The Sun. — London, England, 1850-03-01 00:00:00

Mbitton SUN OFFICE, Seven o Clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE, (THIS EVENING.) WHITEHALL, FEB. 28, 1850. The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Blott, Gent., to be Lieutenant in the . Artillery Company o" London. WAR-OFFICE, MARCH 1. Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Ensign and Lieutenant Beaumont William Hotham to be Lieutenant and Captain, by purchase, vice Sir Coutts Lindsay, Bart., who retiree, March 1. 29th Foot—Lieutenant Charles Eustace Sfacdonnell to be Captain, without purchase, vice Brevet-Major Edward Boyd, who retires upon full pay as Captain; Ensign William D. Chapman to be Lieutenant, vice Macdonnell ; Ensign Rowland Bateman, from the 36th Foot, to be Ensign, vice Chapman; Lieutenant Lindsay Farrington to be Adjutant, vice :Mcdonnell, promoted, March 1. 37th Foot—Ensign John Grattan Anderson to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Harrison, promoted, March 1. ' 96th Foot—Ensign James Williamson Samuel Moffatt to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Lloyd, deceased, May 14,1849. UNATTACEED.—Captain William Driberg, from the Ceylon' Rifle Regiment, t) be Major, without purchase, March 1. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 28. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Captain Henry Philip Goodenough to be Adjutant; Second Captain Illitogers to be Adjutant, Nov. 14,1848; Second Captain John James Brandling to be Adjutant, vice Cater, who resigns' the Adjutancy only, March 14; Second Captain Thomas William Lawrence to be Adjutant, vice A. Benn, promoted, July 31, 1849. WHITEHALL, FEE. 23. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Robert William Bone, of Devonport, in the county of Devon, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chan dory. WHITEHALL, FEB. 25. The Lord Chancellor has appointed John Cooper, of Manchester, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. The Lord - Chancellor has also appointed John Francis Burton, of Lincoln, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTS. John Belbin, coachmaker, Beaumont-street, St. Mary lebone, to surrender March 5 and April 5, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee; Bicknell, Connaught•terrace, Edgeware-road. Bernard Martinelli, coachmaker, Frederick-street, Regent's•park, March 7, at twelve, and April 12, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Birchin-lane, Cornhill; Vaughan, Lincoln's Inn-fields. Jon King Watts, scrivener, St. Ives, Huntingdon, March 9, at one, and April 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Parker, Rooke, and Co., Bedford-row; Day; Newton and Wallingford, St. Ives. Richard Langley, licensed victualler, Old Paradise. row, Islington, March 15, at one, and April 16, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; Flavell, Bedford-row. Jabez Hunt, victualler, Bath, March 18 and April 15, at twelve, at the Bristol District Court. Miller, official assignee, Bristol; Hollings, Bath. Lucius Theodore Sabine, ironmonger, Weymouth, Dorsetshire, March 13, at eleven, and April 4, at one, at the Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assig nee, Exeter ; Manfield and Andrews, Dorchester ; Stogdon, Exeter. John Neven Dathan, ironmonger, Cannon-street-road, Middlesex, March 16, at twelve, and April 27, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. Young, official assignee, Leeds; Fretson, Sheffield. John Fawcett, timber merchant, Kingston-apon-Hull, March 13 and April 10, at half•past twelve, at the Leeds Disttict Court. Carrick, official assignee, Hull; Stamp Hall. John Hardinge Veitch, printer, Durham, March 14 at half-:past twelve, and April 26, at twelve, at the New castle•upon-Ty ne District Court. Wakley, official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Thompson, Durham; Hodge, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Thomas Atkinson, slater and plasterer, Liverpool, March 18, and April 8, at eleven, at the Liverpool Dis trict Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool; At kin-son, Liverpool. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, corn puted from the returns made in the week ending_ February 26, 1830, is 213. 7 , 4 d. per cwt. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The LORD.CiIANCELLOR took his seat on the Woo: sack at Fire o'clock. UMPIRES APPOINTMENT BILL. Lord FORTRAN moved the second reading of this Bill, the object of which was to give to the Judge of the County Court the power of appointing the umpire in cases of disputes between landlords and tenants occurring in his district, which disputes may chance to referred to arbitration. The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped his Noble Friend would not press his Bill in its present form. Lord BROUGHAM urged the postponement of the Bill. Af er a I.lw words from Lord CAMPBELL, the Bi was withdrawr. SCOTCH LAW OF DISTRESS. Lord BROUGHAM. withdrew his former Bill on this subject, and gave notice of his intention to move for a Select Conarnitt,?e to consider the Scotch law of TENANT RIGHT. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from the tenant-farmers of the counties of Down and Londonderry, in public meeting assembled at Cole raine, praying their Lordships to poss a statute ensuring tenant-right to the occupiers of land. Tenant-right was a boon given by the landlord to the tenant centuries ago. He took up this as a public question. Great excitement existed in Ulster on the subject of tenant-right, and great bitter ness and jealousy had been in consequence occa sioned, and that excitement had been kept up by the efforts made last year to excite the far mers against the rate in aid, by the unfortunate affair of Dolly's Brae, and by the meetings which had been called during the last autumn and winter by the Protectionist leaders, who had made most exciting speeches; and the most remarkable circumstance was that the very persons who had been then called together by the Protectionist landlords had united to call for a large re duction of rent from the landlords, and for tenant-right, and net only tor that, but fur a perpetuity of tenancy ; in fact, they claimed the land as their own and threat ened all those farmers who dared to take land from which others had been «jectel. In ot h er i nstances t h ey h a d actually determined not to pay rent—had, in fact, con fiscated their landlord's property.—(Hear, hear.) In such a case as this something should be done ; he did not . call upon the Lord-Lieutenant to proclaim the county, but really something must be done to arrest these gentlemen in their progress, and to prevent the preaching of these doctrines. He had been called upon by a Presbyterian minister to substantiate what he had stated with regard to the non-payment of rent, which ho alleged that those minister, had stated. He had received a letter, written by command of the Rev. W. "Dobbin, calling on him to retract or sub stantiate those assertions. (The Noble Marquis then read the letter, challenging him to prove his assertions, and charging him with calumniating those who were equally regardless of his smiles and his frowns, and treated him with unmitigated scorn, and dared him to to try the question of privilege with them.) . He had. also received is letter from a most respectable landlord of the county of Down, who ex pressed hie satisfaction that he (the Noble Marquis) had drawn the attention of the House to the calumnies of the Presbyterian ministers, and to the reign of terror which they were seeking to establish, making the county of Down a second Tipperary. He hoped that the Government would discover some: mode of expressing their disapprobation of the proceedings of these Presbyterian ministers. Attempts at murder had been made in the county of Down, and he hoped that the Government would offer large rewards for the discovery of theperpetratOrs of these outrages. Of one thing he was certain, that thedandlords would not be intimidated, but that they Would resist with firmness these exciters to murder and'inCendiarism. Lord BROUGIJAM bad the other day expressed his strong reprobation of a letter written by a reverend gentlenian to his Noble Friend, but that letter was no thing to 'die letter which had been read. Any compo sition more remarkable for mere vulgar abuse, more unworthy; of a gentleman, more unworthy of an educated man, more utterly unworthy of a minister of the Gospel, be had never heard. If those persons thought that threats would make any Noble Lord swerre from the performance of a hat he considered his duty, they would find them selves bitterly deceived, for whatever faults might be laid to the account of their Lordships, that of yielding to vulgar futimidatien, was the least thing of which they could be accused. t The Earl of DETON was opposed to legalizing what was commonly called tenat-right. The Earl. of RODEN agreed with the Noble Earl who had last spoken ; but he maintained, that all goo4.landlorda made their outgoing tenants ample compensaion. denied that the county of Down was in the disturbed'stete represented by the Noble Marquis. 11e considered .the letter read by the Noble Marquis SO be e - . most iatoleat and most vulgar tirade, and as such to . be utterly reprobated. Reference had been nted,e . to the violence if. the Presbyterian clergy, but among _ every body of men so large as the Presbyterian clergy violent persons would be found, but it was unfair, to, make the body answerable fur the faults of individuals. As a body there was not a mo re reipectable or worthy body of men to b e found than . theVresbyterian cl ergy of the north of Ireland.' .fle regretted that the attention of Parlia ment had been drawn to the subject, as he thought it' could not but produce disastrous effects. Lord' BROUGRAM explained that he had not meant, ' S in what he had said, to bring any charge against the Presbyterian clergy at large. Never had he seen so little of the insolent spirit exhibited in that letter in any body of men as in the Presbyterian clergy, and be hoped-they would repudiate the writer of that letter. