The Sun. — London, England, 1845-06-17 00:00:00

his country should be remunerated with a pension of 1,5001. per annum, commencing from the date on whiph Sir Henry P ottiager was to resign his full pay as . her Majesty's Plenipo tentiary. He proposed that that, pension should continue ab solutely for life. He proposed to grant this pensi'm as a mark of public acknowledgment for past services, and though future events should again render it necessary to employ Sir Henry Pottiager again in public affairs, he trusted that the feeling of the country would be that he had sufficiently merited the gra titude of his country. Mr. WILLIAMS had no wish to undervalue the services of Sir Henry Pottinger, but he must say, that when he looked to the extent of those services, which were brought to a conclu sion creditable to himself and beneficial to his country—when he looked to the nature of these services, he was willing to go as far as any Hon. Member in that House, 'but he did not think that he alone should be remembered, while the services of others were nearly forgotten. He believed that the naval arid scientific services of Sir William Parker could not well be ex ceeded, and vet that Gallant Admiral had only received a pen sion of 3001. per annum ; and this, be it remembered, not for a particular service, but for the greater portion of fifty years, the most part of which time he had been at sea. Sir Hugh Gough, also, the Commander-in-Chief of the army, had not been pensioned in an equal degree for his public services ; and it might be established as a dangerous precedent, if every public servant was to come down to the House, and for the servicese might have rendered in two years receive a pension like the esent. _ . . . Sir G. ST AUNTO.N, while giving all credit to the service; of the army and navy, thought that the very important nego tiation which had been etf~cted by Sir Henry Pottinger otrght not to be overlooked, and he certainly did not think that the degree of gratitude which the Government was dis posed to show was disproportioned to his services. He con sidered, also, that the appointment of his successor was a most valuable one, and he, as one Member of that House, would most willingly support the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet. Sir R. PEEL said that the present pension to Sir Henry Pottinger was not to be looked at as a mere mark of the coun try's gratitude for services rendered in China. That gentleman had left the service of the East India Company, and the special and peculiar services he had rendered to his country were not only to be looked to—they had also to look to the loss he had sus tained by' being taken out of the East India Company's service. The Government did not forget the services gi i the army and navy, but these were peculiar serviees, and Mold be equitably rewarded. Lord PALMERSTON did not recommend that this vote should not be a precedent in any similar cases. lie should be delighted if it were to be considered one, and that it would lead them to reward in an equally liberal manner services of similar importance. It had been said by an Hon. Member that the services of the army and navy had led to the negotia tion which resulted in China. He (Lord Palmerston) did not deny the services of the army and navy, bnt this did not in the small.ist degree injure the character of those services which Sir Henry Pottinger had rendered to his country. He entirely agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet as to the principles which should regulate the choice of persons for responsible situa tions. He knew that it was impossible Ministers could be in fluenced by party or personal considerations. It must be the 6bject of ofificial men to appoint to confidential employments the most able and the fittest persons, without regarding what might please any individual.—( Hear, hear.) And the Minis ters had done themselves great credit by the appointment ofSir Henry Pottinger. —( Hear, bear.) He would say again that he frit the greatest pleasure in supporting this grant which would carry out the decided wish of the House of Commons who shared the responsibility in this case with the Govern ment.—( Hear, hear. ) Mr. HUME said the grant would have the concurrence, not only of the House of Commons, but of the whole country.— ( Hear, hear.) He believed, from all that he had heard, that such was the keling of all the leading men in manufacturing and co.r.m: , rcial concerns—( Hear, hear)—with the single ex ception of his 11,m. Friend (Mr. Williams), who said that the pension might have been avoided. No man had ever been more adverse than he (Mr. Hume) to unnecessary pensions.— ( Hear, hear.) But he had never expressed any other opinion than this, that although he was anxious to take from the Crown the power of granting prodigal and unmerited pensions, yet he had always said tint whenever it was proposed to give a pension to a man who deserved it, he would support,such a grant— ( Ileair, hear)—and such was the present case.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend said that Sir Henry Pottinger had done no more. than his duty, and had received his salary for that duty. Now he (11r. Hume) would say tlrat if the negotiations had been frustrated, and the salary had been paid for ten or a dozen years, the argument would have some force. But the greatest merit of Sir Fl. Pottinger was that, with such a people, and under such circumstances, he had brought matters to a satisfactory and beneficial conclusion so soon.—(Hear, hear.) He admitted the claim of the naval and military ser vices to the highest credit, but he did not think the great merits of Sir H. Pottinger, who directed all the movements, were disilaraged by that admission.—( Hear, hear.) And at the same time he would express his opinion that the pension ought to date from the day when the treaty was concluded. After a few words from Mr. WILLIAMS, in explanation, The quo:Anal that 1,500/. per annum be granted to her Ma jesty, for the purpose of bestowing a pension upon Sir Henry Potting , kir, was agreed to. The douse then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be brought up on Thursday next. IRISH BANKING BILL. On the order of the day for the third reading of this Bill, Sir R. PEEL said (as we understood, for the Right Hon. Baronet spoke the few words in an exceedingly low and indis tinct tone)—that the two amendments which had bften intro duced into the Bill would, he believed, prove satisfactory. One of these related to the averages, and the other to the items. Mr. SAIITH OTRIEN rose to move the amendment of which he had given notice. He had already stated his opi nions of the measure, and he would not now occupy the House unnecessarily. He thought that if the Government had aon fined itself to antsulling the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland, and