The Sun. — London, England, 1868-04-15 00:00:00

SMUT OP TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Times declares it is no faction, no sect, no class, not even a Government, that has sent the Prince to Ireland. When it is said that he ought to have gone to Ireland before, and that Royalty ought to make a periodical home there, that is as much as to say that the duty of Royalty is fixed, though Royal persons may be wanting to their part, and therefore open to censure. It i s as much as to say that in the moral view they have no choice, but have bounden duties far beyond any prescribed by the Constitution, and. certainly far beyond any acknowledged in any private sphere. The Royal countenance has been in all ages and in most countries so great an object of desire that we cannot wonder at the value set upon it by the philo sophical historian. But it is a testimony, however unconscious, not only to the importance of Royalty, but also to its claims upon the loyalty of all who are not above or below this deep, enduring sentiment. Admit these clain,s, and the claimant presents himself. What is Irish loyalty? Is it a name or a thing ? Is it an expiring tra dition of obscure antiquity, or a living reality? Is it only an idea for poet.; to shape into verse and factious men to twist at their convenience, or is it a real sentiment, enforc ing duty? It will never cost any man an effort, or a sacrifice, to be loyal only to that which no longer exi.,ts and has no claims upon him. Such loyalty is that of the maniac who worships his own dream. Where this only is to be found, no wonder that it rapidly gives place to the Republicanism the loyalty of which is to a man's self, or his elective counterpart. But loyalty of the true kind there must in Ireland, if Ireland it still be, and the people be not wholly transformed ; and for that loyalty there are no possible or conceivable objects but the Royal pair who have at last presented themselves to re ceive what is their birthright and due, what they never sought, what they have no choice but to claim, and what they can only receive as the life-long source of affectionate interest and dutiful, perhaps anxious, obligation. The Post remarks that from this bright, fresh spring morning, happy and hopeful crowds—a people represent ing themselves— may look forward to a long day of peace and prosperity. They are coming out of the winter of their discontent to hail the approaching summer. Flowers and flags will help to interpret the sentiments which they entertain ; ringing cheers and eyes which speak the lan guage of the heart will witness to the loyalty and love that make up in round words the sum of their joyful welcome. For years they have seen their inheritance washed away, as it were, by the tide, and added to the ascendancy which was a thorn in the side of their patriotism. The consideration for which they parted with their unconquered right of legislating for themselves, the equitable equality which they fairly contemplated, has remained an ul:4- settled account, and been, as it naturally would be, a fes tering sore. Now, however, the past can be forgotten in the promiseful present, and it is something that a deceived nation should be thus reassured, and something more that a power competent to open up the better way is recognised by all parties, even by those who have "nursed their wrath to keep it warm." Whether the recognition be made on the high ground of common justice, or on the inclined plane of political expediency, or from some abnormal and un tenable position, is comparatively unimportant. It is enough that there is a good augury, and that, if it please Providence to keep the memories of this day green, the darkest spot on our horizon may shortly disappear. The Daily News says Mr. Disraeli has always been a distinguished letter-writer, but the two epistles he pub lished almost as soon as he became Premier—the first to the newspapers, and the second to Lord Dartmouth—were not of a kind to sustain his reputation at its earlier level. But Ids letter to the Rev. A. Baker, a Buckinghamshire clergyman, is entirely in his old manner. His severest critic will not allege that it wants what its author most prizes—" finish." Mr. Baker, as a High Churchman, had been somewhat startled by Mr. Disraeli's extraordinary assertion, that the High Church Ritualists were in con federaCy with the Irish Romanists for the purpose of destroying the connection between Church and State. The allegation was too open to be disavowed, .too prepos termeg to jttetify, too useful to abandon ; but its author was equal to the occasion, and more. A harpy thought struck him. He would take captive the heart of his corre spondent by a word ; before he had so much as begun to real.the letter.he should he won. So . Mr. Disraeli began, " Maundy Thursday, 1868." Thus can genius make of a mere date a theory, a symbol, almost a sacrament. Mr. Baker must have felt a pang of regret as he thus saw the current of pious thought he had been dis turbing with. profane topics at a sacred season. The - ground being thus cleared, Mr. Disraeli is at liberty to revert to his alarmist tactics, though we hardly think that in the concluding portion of the letter the master's style is so well sustained. In writing to a country rector, the Liberation Society was a good topic to introduce but we are surprised to find Mr. Disraeli assuming the success of its operations. It will probably be, he says ; the first victim of the spiritual despotism it is blindly seeking to establish. That cannot he, however, until what he calls its " fats! machinations" have succee,led— a cont!;!geucy nhich Mr. Disraeli evidently thinks not so r.mo::e as some of us suppose. To prevent such a catc.- strophe, and preserve the LibA-aticn Society against own folly in the enjoyment of life and liberty, Mr. Disraeli promises to use his " utmost energies." The Daily 2Vews hopes the Premier's reverend correspondent duly appreciates this undertaking, and the prestige of past success which Mr. Disraeli brings to his new cam paign. The Standard ridicules the exaggerated protests with which the Ritualists repel Mr. Disraeli's imputations. At the.same time it none the less appreciates the earnestness with which, misled by a forced interpretation of the Pre mier's language, they have been repudiated on behalf of the High Church party. No one supposed for a moment that the High Church party was inclined to favour the separation of Church and State, or regarded with indiffer ence the initiation of such a policy in the case of the Irish Establishment. Certainly the letter of Mr. Disraeli will effectually dis,ipate the impression that he contemplate 4 making any such charge against them. The right honour able gentleman repeats the allegation which he fastened upon the extreme Ritualists, but he declares that he never intended to cast any slur upon the High Church party. On the contrary, be professes the highest respect for it. At the same time, the Premier is careful to acknowledge the services and usefulness of the Low Church party, which was 'undoubtedly mainly instrumental in keeping alive religious faith and earnestness at a period of almost . fatal torpor. The Telegraph says this exhibition of "epistolary rasa fleas "—to borrow the epithet which Mr. Disraeli himself applied to Lord John Russell's Durham Letter —Must excite sorrow rather than anger. Remembering political history, and .not forgetting that the Conservatives have no mtnopoly of little tricks, we see how difficult it is for any one to touch party pitch without being defiled. How is a man " to keep the whiteness of his soul" and yet to win ? Mr. Disraeli's position is especially hard ;he has never yet led a party forming a majority in the House of Commons. They have three times got into office by accidental alliances with deserters from the Liberal camp, and they have always retained power by a series of summersaults—turning heels over head, and regarding all their opposition vows as " lent and void." The Liberals also have generally abandoned in office the principles they professed when out (t place ; but their offence is that they have left things mulone by dropping their Appropriation Clauses and Leform Resolutions, and settling down into inaction and rust. The old stern idea was, that if a man changed on the Treasury bench the opinions which he had held in o; position he should not be the instrinnent for carrying into effect his new creed. A Liberal might become a Con servative, but a Liberal member was dishoneot if, like Le1.,1 Palmerston, he was merely exhibiting Conservative predilections in office. A Conservative might become Liberal, but no Conservative Minister could honourably propose measures that, as leader of the Opposition, he had continuonaly opposed. People used to think that when a man changed his views he should no longer retain power— that for him the only "post of honour was a private sta tioN." 13 that idea now to be considered obsolete ? The Post, while admitting that the Volunteer Review w as a splendid success, would guard against the conclu b:oA that the exhibition was a perfect one. First, there was the muddle in the arrangements. which revealed