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY had never in tended by any thing he had said to impugn the conduct of the Presbyterian clergy at large. He defied the Foble Earl to prove that the county of Down Iva, not now in a state of great excitement, occasioned by the meetings recently held there. The Earl of MOLINTCASHEL was sure that the great majority cf the Presbyterian clergy would repu diate the language that bad been used by the clerical agitations at tenant-right meet ings, and as to writers of letters, such as those read by the Noble Marquis, they should be brought to the bar of the House, and severely punisbed. As to tenant•right, the word had been invented by Mr. Sher man Crawford, and he (the Earl of Mountcashel) did not understand th• meaning of it. The landlords in the North of Ireland had always been most kind to their tenants, but that did not constitute a right on the part of the tenants to the allowance which had been made to them by the kindness of their landlords. He trusted their Lordships would never pass any measure for legalising tenant-right. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table, and their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. The Dundalk and Enniskillen Railway Bill was read a second time. Mr. PIG OTT presented a petition from Reading against any future transmission of mails or delivery ( f lettere during the twenty-four hours of the Lord's-day. COUNTY FINANCIAL BOARDS. Mr. ELLIS presented a petition from Leicester pray ing for the establishment of county financial boards. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Mr. HAMILTON presented petitions from various parts of Ireland against the system of national education. THE LAND SCHEME. Sir B. HALL presented two petitions from certain allottees of the National Land Company, complaining of the conduct of the chief promoter of that company, and praying the House to take their case into considera tion. The Hon. Baronet said he had given notice of these petitions to the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Nottingham, and he should now put them into thelhands of the Clerk that they might be read. The petitions, after stating the circumstances of the land society, which are already before the public, pro ceeded to complain that whereas it had been stated that 1,4001. had been paid for aid-money, and they had inquired from house to house in the different allocations, and could not ascertain that more than 800/. had been paid; that they, the petitioners, were in a very deplorable state, and concluded by praying the House to take the case into their immediate consideration to release the petitioners from the consequences of belonging to an illegal society. Sir B. HALL said be had given notice to the Hon. Member of two questions which he would put to him— whether it was his intention to take any steps to wind up the society, and what share in the profits each allottee would get if the affairs were wound up. Mr. O'CONNOR rose to reply, but was interrupted by Mr. HUME, who rose to order. He wished to ask the Speaker if the House were a competent tribunal to enter into this question? The SPEAKER said that it certainly was customary, if any allegations were brought against a Member of that House, to allow him an opportunity of replying to them, and therefore it was competent for the Honourable Gentleman on this occasion to reply; but he had great doubts if the questions put were regular. Mr. O'CONNOR said that with regard to the state ment of the petition, he could only say, that since the Committee of 11348 had sat he had spent great sums of money in endeavouring to get the society registered. The land was (purchased at 51. and 61. en acre, the houses were built of the best materials, and the slate had cost sight pounds a thousand. The auditor, who had examined the accounts of the company, reported that it owed him 3,4001., and the committee of management had stated that it was in debted to him in the additional sum of 1,2001., so that he was 4,6001. out of pocket altogether. In fact, it had cost, in some instances, 30/. a jour ney in visiting as many as one hundred different estates in various parts of the country, and yet he had never charged a single fraction for bis expenses. He never gave a bill for the company in all his life, nor consented to accept a present from any tradesman, though he had paid to some, on behalf of the com pany, as much as 1,0001. The chairman of the Committee had tried to cook up the report, but the Com mittee had unanimously refused to accept it. His con duct during the five years that he was con nected with the Land Company was open to the fullest investigation, and if the truth were known, it would be found that in one way or another he had lost nearly 8,000/. by the company. He denied that any man in the world could accuse him of having been guilty of one mean or insignificant act throughout the:whole course of his life. But it was not to be wondered at that those who were desirous of keeping down and oppressing the working classes, should look upon him with hatred and disgust, and call him the re viled of all revilers. Gross charges were made against him in the Committee, and every gentleman who went into the Committee went there with the strongest pre judices against him ; bat, thank God, they left the Committee with those prejudices removed. Strange as it might seem, he could assure the House that it was nevertheless a fact, that not a fraction of the 130,0001. ever came into his hands, it all passed through the direc tors into the banker's possession, and every voucher 'and every book relating to it was produced before the Com mittee, but still he was prepared to give a more extended explanation of his conduct in the affair did the rules of the House admit of his going into it. He had now made his statement, and given a distinct refutation to the charge preferred against him, and he had only to add that if the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would bring in a Bill to authorise it, the Noble Lord should have the appointment of the future trustees. Thank God, he bad not been guilty of any dishonourable act, nor had he wheedled the public out of their money in the manner that two Hon. Members whom he could name had done. —(Order, order ) Sir BENJAMIN HALL wished to ask the Honour able and Learned Gentleman whether he himself was prepared to bring in a Bill to wind up the scheme ? Mr. F. O'CONNOR—He might just add that although the Committee reported that he had kept the accounts, they said he had kept them in a way rather against than for himself'. He was now ready to wind up the scheme. But the Hon. Baronet asked whether he intended to repay those who were not located ?—(Order, order.) Sir B. HALL said the question he asked was whe ther the Hon. Member (Mr. O'Connor) intended to introduce a Bill in the present session of Parliament for the purpose of winding up the company ? Mr. F. O'CONNOR did intend to wind up the con cern, and if the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) would give him an early day, he (Mr. O'Connor) would take the first opportunity of bringing in a Bill to wind up the company, and so wash his hands of the matter alto gether.—(Laughter.) Mr. HUME considered the question which had been submitted to the House by the Hon. Baronet a very proper one to be put to an lion. Member of that Home. Here the matter dropped. • MARRIAGES BILL. Mr. WALPOLE presented a pttition from Midhurst 'as we understood), against legalising marriage with a leceased wife's sister. MERCANTILE MARINE BILL. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the shipowners of Arbrogth against the Mercantile Marine Bill. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. Mr. MO WATT presented a petition from Truro, praying for a repeal of the taxes on the diffusion cf know ledge. SUNDAY LABOUR AT THE POST-OFFICE. Mr. Alderman HUMPIIERY, and Eoveral other Members presented pF titions against the employment of labour in the Post-office on Sundays. THE BORNEO PIRARCY. Lord D.ISTUART gave notice that he should, on Monday, more for a return of the dispatches front Sir Francis Collier, dated the 18th September, 1349, and received on the 31st January. Mr. HUME complained that the returns which had been granted to him with reipect to Sarawak, Malta, andithe lonian Islands, had not been printed, and said that he should shortly bring the matter under the notice of the House. DUTIES ON PAPER. Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from Brad ford praying for a repeal of the tax on paper and the advertisement duty. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a similar petition from Sunderland. TIMBER DUTIES. Lord HARRY VANE presented a petition from Stockton-un-Tees praying for a repeal of the duties on, timber. In answer to a question from Mr. SCROPE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that on Monday night he proposed, first to go on with the Nary Estimates, and afterwards to proceed with the Mercantile Nary Bill of his Right Hon. Friend. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES. In answer to a question from Mr. HUME, Lord J. RUSSELL said that he proposed to go on with the Australian Colonies Bill on Friday night. NAVY ESTIMATES. In answer t o a question from Mr. COBDEN, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that his Right Hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty was absent from the House through illness, and he was not able to state whether he could be present on Monday night. MERCANTILE NAVY BILL. Mr.CARD WELL said that as there was an impression in the country that it was not the Lona fide intention of the Government to go on with this Bill on Monday, he wishcd to know from the Right Hon. Gen • demist' whether it was his intention. Mr. LABOUCHERE said he could not pledge himself. PARLIAMENTARY: yOTERSZIRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Committee on this On clause I being proposed, Mr. HAMILTON observed that if it were necessary to extend the franchise, it ought not, to be done at the expense of the franchise that existed already. The franchises that now prevailed in Ireland ought to be preserved, and he should therefore move that . after the word " that " in line 11 the following words be inserted: "in addition to thoEe qualified by law to register and vote at any election of a Knight of the Shire in Ireland d in virtue of any qualifi ca tio n not requiring occupation. " On the amendment being put, Mr. BRIGHT said he should be glad to know what question they wet e no w t o d ec id e . Would' the Attorney - Gr , neral for Ireland be so good as to explain it. Mr. lIATCHELL said, the Bill in point of fact did not affect the franchise that existed already, but, in order that there should be no ambiguity about the matter, Go vernment had no objection to insert these additional words. After a few observations from Mr. ROEBUCK and Sir W. SOMERVILLE, Sir F. THESIGER wished to know from the Go vernment whether the Bill did not propose to sweep away a►l the existing franchises for the purpose of en tirely reconstructing the representative system in Ire land %because, most unqueetionably that was the way in which he read the Bill.