The Sun. — London, England, 1868-06-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, The Times does not think the personal and acrimonious squabbles which take place now and then in the House of Commons at all likely to add to the dignity of the House. The discussion which took place on Thursday night was not very dignified. Public men have taken wonderfully to letter-writing of late, but the Times does not think the new custom has proved very salutary. Mr. Gladstone, as leader of the Opposition, would, perhaps, have acted with more dignity if he had refrained from an electioneering letter, but, as he chose to write one, no one has a sight to complain, provided his statements were ac narate and his conclusions just. Now, on this point be is sufficiently justified. His letter has given mortal offence to the Government, because he has persisted in affixing to their declarations at the beginning of the session a meaning which they have since repudiated, and because he holds them to all the consequences or expres sions they have laboured to explain away. They desire cow that the world shall believe that they did not quite mean to pay the priests, and did not exactly mean to endow the university. The skirmishing was accordingly begun by Sir Thomas Bateson, who asked the Premier whether his attention had been directed to a letter " purporting to be writ en" by Mr. Gladstone, and how far its statements were correct. Mr. Disraeli answered in his happiest vein of provocation. It was true his attention had been called to it, but his honour able friend had fallen into a trap, for the letter was with out doubt one of those effusions which, in election lan guage, are sometimes called squibs, and sometimes hoaxes. It appeared to him a gross caricature of Mr. Gladstone's least happy style, and, as it contained assertions which could not be proved, and which nothing but the excite ment of an election could justify, he had given no further consideration to it. We may judge of the strength the forms of the House possess from the fact that Mr. Gladstone was obliged to restrain himself till the House went into committee. . Then he rose, and, tfter declaring himself the author of the letter, proceeded to justify it. On some points his speech appears forced—as where he attributes to the Government a scheme for the " endowment " of the Presbyterian Church on the strength of a letter from Lord Derby's private secretary, written fifteen months ago, which letter, being in answer to the one received by the then Premier, asking for an increase of the Ilegium Donum, stated that the " subject should be borne in mind" before the next year's estimates were prepared. Surely never was so small a matter made to bear so portentous an interpretation ! Even Lord Derby's Government was not bound by so vague a promise ; and if it had been so bound, the present Government, as Mr. Disraeli very justly observed, is not Lord Derby's. But though Mr. Gladstone may have over-laboured his proofs, he has, we think, a general justification for what he wrote. If the Government in the early part of the session die not intend "to endow the other Churches, including the Roman," if they did not intend " to create a Roman Catholic University and to pay its expenses out of the taxes of the country," according to the terms of Mr. Gladstone's letter, then we can only say they expressed themselves in the most unfortunate manner. Never did any body of men so fail to commu nicate their meaning to those who heard them speak and to those who read their speeches. Whatever their inten tions really were, it will be in the recollection of our readers that people of all classes and politics did believe them to propose pretty much what Mr. Gladstone attributes to them. They must, therefore, not complain of Mr. Gladstone or anyone else for sharing in what they must admit to have been a universal delusion. The fact that they have been, as they assert, so grossly misunderstood should rather teach them, and especially their leader, to deal less in the ambiguous and obscure, and to cultivate distinct and detailed statement. The country would not then fall into so gross an error as to believe that the Government was about to pay the priests, when, in fact, it was only a question of " the introduction of chaplains into prisons, and other arrangements of that kind," as explained by Mr. Disraeli yesterday evening. The Standard thinks Mr. Gladstone would have been well advised to let judgment go against him by default in the matter of the endowment of the Catholic Church. A lamer attempt to justify a malevolent misrepresentation was never made. The right lion. gentleman asserted in his letter that the Government were willing to endow the Roman Catholic Church, and, by way of earnest, pro tiosed to endow a Roman Catholic University. Well, vhat were the grounds upon which he last night justified himself for attributing to them such an intention ? There was, as Mr. Disraeli well said, but one—the forced interpretation of a letter written by Lord Derby's private secretary last year, in which he said that, the estimates having been already passed, it was im possible to do anything that year to increase the amount of the Regium Donum, into a promise to endow all Churches this year. Mr. Gladstone quoted again the speech of Lord Mayo, a speech quoted by Radical speakers and writers cid nauseam, but which, after the noble earl's statement last night, they will be very shy of touching. There is nothing in Lord Mayo's words to justify the assumption that the Govern ment were willing to endow the Roman Catholic Church, a measure of which Mr. Gladstone said last night—and the Standard invites particular attention to his language—" far be it from roe to condemn ;" and had his words lent themselves to such an interpretation the speech of the Prime Minister would have immediately rectified the error. But the fact is that nobody ever supposed that the Government entertained the idea of endowing the Catholic Church or of endowing a Catholic University. There is conclusive proof, as Lord Mayo pointed out, that his language was not susceptible of that interpreta tion, in the fact that the Catholic prelates made the want of an endowment one of their principal objections to the Government proposals. The whole charge of an intention to endow Church and University, resting, as it does, upon nothing more than words of Lord Mayo, pointing to the establishment in Ireland of a religious equality such as exists in England, in spite of an Esta blished Church, is, as Mr. Disraeli said, a frivolous one— we will add, a false one—which is seen through by the country, and will cover those who make it with con fusion. There are few subjects, says the Post, which furnish such rich materials to an orator addressing a popular assembly for making a striking and impressive speech as the anoma lies and the inconsistencies of the Irish Church Establish ment. It is therefore unnecessary to say that when that orator was Mr. Bright, and when his audience was corn posed of such as thought proper to visit the Amphitheatre in Liverpool on Wednesday night, the occasion was turned to the best possible account. The Irish Church, as an establishnient, is, and always has been,_ most cordially hated by Mr. Bright, and, unlik e some who have recently declared themselves its opponents, he is not open to the taunt of having ever entertained different opinions in * respect to the question of its; disestablishment. The story, though probably new to many of Mr. Bright's hearers at Liverpool, has been only too often told. It may be summarised almost in a single sentence. The poppla- Con of Ireland amounts to nearly six millions, of whom four millions and a half are Roman Catholics. Of the residue perhaps 750,000 are members of the Established Chum.. The revenues of that Church amount, however, to between £700,000 and £BOO,OOO per annum, being the produce of national property valued at between £13,000,000 and £14,000,000. These facts being practically undisputed, the question necessarily arises whether it is just and expf , ;* dient for the State to appropriate this enormous sum for the religious uses of a small minority of the Irish popula. tion, leaving the majority to provide as best they can for their own religious culture. Why, asks the Herald, does Mr. Bright post down to 4 the North to incite a gathering of Welshmen at Liverpool to labour for the strengthening of their Liberal represen tation in the House of Commons, by parading before them the alleged iniquities of the Irish Church and the reasons why it should be