the fact that the organisation, in respect of combined opera tions throughout the country, was too disjointed and incomplete to he at all satisfactory. Again : there was rrinin for much improvement in the military appearance r.nd skill of the troops reviewed. The dress and appoint *tient of several of the corps was not all that could be desired. Another point to which, attention must be directed is the supply- of officers. Though many volunteer ollicers have acquired by study a considerable knowledge of their nrofession. the majority of them are not th oroug hl y up to the mark. Again : at tnese annual reviews attempts si,,uld be made to form camps for the purpose of te..ching r 3 the art of living iii the fields. Those who could ;;C , ! in f• t o e ' P t'vo days before the review might, as now, go oo the same d:iy. tannic: CIO TM:1111,1'3 of the crack volun- P who reftt:ed to take part in the review for fear Everythin— went off well. Tl,ey her e4ret that they did not take ; , art, in the ilk irnprovenv,‘nt nl:” . ht be male ii tl:e {;,:r e•mtem a por.y eTeeisby . ;101) of volunteer; two days LefOre tre that the preceding Saturday. Certainly tie duty of volunteers would probably lie chiefly in garrison, in the event of their being called out ;;but unfortunately our force of regular troops available.for home defence is so very small, and even with the militia would give us so small a first line of defenders, that the volunteers would have to be called upon to supply a continent to stand beside their comrades of the other branches of the army ; and it is most desirable that they should have some expe rience of camp life and camp discipline. The Telegraph rejoices in the-success of the review, and warms dismal proph e t s o f m i sfortune t h at t h ey should not again propirsy of failure. LAW AND POLICE. A STRANGE CASE. —At Marlborough-street Peirce court, Mrs. Jane Marden, residing in Burnham-place, was charged under the following circumstances :—Mr. Lanham, assistant to Messrs. Lewis and Allenby, silk mercers, Regent-street, said that some days ago the defen dant came into his employers' shop and selected a rich silk dress, which she said must be made up for her. On the following day she again visited the establishment, and selected an Indian shawl worth 45 guineas, and when asked if she intended paying for them, Mrs. Marden stated that she never went on credit. The shopman said that the deposit must be paid before the dress was made np, to which the defendant replied that she had an income of £1,500 paid to her through Messrs. Drummonds and Co. On inquiry at the bank he was told that no such person was known. The defendant again called at Lewis and Allenby's, and said that she required some china vases, but was told that they could not supply her with them, as the firm had no desire to transact business. Mrs. Mars den said this was strange, as she always paid for whatever she got. Again the defendant visited the shop, and was in the act of conveying a vase out of the place, but was stopped and told that she must leave. On Monday she came again, and was turned out of the shop four times, and on repeating the visit on Tuesday, she was given into custody. Inquiries had been instituted, and it had been ascertained that the prisoner had given her right address, and was believed to be respectable by her landlord. The accused was remanded for further inquiries. DEFRAUDING THE PUBLIC.—At Worship-street Police court, John Henry H. Stokes was charged with having obtained various sums of money by representing that he was a collector in the employ of the Imperial Gaslight and Coke Company. Last week the prisoner was com mitted for trial on a charge of stealing a purse and five sovereigns from a house in Queen Ann's-road, South Hackney, to which he had gained access on the pretence that he had come to procure the signature of the occupier of the house to a petition relative to the gas. —Mr. Alfred Frost, of 284, King,sland-road, stated that on the 14th of March the prisoner called on him and repre sented himself to be the assistant to Mr. Lefevre, the gas collector for that district. On the faith of that representation witness paid him £1 55., for which the prisoner gave him a receipt. It appeared that the prisoner had obtained, moreover, 9s. from Mary Ann Marston, servant to Mrs. Olive Turner, of 16, Hackney-terrace, on the 21st of October last ; and Bs. from Mr. Richard Morgan, of 101, Halton-road, Canonbury-square, on the 2nd of November, they be lieving him to be the assistant to the gas collector for the district. It was stated that several more charges of a similar description'would be preferred against the prisoner, but Mr. Newton held that there was no necessity for en tering further into the matter, ample evidence having been adduced already wh'cli would justify him in sending the case to a higher tribunal. The prisoner, who reserved his defence, was fully committed to the sessions for trial on all charges. PILING' A LOADED PISTOL—At Clerkenwell Police court, James Mitchell, a plumber, was charged with assaulting Patrick Reilly, and also with attempting to shoot the same person ; and a further charge, that of in . juring a woman, named M`Grath, was preferred. The case arose out of a riot on the 23rd ult. Reilly stated that on the day in question he entered a house for the purpose of taking out the windows, when the prisoner deliberately fired a pistol at him, saying " You --, I will not miss you this time." The shot missed him, but struck another person, named M`Grath, in the eye, and the latter was much injured, and had to be cnnveyed to the hospital. This witness also stated that there was no tumult or riot existing when the pistol was fired off, and that he had entered the house quietly. A large amount of contradictory testimony was imported into the case, and the magistrate said that he did not believe that the accused intended to occasion any bodily harm ; and be therefore discharged him with a caution. FORTUNE-TELLING. —At Wandsworth Police -court Mary Pidgely was charged with obtaining by fraud £1 ls. from Eliza Stevens, a young woman employed as a kitchenmaid at Clapham-common. It appeared that the prisoner called at the house where the complainant was in service, and solicited her to have her fortune told. The simple girl replied in the affirmative, and on the prisoner saying that she must have gold, gave her . £1 is. The prisoner then told her that she would go out on Good Friday and meet her young man, and where she met him there would be a present for her of a gold watch. She also said that she would be married very rich. Com plainant further stated that the prisoner told her she would return the money. The prisoner went away, but returned the same day and wanted El ls. more or some clothes. She was, however, given into custody through the butler, who bad been watching her proceedings. It further appeared that the prisoner had promised to return the money in eight days, and when she was taxed with the fraud she gave up 10s. Gel. of it. Th. r.,.. 3 4a-b-.-at. aarl.l a cage at ta•-ty..,,,, L. dealt with under the Vagrant Act, and remanded the prisoner for inquiries.—lnspector Egerton informed Mr. Ingham, before whom the prisoner was placed, that she was not known to have been guilty of fortune-telling pre viously.—Mr. Ingham said that as nothing was known of her before in that line he should discharge her; but if she were ever brought before him again for that kind of cheat ing, he would send her to prison for three months. A ROGUE RIGHTLY PUNISHED.—At the Surrey Sessions John Beach, aged 25, a tin-plate worker, was brought up for judgment, having been convicted at the Lambeth Police court as an incorrigible rogue within the meaning of the Act. The prisoner was apprehended when endeavouring to obtain entrance into a dwelling -house. The following previous convictions were proved against him :—February 4, 1856, two months, and whipped as a juvenile offender ; July 15, two months ; November 24, two months; March 1, 18:58, three months, under the Criminal Justice Act ; June 30, two months under the same Act ; September 28, two months ; February 3, 1859, three months ; December 23, one month ; February 10, 18G0, three months, under the Criminal Justice Act ; July 19, three months ; June 17, 1861, twelve months, Surrey Sessions ; July 29, 1862, three months ; November 14, 1862, six months, under the Criminal Justice Act ; June 15, 1863, three years' penal servitude, Middlesex Sessions ; September 1, 1866, three months ; and January 1, 1867, 12 months at the Surrey Sessions.—The chairman said it would be useless to deal lightly with such a person, and passed a sentence of 12 months' hard labour. KILLING A WIFE.