—(Hear.) Most undoubtedly some parties already registered would have under some clauses of the Bill a prima facie right to be registered again, but not according to the qualification which they possessed at present, but to a new qualification established under the Bill. It was important to understand at the outset that the Committee would have to decide whether they would adopt the plan put forth by the Government, viz., that the existing franchise should only remain so far as it would constitute a prima facie right to register un der this Bill ; or whether they would adopt the words introduced by his Honourable Friend the Mem ber for the University of Dublin, by which he con tinued all :the existing rights, but preposed to supply the deficiency which had arisen in the number of electors, by certain new rights which were established under the Bill. He was ready to admit that in the pre sent decayed state of the representation in Irelandaddi tional voters should becreated, but it was for the Committee to consider in what way this purpose could be best effected. The Reform Act substituted an occupation of a 10/. franchise, but it left the property qualification, with a very small alteration, precisely upon the distinction which had existed from the earliest times. The first inroad which was made on that distinction arose on the Cbandos clause of the Reform Act. That clause intro duced into the county constituencies persons who merely occupied, and were liable, to the payment of rates on the value of 50/. At the time when that clause was pro posed to be introduced the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) objected to it on the ground of the abuse which might be expected to arise from it, but by reason of that alteration of the basis the Reform Act established a county qualification, viz., property and not occupation. Now, the Reform Act was one grand comprehensive scheme, the object of which was to bring the representative system in the three parts of the empire to: a perfect similarity; and if Hon. Members would compare the existing repre sentative system as established under the Reform Act with that which was established in Ireland, they would find as much uniformity as was possible under the ex isting circumstances of each particular case. in 1829 40s. freeholders were annihilalated in Ireland. The It( form Act for England established a qualification upon a freehold rate, which it would be found was carried out in regard to Ireland. The Hon. Members would find, with regard to freeholders for life in England, an occupation was required of them if they occupied only of the value of 101. or under. The Reform Act in England established a new right in favour of the assignees and lessees of terms. Then came the Chandos clause, by which a lease of sixty years, according to the 20th clause, of only 10/. a year, gave a right to vote. Then it was determined that those who paid a rent of 51. a year, in rural districts, should also have a right to vote, provided they had a certain in terest in the property. Last of all came the right to vote in boroughs, by those who held tenements of only 10/. a year rent. When the Reform Bill was passed an entirely new system was adopted, and revising barristers were appointed to see that the registration of voters was just, so far as it went, although of course it could not be per fect.—(Hear, hear.) When it seemed desirable to pass another Bill for registering the constitu ency in Ireland, the whole of the bar were peni• cularly anxious that the law of representation should be assimilated to that of England. If the system were good, it ought to be universally adopted, and arranged for the whole of the United Kingdom. The Reform Act was based upon the Bill of 1725, corrected by the Act of the 35th chapter of Geo. 111., in which this principle of representation was distinctly recognised. In 1835 the Government of the day introduced a Bill through Sergeant O'Loughlen for the purpose of alter ing the franchise, and giving to Ireland a double appeal. In 1838 Sergeant Wolff introduced a similar Bill, which was met by a rival Bill, but neither of them came to anything. In 1840 began the memorable struggle which was commenced by the introduction of Lord Stanley's Registration Bill. Of that Bill the Noble Lord at the head of the Government ex pressed an opinion that of all the measures which tended to unsettle the Reform Bill that Bill did. This showed the impression which the Noble Lord had on his mind of the necessity of keeping .the Reform Bill in tact. A Bill had also been introduced into the House by Lord Morpeth, which was a Bill for altering and amending the representation as well as the regis tration of the people of Iseland. The Right Honour able Member for Tamworth had said of that Bill, that it was calculated to revolutionize the franchise. In order to provide for the deficiency the Government of the day proposed to create two new classes of electors, the first class resembling that proposed to be established by the present Bill. It gave every person who in a county was rated to the extent of 301. a year a vote, making the class equivalent to one created in England by what was called the Chaados clause. The second class that was proposed to be created was the 5/. freeholders. The Noble Lord at the head of the present Government did not object to the 30/. class, but with regard to the 51. freeholder., he suggested that the amount should be reduced to 40s. The measure, however, was not persevered in at the time, and he merely mentioned it now to show what were the views, and what were the objects of the Government of that day with which he had tha honour to be connected, sand in order to preserve his consistence, he proposed to support the amendment of His Honourable Friend. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) intimated last night that it was not desirable to introduce any legislative measure which might operate as a substitute for the Reform Bill; but that all legislation on the subject should be supplementary to that Bill. Now, he must frankly declare that the present measure proposed to annihilate every existing franchise and to re-construct an entirely new franchise which, with regard to counties, would introduce a constituency to whom it would be dangerous to entrust the election of representatives.—(Hear, hear.) That, in fact, was the position of the question, and let them see in what way they ought to proceed. Were they to act upon the caution of the Noble Lord in his sp( ech of yesterday, and take the institutions as they existed under the Reform Act, and add such classes of electors as the existing state of society rendered imperatively necessary, or to sweep everything away in order to re construct our representative system entirely anew. It appeared to be of vital importance that they should understand what tho question was ; and he trusted the history he had given of the attempts at legislation would not be considered unnessary.—(Cheers.) Now, if the Government conceded the insertion of the words pro• posed by his Honourable Friend, th© very first question which would arise was, whether the House would create a new class of county voters. The Government pro posed a constituency for Ireland, consisting of persons rated on the annual vale of 8/. What was the sew county constituency which they would raise under the present Bill ? They were, he believed, all agreed that it was absolutely necessary that there should be some re vision of the county constituency in Ireland, with a view to supply its acknowledged deficiency—(Hear, hear) —and their next endeavour would be to ascer tain what would be the best mode of creating a class to supply the deficiency in the constituency. He would therefore support the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Dublin, his (Sir F. Thesiger's) anxious desire only teing to give such a consituency to Ireland as was best adapted to the wants and wishes of the people of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said that there was no desire on the part of the Government to oppose the amendment. The proposition was extended over a very long historical period.—(Hear, hear.) The speech of the ion. and Learned Gentleman had not touched the question in the slightest degree.—(Hear, hear.) The amendment pro posed to make no alteration whatever in the principle of the Bill, but simply to make it more perspicuous.— (Hear, hear.) The Government, therefore, had no de sire to oppose it, and they might, therefore, proceed at once to the consideration of the several clauses of the Bill.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) On the first clause being read, Air. HENLEY moved an alteration, the effect of which would be to throw the consideration for the qualification not upon the rates due, but upon the average of those which before a certain late period had been assessed and paid. He thought that the House were well agreed as to the necessity of seutting the door upon all corrupt practices, and he thought that some parts of this Bill were well calculated to do so. He thought that all par ties would agree that so far the boards of guardians bad been free from all political bias, but he wished the House to consider how easy it wds by this Bill for guardians to strike on and off the register. He would therefore suggest that they should adopt the provision of the English Re form Act, that the party had been rated to all the rates, and that would get rid of this facility for creating fag gOt votes. He had no objection to that point of the Bill which related to the period of rating, but with re gard to the other point he did feel strongly upon, be cause if the Bill were agreed to as it now stood, it must inevitably lead to great confusion, if not litigation and and fraud.