plundered and degraded ? Is it possible that the member for Birmingham had a secret motive in bringing this question before an assembly which he himself described as composed of " Nonconformists in Church /natters and Liberals in politics ?" Not to put too fine a point upon it, does Mr. Bright hope to bribe the Dissenters of Wales to throw the:r weight into the scale against the ' Church of England in Ireland by the promise that the turn of the Church of England in Wales shall come afterwards? He sedulously disclaims any such intention. He insists that this is " not a question of State Establish ments." But lie protests too much. He disclaims the analogy of the two cases with a kind of " aside," a per ceptible wink. Over and over again he tells his audience of Welsh Nonconformists, within a few minutes after the close of a speech from one of the most able and uncompro mising denouncers of the Church Establishment in the Principality, that " the question before the country i s really not one of State Establishments; but he_ goes on t o remind them a few sentences later that the Christian Church in the United Kingdom is composed of many Churches, and clearly the establishment of any one of them must be an offence to the other." The member for Biro s . , 11, affects to be very guarded , but no one can .111,, nu.iappreliend his meaning . . He desired to encourage the 11/6!sh Dissenters to join in the crusade against the Irish Establishment by something like a pledge that their little milmosities should next be indulged. and at the same time he was anxious not to compromise the disingenuous posi tiwi of Mr. Gladstone, that his policy against the Irish Cht . irch must not be construed as a menace to establish meats in general. Foiry Xers protests against the " explanation " l",lin:sters of their proposals for endowment, and calls upon the country to bear in mind the real facts. A gear-al election (it continues) is in all probability near at Mr. hardy announced that next Thursday he would move for leave 0 bring in a bill relating to the registration, and probably intended to hasten it. But whom can we trust? The bill itself may be part of the tactics of delay. Mr. Childers would take the matter out of the hands of Ministers, and enforce an early dissolution by ,granting the supplies for a term of nine months only, Against this course the Chancellor of the Exchequer pro teAs. 'There is no necessity for it, he says, the Govern ment fully intending to hasten the dissolution as much as possible. But no one can be sure that the Government will'remain of this mind, or that Mr. Hunt's words, like those of Mr. Disraeli and Lord Mayo, do not really mean the reverse of that which they seem plainly to state. Is he speaking in a natural or non -natural sense ? The trust of the House of Commons in the statements of Ministers is pretty nearly exhausted. Mr. Childers is well-advised in askimr for more solid security. matte by STATISTICS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. The Statistical Abstract for 1867 shows that the gross revenue of the last financial year amounted to £2 6s. 2d. per head of population ; only once in the last twelve years —viz., in the year 1865-66—has the ratio of taxation been lower than this, and only once has it been so low—viz., in 1858-59. The expenditure, however, exceeded the income, and amounted to £2 7s. 3d. per head ; but that ratio has 'been exceeded in six of the last twelve years. This state ment does not include the expenditure upon fortifications, which amounts to about half a million a year, but which is not taken from the year's income, but bor rowed on terminable annuities (1885), the annual pay ment of which goes to swell the charge for the National Debt. The unredeemed funded debt had been reduced to £741,190,328 on the 31st of March last, the reduction in the year being due to the conversion of stock into terminable annuities ; the terminable annuities at that date, £3,447,270, represented a capital of £47,930,222, or double the amount on the 31st of March, 1867 ; the unfunded debt in March last was £7,911,100. In 1867 there were imported and retained for home consumption 1411 b. of corn per head of our population, 40 . 581 b. of raw sugar, 3 . 681 b. of tea, 1 . 351 b. of tobacco, 4 . 191 b. of butter, 3'321b. of cheese, 1 . 921 b. of bacon and hams, 5 . 101 b. of potatoes, 0.45 gallons of wine, 13 . 19 eggs, 0 . 27 gallons of spirits, and 011 gallons of home made spirits paid excise duty. The number of vessels registered as belonging to the United Kingdom at the end of 1867 was 28,773, of 5,753,063 tons, whereof 2,931, of 901,062 tons, were steamers. 1,210 vessels, of 282,990 tons, were built and first registered in the United Kingdom in 1867. The quantity of British wheat sold in 150 market towns was only 2,724,673 qrs., 400,000 qrs. fewer than in 1866, and more than• 8,000,000 qrs. fewer than in 1865. The capital in the hands of savings banks at the end of the year 1867 was £36,476,408 in the trustee banks, and £9,749,929 in the post-office banks, both shew ing an increase in the year, but of course the post - office banks increasing most largely. The December average of banknotes in circulation reached £,1106,120: Bank of England, £24,447,000 ; English country banks, £5,187,025 ; Scotland, £5,055,794 ; Bank of Ireland, £'2,713,400; Irish private banks, £3,702,901. The Bank rate of discount averaged only 2i per cent. for the year ; in only one of the last fifteen years, 1862, has the average been so low. The average price of Consols was 93. The population in the middle of the year was 30,157,473, exclusive of army, navy, and seamen abroad. At the in spection of elementary schools in Great Britain by her Majest3's inspectors, 1,391,100 children were found pre sent ; the educational statist cs shou'd include Ireland. The number of paupers in receipt of relief in England on the Ist of January, 1868, is stated at 1,034,823, but the return does not include vagrants ; in Ireland, 72,925 ; in Scot land, on the 14th of May, 1867, 121,169. The year's expenditure for the relief of the poor reached £6,959,840 in England ; £807,631 in Scotland ; £797,134 in Ireland. The committals for indictable offences advanced to 18,971 in England, 3,305 in Scotland, and 4,561 in Ireland. The emigrants of the year were 195,953. The annual commemoration ceremonies were observed yesterday at Eton. The Marquis of Worcester has been appointed deputy lieutena.nt for Gloucestershire. George Keene, the man who shot a poacher at Leicester on Sunda y morning, has been committed for trial. A town's meeting is about to be held in Derby to petition in favour of the Government Telegraph Bill. The Liberals of North Durham propose to bring forward Mr. Isaac Lowthian Bell, of Washington Hall. A new and Latidsome building, erected as an institution for the blind, was formally opened at Bradford on Wednesday. Mr. Samuel Morley has subscribed £5OO towards defray ing, the expensys of the South Wales Electoral Association. It is stated that the Irish Church Commissioners will not be able to present their report before the end of June, or early in July. The Bath and West of England Society, and the Southern Counties Association have combined. Their next meeting is to be held at Southampton. Robert Chambers, ex-champion of the Tyne, died yesterday morning at Newcastle of consumption, after lingering some weeks. His age was 37. A boiler-maker has murdered his wife at Wigan. He kicked her brutally on the lower portion of the body, from the cffects of which she died in a few seconds. They had lived unhappily together. A strike of boiler-makers at St. Helen's began on Wed nesday in consequence of their wages having been reduced 2s. per week- Two of the men have been taken into cus tody for a breach of the peace. A new society for the working men of Grantham has just becn rganised in tint town, under the title cf the Rrotes hut Conservative Association. A considerable number of working men have already joined the association. Bilt little changi, 2,7,,t,2d is tho ~puct of the sttfro in Sun L Stafford. The meeting that was expeted to talco place for the adjustment of differences between the masters and men has not yet been held. At a meeting of Libetals,ll on Wednesday night at Darlington, it was decided to Lave the election of a canal date for the new ncy to a connittoe, such candi date to bold in the main the views of Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party. A great fire occurred at ~!outli Shiel 7s yesterday, by which the new Elizabethan mansion of Mr. Stevenson, the mayor, was