-At the Dublin Commission Court, Peter Reilly, a cooper, who had pleaded guilty to the manslaughter of his wife, was sentenced to twenty years' penal servitude. The circumstances were as follows. On the night of the 27th January the prisoner returned home from the pantomime, and found his wife in a state of intoxication. She ran away from him, and got under the bed. He drugged her out, threw her on the floor, kicked, and trampled on her body for an hour without inter mission. The skull was fractured, and several ribs broken, whilst her body presented one mass of bruises. This horrible scene was witnessed by the prisoner's young children, and the reason assigned by the Crown lawyers fur accepting the prisoner's plea of guilty to the minor charge of manslaughter was, that they were anxious to avoid placing the children in a position which would compel them to give evidence which would con sign their own father to the scaffold. The lime-light has been tried in St. Vincent, place, Glasgow. The Morning Journal understands there is a probability of its being soon adopted experimentally in some of the harbours, squares, and other public places. KICKED TO DEATH BY A HORSE.—Thomas Mullaly, an ostler in the service of Messrs. Busby, was engaged in his master's stable at Prescot (near Liverpool). In order to get one of the horses out of the way Mullaly struck it with a strap, when the animal (which had a vicious temper) kicked the ostler so violently on the temple that he died on the following day. Two weavers, named Hugh Gray and William Thomson, residing in Pollokshaws, were lodged in Paisley prison, on a charge of fraudulently obtaining £lO from the Marquis Townshend, by falsely representing, in several letters written in July, August, and September last, that they had been instructed by a committee of hand-loom weavers in Pollokshaws to solicit a subscription from his lordship towards a fund for assisting a number of the weavers and their families to emigrate to the colonies. THE USE OF SEWAGE AT • BARKING.—The expe riments made in the use of sewage as manure have pro duced thoroughly satisfactory results. The farm at Barking occupied by the Metropolitan Sewage and Essex Reclamation Company has been eminently successful. It has been proved that every hundred tons of sewage really used on it during the past year have produced, under cir cumstances of average favourableness, one ton of grass : ,over and above the natural and unassisted growth of the land ; that is, over and above the yield needed to pay an ordinary rent and an ordinary farm labour bill. There seemed to be one diffieulty in the way of the use of manure by private persons. . The manure is liquid, and cannot therefore be distributed in the ordinary way. Many, therefore, naturally concluded that elaborate machinery would have to be provided which none but a company or large capitalist would be able to provide. Thi s d oes no t appear to be so, however, for by an ingenious arrangement of ridge and furrows the land is easily, and to a great ex tent cheaply, manured. There is one use of manure which has, hardly been developed. It has been found that no weeding is required, as the sewage at starting kith, an annual crop of weeds, and if rye-grass is sown it gives no other vegetation a charlce . of existence. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 15, 1868. UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE. We have already declared that we are not of those who exult over the approaching dis establishment of the Irish Protestant Church on the ground that it is a recognition of the religious principle in Government. On the contrary, - we rejoice in its disestablishment, because its existence is the perpetuation of an act of national injustice, and as such, as we have elsewhere pointed out, an offence against the primary principles of Christian ethics. The union between Church and State is a principle which we firmly uphold. For is it not a truth, from which no good Catholic worthy of the name can dissent, that it is the bounden duty of every State to uphold reli gious truth, and to control and govern its people in accordance with the precepts of Christianity? No Government whatever has as yet been able to dispense with the aid of religion in regulating the social condition and moral welfare of a nation. As far back as the pages of history will lead us, we . find every State not only complying with the demands of whatever was at the time the national reli gion, but also maintaining th e d o ct r i ne s of that religion by civil laws and enactments. There was early implanted in man a religious senti ment of such force and power as rendered it impossible that he should be governed without strict reference to that feeling. Nowhere is this work more remarkable than in the history of the Romans. It would be an impertinence to our readers to enumerate the various cere. monies which they so scrupulously observed, in order to propitiate the gods in all their enter prises. Every one knows how intimately reli gion was bound up amongst them, with every department of the State. And when Chris tianity came and swept away the traditions of heathen mythology and the morality based upon it, we find the new religion occupying the same position with regard to public affairs which was before occupied by the superstition it had superseded. The religious and civil principles thenceforth worked together in the constitution of society—religion, represented by the Church, stepping in constantly between the civil ruler and his subjects, whom it ever protected against injustice and harshness, making all to work harmoniously together. Without the co-operation of the Church, the world could never hal , e progressed towards civilization. Society could never have been formed upon a solid basis unless its relations had been grounded upon a morality and sense of responsibility far higher than those which can be found to underlie any laws ever invented by man. The principle involved in the recognition of this fact has been acted on for centuries, with out having been called in question ; but it remained for the present age to dispute the truth of its application in the affairs of our day. We have fallen upon times of such ad vancement towards the realization of the utmost limit of human perfection, that we hear on every side the persistent cry for the abolition of those beliefs and doctrines upon which, hitherto, have rested all ideas of morality and justice, but which are now held to be no longer essential to the well-being of mankind. There has grown up amongst us a school which holds that humanity has at length arrived at that degree of self-sufficiency and independence which entitles it to cast off the guiding and restraining- hand of religion. It is this school, whose doctrines are those of the Revolution, which is most eager in the demand for disen dowment. So long as there is a State Church, there will, of course, be a large body of people who, from various considerations, will owe alle giance to it ; and a State Church must always tend to restrain in some degree the license of the legislature which acknowledges it, in deal ing with matters of conscience. And it would also be possible to point out a variety of other ways in which an established form of worship of any Christian denomination tends to keep alive in a nation a sense of responsibility greater than that entailed by human expediency. Take away the basis of morality inculcated by reli gion, and leave the course of legislation to follow the whims of the hbur, or to be governed by the caprice and doubtful tactics of party strife, and it is easy to foresee what would be come of all those matters which are now esteemed of purely spiritual import. Anybody who carefully weighs the different considera tions which sway the proverbial wisdom of our legislators, and decide their votes upon such matters as now come' within their sphere, would hesitate, we think, to commit his con science to their keeping. The real aim and tendency, however, of the party whose cry is disestablishment, is to place in the hands of Parliament the conscience as well as the pro perty of the nation. This will not endanger the liberty of the subject, but, rather, by re moving the old conscientious landmarks, con vert liberty into licence. A course of legisla tion of the same character as that which rendered possible the civil marriages and divorce acts will soon emancipate a people from religious restraints and reduce morality to little less than a name. But, whatever course Parliament might take in such an event, one thing is indisputable, that the severance of religion from the State would undoubtedly free the latter from a healthy control and responsibility, which, however, have been growing more problematical as the age has become more ripe for the threatened change. In rejoicing over the proposed measure for disestablishing the Irish Church as a simple and necessary act of national justice, we cannot, alas, fail to perceive that large numbers second the effort merely as a blow aimed at the principles and foundation of all religion, and s ee in the fall of the inculpated and guilty institution a triumph to their own cause, and an earnest of greater victories in the future. Indeed, there is no desire on their parts to conceal their object. From local platforms, from the legislative Chamber, and from a powerful section of the press, their projects and doctrines are loudly and openly declared. We are told that the endowment by the State, and the creation into a national Church of any creed whatsoever, is a principle behind the age, and directly opposed to it. In fact, religion is in any