GAS STORE° . o p P l; 4 ilk tey police luxuriating idly in the Par"swith oflosr,,,,ity, swell-mobility doing what they' It i ff Av 01 9tie ,,of, c a `js 1 ;i e e on the first day of the week , as a "'le test, t o P . " Cef t i o 7 ness," in caricature of' the swath, too:lost, ge oiss ro o 1 —but the police are likely, in s ar .. er dsys 6 -n tzt !te rl P i lje ef l i, what heavy addition to their Su n I , o o c d s rf t ir ee e 1 1 0 1 0 0 example of the Sheffield gas stokers contagious. They complain, in re tbs 0 0 0 0", j only exactive Sunday custom( rs a o tlier to ed 0 011, 1 51 church lamps, and the lamps of thes e a Pr to, ' 4 hat the t d , te on l ieu v i i to less spiritual observances -4 teini e v ol e re llif must be made on Sunday and At ~ be c 0 ~,t e ir j bolt. „ e trY 4 l'•, 'tr that they cannot see why the s,. ht s, sne, tt , e on behalf of these three ••old l A, w ora!_ ,pp . ,, letter-carriers on behalf of the se if, ofds) T 0 ds oe light of the community, on the say e tree i „ e a t fore, virtually threaten to pia° t • tenir" .l the churches also, as well as the gol of that day. Builder. g(dntstiffihiiimlssvceeucetnypahulupoirmning he W A .------<'----- (s lll3' . t l f — tilig. th '' 0 ritr iv ili c A s 0 --• o f , f , OF Fac ide, op On the 30th ult., Mrs. W• • f the i. ot er borough, Notts. the lAdf° At Lincoln, on the 31st ult., • r oso P Pretyman. , r 0., ode pt' OF A Di" 1311 01° di e On the Ist inst., at Susseit-lni,gseci. ,10 of ' . 0 well, the wife of J. Wotherspoont the " ia On the Ist inst., at Mount -place, ita l. fro. A ll• „,,,i , Ward, cha;.lain to the London 0 05 P vie1,7,0 , :"1,:il ;,,,- Atainheer's.ra t';'o,:p' 7 On the Ist inst., at St. • late•lVi a I:0100( j3e Croughton, second son of tbe ~ i p . , , , , , i. , o or of the Friars, Winchelsea, Su ß ss ar '' n ' e tt ' P Il le eldest daughter of Horatio - .0 1 ..4 . ' Staffordshire. A.;11 1 P 4 r Ail '9ll4.''ia,tiged 4 ' VOI ICv . 1,4 1 „ 11 On the 30th ult , at Aberystn.ire. ‘4O , C. ' 1 0 1 11 son, Esq., Of Kingtou, Ileretoror,,,,o. ager.ti, On the .31st ult., at St. I.,eonar._,..ed o, e ot, 'Or , /t i late of the Madras Civil Serricnie._likeo_iooo .it On the Ist inst., at Cudlis t -1 : 0 ; f t. '' „4 Opt De Horne Christy, Esq. , e ld d e i s , e ro, J eli _4;O ..aff of A ertield-court-lodge, Cu avoynectfor ---12_.-------- ..---/ ,„b e d bY S'iltt v i• 01 London: Printed and Pub t ii:e d , 0 D;o. 112, Etzand, fioater,f, Ito I' Strand. ill bigivet ' ° ... t 5,1 P" Middlesex,dayt Jtogi-