destroyed. The family had a narrow escape. The fire broke out in they upper part of the house, and its progress was ace lerated by a gale which was blowing at the thr.e. Another case of rationing in the notor:ous saw trade io reperted. Three Lauds have been stolen because as many men would not submit to a piece of tyranny. When they were off work at Christmas they claimed the usual allow ance, but the " box " would not allow the claim. The men therefore refused to pay, and cons equen tl y th e 'ands with { which they were working l ave been stolen, and the pre mises of the employer broken into before the theft could be accomplished. Lord Elcho, M.P., one of the Trades Union Commis sioners, iusp: - •eted sense collieries at Whitwood on Wed nesday, for the purpos3 of becoming acquainted with the co-partnery principle upon which they are conducted. He expressed his great admiration of the system, and hoped that it might be extended throughout the country, being con vinced that if masters combined as much as the men the latter won be the losers in the suicidal war between capi tal and 1 . hour which would follow. A man named Kay, residing at Ecclesfield, has been sub jected to Lynch law. His characteristics aro spoken of as "hard working and hard drinking," and on the day just named ho took it into his head to destroy his children's clothing—the product of their mother's industry—together with the household furniture: The neighbours became indignant, and, having caught KAy, they trundled him through the streets on a barrow, and subsequently blackened his face and drenched him at a pump. Mr. Adderley, true to the promise he made last year to Mr. Remiugton Mills, has introduced a bill to stop all fur ther payments out of the Consolidated Fund to the West Indian clergy. Life interests are, however, to be respected. Ultimately the country will save £20,300 a year now paid to "divers bishops, archdeacons, ministers, catechists, and schoolmasters."—A Conservative Government thinks that the colonists ought to pay their own clergy, and, while making such an ado about the dis-establishment of the Irish Church, disendows the Colonial Church with perfect sang froid.— Envlial Independent. The Court of Common Pleas yesterday refused an appli cation made by the Solicitor-General, asking that certain cases as to the rating of apartments (under the Reform Bill of 1667) might be taken earlier than their position on the paper might warrant. The case raised a very important question as to how large houses let in separate apartments, and in which houses the landlords did not reside, should be rated. Three thousand cases of rating, it was said, in Sunderland depended upon the decision of the court, and the decision would also have considerable influence in other large towns. A meeting has been held in Gloucester to promote a movement for the restoration of the Cathedral in that city. It was stated that the Ecclesiastical Commis- sioners had offered to give £10;000 for the pur- pose, that another £IO,OOO had been promised in response to circulars, and that the Dean and Chapter would devote £2,000 to the object. Mr. Antrobus, high sheriff of the county, presided, and Mr. W. H. Gladstone, ALP., Lord Egerton of Tatton, Earl Grosvenor, and other gentlemen were present. About 00 was promised in letters read at the meeting, The eighty-sixth assembling of the charity children of the metropolis at St. Paul's Cathedral took place yester day, when it was calculates that there couldnot have been less than 15,000 people present, including 5,000 children. Under the dome of the Cathedral seats were ranged, rising to an immense height. Upon these the children were seated, while the congregation occupied the floor and the whole extent of the choir. The Lordliayor attended la State. Before prayers, the 150th Psalm was sung by the children, assisted by the choir. Afterthe Ist ancl2nd lessons the " Te Deum"and " Jubilate" were given also by the choir. Before the prayer for the Queen, the Coronation Anthem, " Zadock the Priest," was sung by the choir, the children joining in the words " God save the King, long live the King," and the effect, as may readily be imagined, was very fine. The sermon was preached by Dr. Harold Browne, Bishop of Ely. The service concluded with liandel's " Hallelujah Chorus." by the choir and children. THE SUN, LONDON FRIDAY tWEN MR. BRIGHT AT LIVERPOOL. Yesterday morning Mr. Blight was entertained at breakfast in the Philharmonic Hall, Liverpool, by the Liberal Association of that town. The body of the ball was filled by the leading Liberals of the district, and the boxes were occupied by a brilliant assemblage of ladies. Mr, G. S. Rathbone pre sided, with Mr. Bright, M.P., on his right, and Mr. Vernon Harcourt on his left. After a few opening remarks from the chairman— Mr. MACRAE moved a resolution expressing gene ral satisfaction with the extension of the franchise secured by the recent Act for Amending the Re presentation of the people, approving the resolution for the disestablishment of the Irish Church, and rejoicing in the union of the Liberal party in favour of a policy of equal justice to the whole kingdom. Lieut.-Colonel TIUMBLE seconded the motion, which was unanimously adopted. The CHAIRMAN introduced Mr, Vernon Harcourt, who addressed the meeting at some length in sup port of the resolution. Mr. R. GLADSTONE then moved a resolution ex pressing the deep gratitude of the meeting to Mr. Bright for the assistance he has given in securing to his country the great Liberal measures of the last 25 years, and espe'ially thanking him for his ser vices to the came of freedom during the present Parliament. Mr. R. MUSGROVE seconded the motion, which was unanimously adopted. Mr. BRIGHT, on rising to acknowledge the resolu tion, was received with great cheering. He said— When I was invited to meet some gentlemen con nected with the Liberal party in Liverpool at breakfast, I expected that I should meet from b 0 to 100 of them on that occasion that was to be partly social, partly conversational, and partly political ; but I find myself now face to face, I suppose, with at least 600, probably 700 people—(cries of "More") in this hall, and also, if I turn on every side in the galleries, by ladies who I presume take a commend able interest in the great public question of the day. (Cheers.) The resolution which you have been kind enough to pass expresses approval generally of my political conduct during the last five-and-twenty years. I need not tell you, I hope, that it is the very highest satisfaction to any perscn who has laboured in the public service to receive the appro bation and sympathy of a large portion of his coun trymen. (Cheers.) I have been now for 25 years a member of the House:of Commons—(hear, hear) —for 30 years I have actively engaged in political labour. During that time I think it may be said that we have seen more legislative changes of a financial character than have occurred in this coun try during the whole period preceding that time, going back as far as the Revolution of 1688. (Cheers.) If you turn back in your minds to the Parliamentary history of this country before the Reform Bill you will find that nearly the whole of the politics 'of the country were centred in foreign affairs. (Hear, hear.) And almost all the names that appear in the Parliamentary history of this country before that period—the period of the Re form Bill—all those great names were distinguished by patriotism displayed in the great Parliamentary contests—not on home, but almost entirely on ques tions of foreign policy. (dear, hear.) We had wars during almost the whole of the period, and the policy of those wars was necessarily discussed. There were great questions of finance, and the great and lamentable question of a vast and ever-growing taxation ; and upon these subjects, of course, great speakers and great statesmen might do that which would make great names ; but during that period the actual English nation within the geographical limits of the kingdom here, of Great Britain and Ireland, was almost, if not altogether, neglected. (Hear.) Nothing could have been worse than our finances ; nothing worse than our grievous and un equal taxation ; nothing wurse than the continued ignorance in which the English population were left ; nothing more cruel, execrable, and barbarous than our code of punishment, and particularly with regard to the sanguinary capital punishments con stantly inflicted. (Cheers.) But if we look to all manner of home policy on all questions which really affect the true greatness, the true progress, and