shape an exploded superstition, only fit to exercise the minds of women and imbe ciles. For more than eighteen hundred years the world has been grovelling in darkness, accepting as truths the most wild and absurd doctrines, and governed by a set of impostors, who lay claim to all kinds of invisible powers and virtues. We, the public speakers and writers of the day,—you know how clever, how learned we are, for can you not hear us from our platforms and read us in the papers? —We tell you (particularly you benighted Romanists) that what you are taught to regard as religious truths is all nonsense, and should be put an end to ! Do you want proof of what we say ? Why then (says the Pall Mall Gazette), even the invention of the term " hocus-pocus," by the vulgar minds of the country, in ridicule of one of your most sacred dogmas proves that it is so. Come, .then, let us be reasonable, and discard all religions, and free ourselves from the restraints they impose upon us, which are so opposed to our material and social pro gress. And if there are amongst us any per sons so foolish as to want a religion, why, let them invent one to suit their own views, and pay for it out of their own pockets ! This is no simple caricature of the argument of the Liberal school in religion. It is the philosophi cal basis upon which is grounded that univer sally spreading spirit of unbelief of which the cry for disestablishment is one of the most salient proofs. Moreover, it is the natural result entailed by the principles of the glorious Reformation. With aims such as these we have nothing in common. The principles and motives of irre ligious Liberals are not ours. It is not on their grounds that Catholics urge upon the nation the duty of undoing the unholy work of the Reformation in Ireland—the forcible establishment and continued maintenance against right, justice, and religion, of a State Church which is not the Church of the nation. --Westminster Gazette. RAILWAY AND OTHER COMPANIES. MOLD AND DENBIGH JUNCTION. Under the provisions of the Railway Companies Act of 1867 the directors of this company have just filed in the Court of Chancery a scheme of arrange ment with their creditors. The capital raised under the powers of the various Acts obtained by the company amounted to £432,000, of which £107,000 was on mortgage, £lOO,OOO by preference shares, and £225,000 by ordinary shares. This money has been spent, and the company remain indebted in various sums to landowners for land taken for the purposes of railways, and to other creditors for work and labour done, materials provided, and money paid on behalf of the company. To cover a portion of these liabilities the company have issued Lloyd's Bonds to the extent of £50,000, but they now find themselves unable to pay the interest thereon, or upon the mortgages, or to pay their other creditors. They have, therefore, determined to apply for powers to abandon the branch railways, and, after making an arrangement with their creditors, to raise a fur ther sum for the completion of the main line. The principal features of the scheme proposed are as follows :—Unpaid landowners will be asked to ac cept rentcharges bearing interest at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum in lieu of cash. The company will be empowered to issue a 5 per cent. debenture stock to an amount not exceeding £40,000, the proceeds to be applied to the cost of completing the line, and paying such landowners as do not accept rentcharges. The debenture stock and the rent charges are to be a first charge upon the company's undertaking. The existing mortgage debt and mort gages, which amount to £107,000, will be converted into debenture stock, bearing interest at the rate of 4 per cent. per annum for the first five years, and after that period 5 per cent. Existing debts not provided for by the - articles summarized above will be met by a debenture stock to be raised to an amount not exceeding £30,000. This stock is to bear interest at the rate of 4 per cent. for the first five years, and after that date 5 per cent., and is to be, with the mortgage debenture stock, a second charge on the undertaking of the company. Lastly, the directors will be empowered to raise, at the sune rate of interest as above, a sum not exceeding £70,000, in order to pay off the principal sum of Lloyd's Bonds, the arrears of interest thereon, and the interest upon the existing mortgage debt of the company. AMERICAN MARKE7B. (From Beldiny, Keith, awl. _Co.'s Circular.) Our New York advices are to March 28. The Journal of Commerce reports on money market as follows :—" There will probably be no return to an easy money market until after the next quarterly statement of the banks has been completed. The older of our mercantile readers will recal the trouble which in former years grew out of the require ment of an exhibit of the condition of each bank on a given day. There was a periodical spasm in the market in prepa ration for that day of account ; and conservative banks, which carried a large amount of specie right through the year, found themselves always tricked into an appearance of poverty every quarter-day by the action of banks which were rich on no other day of the year. A sys tem was ultimately adopted under which a past day was deSignated by the Comptroller for the date of the return, and the quarterly scramble in a great measure avoided. Something of this kind will have to be adopted for the National Bank system, as the well-knowa quarter-days are becoming with each return more and more urgent in their call for special preparation, and the effect on the market is only evil. After the Ist of April there will be a surplus of capital at the money centres, where it has been drawn by the high rates of interest, and the prevalent stringency." The Financial Chronicle, ou Stock Exchange and Money Market, has the following summary :—" The week has been one of unusual excit;ment and activity in money. The city banks have been losing heavily, in the line of their cash balances, espe,:ially in the deposit and Legal- Tender forms. Their last weekly exhibit showed 'a further falling off of nearly ten millions in deposits, the aggregate of which is now only $191,191,526, against $217,844,518 six weeks ago, making a loss of $26,653,022 since the Bth of February. Their legal tender reserve last week decreased nearly 21 millions, standing at $52,261,086 against $67,154,161 on the 25th of January, making a loss of nearly 15 millions in eight weeks. Their loans were last reported at $261,416,900 against $271,015,970 on the 15th February, when they were most expanded in this line. Their specie reserve is now down to 18 millions against over 25 millions eight weeks ago. UNITED STATES SECURlTlES.—Government Securities have sympathized closely with the course of the money market. On Monday the price of Seven-Thirties advanced to 1061 to 1061, the rest of the market sympathizing, upon the supposition that the banks would require a few millions of the notes for exchange for Clearing-House Certiffcates, under the programme proposed to the banks. But upon the banks refusing to accept that measure, the notes fell to 105; to 104, and have since remained at 1051 to 1051. The overnment has been a buyer of Seven- Thirties during the week, to the extent of about $1,000,000; which, as no other securities have been issued, has relieved the market, and helped to sustain prices. The severe stringency in money has had a depressing effect upon securities generally ; but there has been no panicky effort to realize upon them. At the close, prices range to 1 per cent. below our last quotations. The great importance of the subject of the payment of the United States Bonds to all interested iu that country, is our excuse for producing in full the following:—Latter of Mr. Jay Cooke on the payment in gold of the United States Five-Twenty Bonds; for, irrespective of his opi nion, his relation to the Government as agent for the loan, renders him a high authority : Editor Philadelphia Inquirer,—Sir, I have been fre quently asked of late, by my former agents and the public press, for a full and circumstantial explanation of the gi ouuds upon which the promise to pay the interest and principal of the 5-20 loan in gold was based and the ex tent to which the faith of the nation was plighted. I con sider the agitation of this subject, viz., the payment of our 5-20 bonds in anything but gold, as an unnecessary and inju rious attack upon the public credit. No possible good can come from it. Much injury to the credit not only of the nation, but the whole business community must ensue from the bare discussion of such a question. It is useless, because unless we are prepared to expand the greenback currency, the Treasury is not in funds to avail of its option if it were right to do so. It is suicidal and foolish to thus damage our credit by attempting to force a construc tion of the loan laws never contemplated by those who framed them, by those who .executed them, nor by those who invested under their provisions. REMONSTRANCES. I have not hesitated to remonstrate with Senator Sher man and others who take the "greenback" view ' 'of this question, and now I