—(Hear, hear.) The ATTORNEY GENERAL thought the proposal would limit the Constituency greatly, and he should therefore oppose it. Sir F. THESSIGER considered that the proposition was a most excellent one, and ought to be adopted. (LEFT SITTING.) MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current, March I.) SUGAR.—To-day holders of West India Sugar dis placed firmness, and insisted upon fully former rates for both grocery and refining sorts, still there was only a small business concluded. The purchases amounted to 290, making for the week 1,672 With and tree, and prices close the same as on Friday last, but with firmness. REFINED.—To-day Refined goods were in excellent demand for home-trade purposes, and prices ruled firm; good brown Lumps at 4Ss 6d, and fair to fine grocery 495 to 52s per cwt. Only limited sales are made in British Crushed Sugar at 29s to 30s 6d per cwt. MAURITHTS.-Thi s afternoon Mauritius Sugar met firm mth r a a t t t e e z i w o h n i , h a l n t d he th w e h p o u l b e li f e ou sa nd les b o u f ye 9 r 6 B o ; fiobnae yellow at bags went at 395 to 40i, low to good 355 6d to 385, brown 325 to 355, very low 28s 6d to 295, and mid to good grainy yellow att. is afternoon Ben ga l S ugar was i n E 3B A i sT to l 3 N 9 D se ._ r c ls w h excellent demand, and the public sales went off at full rates. The quantity offered amounted to 5685 bags, and the prices paid were: white Benares 385 to 39s 6d, good and fine 40s to 415, low to good yellow, like Mauritius, 345 to 371 6d, strong white 45s to 47s 6d. Ot Penang 5,926 bags, 81 bskts, sold at full rates, low to fine soft white 37s to 405, yellow 330 6d to 365 6d, brown 30s to 335, and very low 27s to 2is per cwt. FOREIGN.—There was no public sale to-day of Foreign Sugar, but by private treaty a fair business was concluded, and at fully former rates. MOLASSEB.—For West India the rates asked are from 15s to 17s for low to fine quality, still little . business has been concluded by private treaty, whilst none has been submitted to public competition. The market for East India is quiet, and 13s 6l to 14s 6d is the ♦alue. COFFEE. —This afternoon the private operrtions in Coffee were trifling for all purposes, and bOs is the nominal value of good ord native Ceylon. At auction the chief part of 59 casks and 226 bags plantation was taken in at about the former value, from 683 6d to 70s; the small part sold realized 65s to 68s for low mid and mid, and 63a to 64s for fine ord. The 17,000 bags La Guayra offered yesterday at Liverpool, were taken in at 60s for fine old grey of old importation. At a late hour this afternoon 3000 bags good ord Native Ceylon sold at 59s COCOA.—With foreign the market has been well sup plied this week, and there are sellers at a reduction, still few buyers are to be met with. At public sale 266 bags of fine red Bahia were taken in at 325, and 970 bags Guayaquil at 30a to 32s per cwt for grey. For West India the market is quiet, and last week's terms are not to be obtained. At public sale 118 bags of good grey Trinidad were taken in at 42s per cwt. TEAS.—In common Congou operations have been upon a small scale this week, still on the part of holders firmness is apparent, and there are nut sellers under 9} per lb. For medium sorts the market has been in a quiet position, but prices remain at lid to is 2d. In other kinds sales have be, n small at from Is 3d to is 9d, but fine continues- least in demand A fair business 'has been conctuded in ordinary and middling sorts of Souchong at 101 to is 4d, still few buyers are to be met with for other kinds, and sellers are willing to accept Is 6d to 2s 6d. Preuious terms are asked for Scented Caper, the market, however, has a dull aspect and is 2d to is ed is the value. Pekoe Tea met with little attention, and difficulty is experienced in getting late rates. Fine Green is held with firmness at fully last week's terms, and a good demand exists. SPICES.—To-day at public sale 222 chests of Cassia Lignea were sold, good middling and good at 107 s to 109 s, middling 106 s, mouldy 102 s to 103 s, broken 87s 6d to 90s. Of Bengal Ginger 520 bags and 892 brls were disposed of, middling and good mid export sort at 20s to 20s 6d, ord 19s; a small parcel of 30 bags white Pepper went at 61d. RICE.—To-day at public sal© 356 pkgs Arrowroot were nearly all taken in; Bermuda at 2s 3d to 28 4d; St. Vincent's 9d to is Id, and Jamaica is 3d; 123 brls Tapioca taken in at 3id for low. Saco.—Price are firm for Sago, but only small purchases have been made this- week. At public sale 150 chests were taken in, at 23s 6d to 24s for good grain. Sago flour is offered at 225, but few buyers are to be found. Farina is dull of sale at 16s to 16s 6d, -and the stock is getting upon a larger . scale. For Tapioca prices have a downward tendency,' and at :Public sale 75 pkgs were taken in, good and fine Rio at 6d to gid, and Bahia ordinary at 4d. Arrowroot is held for full rates, the stuck being small; still few buyers are to be met with. At auction 21 pkgs St. Kitts, 'roue le Mois were in part sold at 4d to 6d for middling and good. Ores.—This afternoon at public sale 48 tuns Southern Oil sold at 321 lOs to 331 103; 7 tuna Sperm at 841 lOs for good; 50 tuns of Seal, fine pale 371 5s to 37110., and straw 351 per tun; 424 pkgs Cocoa Nut, a small part sold at 33s 9d to 355, andlow 29s 6d to 30s 3d. TALLow.—This artornoon at public sale 1,100 cks of Sydney were offered, and a part only sold at 32s Gd to 36s 3d; 1,300 pkgs South American 33s to 351 6d; 22 cks fine P. Y. Candle 36s 6d Per cwt. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From this night's Gazette.) An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria, cap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday, tha 2id day of February, 1850. 158171 DIPAITILENT. X. Notes issuwl.. •• .• .• 30,326,155 X. Government debt .. 11,015,100 Other securities .... 2,984,900 Gold coin and bullion 16,049,078 Silver bullion ...... 277,077 ness having been opened by the chairman, Mr. C. Wil son moved the first resolution, to the effect that the window tax was an odious, partial, and oppressive im post, and that attempts to improve the sanitary condition of the people which should not include its abolition were a mockery, which, being seconded by Mr. Hickman, was carried unanimously. The second resolution, moved by Mr. Tirns, and seconded by Mr. Grange, was for the adoption of a petition to Parliament in accordance with the sentiment of the meeting and for requesting Sir B. llall, ALP., to present it to the House of Commons, and the Members of the borough and county to give it their support. It was carried unanimously. Lord Duncan then came forward and was received with great applause; his Lordship, in a speech of some length, exposed the principle of the tax, and pointed out several ways by which the national expenditure might be reduced. His Lordship, who was continually greeted with loud cheers, proposed a ♦ote of thanks for the chairman, which being carried the meeting broke up. The bodies of two infants, evidently murdered, have been found ; the one on Monday, in Regent's Park ; the other on Tuesday, in St. George's-road, Pimlico. No clue to the perpetrators of these crimes has been discovered. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 28. PARTY PROCESSIONS (IRELAND) BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the second reading of the Party Processions (Ireland) Bill. The Bill did not differ from former Bille, except in this case, that there was no period fixed for the expiration of the Bill. The necessity fur the enactment of such a Bill was self-evident, and he would not detain their Lordships by making any reference to recent occurrences. Lord BROUGHAM considered that it was a great advantage that the Bill was permanent. He considered the right of procession to the least valuable of the rights of the subject, and he should not be sorry to see all pro cessions prohibited except funeral processions. The Earl of ELLEN - BOROUGH said the Bill only prohibited armed processions, but did not prohibit processions generally, so that the Orangemen might assemble unarmed next year and march in procession through Dolly's Brae. He thought that the papers which had bees presented to the House on the subject of Dolly's Brae justified the introduction of this Bill, although they might not justify the conduct that had been pursued' by her Majesty's Government on that occasion, but on that point he would not now give any opinion. Lord CAMPBELL said that the Bill was framed al most entirely on the principle of the Bill introducel by the Noble Lord opposite, and which was found to work so successfully from the year 1813 to the year 1845, when the unsettled state of society in Ireland required the temporary- adoption of other measures. It was founded in its detail upon the earnest desire of the Go vernment to act with the most perfect impartiality in every case that might arise; it applied equally to Rib bonmea and Orangemen, and the greatest care had been taken to apportion the punishment to the enormity of the offence. After a few words from the Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH, The Earl of RODEN said that from his experience of the state of things, which rendered necessary au enact ment similar to that which was now proposed to their Lordships, he should be the last person in that House to offer the slightest impediment to its progress; but if it were similar in principle or in operation to the former measure, he should have felt it his duty to oppose it to the extent of his ability. He was of opinion that no measure for this purpose could be too stringent in Ire land, and that it oaght to apply indiscriminately to pro cessions of every description ; but feeling the importance and necessity of this measure, he was anxious that it should be enacted. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said the Govern ment had always felt a wish to prevent the country from being excited by occurrences of this kind, and if he were in a position at that moment to do so, he could show by returns, the great number of troops, and of stipen diary magistrates, that were sent down into the North of Ireland, in the month of July, 1848. It was impos sible for an Act to provide for every case that might arise in occurrences of this class, and instances must sometimes happen, in which the law would be evaded, But the present measure, he had great reason to believe, would be assisted by the common sense which was gra dually gaining ground against these party processions, and he had little doubt, that in practice, it would be found sufficiently stringent in all cases. After a few words from the Earl of GLENG&LL and the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the Bill was read a se cond time and ordered to be committed. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb.2B. NATIONAL REPRESENTATION. Mr. HUME, in rising to move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the national representation, by extending the elective franchise, so that every man of full age, and not subject to any mental or legal disability, who shall have been the resident occupier of a house, or part of a house as a lodger, for twelve months, and shall have been duly rated to the poor of that parish for that time, shall be registered as an elector, and be entitled to vote for a representative in Parliament: also, by enacting that votes shall be taken by ballot; that the duration of Parliaments shall not exceed three years; and that the proportion of representatives be made more consistent with the amount of population and property—observed that often as he had had occa sion to address the House, he was not aware that he had ever addressed it upon a subject of more importance than this. It regarded, in his humble opinion, the future peace of the country; it was important as it concerned the justice due to the people of this country; it was of the utmost importance, in his humble opinion, as far as it related to the financial state of the country, and the means by which the expenditure and the excessive taxation of the country was to be re duced. Ile was quite aware that the vast majority of the House would listen to him with impatience, because they thought, and conscientiously felt, that the House was perfect in itself, and required no amendment. He was quite aware that this motion had been rejected in three successive years ; but since the last session of Parliament the public out of doors had so unequivocally expressed itself in favour of it, that he was convinced the House would give the motion the proper consideration that was due to its tendency and importance. That motion was for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the representation of the people. It was admitted on all sides that some amendment was noeded, but the difficulty was to decide to what length the reform should extend.—(Hear, hear.) He wanted to improve the constitution of that House, so as to bring it back to its original state. He wished to make no innovation; but his object was simply to restore the House and the government of the country to what it originally was, both in principle and operation. He was one who thought that every man who paid taxes ought to be represented. Then came the consideration how to obtain those changes from an unwilling power. He conceived he was obliged to lay down some rule, and draw some line of distinction. Our present Acts of Parliament drew a line of distinction ; they had been pointed to what should be the qualification to entitle a man to the franchise. The constitution of Parliament had been, in his experience, what any and every Mininster had chosen to call it; but, looking at the principle on which that House was constituted, he asked the House whether the present reformed Parliament was not established and the reform made a principle altogether at variance with the great principle on which his present motion was based, viz., that taxation and representation should be co-existent. He had a letter in his hand addressed by Lord Melbourne to Mr. Drummond at the begin ning of 1831-32, stating the grounds on which the then Reform Bill was contemplated. His Lordship said, "In the former Bill boroughs were regarded in proportion to their population, but in the present case the elements upon which the boroughs are to be esti mated are by the number of the houses and the amount of the assessed taxes." Now, there was the principle on which the reform of 1832 was effected. lie agreed to that Reform Bill, but at the same time he stated that he accepted it only with hopes that it would effect that degree of control on the`part of the people over their re presentatives which would insure cheap and good govern ment. lie had attempted this with the hope that the ques tion would have been fully and fairly discussed. In the results of his proceedings he was bound to state to the 'House, that ho had been completely, at least he might say that he had been greatly disappointed. They had all heard of the mode adopted for legislating in that House. He must confess that he had been an advocate for universal suffrage—a word, he believed, which was often repeated but seldom understood, but which he had explained by stating he had always desired that every man who was a householder should have a voice in the legislation of the country. lie had always desired that taxation should go with representation in this country.—(Hear, hear.) Such, in his opinion, was the original intention of those who founded our Constitution, and it was only their opinion which he was desirous of carrying out.—(Hear, hear.) If he were to be called to task he would only say that this and this only was his object; and if they would allow him, he would effectually make his case out. Ile was glad to see that the members of her Majesty's Government had not thought the sabject unworthy of their regard and consideration. He thought that no measure which was sought to be introduced into that House should be introduced with out being duly considered and weighed. He bad lived long enough to see that many alterations bad not been amendments, and many reforms bad not been improvements. The measure which he was about to introduce was ono which would give contentment and peace to a groat number of men, which would give the franchise to a large number of men who well deserved it. To meet the feelings of many per• sons, he had introduced a test into the measure : he pro posed that every man who had been rated for the poor's rate for twelve months should be entitled to the suffrage. Her Majesty's Government h a d approved of this test, inasmuch as they had introduced it into their measure for extending the suffrage to Ireland. The question might be asked to what extent would this measure increase the number of those possessing the franchise. The more they placed dependence in a man the more trustworthy he would be, but to despise and reject a man, would be to have no hold upon him. What he wanted then to do was to raise a man in his own moral estimation, by placing confidence in him—making him, in fact, a free man and not a slave; for be held that he who had no voice in electing those who passed laws affecting life and property was no freeman, but was in the situation of a bondsman and a slave. He wished to do equal justice to Ireland, as well as to England and to Scotland, for he believed that many of the evils which existed in the former country had arisen from a system of p ar tial legislation. It appeared that the p o p u lation of England and Wales in 1841 was about 16 millions, and taking the number of ratepayers Z 30,326,155 £30,326,155 M: MARSHALL,' Chief Cashier. Dated the 26th day of February, 1850. BANKING DEPIATMZIC T. X. Proprietors 'capital . • 14,553,000 Rest •• • • Public deposits (in alading Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ings -banks, and Di vidend accounts) .. 7,639,031 Other deposits .. .. • • 9,749,035 Seven day and other bills ••••••• • •• • • • • 1,111,658 Government securi ties (Including Dead Weight Annuity).. 14,399,368 ,Other securities .• • • 9,687,835 Notes ••••••• • •• •• •• 11,437,600 1(101d and silver coin•. .798,066 X 36,320,469 X 36,329,869 M. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. Isso. Dated the 28th day of February, COURSE OF EXCHI Amsterdam 12 2% Ditto, at sight •• . .. 12 0% Rotterdam .. •••• .. •• 11 2% Antwerp •••••••• •• • • .. 25 70 Elamburgh • •If.B. 13 13 Altona ••••-.• • • • • • .... Paris, 3 days'sight .. •• 25 47% Ditto, 3 months .... 25 70 Marseilles ••••• • .. •• 25 70 80urdeaux......... . 25 70 Frankfort on Maine.... 121% l'etersburgh, SU. Able.. 37% Vienna, elec. flo• ••• •• 11 45 Trieste, ditto.. • • .... 11 45 Madrid . • 4(4% Cadiz •• .• —•••• •• •• 10 Bilbao— •.• • .. •• •• lop —• Barcelona •• •• •• •• •• •• "6 LN GE.-(THIS DAY.) Gibraltar . • • • • • • • • • • • • • Leghorn ........ • • .... 30 60 Gallo& .. •• .... 26 0 Venice .... .. .. .. ...... Naples .. ............ 41 U Palermo, peroz ........ I 2134 Messina .............. 12234 Liabon.. .. • • .......... 53)i Oporto .............• .. 63% Rio Janeiro ........ • • Buenos Ayres .. .•.. New York, 21 dayesight Philadelphia .......... MCI/ OF BULLION, PEI, Os. Foreign Geld in bars .. X 3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Spanish Doubloons .. 0 0 0 New Dollars ...... 0 4 104 Silver 1• bars ...... •• 0 4 11% THE COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL, Fes. 28. —Wheat and' all sorts of grain was of a limited supply, barely of last week's rates. English Wheat, 36. to 42, per imperial quarter; ditto foreign white, 44, to 481; ditto red, fine, 50s to 531; ditto ordinary, 37s to 406; ditto hard, 351 to 3is ; ditto French, 32s to 391 per 4801 b.. English malting barley, 24s to 28s per imperial quarter ; ditto and foreign grinding, lEs to 22s per 4001b s . D evon an d Welsh oats, 151 to 16s per imperial quarter; ditto Irish white, 17s to 18s per 32011,1; ditto black, 15, 63 to les per imperial quarter •, ditto foreign, none. English beans, 27s to 30s per imperial quarter; ditto foreign, 231 to 28, per 4801bs. English flour, seconds, 27s te 29s per sack ; ditto American, sweets, 236 to 241 per barrel. The averages are—Bristol wheat, 37s lid; Gloucester ditto, 40s 3d. Bristol oats, 1615 d ; Gloucester ditto, 17. 6d. Bristol barley, 251 ed ; Gloucester ditto, 22s Bd. Bristol beans, 28s lid; Gloucester ditto, 295. BLAMING HAM, Faa. 28.