the true happiness of the popk?, we find that Parlia zncut cared fur acne of these thiugi Our t'rime Ministers and Cabinet statesmen and our Molarehs &voted almost the whole of their attention to a policy and course of proceeding which we now look back upon with astonishment when we see their influence upon the condition and inte rests of the nation—not only with astonishment, but wi,h lamentation and actually with horror. (Cheers.) Now, in 1832, we turned over a ne•,v leaf, for then the people became better represented, and, as was very natural, very much more cared for. (Hear, hear.) For 30 years I have been con nected, in one way or another, sometimes obscurely, sometimes in a more prominent position, with almost all the great questions that have been dis cussed by Parliament, and which have been accepted by the nation ; and I may say, 1 think, without any special boast, that I have regarded all these questions apart from the interests of party, and have tried to view them in what may be termed a simple and natural sense. Does it ever strike you, l in looking over the tremendous fights we have seen on the various questions of the last thirty years, how simple these questions appear to us now when we are out of the battle, when victory has been won, and when we can look at them without any of the disturbing influences which then so much excited the country ? I look back particularly to one of these questions--perhaps the greatest question—which first brought me ' prominently into public life—the repeal of the corn laws. (Applause.) A new generation has grown up since the repeal of the corn law in 1846. Young men—under 40—who are little acquainted mith the circumstances of that great contest, can scarcely believe the amount of excitement created, the anger that was aroused, and the spirit of turbulence that was raised over many parts of the country—how country gentlemen —even dukes —threatened to leave the country if the corn laws were repealed. (Laughter.) I recollect an agricul tural labourer, in a smock frock, in one of the agri cultural towns in Wiltshire, when he heard that, made this consolatory remark. He said—" They beant a goin' to tak' t' land wi"em, be 'em ?" (Great laughter and cheers.) Well, looking back upon this, I say that if the corn law had been in existence during last year and this year—during the time from the harvest of 1866 to the harvest which we are now about to gather—l believe, considering the time we have had to pass through, that that law, if it had been continued, would have involved the overthrow of everything else in the country which the people are accustomed to value —your Church, your peerage, your Monarchy itself. There is no one of these institutions that could have withstood the turn of events that must have been excited in this country by the sufferings of millions of the people. (Cheers.) Just so with other measures which have been dealt with during the same inter val—the ,question of monopoly in sugar, of the monopoly in ships, iu the navigation laws. - Why, all these were questions that were fraught with frightful animosity by those who were supposed to be profiting by these monopolies. Yet, now they at e gone, we look back with astonishment that any body could ever have defended them. We feel how much the country has gained by their entire aboli tion. Take, for instance, as an illustration, the question of the taxes upon newspapers. (Cheers.) I consider that the removal of the taxes upon news papers—the advertisement, stamp, and paper duties —one of the greatest triumphs and blessings achieved in our time. (Cheers.) It is a measure for which we are indebted very much more than to any other member of the present House of Com mot.s to my right hon. friend Mr. Milner Gibson. (Cheers.) When the paper duty came to be abo lished you recollect how much it was struggled against. Mr. Gladstone, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was thwarted one session by the conduct of the House of Lords, and in the fol lowing session we had that resolution—which never can be too much applauded—(cheers)— which forced the proposition for repeal of the duty upon the House of Peers, and it was accepted by them. (Cheers.) Well, has there in our time— within any time in England—been a measure car ried by Parliament which has so largely promoted education and instruction as that? Take this very country during the last seven years when so much suffering existed during the cotton famine. Every man and every woman in my end of the country was informed of the cause of the distress ; and when men are told the cause of their suffering, when they know that it has not been brought about inten tionally, not by any injustice of other men, they learn to be patient—(cheers) —and they abstain from that anger and that violence which suffering naturally promotes among a population. (Hear, hear.) 1 believe that during that period we were very much indebted to the newspapers which are now so cheap and universal. What did the oppo nents of that measure say ? They—the Times and other papers—said that the penny papers would be made up of paragraphs and leaders taken from the dear papers. Now, I believe, that the penny papers write just as good leaders as dear papers. They said, further, that we should have a news paper press that would be immoral, that would be slanderous, that would be libellous, and that would be mischievous in the country ; whereas nothing is more clear and more universally admitted than that the character of the newspaper press in all these things has been gaining and improving for many years past, and that at this moment there is nothing whatever to be said in favour of a dear, ancient press over the cheap newspapers brought into life by the abolition of the taxes upon newspapers. (Cheers.) Then we had another great measure which I like to look back upon with special plea sure, and that is the treaty with France. (Cheers.) I need not mention to you the name which must for ever be inseparably connected with that noble treaty. (Cheers.) It was one of the greatest works certainly ever accomplished by any citizen for the advantage of any country. Since that treaty passed there has been a growing friendliness, not only be tween the Governments, but between the peoples of England and France; the "spirited policy" of a late aged Minister is gradually passing away ; and there is a fair hope that the tranquillity of Europe will not again at an early period—l hope that it never may—be disturbed by a contest between England and France. (Cheers.) But there were persons in the House of Commons, and a large party, opposed to that treaty. The present Prime Minister and the bulk of his supporters were op posed to it. In fact, there has been no great and good measure in England to which they have not been opposed, and which they did not oppose to the utmost of their power. (Cheers.) I might refer to one or two other questions—to the question of the Government of India. In 1853 the present Lord Halifax—then Sir Charles Wood—made a speech in the House of Commons of five hours' length, chiefly in defence of the Indian Company. I felt it to be my duty to oppose it—and I spoke after his long speeel. 1 recollect that we took up the whole time of the house from five o'clock in the evening till midnight. lie spoke five hours in de fence of the company, and it only took me two hours to demolish it. (Cheers and laughter.) I am afraid you will think I am vain in making use of such an expression ; but the fact is the com pany's life was prolonged to five years afterwards, when the sad mutiny occurred in India. Then that which men would not concede to argu ments that could not be answered they conceded to the force of the terrific events which had happened in the British dependencies in India. (Cheers.) Then about the same time we come to that unfortunate event, the war with Russia. You know, many of you, the course which I took with reference to that war. I argued, from the Blue books and other documents and facts, that the war was altogether unnecessary, and that it must fail of any good result, either as to Turkey or Great Bri tain. Well, I shall not go into any detail about it, but I think now, when we look back upon the events that then excited the violent tempest of condemna tion which overtook the few men who were opposed to the war, we shall at least come to the conclusion that the matter was very doubtful indeed. (Cheers.) I will say no more than that it may be left, if you like, a point of dispute whether there was any ground for that war or not. My further experience an I consideration of it forces me to the conclusion th:it ou no public question during my lifetime have I bean more entirely right than I was with regard to that unhappy and sanguinary contest. (Cheers.) I believe the sick man at Constantinople is sick still. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I believe, fur ther, that the outbreak of that war has led to almost double armaments throughout Europe— (cheers)—that it has vastly increased the military spirit, and has produced an enormous augmentation of the taxation and expenditure of the Government for military purposes. (Cheers.) Well, then, the one great question to which reference has already been made is that of the Reform Bill. In 1858 I was commissioned by a conference in London to prepare a bill to be submitted to Parliament. It was prepared, and was discussed considerably in the country, but it was not submitted to Parliament because the Government of Lord Derby, which was then in office, proposed and did, indeed, submit to the house, a bill which was afterwards rejected. The fundamental basis of the bill was, I may say, household suffrage for the boroughs, and a reduc tion, which had been before proposed and carried in the House of Commons, of the county fran chise to £lO. There was a distribution of seats, which I venture to say will be a very good dis tribution when we get it, and we are making progress to it. It proposed that no borough with a population under 8,000 should remain a borough or return members to Parliament, and it proposed that no borough with less than 16,000 of population should return more than one member to Parliament ; and these seats s) gained were to he transferred to the large constituencies. For instance, I proposed to give six (four additional) members to Liverpool, and I proposed to divide Liverpool into three compartments as it were, each of which should return two, which I thought was the proper way of permitting whatever there is of difference of opinion in your town to be fairly re presented. (Hear, bear.) I did not have recourse to that miserable, false, odious, and unconstitu tional proposition which is called the minority clause, by which it has been sought to cripple and enfeeble all the great borough constituencies of the kingdom. (Cheers.) For my part I agree with Lord Derby and with Mr. Disraeli that that is one of the most unconstitutional propositions ever made to Parliament, that it tends to the utter destruc tion of representation, and, if I am not greatly mis taken, it will be found in practice to be so odious that it will not then be long before it is abolished. (Cheers.) I shall only be surprised if any man who has any self-respect will offer him self as a candidate for the minority in any of these boroughs. But that Reform Bill which I pro posed was not carried, as you know, and in 1866 Mr. Gladstone brought forward a measure of more moderate dimensions. You recollect what those gentlemen did who oppose everything. They op posed that, and they said—for this was their chief argument—that it was very d ange rous, that it put you at a point where yo u c ould not stop, and that there was household suffrage a long way down, to which you would inevitably come if you went as far as Mr. Gladstone proposed; and household suffrage was everything that was to be avoided, and every thing that was destructive to the Constitution of the country. Having got rid of Mr. Gladstone's bill through the weakness of Lord Russell's Govern ment in not dissolving Parliament, and in going out of office, this Government came in, and finding that they could not remain in Parliament next Session a fortnight unless they were prepared to introduce a Reform Bill, what did they do? Instead of going gradually down to the fourth story, to the basement, by steps and landings, as might have been the case under Mr. Gladstone's proposition, and which they so much dreaded, they threw themselves boldly out of the window— (cheers and laughter)—till the whole party was found exhausted, shaken, bruised, and bleeding on the pavement. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, all those measures I have referred to have been op posed by the party that is now in power. Is it reasonable to say that that party has been wise, or patriotic, or successful ? There is not one of those measures that I have not heard Mr. Dis- , .N G, JUNE 5, 1868, raeli object to in the strongest language. I have sat opposite to him for 25 years ; I have heard almost every speech he has made ; I have seen his course, and the course of his party, and I am bound to say that they are a body of statesmen that I should not like to follow , at all, and if I wished the true interests of the country to be consulted I should not like as my advisers men who have been either dishonest or ignorant upon all great questions which have occupied the attention of Parliament and of the country during the last quarter of a century. (Cheers.) Well, I have for myself a more pleasant retrospect than some of those men must have. (Cheers.) I 'recollect some years ago—it was one evening after Mr. Disraeli had been making a speech in favour of his clients—(laughter)--I was walking from the House of Commons with my lamented friend, Mr. Cobden, and he was speaking of the extraordinary spectacle of a man of Mr. Disraeli's powers and genius giving everything up to a cause in which he felt confident he could not believe, and he made to me this observation. He said, " What a retrospect that man must have ! He seems to forget this— that by and bye, so far as this world is concerned, there will be nothing left but retrospect to any of us." I remember well the touching solemnity of his language, and as I relate this , anecdote you will see how much it affords the key to the grand and noble life of him who used the expression to which I have just referred. (Cheers.) 'Well, now, having just traced this gentleman's conduct for the last 25 years, we come to another question in which they are to take their old course, and Mr. Disraeli to take his old course. The party, probably because they believe it is right, are to support the Irish Church, and Mr. Disraeli, holding precisely the opinion on the Irish Church which we hold, is to go with that party to lead them, and to maintain power if he can by supporting that which they wish, but that which he knows to be wrong. But I hope and believe that the result in this case will be what it has been-in other cases to which I have referred, that the good sense and the intelligence of the people of the United Kingdom will be more powerful than the prejudice and the ignorance and selfishness of those by whom this rotten institution of the Irish Church is defended. (Cheers.) Don't we all feel as Englishmen that Ireland, as it now is, and has been for many years, is our weakness and our disgrace ? I recollect dining at the table of one of the most eminent men in politics and in the Parliament of this nation, at which was present an Irishman, a Protestant and a large landed proprietor, and who had filled the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland. Sir James Graham was present on that occasion, and he turned to this Irish gentleman and he said—" You are a large landed proprietor in the south of Ireland, you are a Protestant, and you know Ireland perfectly well in the district in which you live. Now, what would happen if a French force were to land in Ban try Bay ?" And the answer of this Irish Protestant landlord, and official as he had been, and intimately acquainted with the country, was this—"lt would be received with universal acclamation throughout the whole of the south of Ireland." Is not this a matter worthy the consideration of thoughtful Englishmen, that you must have a portion of your country, within four hours' sail of Holyhead, in which the population to a very large extent is hos tile to connexion with Great Britain, animated by I passions wholly opposed to the Imperial Parliament and to the Imperial Crown ? If there be this weak. ness, whence does it arise ? It arises from that which is discreditable and disgraceful to us, that we have not known how to govern, or to permit the country to be governed, upon principles which are just and,which are acceptable to its population. We continue to our own times the ancient policy of the conquest of Ireland, and we continue it in that spe cial thing, the Church—a matter of religion, in which, if you wound a man at all, if he cares for his religion, you wound him in the very tenderest part. (Hear, hear.) And the Tory party again prefer that Ireland be disappointed, and that