call upon you and all the press of the land of all shades and parties to stand by the right in this matter. REPRESENTATIONS OF' THE PRESS. If the several Secretaries of the Treasury, the. general agent and the sub-agents are responsible for a "gross de ception" of the people, you, gentlemen of the press, are equally responsible; for, without your noble aid and un tiring efforts, the public would never have responded with such an outpouring of means. You disseminated, in thousands of editorials, the statement that the funded debt (the 5-20 and-other loans) were, principal and interest, payable in coin. You did it, honestly, and Fo did 1. POINTS OF LAW. lows --That it should be considered a legal fact that the 5-20's are payable, principal and interest, in gold. Because, Nothing is said to the contrary in the law creating the loan. Because, The custotn of all other nations, as well as our own, has always been to pay a funded debt in coin only. Because, The debate at the time the loan law was passed revealed distinctly the mind of Congress. The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means himself distinctly staled, at the time the bill was pending, that the bonds were, principal and interest, payable in gold. Because, A provision was inserted in the bill for a sinking fund, in coin, to be annually applied to the pur chase of the bonds. Because, The Secretaries of the Treasury have all uni formly declared that the bonds would be paid in gold. Because, The bonds were sold to the people by the autho rized agent of the Government oa the strength and con tract of this declaration. Because, This interpretation of the law was accepted by the whole country. Congress, including Senator Sher man, stood by while the Treasury Department was thus, year after year, Pikimising to pay principal and interest in gold, without giving a single note of warning of any in tention to repudiate the contarct in after years. Because, When the Chairinau of the Committee of Ways and Means, to the retarding and said injury of the negotiation of the loran then going on, rose in his seat, during one of the darkest periods of the war, and proposed his individual motion, that thereafter the principal and in terest of the loan should be paid in Legal-Tender currency, his motion was speedily and promptly suppressed, but not until it had done great damage to the public credit, the in dications unmistakably showing that upon any other than a gold basis it would be impossible to sell bonds. Because, It is a fixed and settled legal, as well as moral, principle that the principal is bound by all acts of a recog nized agent, and legal gentlemen and Senators may as well argue to the winds as to attempt to tell the loyal people of this nation who furnished the money in exchange for these bonds that Congress is not bound by the promises of its agents. if a clerk or agent, year after year, transacts business openly to the satisfaction of his principal, making sales, purchases, and contracts in the names of that prin cipal, while he looks on approvingly and sanctions in in numerable cases the agent's acts, they are of course not only morally but legally binding upon the principal, although the clerk or agent may never have had written or even verbal authority to show that his principal is bound by what he has properly done in the regular course of clerkship or agency. THE DANGERS OF DEMOCRACI. The Spring field Republican is severe on an article in the Westminster Review for January, entitled " The Dangers of Democracy," which it says " is the wickedest article we ever read :"—" We have seen some articles in the Round Table of late upon the same subject, with a great deal more that was false, and a great deal less that was true ; but the extravagant eagerness of the Round Table to pro duce a sensation, by any means, must be taken as lessening, in some degree, its moral accountability. Of this effort to be strange and offensive, in some way, there is no trace whatever in the English ar ticle. Besides, the possession of larger gifts brings greater responsibility, and one cannot hesitate to pronounce the Westminster writer far the more guilty." Is the following passage from the article in the Westminster Review 7—" It is not to be pre tended that the large body of new electors are pugnaciously malicious, crafty, designing, or trai torous. It is merely alleged that they are ignorant, selfish, and destitute of all sense of moral obligation." The Republican thus replies :—" The heart of the common people everywhere is simple and honest and loving. Ignorant they may be, easily excited and easily deceived, the prey of faction, the tools of de magogues, but whoever says they are not to the best of their knowledge and of their advantages true and loyal, slanders his God. It takes man's work, his wretched fiction of a superior class, his denial of original and perfect human rights, his structure of legal inequalties and commercial fraud, to pervert the gracious instincts of our nature, and turn to gall and poison the sweet and wholesome juices of the human heart." The Republican desires to kill two birds with one stone, and has a right to accom plish this if possible. But so has the Round Table to enunciate its views on the dangers of Demc.o.ach however opposed ti tue feelings gene rally prevailing. It is a good thing to have free dis cussion, and there is no position in this world so secure that it cannot be assailed. We believe Demo cracy in the United , States to be the great hope of mankind for self-government. If it fails it will be no less than the heaviest disaster that has befallen the human race since Adam sinned. But we hold that this is made all the more apparent by a full discussion of the subject, for truth requires no deception, nor silence, nor disguise. The chief danger of Republican institutions lies in coups d'etat, wherein men find themselves thrust into a position before they have time to ascertain what that posi tion is, and the after struggle is to get out of it. They cannot be thus caught if everything has been fully argued and weighed beforehand, and this is the advantage of free discussion. The rocks on which Democracy may split are those on which beacons should be built, and we think that the Round Table does more good than harm in freely calling atten tion to the perils, and none the less, because it may shock the prejudices of the nation. Oar opinions coincideßepublican; we are strong believers oligarchy ; we have little within the h those e vic e s o f of the an less faith in the virtues of what are called the lower classes; but we consider that the advocates of the oligarchy have as much right to expose the short comings of the masses as the masses have to denounce the " bloated aristocrats." We cannot, therefore, agree with the Republican in thefollowing passage " When a citizen proposed a law among the Locrians, he stood forth in the assembly, with a rope around his neck. If the law passed, well and good. If- not, the innovator suffered the penalty of his rashness. And in the same spirit, all true men will agree that the writer who dares to stig matize his countrymen in such terms should be required to substantiate his charges, or expiate them by a moral banging, drawing and quartering of the most relentless fashion." Nor does the Republican consider itself in any way barred from making very strong charges against the one class while alleging that the man who makes these charges against the other "slanders his God." "An aristo cracy," it says, " is always and everywhere selfish, grasping, unscrupulous. From the days of Sparta down, the rule of the few has been characterised by meanness, jealousy, and greed. The most odi ous of all the features of humanity are those which are certain to appear under an oligarchy." It is singular to observe how unconsciously we are betrayed into the very sin we may at the moment be denouncing in others—if it be a crime, as the Republican alleges. We call it free discussion, with a strong spice of truth on each side. The real thing to do is to keep your temper, and endeavour to be as fair as human nature will permit. Since the above was written the Round Table of March 28 has reached us, and it comes down with its lash ou the Springfield Republican. It declares that the article in the Westminster Review was written by the purest and most conscientious of living thinkers, and in reply to the accusation th a t its own articles were published for sensational pur poses, it very truthfully states that they running counter tothe popular feelings obtained for the Round Table mach and perhaps actual loss. The re plyof the Round Table is, however, based on the same principle as that for which we contend; that is, a fair and free discussion. " The Springfield Repub lican," it says, " does not take up the arguments and refute them, but denounces them as wicked, and issued from sinister motives." " Oat !" cries the Round Table, " upon such canting, illiberal rubbish." "We very much doubt whether all the good that New England and New England ideas have ever done the country at large can counter balance the mischief that the detestable spirit, of which this is an instance, has occasioned."