—Gloucester and Worcester mar kets on the 23d ruled very dull, but in some instances rather more money was realised for fine wheat. Oats taken in retail at former prices. Beans and peas rather lower. This week the sales reported are again trifling, and on wheat the turn is in favour of the buyer. Barley rather more inquired for, but without leading to much business. Only limited parcels of oats have changed bands. A few beans and peas have realised former prices. At this day's market there was a good supply of English wheat, and the trade ruled very dull at a reduction of 6d to Is per quarter. Barley lat, but lower prices were not submitted to. Nothing worth notice doing in oats, Beans and peas both difficult to quit. Loustissoitou•it, FEL 28.—,We had a fair supply of all descriptions of grain at to-day's market which was taken slowly at the rates of this day week. Boarox, FEB. 27.—Wheat, red 30s to 371 Od, white 36. to 40s, extra 42s ; oats 113 to 15s ; beans, 18s to 25s ; peas 22, to 25s per quarter. SLEAroitn, FEL 25.—Wheats white 39s to 42s red 36s to 39s ; barley 21. to 261; oats 14, Od to 18s; beans, 26s to 321 per qr. LY NN, FRB. 26.—Wheat 30s to 345, fine 36s to 40s • barley 20s to 225, fine 24s to, 25s per qr. AlFORD.—Averages for the week ending Feb. 2.s—Wheat 341 10d ; barley 21s 9 d ; oats 14, 6d ;s to 445, extra 469, red beans 00s to Os per qr. Nxwaax, Fax. 27.—Wheat, white 42 38s to 40s, extra 42s ; barley, malting 255 to 265, extra 21s, Os; oats, feed 151 to 181, grinding nominal, foreign Os to seed 20. to 23s ; beans, 251 to 263, seed 27 s ; p eas , b rea k ers 325, seed 34s ; spring tares, 341 to 36s per qr. ROTHERVAM, Fxs. 25.—Beef 5s 6d to 6s 3d per stone ; mutton, sid to 6d per lb. DERBY SIIITHTIELD MARKET, FEB. M.—The market to-day was well supplied with fat bea s t s , th e greater part o f . the d emaa d f or b ee f was reewkere well with sheep, with out any alteration in price. The supply o f f a t an d store ca l ves , but moat of the animals ws w ee h a rr i e c c h edl iy w s p a s no s egedozo good excellent 1 a l e s n Ti t th e i w n sahs q e e u lp a a l s i pt t e y wn ; i,fuSi'd to s}d per lb. Pork, Beef made from 5d to 3s ed per s t one o f lelb s . sw7idure; on g tmo oo u d Bt . tspe, Fa Sr t isd p c i o g tr s o 6de.we ; rßeopuvlegienatl fat, Hides, lid per lb ; calf skins, 2d to 3id per lb. EDINBURGH GRAIN MAxxxr, F E , 27.—Wheat—The quantity of wheat brought forward to-day was 952 qrs, being 80 qrs less than last week. Top price the same, and the average 5d up-78 qrs unsold. Barley—The quantity brought forward was 386 qrs, being, gig qrs less than last week. Price on the top 63, and - the average 6d up-23 qrs Price w o n top thasame, and the average unsold. Oats—Of this kind grain we had 1,256 qrs brought forward, or 109 qrs legit than last week: The top price 8d down, and the average 10d up -20S qrs unsold. Beans The quantity of beanas.to-44 , was=l6l qrs, or 26 qrs mote - ..• •,!., 44i1b. 22. Od than last week. 66;t1b. 305 Od 10d up-6 qrs unsold. - than Th lastsupply w Top ,, ot O W a h t e s a: .. 6341 b. 445 Od ee k o . f Barley 56 lb. 25a 6d dull, and prices down Beans cattle London oc this ne omu na account morning of hth saeki was ,asr wge : rs B * eu o pe 4 . px ; ley being a i n n d gly the sluggish state of the EDINBURGH CATTLE MARKET, FE s. more fully 6d per Dutch stone. A f e w very superior beasts brought 7s per Dutch stone. Top price, is ; current, 69 6d ; middling and inferior, 4s 6d to 6s per Dutch stone. The supply of sheep this morning was 1,862, bein g 758 less than l as t week. Notwithstanding the short supply, it was fully equal to the demand, and sales were slowly erected at last week's prices. Top price of best mutton, bid per lb ; current, Od to 5d ; inferior, 4d to 41d. DuNaaa, Fxs. 26.—Wheat, weighing 64ilbs, brought 38$, and prices to 325. Barley, we i g hing 551bs, brought 21s and prices to 15s. Oats, weighing, 44} lbs, brought Ills and prices to 13s. Beans and peas, weighing 671 ts, brought 265. CORK, Fax. 27.—Flour—First 12s Od to 13s; extra 141 611; seconds, 103 6d to 12s ; households 98 to 10s 6d; thirds, 7a to 9, per cwt. Oatm ea l 10 s to 00s Od; I n di a n meal 7s to 7a 3d ; wheat meal, 10s to 10s Gd per cwt. Indian corn 130 s Od to 135 s per ton. Bran 3112 s 6d to 3/ Issper ton. Hay—Farmers 13s to 363; average 30s ' • dealers 33s to 40 s Od ; average 35s per ton. Straw—Farmers Ils Od to 123 s Od; average - 20s; 'dealers 26s Od to 28s Od; average 00s Od per ton. Bread=—Wheaten loaf 6d to 61d; household loaf 5d to 51d per 41b. Fresh butter, 8d to 103 per lb.. Eggs -43 6d to 4s 8d per hundred. Coals— Newport 15s; Lydney 17s ; Landore 15. ; Best Neath Culm 14s per ton. Tallow 40s Od to 00s per cwt. Whisky, 25 o. p., 5s 9d per imperial gallon. Meat —Beef 4d to 6d ; mutton 4d to 6d; veal Od to Od ; pork 4d to Od ; bacon 6d to 7}d; sausages 5d per lb. Hops 131 Os per cwt. Bangor slates 31 2. 6d to 315 s pet ton. Bark—Barbary 715 s to 815 s; Valonia 141 to 01; French 71 5s ; English 0/ per ton. Fleece Wool 10s to 12s per stone. Hemp 32/ to 00/ per ton. Fish— Scotch herrings 16s to 17s ; red ditto 20s to '22, per barr e l ; N ew foundland 9 1 01 to 111 pet ton. ',Timber—Memel, 85s per ton ; deals, first quality, 18s, second quality, 16s per 100. Hides—Market 141 to 20s; salted 15s to 211 per cwt ; calf skins 20 to 21d per lb. Potatoes, white 8d to 91d ; Minions 12d to 13d ; Guano— Peruvian, 11l 10s; Icbaboe, 91 per ton; Tar—Archangel, 19s par barrel. REPEAL or Tag WINDOW TAX.--Last evening another 'very numerous meeting of the ratepayers of Marylebone was held at the Literary Institution, Car lisle street, to consider the repeal of the window tax. The chrtir was tak en b y the R ev . Dr. Barns. There were also present Lo r d D uncan , M.P., Messrs. H. C. Orange, Powell, • Dr. Grange, &c. The buei- ~... as his data, excluding the double, treble and quadruple votes held by one person from his calculation, he found that he had between 780,000 and 800,000 voters. Now he proposed that the number of persons en titled to vote should be increased to 3,232,762. Lodgers were equally as fit, and many of them more fit, to enjoy the franchise than those who now possessed it, and he would provide in the Bill that es'« ry lodger might be registered to the poor-rates of the house in which he lived; and after he had been so registered for twelve months he should be equally competent to exercise the franchise as if ho were the possessor of the whole house. Now it was to this extent that he would carry his plan of registration, and he put it to the House whether there would be any danger in thus extending the suffrage. Did they not all know that whenever the power of government was confined to a narrow basis, it invariably led to anarchy and confusion? Had they net proofs of this in the recent occurrences on the continent? What, however, had they to fear from Government if they extend the franchise? Laws were made not for the benefit of classes, but the good of the community at large, and the Sovereign was no less than the first magistrate of the land—whose duty it was to carry out the laws when they bad received the sanction of the two Legislative Chambers. Were they not then in more danger by confining the franchise to a million when it ought to be enjoyed by three or four millions? What would any of them say if they were in the situation of the millions that were now rejected ? ‘Vbat would any of the Members of that House say or do, were they in the situation of millions of artisans, on whose industry some of th e fi nes t manufactures de pended— (Hear, hear)—receiving 11., 21., or 3/. a week, and who would be called upon to assist in keeping the Queen's peace should a dis turbance break out whilst they were walking the streets? Were not those artisans entitled to say, " You call on us to execute the laws, but do you give us any share or interest in making those laws? You treat us as serfs, and drive us like cattle, and yet you call upon us for assistance ?" Whilst men of large incomes are taxed a thousandth part, a hundredth part, or a twentieth part, of their earnings, the artizan was taxed one-fourth of his whole wages on his consumption of the ordinary articles of subsistence. Men not more worthy than they in Bel gium, the United States, and in France could not be taxed without their consent; and why should not the artizan class of England he placed on a similar footing? But he had, moreover, the deliberate judgment of her Ma jesty's Ministers on the paper of the 20th of January last. He referred to the Bill of rights for the colonies, and they must not tell him that they could not place any confidence in the people of England when they were placing this confidence in the mixed population of the Cape of Good Hope, New Zealand, and other colonies.—(lltar, hear.) He said then that it was an insult to the people of this coun try that they should be denied a privilege at home which they would immediately obtain upon set• ting their foot upon a colonial strand.—(Hear.) Under these circumstances he would say that he had not only a right to ask, but to demand that this right should be conceded to the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) Were they less intelligent, less diligent, less moral, less worthy of the right of conferring legislative powers than the inhabitants of any of the colonies?