that Church should remain; and that the union between the two countries should be an unreal union. They prefer that the empire should be thus weakened, that the Parliament should be discredited, and that the lustre of the Crown should be dimmed. They prefer all this rather than that a change should be made which all thoughtful and Christian men in every part of the world outside this kingdom have agreed is one which ought to have been made generations ago. (Hear hear.) I charge upon Mr. Disraeli and his friends that they were fermeuters of dis cord in this kingdom --that they ace endeavouring to set up again those cries out of which come some of the greatest evils with which nations can be afflicted. The " No Popery" cry was a cry of great power in days far past. Whether its power is wholly gone we shall have an opportunity of seeing within the next six months. I am happy to believe that one of the great blessings of the cheap, and universal, and honourably written newspaper press, will be found to be that that cry now will have lost its power, and that we shall find that the intellect, thought, and civilization, and sense, justice, and morality, and of true Christianity of the people of the United Kingdom, will rise superior to that cry, will wholly disregard it, and will suppress the pretensions to power of the Ministry and party who have sought to use it. (Cheers.) Liverpool has not been quite so advanced upon some of these matters as one would wish to see it. I recollect 25 years ago saying some things that were not con sidered respectful of the political conduct of the constituency of Liverpool ; but there is no town in the kingdom that I know of that has gained' more by the great changes of the last 25 years than Liver pool has gained, and I rejoice to believe that as you have made such great advances in your commercial importance, you have made, if not a corresponding, at least a great and sensible advance in your politi cal condition. Now you have before you two poli ' tical leaders. The one is in office, but hardly in power; the other is in power, because he lives and ga ins every day in the confidence and affections of his countrymen. (Cheers.) The one who is in office is willing to lead in everything that is politi ca lly evil, although I am quite unable to charge him with believing in the good of that evil. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Disraeli understands these ques tions, and in another position he would say of them just what we say ; but his whole life and purposes are given up to objects of personal aggrandisement and ambition. (Cheers.) Unfortunately, he is in alliance with a party from whom he can derive no strength unless he walks in their track, applauds their courses, supports their prejudices, and, as it serves him, animates and stimulates their passions. On the other hand, you have a leader who tends continually in political life to everything that is true and good, and who most fervently and honestly believes in it. (Cheers.) One of them appeals to prejudice, and ignorance, and bigotry, the other appeals to all that is manly and upright and virtu ous in the public mind. (Cheers) Now, the question will come very soon. It will be brought home to every one of us who is now, or will then be an . elector, which of these two men are we prepared to follow and to work with? (Cheers.) But there is something greater than this connected with the Irish question—this grand matter—that if you, as a political party, following an honest and intelligent leader, are able to settle for once and for all this great Irish question, you do more than if you conquered a pro vince ; you add a whole nation to the Crown and to the Parliament of England. (Cheers.) Now, if I am worthy to offer you any advice, if my public and private career has gained from you and from any portion of the people of this kingdom any con fidence whatsoever, let me entreat you and all my countrymen to act and vote on this great question as if you felt that to every man was committed to give a judgment on one of the greatest national questions that have ever been committed to the people of this kingdom. (Cheers.) Te pacify Ire land—to unite the three kingdoms, will be one of the highest acts of statesmanship ; and happily at this moment we have a Parliamentary leader who is willing to do this, and who, if the constituencies will back him, will be fully able to do it. (Hear.) I am told that Mr. Gladstone will probably become a candidate for this division of the county. I speak with no authority from him, and I know not what may be his ultimate determination, but I say, looking to the great principles and the great issues which depend upon the coming contest, it is hardly possible to imagine anything more serious than the responsibility which will rest upon you. If you will send him to Parliament as your repre sentative commissioned to do this work in connec tion with Ireland, you will have conferred the greatest honour upon yourselves and the highest service upon the country. I trust that the spirit which will animate you will be found prevailing throughout all portions of the United Kingdom, and that the next Parliament may be one which will adjust for ever all causes of difference, and all dissension between the people of Ireland and the people of Great Britain. Depend upon it, for our children, and for our posterity, as well as for us, this is a serious matter. If the constituencies return another verdict, if they are deceived by men from eminent positions speaking words of un-wisdom to them, and return a Parliament which refuses this measure of justice to Ireland, it may be that the hour may for ever have passed when this United Kingdom can be really united. I know not that it has not now passed. I hope it has not. 1 believe it has not, but if the verdict of the people of Great Britain should now be adverse to the just claims of Ireland, I fear that the hour may pass away, and that the future may be dark and most unhappy to our country. I hope that He in whose hands are the thoughts of men, and by whom are influenced all the great transactions amongst men, may dispose the hearts of all the constituencies of the country to disregard the miserable invitations of party, and to look upon this question as intelligent and Christian men should regard it, to behold in it a great appeal from the people of Ireland for justice from a more powerful nation, and to show that we are not only a powerful nation, but a just nation, inasmuch as we can deliver a just verdict in that great cause. (Loud and continued cheering.) The proceedings then concluded. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. MANCHESTER SUMMER MEETING. THURSDAY. The attendance to-day was not nearly so large us that of yesterday, although the race of the meeting—the Man chester Cup—was set for decision this afternoon ; but still the committee have every reason to be satisfied with the muster the holiday people made and the amount of money taken at the gate. The weather was again delightfully fine, and one of the objectionable features of the opening day—the dust in the ring—was disposed of by the plenti ful application of water. Musk was the favourite for the opening event, the Enville Nursery Plate, dedicated to Lord Stamford, but he nearly came on his head soon after starting, and Butler never being able to recover him, Rosa Pauline won cleverly from Retort. Verity not only landed the backers a lot of money in the Selling Handicap, but enabled Kenyon to score a win in presence of his towns people, a feit for which he was loudly cheered. Mr. Norton thought sufficiently well of the filly's performance to give 30 gs. for her. Palmitine, a winner at Shrewsbury, won the Beaufort Stakes from Hind, who was successful here yesterday, but whose penalty told upon her. The Trades men's Cup produced but four runners, and saw a hot favourite in Lord Hastings upset by Buttercup, the pro Forty of the same owner, Mr. Eastwood. There was no declaration to win with the second in the Northampton shire Stakes, who was beaten a quarter of a mile from home, and Buttercup managed to stall off Feeder. A silver cup was presented to Watson, the trainer of But'er cup, and a gold-mounted riding-whip to little Wilson, her jockey. Patrician scored his second victory at this meet ing in the City Handicap, proving himself a very fair horse over .a short course. The Donington Plate fell to Mr Tom Parr's Tim Bobbin, although Rosa Pauline was very freely backed on the strength of her previous performance. Blacklock won the last event, as he was bound to do on