—Anglo- American Times. At the sheriff's sale of steamers of the New York Mail Company, recently, the Guiding Star was sold for $177,000 to H. Webb, for his California line; the Morning Star for $25,000 to C. K. Garrison; the Monterey, with coal on board, for $62,000 to C. K. Garrison ; the Mari - posa for $50,000 to H. B. Vromwell. SCHEMES OF REPUDIATION. I think I have written enough to satisfy the bondhol ders that there are reasons, and good ones too, why they need not fear the success of any plan to defraud them of their just rights. I think, however, that I may say further that any man, or any party, advocating such a shallow and dishonest scheme of repudiation as would be the payment of the 50-20 loan in greenbacks, will be almost eatirely unsupported by the mass of the people, including not only the intelligent educated men of all professional occupations and parties, but the great mass of honest yeomen—ths tillers of the soil. The people who, through long years of terrible war, maintained the honour and integrity of the nation cannot possibly now consent to tarnish their fair fame, or to lower our standard of honour able financial credit, or to make this nation an example of bad faith before the world. SENATOR SHERMAN'S OPINION. As 1 have above referred to Senator Sherman's pcsition in this controversy, I deem it just to that distinguished gentleman, whose position and record during the war have been the subject of universal admiration, to say that while he honestly believes the law, strictly interpreted, gives the Government the right to pay the bonds in green backs at the maturity of the five-year option, yet in a re cent letter he declares that " while this is my opinion on a legal question, Ido not wish to raise it, nor do I. It is forced upon us—and I would gladly aid, either by a re turn to specie payments, or by an exchange of now bonds, or by the purchase in open market, at current rates of 5-20's, to avoid deciding a question that in the minds of just men, which ever way decided, would affect the public credit. Mr. Sherman further argues . that there would be injustice in the bondholders receiving "the identical money they gave for the bonds." I think there is injus tice and wrong in the proposition ; for the bondholders bargained for a 20-year bond, payable in gold,, and not to be paid off sooner, unless in gold. Further : By way of illustration. Suppose a man having $2,000, gold, sold it during the war for a premium of 50 per cent., realizing $3,000 in Legal-Tenders. This ho invested in $3,000 5 20's. Now, under the operation of the scheme of repayment in greenbacks, gold runs up to 500 per cent. premium. He takes his greenbacks, $3,000, for his bonds and reinvests in gold, but finds, instead of his original $2,000, which he honestly risked on the fate of his country, he now has but $5OO. That this would be a fair estimate of the result to this bondholder no one can doubt who has read the history of all redeemable and ex cessive issues of currency in every ago. If the scheme were at all possible or just and proper strict justice would Nequire that an account should bti Iktila from each sub scriber of the premium on gold on the day and hour he made his purchase of bonds, and then he should be per mitted to purchase from the public Treasury an amount equal to the original sum in hand of the proceeds of his bonds at this date. Have the advocates of these "greenback" measures reflected on the widespread ruin that would follow the successes of their efforts—ruin to vested interests, to widows, orphans, the poor, the unprotected and ignorant all over the land ? THE QUESTION OF TAXES. It is common for public speakers who advocate the vio lation of the nation's faith by insisting on local taxation of bonds, their payment in greenbacks, &c., to designate the bondholders as " rich," as "privileged," &c., and also to stir up the West against the East because of the presump tion that the East holds an undue proportion of the public debt. All this is mere demagogism and wilful perversion of truth. With the exception of banks and savings insti tutions there are not many large holders of Government Bonds, the great bulk being held by the people, not the capitalists. HOLDERS OF THE BONDS. Out of three million subscribers to our various public loans, over nine-tenths are of the class called the people. The West took $320,000,000 of the $830,000,000 7-30 loans, and, I doubt not, holds a large portion of it now, and this is as large a propottion as could be ex:- pected from a new and enterprising region, where money always commands higher rates than at the seaboard. Ohio alone took over $90,000,000, and Illinois over $70,000,000. The West was also a large takei of the 5-20 and other loans. I can substantiate these facts, for I have taken the trouble to analyze each day's subscriptions with the above result. Again, how can the bondholders be considered a privi leged class? During the entire sale of these bonds, they were offered freely at par to any one. Even the owner of but $5O was not excluded, but hundreds of thousands of these small investors came forward in all parts of the land and were gladly welcomed. The small premium to which our bonds have advanced is no impediment in the way of any who really wish to obtain them, and even now the daily demand from this class of investors is far greater than that of any other class. What becomes, then, of the assertion that the man who holds Government Bonds is a privileged person ? Cannot any man who has a horse, a cow, a town lot, a few sur plus bushels of corn or wheat, or any article of exchange able value, or even his labour, obtain these bonds by simply parting with his goods, produce, property, or labour, and with the proceeds thereof purchase an interest in th. public funds? If he groans under the taxation of his town lots or surplus lauds, let him sell them and invest the proceeds in this " favoured" security. The truth is, that a large portion of those who thus argue against the exemption of the Bonds from State and local taxation are either ignorant of the truth of the matter, or were afraid during the war, and are now, of risking their means by an investment in public stocks. They have no confidence in the Bonds, and hate the loyal holders of them as they hated the war and all things growing out of it. We all are witnesses to the fact that investments in real estate, made at the commencement of the war, have, in many localities, advanced in value from one hundred to three hundred per cent. Especially is this so in cities, towns, and villages. Investments in real estate at the commence ment of the war have paid much better than investments in Government bonds. yet this clamour for the taxation of the bonds for local purposes mostly comes from the class of the community who have gained largely from advances in the valu3 of real estates. PENDING FUNDING SCHEME. The present Funding Bill, as introduCed by the Chair man of the Finance Committee of the Senate, contains some very objectionable provisions, the chief of which is that legislating for the compulsory conversions of 5-20's into any new loan that may be provided. No greater hindrance than this could be placed in the way of the speedy 'conversion of this loan into the proposed consoli dated debt, and I regret very much that the new bill con tains any such provisions. I share with Mr. Sherman in regretting that the bill introduced two years ago was not successfully pressed to a passage. His own words are, "My own conviction is that two years ago this question ought to have been settled," for if the plan suggested at that time had been promptly adopted the larger portion of our indebtedness would have been by this time funded into a 5 per cent. loan, and the Treasury and banks would have resumed specie payments by the Ist of July, 1867. MISTAKES OF THE PAST. There can be no question that the above happy results would have followed the prompt passage and execution of such an act; and also, that the present propositions to tax the Government Bonds, to pay them off in greenbacks, &c., would not have been thought of. Many beneficial results would have followed the adoption of the original bill two years since, namely, the saving of about 20 million dollars of interest per annum, the wider dissemination of the loan among the masses, and the removal of the debt from its present injurious competition with railroad, mer cantile, mining, manufacturing, and all the other vital in terests of the country ; for, when specie payments had once been resumed, and the 5 per cent. interest received by the bondholder was worth no more than the 5 per cent. interest received from a morteace or other sources of in come, it is manifest that there would be better opportuni ties for our struggling railroads and manufacturing and other interests to borrow money from the banks and capi talists. For these reasons I urged the necessity of the prompt funding of the debt, and return to specie payments, and I now deeply regret that, at the risk of still further attacks upon my personal motives, I did not then use greater exertion to secure the adoption of these plans. EFFORTS AT FUNDING. In October, 1865, 