—(Hear, hear) — and if not, why was not the privilege conceded? To show that they were not ho would refer to a dispatch of Lord Stanley's in 1832. The Ho nourable Member then read his Lordship's dispatch. Here was the principle of extending power and put ting into the hands of every man a right to share in local government, equally applicable to the national government, of which he was a part; and, therefore, he contended that he had Lord Stanley's decided opinion in favour of his scheme. Her Majesty's Government was proposing to introduce universal suffrage into the colonies. Thus far he was supported by parity of reasoning. Every man who was rated to the road-tax at the Cape of Good Hope was to hare a vote. Her Majesty's Government were ready to show their confidence in 180,000 persons at the Cape of Good Hope, and yet they were back ward in giving the franchise to Englishmen, who were no less intelligent and trustworthy. He wished to carry out a system of equalization by means of electoral districts, and there were precedents of a recent date emanating from the Government, in regard to the colonies, which justified him in asking the House to adopt the course which he suggested, and he asked Hon. Members to pause before they gave a vote in favour of rejecting the measure. Her Majesty's Ministers had given the colonies three representative estates, which consisted of the governor, a legislative council, and a re presentative assembly, and the power and privileges of each were distinctly defined. Now he did not object to our estates of the King, Lords, and Commons being continued, but what he wished was that the latter should become a better reflex of the opinions of the people. In that case it would be more pure and more efficient. His own conscientious be lief was that many in the House held their seats in consequence of having paid large sums of money to per sons to secure their election, an this was equally as bad in principle as the borough-mongering system of old. Three years was long enough for any man to hold a seat in that House. At one time he agreed with his late lamented friend Cartwright, that one year would be suf ficient, but at the present moment he should be satisfied by triennial Parliaments. Another point he thought it right to mention was the payment of Members. True, it was one of the points of the Charter, but: for the last 12 or 15 years of his life his principle had been to pay every officer for the duty ho had to perform, and he still was of the same opinion. He considered that every man ought to be paid for his services, and by the parties who employed him. With regard to the constitution and privileges extended to the Cape of Good Hope, they bad, in his humble opinion, a precedent which warranted them more than any other to press the Government on this question. They had Ireland and the colonies, and why not, he would ask, extend the Satre privileges to the the people of England and Scotland? He held in his hand the speech of the Noble Lord, delivered on the Bth of last month—and here he must pay the Noble Lord the compliment to say that he never heard a speech since the time of the Reform Bill more really like the Noble Lord kimself—and in that speech the Noble Lord re marked, that wherever Englishmen went, they carried with them the spirit of the free institutions of their country. Now, he would ask the Noble Lord where was the spirit of those institutions at home, which they might carry with them to other countries? With regard to the Reform Bill, he (Mr. Hume) must say that it did not fulfil the objects which it professed. And what were those objects? Tbey were the very objects which he was now contending, and the very objects for which the Noble Lord himself; he believed, considered to be just. There was another question in his (Mr. Hume's) motion —the vote by ballot. Now, the Noble Lord, in in troducing the Reform Bill, had staasd that more ingeni ous arguments had never come under his notice than had been advanced in favour of the ballot; yet the Noble Lord, on that occasion, said that the ballot was not to form any part of his Bill. He (Mr. Hume) had voted for that Bill, but he was for " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill." Now as the Noble Lord boasted of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and that they would carry those liberties wherever they m i g ht go, he thought the Noble Lord ought really to extend their rights and liberties to them. But it would be said, " Oh, but you have got the Reform Bill, and is not that quite enough? " He (Mr. Hume) would say, "No, it is not quite enough." lie would refer the Noble Lord to another passage in his speech, when in troducing the Reform Bill. The Noble Lord on that occasion said, " When I propose a reform in Parliament I propose that the people should send into this House their real representatives, that those representatives should consider their wants and attend to their inte rests. I propose that they should have this vast power." Now give them the Noble Lord's system as implied in those words. Let the Noble Lord come up to his own mark, and he is fairly entitled to amend the Reform Bill. Now he asked the Noble Lord to do so. He (Mr. Hume) held that the principles which were comprised in his motion, and the arguments which he had advanced in support of those principles, were not to be controverted. His demand was " justice," which was the right of every Englishman. When the Noble Lord, on the 6th of February, introduced the Reform Bill, he stated that it was his intention to give representatives to every part of the country, and that be did not wish to give a pre ponderance to any part over the other, and that the Government had taken into consideration the propriety of giving a certain number of towns and manufacturing districts a share in the representation. Now, he wished the Noble Lord would carry out that intention, and give such representation to the people.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord would recollect that in his recent motion to extend the benefit of free trade to the colonies, he made allusion to the loss of the North American possessions (United States) to this country, and had attributed that loss to a " series of blunders." True it was; and the Noble Lord should not forget that in those " series of blunders" the main cause of the loss of their North American possessions was attributable to " taxation without representation," and Lord Camden, in reference to the Stamp Act, in connexion with the cause of dispute in that matter, had expressed himself in February, 1766, in these words—" My impression is, and I shall retain it to the last hour of my life, that ' taxation without representation' is most un just, and whoever takes from a man his substance, in such a case, commits a robbery." He (Mr. Hume) re peated the wor d s , it was " a robbery."—(Hear, hear.) With respectjto the object of the Reform Bill, he might also refer to the authority of the late Earl Grey. Th a t Noble Earl had said he believed it to be " a mounts) of peace and reconciliation." On the 9th of February the Noble Earl. (Grey) had quoted from Whitelock's book on Government, and in speaking of the genius of the constitution, that authority laid down as an opinion, that " whenever the question of the right of the electors was brought before the House of Commons, the good sense of the House was in favour of the people, and of the feeling that the more free the elections were, the more beneficial would it prove to the country.—(Hear, hear.) That was the evidence of the late Earl Grey in favour of Parliamentary Reform, and in speaking of it, he pronounced it to be a measure of peace and concilia tion, while, on the other hand, its refusal would be at tended with disquiet and discontent. Sergeant Gran: ville, too, in a House of Commons in which Seldon and several other distinguished Members were, laid down the same opinions, and contended that all inhabitant householders who were rated should have a vote in the election of the Commons.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The same opinion was come to by the House in the case of the Pontefract election. He next considered the ac tual state of the constituent body, showing that there were no less than eighty-five qualifications for voters in counties, cities, and boroughs. When such a state of things existed was it to be wondered at, that they should require an expensive staff of lawyers to travel about the country, holding registration and registry revision sessions? It was an utter absurdity to assert that the iguorauce_of the great bulk of the people, could be put forward as substantial ground far retusing the franchise. There was a common observation, the peep . ° first, and give them political rights and the vileges afterwards. The best mode of teaching hi l l s lg u people Ras, he thought, by giving them winel eere worth looking after. In less than three months there worth looking after. In less than three wont emb's were no fewer that 1,045 essays produced by mem e • journ of the working classes, and three of them, man Laker, a journeyman printer, and P il g er ; man weaver, received the Parker prizes sa d the working classes could do these things, 3 ", when they were capable of writing such e „, " , Vg ' why should they be debarred from exe r iii n g their voices in the election of representativee? boa the illustration of another, he asked was a roan t e c A th i e nTeru ct . a vote as long as his jackass lived, and not to vote when his jackats died ? Was a man, he ly " ) eventhous e o Ns t, ' ohritsh houselol., t obabi being g privileged bar aed down,to vo vote, b n ne d ndeex i n ptep te ri ed u:: next day of that vote? The Hon. Gentlem ceedesi to substantiate the basis of his motion—ca,nle the inequality of the representation. The number electors to the population was 1 to every 18 in E n g n d...... —1 to every 19 in Wales-1 to every 14 in Scotia and 1 to every 58 in Ireland. Half the borough P e psi! tion tion of England returned 33 Members and the other ice d 290 Members. One-half of the population of the Vn ent Kingdom elected the majority of the Members iet . t e uh House! Could such a system be defended or j0 5 t 115 , n e 23 Members were elected by 3,5°3 electors in Eng' x. „ and Ireland, and Newcastle, with nearly tte iar ee r g i be tent of constituency, returned 2. He pressed fe s extension of the franchise constituted in his motie j e : 00 claim of right, maintaining that the people should c _ a hold over the pursesstrinas of the country, "h could not have so long as the present unjust and uneq4 ich system of representation was permitted to continue. :late warned the Legislature against ccntinuing to fe ftl il s 3 be people a fair !participation in political rights; 9 l e to cautioned those unwilling to do justice t the eel take a lesson from what h a d occu r r ed on the Co ntal h e e s He deprecated the violence of the Chartists as Ma c fee ' any man, though he approved of the principles . ag which they contend e d, an d h e was s orry to saYi e h i a Led turned his attention to th e su bject, that he 1 ' 'll OO , there was not a greater enemy to reform than the h e ar, Gentleman opposite (Mr. F. O'Connor)' violen ce . g orc , and laughter.) He was not for usin eo r in furtherance of the cause he had at heart. -- ( Mr. F. O'CONNOR—Nor am I. of Mr. HUME—lie wished to show that the best way rio convincing the people of the justice of their elain l '„ e i a by demonstrating the evil of withholding the CO for which they contended. The course which d i.. Chartists had taken rendered the name of Chartism Od d ous, for connected with it were violence, disorder, tots disregard for the law. While he made thie st°lenle t u be —(flear, he blamed the Government for not having yielded W oe just demands of the Chartists, instead of swanning es , country with soldiers and saddling the peePle " e n e v er Ther pence to keep down th e p opu l ar ca use. was a time that the que s ti on w hi c h he then urged on the i e es consideration of the Le g i s l a t ure d ese rved more selreta attention. It behoved those who had propertY • ;us those who could make pr o p er ty more valuable willbie tice. It did not become th em t o re f u se the peoPle of ibis country those rights which they (the owners of lir c kZ e ld possessed. They should do unto others as the! tbst wish to be done by, and not to grasp and a c - eb• which they knew to be unjust. After some further servations, the lion. Gentleman concluded by fOrlDplly submitting his motion.