public form, and a fair day's sport was brought to a con clusion. Appended are details of the running:— The Enville Nursery Plate of 100 sovs (Handicap); win ners after May 27, at ten a.m., 71b; twice or 100 101 b extra. T.Y.C. About five furlongs. Mr T. Dawson's Rosa Pauline, by Ratvlan—Birdhill's dam, 7st Blb (Cameron) 1 Mr Eastwood's Retort, Bst 21b (Parry) 2 Mr W. Hudson's c by Piccador—First Fruit 4, 7st 71b (G. Walker) 3 The following also ran : —Mrs Power, Dalwhinnie, Musk, and Glenara. Betting-45 to 20 agst Mwk, sto 2 agst Rosa Pauline, 5 to 1 agst Retort, 10 to 1, " bar three." The start was delayed some time, °vying : to the frac tiousness of Glanara, who ran to the distance befure Gradwell was able to pull her up. The lot got away to a good start, but in a few strides the lead was taken by Re tort, in the centre of tbo course, who was closely attended by Rosa Pauline next the rails. Outside the distance Rasa Pauline got in front, and won easily by alength ; the First Fruits colt was a bal third ; Mrs. Puwer fourth, close up; Dalwhinnie fifth, Glenna sixth, and Musk, who nearly came on his heal immediately after starting, was last, having been eased by Butler when pursuit was hope less. The Selling Handicap of 3 soya each, with 50 added; the winner to be sold for 30 sovs ; three quArters of a mile ; 11 subs. Mr Cliff's Verity, by Sedbury —Adulation, 4 yrs, 7st 131 b ( K enyon) 1 Mr Dawson's Highland Duck, 3 yrs, 7st 41b...(Cameron) 2 Mr Ridley's Scarth Nitch, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (A. Walker) 3 Lady Rosa also ran. Batting -11 to 10 on Verity, 3to 1 agst Highland Duck. The favourite lay in front throughout, and won cloverly by half a length from Highland Duck, who took second place at the distance. Four leng,hs separated the second and third ; Lady Rose was a bad fourth. The winner was sold to Mr W. Norton for 30 guineas. The Beaufort Stakes of 10 sovs each, h N with 100 added (if three run), for two year olds; colts Bst 101 b, fillies Bst 71b; the winner of any race value 100 sovs 31b, of 200, of two of 200, or one of 500 51b, or of the Copeland Stakes at this meeting 71b extra; the second to save his stake; straight half mile; 13 subs. Mr J. Dyson's Palmitine, by Carnival—Wax, Bst 1011? (inc. 31b ex.) (Kenyon) 1 Mr Eastwood's Hind, 9st (inc. 71b ex).....(J. Snowden) 2 Mr J. Radcliffe's Soubrette, Bst 71b The following also ran : —Orpheline, Bard of Erin, and Glen-Avon. Betting—Even on Palmitine, 9 to 4 agst Hind, 100 to 13 agst Soubrette, 10 to 1 agst Orpheline. The two favourites, wide of each other, were in front throughout, and ran a close and exciting race home, Pal whine, who had slightly the bast of the struggle all the way, winning cleverly by a head. Four lengths separated the second and third, Orpheline was fourth, a head only in front of Bard of Erin ; Glen-Avon was last, beaten off. The Manchester Tradesmen's Cup of 200 sovs (if three run), added to a handicap of 15 soya each, 10 ft. Two miles. Mr Eastwood's Buttercup, by Kettledrum—Butterfly, 3 yrs, sst 71b (Wilson) 1 Mr Samuel's Feodor, 4 yrs, Est 91b (Butler) 2 Mr Eastwood's Lord Hastings, 4 yrs, 7st 61b (Cameron) 3 Mr Ambery's Greenhorn, 4 yrs, Est 91b (Toon) 0 _ _ Betting—Even on Lord Hastings, 5 to 2 agst Feodor, 4 to 1 agst Buttercup, 10 to 1 agst Greenhorn. The favourite at a slow pace. cut out the work, Feodor, attending upon him for about a quarter of a mile, when Greenhorn took the second place, Feodor dropping about a length in the rear of Buttercup. In this order they passed the Stand, but at the turn beyond Greenhorn was can noned against by Buttercup and ran out, Toon being un able to right him in time to take any further part in the race, and the horse was walked back to the saddling ring. About 100 yards farther on Buttercup took the lead, having, how ever, only a very slight advantage of the favourite, who, as they traversed the far side, disputed the lead with her, and each alternately led till the approaching bend for home, when they were joined by Feodor, the two coming on abreast of each other. A distance and a half from home Lord Hastings was in difficulties and beat a retreat, and at the distance Buttercup was enabled to take a slight load. Though Butler rode in the most vigorous manner he was never able to get up to Buttercup again, and the latter won rather cleverly by half a length. Lord Hast ings was beaten eight lengths from the second. Watson, the trainer of the winner, was presented with a silver cup ; and Wilson, the jockey, with a gold-mounted whip. The City Plate of 50 soya (Handicap); winnerf of any race after May 27 (at 10 a.m.) 51b, or two of any handi cap at this meeting 71b extra; straight half mile. Mr J. Foy's Patrician, by Nowminster—Sauntering Sally, 3 yrs, 7st 61b (inc. 71b extra) (Butler) 1 Mr J. Smith's The Squire, 5 yrs, Gst 11lb 4..(5. Taylor) 2 Mr T. Cliff's Flying Jib, 5 yrs, Est 131 b (Keny on) 3 Mr H. Dobson's Lord Marcus, 2 yrs, sst 121 h (Scapper) 4 Betting—Even on Patrician, 2 to 1 agst Flying Jib, 5 to 1 agst The Squire. Won by three lengths, a neck dividing second and third. The Donnington Plate of 50 sovs, for maiden two year olds ; colts Bst 10Ib, fillies Bst 71b ; winners ham start ing 31b extra ; straight half mile. Mr T. Parr's Tim Babbin, 84 10lb (Parry) 1 Mr Dawson's R)sa Pauline, Bst 101 b (inelud. alb extra) (Cameron) 2 Mr G. W. Morris's The Vet, Bst 101 b (Osborne) 3 Mr llopkius's Lark, Bst 71b — (Owner) 4 Betting—Even on Rosa Pauline, 7 to 4 agst Tim Bob bin. Won by a length, four lengths separating second and third. The Darby Plato of 60 sovs (Handicap), for all ages; winners of any race value 50 soya after the weights aro - _ out 71b oxtra ; T.Y.C. (about 5 furlongs). Mr Pock's Blacklock, by Mildew - Saxony, 3 yrs, 7 t 71b (Butler) 1 Mr T. Cliff's Flying Jib, 5 yrs. Bst 71b (Kenyon) 2 Mr Wynn's Geelong, 3 yrs, Gst 121 b (Gradwell) 3 Batting-5 to 2 agst Blacklock, 7to 2 agst Flying Jib. Won by a neck, two lengths separating second and third. CROYDON SECOND SITMIIER MEE THURSDAY. A Maiden Sweepstakes of 5 sous each, with three year olds 7st 71b, four Bst 51b, five an 91b; mares and geldings allowed 31b. Or subs. Mr Rowland's Ransom, by St. Alban's--Duimilana„ 3 yrs, 7st 41b ( car . 7st 51b) (Coslett) 1 Mr It Porter's Trav e ll er , 3 yrs, 7 st 71b (Mordan) 2 Mr J. Lowe's Charivari, 3 yrs, 7st 4lb (Peppler) 3 The following also ran : —Maid of Burghley, Airdrie, The Laird. Batting-7 to 4on Traveller, 3to 1 agst Airdrie, 6to 1 agst Charivari, 10 to 1 bar three. After one or two ineffectual attempts a good start was effected, Ransem gotting away with the lead, followed by Charivari, Traveller, Airdrie, and Maid of Burghley, the last of all being The Laird. No change occurred until rounding the bend for home, when Traveller, who had been lying off, improved his position, but was beaten at the hill, and Ransom, who was never caught, won easily by two lengths; Charivari was a bad third, Maid of Burghley fourth, and The Laird was last throughout. A Selling Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 30 added ; two year olds Gat 71b, thrae Bst 51b, four and upwards 9st 21b; mares, and geldings allowed 8!b; the winner to be sold for 50 sovs; half a mile. Mr Webb's Gladice, by Marsyas—lsabel, 2 yrs, Gst 41b (James Clark) 1 Mr Wood's Lillie, 4 yrs, Bst 131 b (Coslett) 2 Mr H. Bennett' s B ouquet i ore, 3 yrs, Bst 21b (E. Smitb) 3 Mr Bromsgrovo's Albatross, 3 yrs, Bst 21b (Jeffery) 4 Betting -7 to 4on Albatross, 4to 1 agst Gladice, 20 to 1 agst Bouquetiere, at first 5 to 4 on. Albatross made play, followed immediately by Gladioa and Lillie, Bouquetiere bringing up the rear till reaching foot of the hill, whore the quartette joined issue, and after a good race home Gladice won by half a length, a head only separating second and third ; Albatross being close up, a good fourth. The winner was sold to Mr. Sams for 100 guineas. The Innkeepers' Plato of 40 sous (Handicap); 5 furlongs. Mr H. Wright's Venturer, by Acrobat--Varana, 4 yrs, Bst 121 b Mr. Bromsgrove's Benefact ress , 3 . y rs , 7st 21b... ( ( P J e e P ff P eireyr3 1 2 Mr. W. 