1 was requested by Mr. M'Oulloch to present to him in writing my views on the funding of the public debt, the resumption of specie payment, &c., &c. I did so, and at the same time submitted these views to Senators Fessenden, Sherman, and others. Mr. M'Culloch had many able advisers, but his views in the main coin cided with mine, and when the time for action arrived Senator Sherman prepared and introduced a bill satisfac tori to the Secretary. This bill was opposed from unex pected quarters, and the Senator, after modifying it greatly, deemed it best to postpone it, owing to the in creasing excitement in political matters. I have no doubt that the people, the masses, are fully able to absorb all our debt. Of course a portion will always be held by banks, and another portion abroad, but even the eight or nine hundred millions thus held would be quickly absorbed by the people of our growing and prosperous land, if they had the option to take it. I believe also that the rate of five per cent., freo from taxation, would be perfectly satisfactory, but at present and within the next ton years, no lower rate of interest than this will fix the loan permanently in the hands of that class of people who ought to hold it, as it would be the most-safe and legitimate investment for widows, orphans, trusts, esttifes, mechanics, farmers, saving funds, &c., &c. Being guaranteed by us all, the rate would be a fair return, and much better for this class of investors than a larger rate derived from greater risks, which latter ought only to be taken by the ciipitalists and active business men of the country. GOLD AND SILVER IN THE COUNTRY. From the best sourcas of information I have the im pression that our country contains at least two hundred and fifty millions more gold and silver coin and bullion than we had at the beginning of 1861, and I believe all that is wanted now to insure speedy and safe resumption after the completion of the funding of the 7-30's is to fix the day. RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS. If thought more prudent to provide for contingencies by arranging for a temporary foreign loan, or by authorizing the Treasury to pay interest on deposits of gold, either of these plans would provide all that would be required. 'the question of resuming specie payments is to my mind very simple, and than the present there is no more favourable time for fixing the day, say twelve or eighteen months ahead. When this desirable object shall be accomplished, the payment in gold of the original 5-20 loan can be commenced by providing from the sales of a new consolidated five per cent. funding loan all that may be needed. It will not be necessary to provide for the whole $514,000,000 at once. The loan was issued in series of about $100,000,000 each, called first, second, third, fourth series, &c. The holders of the first series can be first notified and paid off. The chances are that very few holders would desire payment, but that all, or nearly all, would voluntarily fund into the new and longer 5 per cent. bonds. This would especially he the case if the new loan should be so popularized that there would be a competition for it, a new class of pur chasers taking all that was not promptly abSorbed by the holders of the old loan. I believe that not $50,000,000 of gold would be called for in making. the whole payment and exchange of the $514,000,000. The same process could be applied to the other issues of 5-20's as fast as the Government option matured. How sad then, in view of the very simplicity of the solution of this whole subject, that prominent men all over the country should endeavour to make a political question of it; and saddest of all that any of those who sustained the cause of the country, and upheld its credit during the dark years of the rebellion, should now give the weight of their position or character to any of those " greenback" schemes. PREDICTION VERIFIED. At the close of the first 5-20 loan, I ventured to predict that no other 0 per cent. gold loan would be offered at par by the Government. Up to this hour the prediction has been verified, and I am equally confident that no such breach of faith as would be involved by the payment, of the 5-20 loan in greenbacks will ever occur. BAD ADVISERS. I regard the agitation, originally, of this proposition as the work of those who opposed the war and all measures fur the preservation of the national credit •and existence. On the appro Ich of a Presidential election, they have, for want of better and more patriotic capital, availed them selves of the temporary embarrassments of portions of the country to stir up an ignorant opposition to the public credit. Perhaps the country mils', submit, through the pending canvass, to postpone all attempts to remodel the finances, but I am positive that so soon as the Presidential election is over this question will no longer be postponed, but plans will be inaugurated that will not only fully maintain the national faith and credit, but greatly reduce the present burden of the debt. RETRACING THEIR STEPS. I am glad to binerve unmistakable taigas of ,the aban- donment, by both political parties, of any intention to press this greenback question, the recent political conven tions in various States haying avoided any explicit de claration of opinion on this subject. The recent Repub lican State Convention in Philadelphia, more particularly, nobly reasserted the inviolability of all contracts between the Government and bondholders, and Governor Seymour, before the New York Democratic Convention, unmistak ably maintained and insisted upon the payment of the 5-20 bonds, principal and interest, in coin. MR. COOK '$ POSITION. I make no apology for thus, once more, intruding upon public notice. Ido not wish my position misunderstood. I naturally feel a great responsibility, and as my fellow . - citizens deem it right that I should not hesitate to express my views in the matter, I have done so. MISTAKES OF BUTLER AND PENDLETON. Before closing I wish to correct a mis-statement origi nally made by General Butler, and repeated by Mr. Pen dleton in his Milwaukee speech. Both gentlemen assort that I advertied, as general agent, the 10-40 loan as the only loan of the Government, the principal and interest of which were payable in coin. This is a double error. I never was the special agent of the Government for the sale of the 10-40 loan ; and the advertisement of the fires of Jay, Cooke, and Co. was only to this effect :—That the 10-40 loan was then the only loan of the Government to be had at par, the principal and interest of which were pay able in gold. Ilad I been the special agent for the sale of the 10-10's, • I am confident that it would have been made so great a success that the Government would not there after have paid a greater interest than five par cent. ou any of its loans. I believe also that if this loan had been ruf naged properly, and by one agent, that an abundance of funds could have been provided at all times, and thereby many hundreds of millions would have bee i saved to tl•* 3 Government, which were lost by reason of increased pric)s charged by contractors and others to compensltte for delay in payment of their accounts for supplies, &c. PAST EFFORTS To EMBARRASS THE FINANCES. I believe, further, that the war would have been ended in 1864 had not the enemy been perfectly aware of the then tottering condition of our finances; but the clamour against the agency system, and base and false insinuaticne and accusations were then made, which induced the Sec retary to try the negotiation of the 10-40 loan through the efforts of the Treasury alone, which, of course, resulted in failure. The same clamour sprang up again when Mr- Sherman introduced the first funding bill. Yielding to it has cost the nation, in both instances, more treasure than can be estimated, besides a large portion of the distress and trouble always consequent upon such inaction and delay.• , -Most respectfully, your fellow-citizen, March 19, 1868. JAY COOKY. BREADSTUFFS. Friday, March 27, 1868, P. m.—The market this week has been variable, but within the past two days prices have shown an upward tendency, with more doing for shipment, and some speculation. Flour has met with a brisk general demand. The local and coastwise trade have been free buyers. Receipts until yesterdaY and to-day were limited, and stocks were rapidly reduced. We quote Stiperfine State, $9 20 to $9 65; Extra State , $lO 20 to $lO 70 ; Supe r Western, $9 20 to $9 65 ; Extra Western, $9 85 to $lO 45 ; Extra Ohio ro h'p $lO 05 to $lO 50; ditto (trade), $lO 60 to $11 ; Extra St. Louis , $l.) to $l5. Southern Flour.