—(Hear, hear,) ;b i ts of Sir J. WALMSLEY sa id h e was quite °ens- e arnes t the great importance o f th e ques ti on , and felt an bio desire to see the pr esen t d e f ect i ve s t a t e of the frariefon so amended as to secure a full and free ro present a ,: ed of the people. Th e f ranc hi se at presen t was 50 lire b l e re of and so distributed as t o ren d er t h e re turn of Mein ,be to that House a lm os t nugatory as an expres sion popular will. It was a strange fact that of all the s E e e ee sons who contributed to the safety were less than one million deemed deserving ° fl eet elective franchise. Whatever might be the result ° a be debate he believed that justice would before le n 'Tbe done to the great mass of the people in that m atter. et a, Noble Earl at the head of her Majesty's Govern jesty s he V I of this country the in advocating the Reform Bill, had pointed to te o ur bery and corruption which had prevailed un, cle e r ens ind f : t o b r e m s er ob r le ep i r .,b es r e d n t t b a a ti t ve sia s e y e st t e b m e . But he would 1 ' Ac t their blue books containe Pacaessuinenguloaftetdhe leveirti°ernii3cellel corruption similar to that which had former l Yrobrt forth his reprobation. There could be n c e l ee ji 'otl however, on the other hand, but that the e` —t e l en' had been conducted in all the now and poptil' u l e a stituences created by the Reform Bil l pre manner which showed ,the reasonableness W it priety of that measure. He thought that exarnP c° ,. the to encourage the Noble Lord to extend still furth e ctt ion representative system in this country. A vot P eons of our population were deeply sensible of the wrong any to them when they were denied the right of tabi n f ott eid part in the election of those whose laws they fi ere bei r, to obey, and whose taxation they were compelled t e c ' ee Cr The present was the most favourable momen t ',..eicit tending to the unrepresented classes a concession toads they would receive as a boon, and which could t oe of to them with perfect safety. It was only by 3 11 `,.eisca s that House that our system of taxation could be •s er esii in a manner conformable with the wishes of th e i ja be mass of the people. They might be told that it i ."' c ' e - e bise' dangerous for them t o ex t en d t h e b as i s o f the ir s ; v ibe But,for his p ar t, h e cou ld not help think i ng :that th °9- e tl O were at present exc l u d e d f rom the franc hise arr .- sad 0 ' most loyal, the most peaceful, the moa t valueli,".. be the most unoffending p ort i on (4 . th e community.fool would ask, could the honest artisan of this cotlntrYbieb contented while he found that the right of rating, %Jed was denied to hi mse lf; was abut to be e l te hir l to the people of o ur d is t ant co l on i es in New " e - e tine and the C a p e o f G oo d H ope? H e would Y lt . - e slY t tll the Noble Lrd what e, no doubt, wa s well e aware if—thato that was h simply a quest.os ° jo lter —(Hear, hear.) He believed that greater ur an o trl at present p reva il e d among t h e peop l e a th is e c e ° e e'e r in favour of au ex t ens i on o f the f ranc hi se than n o felt been manifested u p on any ot h er su bj ec t ; and be roll persuaded that if th e N o bl e L or d were to bring 01 ' 014 0 an enlarged measure o f reform, he would be WV, t hat and sustained by t h e great , b o d y o f t h e peoPic h ° high position which as the author of such a nae ls r e teel would well des erve . U n d er our p rese nt e l e ctoral neither population nor p roperty was fairly rePre3e,fiere He found that e i g ht y - s i x Members f that liouse Go es returned . by a sm a ll er num b er of voters than we re te'a ted in the T ower H amlets, w h o returned onlifool ai Members. Then again with regard to property , b e e efsle . that one-half of th e annual value of England burn while was represent e d b y nine counties and 161 Me mbrs ' 'rtr the other half o f t h at value was re resen ted by thirty" one counties and 310 M em b ers; an d further it & P P- or• e' that one-half o f t h e M em b ers o f t h a t 110 00 I. ,.. e `eile canted property of the annual value o , f 6 200,00 01 e ` ; s lue the other half representedbeparr . o ) per l y A t % o e f rc i o h oLh olili3eb of 78,000,0001—(11ear, tamed between three and four hundred t housand i % the tants, and which was assessed to the poor-rate tbs t extent of 1,500,0001., sent onl• two Member s " e - e taia, House, while Buckinghamshire' ' which did not c ; esea more than half that population, andwhich was 3 ; . -e eetl‘ to the poor rate to not more than half that ani c e un ieolis c eleven Members to Parliament. He hoped that the N ee" swaorueldfranmotedreffanrsetbietspausrsepnbtsetoefthpeatitiiintrgodainiction 0 1 0 -13 0 ' milieus and unsatisfactory a system. et be the Sir G. GREY said that, whatever mi ght 000 opinion of the House as to the merits oeflai end to h i• ci oa Pt g i bt which had been submitted to its consideration, he d i t for that his Hon. F r i en d was at l east en titled to erc o ,ler consistency in having again brought that subje ct ea bee their notice. His lion. Friend had several t inl uee y) fore introduced a similar measure, and he (Sir G . the gave credit both to his Honourable Friend *nu 00 ia Honourable Gentleman who had seconded the raciti s iegl e so becoming a spirit, for being animated by the ett etri' desire 'to :promote the best interests of the „ c ; si t erieg' and the security of its existing institutions• h theY, however, as he did, from them in the opinion wh i i .ey ba", entertained as to the results of the scheme t" be he shadowed forth, he felt bound that evening, as esite felt bound on former occasions, to meet the a decided negative. His lion. Friend had statebo bad his proposal was verbatim the same as that whic h B eel • submitted to the House on preceding occasionslrered in though he (Sir G. Grey) believed that it d i we ed for ha ( e ft his of its terms from the motion brought his lion. Friend last year upon the same subjeet!deetieal: that they might be considered as substantially 1 lie , 0 0 The question then submitted to their notice , sj o ivg. whether there should be any extension of the el m , of pi franchise in this county —was to the fi cil nal° it not as the details of the Reform Bill—was not whethe r ." ti c ' be proper for the House to take into its cousi be 9 1e; the terms and conditions at present attached to t e bise, such an with a view to enlarge tha t frs i n . C PI an enlargement should be thouht desirabdest that aa raised w midoerre b by nfidt his tmi those points he (Sir George Grey) sh"l heell ead not 0 a moment express no • opinion, because they si ; 1 Mottod that tr nog li re onourable Friend that evel3l 7l he wished it to be understood that he reser"- , spect to them. ToiPlmsPepo g r o t ra u te n aan i t t it y o ao h nt i eb s . us's" • t (Sr whether they would e ' Jo • ntertata a prop- fli ng, , sideration of a new R, form Bill, far more ew ee r its °P e e more comprehensive, and far more extensive .doptcP, Parliament after a severe struggle in b ration and its effects than that which had beertil,,ss'eee endTebebleasfio°rlicei tvvhe.:l;:eselvlie: in the country in the bah ASV year 1832. His lion. Fri e .a o usee' them to re-model th e w h o l e cons titution of that .7406011: to re-consider the whole structure of our con_ectera; and the very basis on which the fabric of our e l ector system rested. Now he (Si G. Grey) was nor , e eed t e o to accede to that invitation. He was not PT A s till ; maintain that it might not be advantageolls t t . pi should consider some of the details of the ll e e ° st ituti c he but he was not prepared to reform the er e i v ee t b ", anew, and to abandon the principles will e d to as t ie origin of that constitution had been adhere ba d to he basis of an electoral system. His Hon. fri end r otiolk them that whatever might be the terms 0f his, he wise to an d tha' t i t led was an advocate for universal suffrage, t. vote for the return of Members to Parlianeun ,ü bject , o , that all persons ss lio paid taxes should he e n D o t O s th . e_ u s i g 0 Hon. Friend had qualified that view stating that taxation and representation anceooer p be gether as far as might he consistent with_Pi`fiel,tion cautions against abuse. Now, with that qua i l le 1,01%1'0 , 0 i ,e t agreed with his Hon. Friend. That was e t . o bjeut i al which our constitution was founded; and his eked tbe d to depart from that principle, and to adont ts a wou ld d f l 4 to the motion of his Hon. Friend was that he °l o ge 611 ,1 : 4 >V„9 indefinite extension of the franchise. whi c ," fri eli o afford a proper check against abuse. Ills le ° bt to • would together; but he had himself thought It to h woul d tul le r had said that taxation and representation o u ght to impose a limit to that proposition whie-, gi2v -1,50000 or 2,000,000 of the population 94 THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1850