'Ford's Lionel, 3 yrs, 6st 71b (C. Smith) 3 The following also ran :—Hopleaf, Lupus, Queen Ebba, King of the Forest, Inheritance, and Lorenzo di Lardi. Weather Isle, 3 yrs, Est 101 b, was weighed for and his number hoisted, but owing to his being found lame he did not go to the post. Betting--7 to 4 agst Venturer, 4to 1 agst Benefactress, 5 to 1 agst Lionel, 6 to 1 agst Lupus, 10 to 1 agst Hop leaf. The delay at the post was very vexatious, and lasted more than three-quarters sf an hour, owing to several breaks away, and the persistent refusal of King of the Forest to join his horses. At last the lot were got away, Benefactress getting a slight lead for the first hundred yards, when Venturer took up the running, followed by Benefactress and Lupus, the rest lying in a cluster, with the exception of King of the Forest, who was several lengths in the rear. At the foot of the hill Venturer was headed by Benefactress, who carried on the running to the commencement of the stand enclosure, where Venturer again went to the front, and outstriding his pursuers, won by half a length, a length dividing second and third ; In heritance was a good fourth, Lorenzo di Lardi fifth, Queen Ebba sixth, Hopleaf seventh, King of the Forest eighth, and Lupus last. The Croydon Handicap of 15 says each, 10 ft, and 3 only if declared by twelve at noon on Tuesday, June 2 (two thirds of such forfeits to go to the second, and one-third to the third), with 100 added ; any winner of a handicap value 100 soya after May 29 (at six p.m.) 71b, any other winner 31b extra ; about one mile and a half ; 11. subs. Mr Williams's Thorndyke, by Thormanby—Lily of the Valley, 3 yra, Tat 71b Mr 'Watt's Summertime, 4 yrs, 7 s t 101 b (Clement) 2 Mr Webb's Actrea, 5 y rs , B s t 121 b (i nc. 31b ex ) (Payne) 3 Arabia and Romney also ran. Betting-7 to 4 agst Actesa, 2to 1 agst Thorndyke, 5 to 2 agst Summertime, and 4 to 1 agst Arabia. Immediately after the start Thorndyke went to the front, and rounding the turn placed a dozen lengths be tween himself and the field, next to him being Summer time, with Actma a couple of lengths in rear of the pair, the others being outpaced. At the far side of the course Summertime went up to Thorndyke, but immediately the latter shot out again, and, leading the others a hare and hound race, won in a common canter by five lengths, the same distance separating second and third, the other two being beaten off, Romney being last. A Selling Handicap of 3 soya each, with 25 added, for all ages; the winner to be said for 40 sovs ; three.quartere of a mile. Mr Edwards's Lorenzo di Larcli, by Thormanby— Emily de Lona, 3 yrs, bat 71b (carried Est 131 b) (J. Edwards) 1 Mr F. Barnes's Hopleaf, 5 y rs , B s t 121 b .(Payne) t Mr Rover's Inu e ndo, 2 y rs , s s t 121 b (B ar k er ) t The following also ran :—Albatross, Elburg, Pharaoh, and T• by. Betting-6 to 4 agst ?baraol), 3to 1 agst Hopleaf, sto 1 agst Inuendo, 10 to 1 agst Albatross, 12 to 1 apt Lo renzo di Lardi. Hoploaf jumped away with the lead, followed by Inuendo and Albatross till the half distance, where the three placed joined issue, and aftor a good race home Lorenzo di Lardi won by a head; a dead heat for second place, Pharaoh was an indifferent fourth, Albatross fifth, and Toby last. The Shirley Plate was declared null. THE ELECTORS AT THE SOUTH—STATISTICS OF THE REGISTERED AND VOTlNG.—Goneral Grant's commu nication to the Senate encloses the various reports from the district commanders of the South. General Schofield reports the whole number of voters registered in Virginia as 225,933, of whom 120,111 are whites, and 105,832 coloured. Of these, 44,417 whites, and 12,687 blacks failed to vote en the question of calling a convention. Judging from the tax list and other data, the number of whites who failed to register is 16,343. There is no report of the num ber disfranchised in Virginia under the reconstruction laws. General Canby reports 106,721 white and 72,932 coloured voters in North Carolina, nearly all of whom voted. It is estimated that 19,477 whites and 3,289 blacks failed to register, and of those 11,686 whites are disfran chised. In Georgia 96,833 white and 95,168 coloured voters are registered, of whom 60,333 white and 24,76 8 coloured failed to vote. Ten thousand whites are dis franchised and 8,500 refused to register. In Alabama there are 61,295 whites 104,518 black voters, of whom 37,16 8 white and 32,947 coloured failed to vote. There are a° data to show the number disfranchised. In Florida few are disfranchised, and nearly all are registered and voted. The number of whites is 11,914, and of blacks of 16,07 9 . General Gillem says that no data were kept from which to ascertain the number of voters of different colours, who registered in Mississippi. In Arkansas 25,687 failed to vote. General Hancock reports that 45,218 whites and. 84,436 blacks were registered in Louisiana, an d o f this number 50,480 failed to vote, but in what proportion, as to colour, the general says that he is unable to say, nor can he report how many are disfranchised. In Texas 59,633 whites and 49,497 coloured voters are registered, of whom 1,757 whites and 26,932 blacks voted. The number 'disfranchised cannot be ascertained. [ADVERTISESIENT.J—Henceforth no one will doubt the valuable properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arable* Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of blessings it has already received from Invalids whose position had. been deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness the Pope , whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thirty years of unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the "Gazette du Midi," July 25th :—" Rome, July 21, 1866.—" The health 01 the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning a!' other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barr/ Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has prod uce d a sur p r i s i ng l y b ene ficia+ effect on his health, and his Holi ne s s canno t p ra i s e this excellent food too highly." We extract a few out 0, more than 68,000 cures :—Cure No. 58,216, of the Marchiones s de Brehan, of seven years' liver complaint, wasting away , , debility, nervousness, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and the most intolerable ner vous agitation. Cure No. 1,771: Lord Stuart de D ec i es , Lord Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia. N 0.49, 832 " Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousnese , asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Joly." Cure No. 46,270: Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness Important Caution. --- Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority Baron Liebig's name is most auda ciously attached In tins at Is. lid.; .1 lb., 2s 9d • 2 lbs., 4s. i 3,; b lbs.. 121b5., 22e.; 24 lbs., 43a.—BAaay Do BARRY an d C o ., No. rit Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Piccadil l l , and at 61, Gracechnrch-str ee t ; 4, Ch ea p s id e; 63 , 150 , a nd 29* Oxford-street . 330, Strand : and all grocers and chemists. Births. HAMILTON—On the 3d inst., at 17, Cadogan-place, th e Hon. Mrs. Arthur B. Hamilton, of a daughter. HANKEY—On the 33 inst., at Silverlands, ChertseY, th e wife of Frederick A. Hankoy, Esq., of a son. LANESBOROUGH—On the 2d inst., at Lanesborough Lodg e + Bolturbet, the Countess of Lanesborough, of a son. Marriages. PREEMAN—VALLANCE—On the 3d inst., at the parish church, Brighton, James A. Freeman, Esq, of Brighto/ to Agnes Alice, youngest daughter of Charles Valiance/ Esq., of tho same place. MAY—HOLLAND - On the 4th inst., at St. John's, Paddin ton, Frank Kay, of 23, Montague-street, Russell -square' eldest son of George May, of Oatlands Park, surreT; Esq., to Agnes, eldest daughter of J a m e s Holland, of 1 Hydo-park-terraco. Deaths. BARING—On the 4th inst. at 9, Grosvonor-erescent, Belem grave-square, the Hon. and Rev. P. Baring, aged WI f CAVE—OU the .d inst., in Paris, Stephen Cave, Esq.: °„ Lowndes-square, elder son of C. Cave, Esq., of Low oc ' street, Bel g rave- square. Cnaur,Es—On the 4th inst., at Hampstead, Andrew 1 131°° Charles, Esq., aged 48. FIELDER—On the 2d inst., at Triley Court, near Aber. Monmouthshire, John Neville Fielder, E q. aged HOLMAN—Oa the 2d inst., at Ivy House, Uckfield, Sas°. Thomas Holland, M.R.C.S., L.S.A., aged 27. MAY—On the. Ist inst., at The Green, Marlborough, Cl'lll‘ May, Esq., aged 68. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM .a.ND S of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Via SUN Waco, No Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Cou lt7 Middlesex.--Friday, June 5, 1868.. ~l~v, c e Prize Med It is Pa Sold in a, Obaerve han's LL NP' 14: nu : 13 vANc hold or I, able weeh Forma 14% ROY UNPILE COuT E astB ; their firs "A -LT„ Iluis K, Orchestr Priva+ Prozw u ; Mitchell' The CA At Ulmme, la l] C harlie"- a tlee of 0 , •fl 9: Seri° h'dLET, intr EE vourite Coombs, ,?f the uunself ling, and the Aril] 'llPerint, 13 EA fr :,\LA.DAXI Mon, Ig. 61; ope A. 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