—ls in fair request at a little stronger gures. Sales were made of 600 bbls. at $9 60 to $lO 90 or common to fair extra, and-link. $l4 75 for good to choice do. California Flour— The market is more active and higher prices are current. The sales are 1,900 sacks at $l2 75 to . $1425. Rye Flour--There is more doing and better prices are current. We notice sales of 500 bbls. at $7 75 to $9 65- Corn Meal—ls in bett er request. Sales were ma de of 1,000 bbls. at $6 for Jersey and Western, and $6 10 for Brandywine. Wheat—There is a good business doing at 'an advate, of three to four cents. Th e sa l es are 61,C00 bush a' $2 4? to $2 45 for No. 2 spring i n s t ore an d delivered -- $2 Z.O to 182 53 for No. 1 spring in store and delivered $2 95 for common and red southern ; $3 15 for white Cali" ornia, and $3 37 for choice white Genesee. Eye—The market is firm and fairly active. We notice sales of 5,400 bush. State at $1 91 to $ 1921. • Barley—There is more doing. We notice sales 61, 1 " bush. Canach East at $2 05 ; 650 bush. Long Island e 6 $1 65, and 700 bush. State at $2 12. Barley Malt--I s s t ea dil y h e ld . S a l es were ma d e o f 2,2 00 bush, at $2 171 to $2 18. Corn—The market is not active, but an advance ,), about 1 cent h as b een o b ta i ned. The sa l es are 46, 0 v:' bushels at $1 25 t o $1 30 f or new 'Western mixed On the latter • price an ex t reme ; $1 27 to $1 271 f o r oi western mixed in store ; $1 29 to $1 30 for ditto aflua t c i $1 20 to $1 25 for new white southern and western, an $1 29 to $1 30 for southern yellow. Oats—The market is firm, but quiet. Sales were ma cle of 32,000 bush western in store at 861 to 87. Cotton—The market is again active at advancing pri ces. The continued light receipts at the American ports addition to the falling oft in the shipments of E' er India cotton from Bombay have created a feeling in oitt market that prices must go higher, and under this fluence speculators and exporters have operated freely' Prices are somewhat irregular, as is usual, vib e : a very largo business is doing. At th e c l o se the were no sellers at less than our quotations, but orb' in the day transactions were consummated nearly P . lower. The sales are 14,513 bales, including 1,350 to spi n l ; ners, 6,144 to speculators, and 7,023 to exporters, of whi c ts 1,405 are in transit. The total increase in the shipments of the season up to this date 330,652 bales, and a decrel in the stocks at the ports of the United States of 273,? .1 bales, compared with this date of 1867. The total forelgll .„ exports from the United States since Sept. 1, 1867, lao reach 1,225,860 bales, against 895,208 bales for the sal period last year, and the stocks at all the ports are at f . u°',, sent 312,895 bales against 5/56,407 bales at the same wow in 1867. Naval Stores—Spirits turpentine is moderately se l l at steady prices ; we quote at 64c • 200 bbls were sold this price. Rosi ns are firmly held, with a fair dernan; we quote common at 83.25 t o $3 . 30 ; stra i ne d at F9•s'i s $3 35 ; No. 2 at $3.50 to $3.621 • the salAs pro i;b00 bb at $3.40 to $3.621 fnr 0-s ror No. 1. Vila—miuseed is steadily held; 5,000 " 00 on private terms ; we quote at $1.20 in casks. Fish ° a t are in light demand at former figures; we quote sperm , $2 to $2 05 for crude, and $2 25 to $2 30 for refined d t cl f o : 68 to 70c for crude whale and 75 to 80c for refined Lard is very steadily held, with a light demand; we quote at $1 40 to $1 47. Petroleum—The business is very light. Crude in bUla is offered at 12,1-c ; the sales are unimportant. Bonds to is at 26c for standard white, with no sales of momeh e . report. For Philadelphia delivery we quote a quiet trade' u PROVISIONS. Pork.,—The market is firm, but rather quiet. We no t t , c o e sales of 1,550 bbls. at $24 70 , to $24 80 for new wes* mess. cash regular way, closing at $24 80 regular ; s 2 ' ; o ' to $23 75 for '66 to '67 mess • $2O 25 to $2O 87 for P ra and extra prime ; $22 50 to 23 for prime mess, and 823 5C to $23 75 for thin mess. Also, for future delivery, 250 by ° new western mess at $25 25, sellers' option Slay. l r„. afternoon market is firm, with a moderate business doillifo 1,000 bbls. mess sold at $24 75 cash, and $24 85 reB l°- -- way. • 0 Beef.—There is not very much doing to-day, but Pr ice ale firmly hell. i Beef Hams.—Rule firmly. S a l es were m ade of 200 bb, at $36 to $4O. uot° Tierce Beef—The market is st ea dy, b u t qu i e t. We i 4 t, prime mess at $34 to $36, and India mess at $3B to log Bacon sides.—The market is firm, b u t qu i n t. The 63 are 230 boxes at 15c for short clear. Cut Meats. --The demand is light to-day, but prices l'i r b ° o steadily held. Sales were made of 110 pkgs at 1410 6° ,4 0 ; for hams in dry salt; 15c to 15i c f or ditt o i n s weet pic' ee t 19ic to ltc for shoulders i n d r y sa lt ; an d 11 0 ditto O r pickle. T he Cheese.—There is no new feature in the market. 11/0 export and home trade being good at former figures• quote dairy at 13c to 16c ; and factory at 14c to 161 c. (ADVERTISEMENT.]—Consumption, and all nervous, stomach and liver complaints in every stage are only agf;r s , e ,tli and accelerated by drugs ,a every description, bur,Ld'elvocil curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Ara xe.„ ie rea as proved by thousands cases which had been ,0Pe l ",00" hopeless; such as indigestion (dyspepsia), cough, as;lanic' , ,,,,be' sumption, habitual constipation, diarrhoea, all gastric ments, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous_r biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, coldeis fluenza, noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, 7;00 rities, eruptions, hysteria, neuzalgia, , sleeplee 3 „ fl ef!, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, d3bilLy, 10 cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnancy sea, slaking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of the c , pains at the pit of the stomach, and between the shoulder,' a l We quote a few.—The Pope's health restored by Du nt t i ti o f Food. Cure No 68,413.—" Rome, July 21, 1866.—The hex 1 d 5 1 ' the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, ar . abandonie.'or9 1 other f emedies, he has confined h'llaself entirely to De , B Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes a Pi%„4l , at every meal. It has proluced a surprisingly beec"oil effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praiel m ai, excellent food too highly." From the " Gazette do I ci er July 25. Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, timber chant, of Friraley, Sarrey, of thirty years' diseased ,0 ,3 spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafe c ' t of Cure No. 1,771, Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieutenrof Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. „ i es. , : years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervo us a uJ asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickneet,,,cl, vomiting.—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of th e ;10 0 unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, s'',„ authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attaelio. In tins at is. ltd.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. ; 2 lbs., 4s. 6d, ; 5 lbez ro. 71, 121b5., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY Do BARBS and Co., •r,dilll,' Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, Fiec'', l and ht 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, en" Oxford-street; 330. Strand ; and all grocere and cheraiste. Births. Dr DO' -GRANTHAM—On the 14th inst., at Anglesoa Villa, low, the wife of H. L. Grantham, Esq ,of a son. jo y, OwEN—On the 13th inst., at Brockhurst, near Alvers!Lo, the wife of Capt. Owen, Adjutant Royal Marine of a son. ust e l OLivEnsoN—On the 14th inst., at 37, Gloucester-scl-of Hyde-park, the wife of Richard Oliverson, Esq" son. Marriages. , ' 0 BILYANT—FRAYLING —On the 11th inst.. at St. P i t of Church, Babbicombe, Torquay, George B. BrY eL Vol e Chippenham, Wilts, to Hannah Frayling, cf t he " place. a? WALKER—PURDY-011 the 13th inst. at at St. Ste,r6 e r Church, Dublin, George R. Walker, Esq., RoYe',V o ,lll neers, to Annie, younger daughter of the late - Esq., of Teniora, county Dublin. • Deaths. HEALY—On the 13th inst, at 9, Westbourne-road , '" Edward Healy, aged 69 in . Oa lr HALLION —On the 13th st ,at Charrington-str oot, ley-square, John W. HalliOn, Esq., , aged 78 ' 0 , 1 01 NIILLs—On the 13th inst., at 171, Oxford-street, Mr' "`. Mills, sen., aged 60. T• ,d, Frc-,ea PR-ITT—On the 13th inst., at Upper Norwood, - ag Pratt, Esq., D.C.L., advocate, Doctor's-comm odo, 68. t wo- PETRE— On the 11th inst., at Oakhurst, Bre t ' Georgia,na, the wife of the Hon. Fred. Petre. Ml rd ." WHISTLER—On the 12th inst., at Colchester, Whistler, Esq., late of The Hall, Tendriug, age ( ' v iocg WOODWARD - On the 9th inst., at 24, Brick-stre et i dilly, Thomas Woodward, aged 60. po ol) , WHITE—On the 11th inst., at St. Hillary, Torquay James North White, Esq. - a London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM A— I,l° It of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tan Sus 0 31 ° e ',, t V Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the v" Iliddlesex.--NStectueoday April 15, 1868. This Prize 11.1( It lz F Sold i tile Agei Obs e e r: han's LI C A R°' LE I Mr. Miss S /CA.TT Mr. si CELLI Pull' Rail in I'• Con N.B. mr A NEW Right tiacent LIVIN Open lo p.m. Adm. of Hon AR( This r vin by Nless tor the 8010 Co: 1 4 7( L I T -1 Phis D noUrs for 6 ' o eheiniE RA curls L, Sold at "a 141 q. - Ri colour fectiy , A Tro ves withou prA: sta,,„s l A A seven c tenlairu atan ips "d just 14 g th bor n, i D EALT 1)tl kok i EAST