to requiring security of the Banks, the measure would have been useful, hilt in the circumstances of Ireland to restrict the circulation would be pernicious. He would not detain the House by the discussion of the general principles, but would proceed to mov e— " That it shall be lawful for any bank now existing in Ireland, and which was not a bank of issue oh the 6th day of May, 1844, to invest in the Government Three-and-a-Quarter per Cent. Stork, any sum whatsoever, and transfer the same to the Com missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, or such other persons as the Lords of her Majesty's Treasury by war rant under their hands and seals s'eall direct, to accept of such transfer; and thereupon the said Commissioners for the Re duetian of the National Debt, or such other persons, shall issue a certificate to such bank of the amount of stock so transferred, and thereupon it shall a"d may be lawful for such bank to issue their own promissory notes payable to bearer on demand, to the amount of such stock S 3 transferred : Provided always, that there shall not be a sum less than fifty thousand pounds of such stock so transferred at any one time. And be it enacted, that in the event of the said bank stopping payment, or be coming bankrupt, that such stock shall be held in trust for the persons creditors of the said bank, who shall be holders of the said promissory notes of the said bank, at the time of such stoppage of payment or failure : provided always, that the said bauk shail be entitled to receive the half yearly dividends payable on the said stock, until stoppage of payment or bank ruptcy : provided also. that the said bank shall make returns of their issues of notes as the several banks of issue in Ireland shall be bound to make such returns under this Act, and that in case the issue of such bank shall exceed, at any one time, the amount of such stock so transferred, that such bank shall be liable to the same penalties as the several banks of issue, shall be liable to for their excess of issue under the provisions of this Act : provided also, that in case of their withdrawal of their notes to an amount of fifty thousand pounds, or upwards, from circulation, then on proving the same to the satisfaction of the said Commissioners or the said persons so to be appointed, an equal amount of such stock shall be re-transferred to the said bank." Mr. O'CDNNELL, in seconding the motion that the .clause be brought up, thought that he might as weil state at that opportunity what he had to say on this BR. He was afraid the Bight Hon. Baronet was mis'aken in supposing that his two amendments would give satisfaction. There were thirty or forty branch banks, in which it would be nece sary to keep specie, and at which to notes would be issued. This placed the Irish busks in a situation much worse than that of the Scotch banks, for the latter would be required to have no more than one sovereign for any note they issued, whereas The Irish bulks would be required to have four sovereigns for every note they issued. Let them look to the Report of Lord Devon's Commission. and they would see that there were 4, A,0,000 persons in Ireland in a state of deep destitution— without employment, without clothes, without dwellings impervious to the rain—sleeping without blankets—feeding upon a scanty supply of potatoes, and having no drink but water. That was not his statement, hut the statement of the Earl of Devon. lie believed the Government did not wish that state of things to continue. He believed they wished to alter it. But they would not alter it by restricting the circu lation and the means of employment. Nobody paid money to Ireland, but one-fourth of the property of Ireland was ex pended to pay the demands upon her. .Now, by limiting the circulation, the diaailty of payment would be increased. They ought, therefore, to expand instead of restricting the cir ouletion.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion, and in the opinion of those who were connected with banking in Ireland, that the only thing wanted was to put down the monopoly of the bank of Ireland. It was too late for him now to discuss the and he had to apologise to the House for *peaking upon the subject at that hour; which he did only for the purpose of putting his opinion on record. The restriction of the currency upon a former occa sion had caused as much misery in Ireland almost as the revo lution caused in France; and he apprehended much similar suffering from this new restriction. The abolition of the thirty-shilling notes would he severely felt, anti would lower the price of every article. He concluded by seconding the mo tion, and thanking the House for its indulgence. Sir R. PEEL then made a few observations which, from the 'extremely low tone of his voice, were almost perfectly inaudible in the gallery. He was understood to say that he took a totally distinct view from the Hon. Gentleman of the principles on Which this measure was founded. The stability of credit and the solvency of banks were, in his opinion, things which would tend to the prosperity of Ireland. He had seen Ireland when there was no restriction whatever to paper currency ; and he recollected that the same amount of poverty existed. He had seen cases of issuing where the reaction led to the failure of almost every bank. He had seen almost every bank in the west and south of Ireland reduced to a state which rendered them unable to discharge their obligations. They ought to secure them sielves against temporary excess. As to the security which no minal convertibility gave against the excessive issue of paper, he would not b e b etraye d i nto an argum'enti on that matter. He desired that th e b an k s wou ld i ssue notes, governe d i n amount by the amount o f spec i e w hi ch they h e l d, an d if suc h a ru l e were established they would have quite sufficient to prevent any embarrassment arising. The construction of railways in Ireland, an d the facility of communication would of course in cvease the tr ans f er o f His belief was, that if the bat:ks Ireland as we in re s r p f e ec ei t e ly . solvent , . that there would exist in that country, Scotland , no desire to have gold in ex change for paper, provided the stability of that paper was se cured by perfect confidence the solvency of the banks. The lion. Gentleman oppositeAcr d . O'Connell) thought that the issue of paper oughtrather(tO Thatepd on the commercial de mand than on its own value. r was a difference of prin ciple. If his principle prevailed,security r m i t e y a measure would r not pass—,they had a right to as far as po.sible, to couht be turned into gold. defer to the wishes of the Irish Me-nb d, rs, and he thought that the institution of four offices instead of one, i and the extension of thirteen months, wqp.l(l secure to the lou e the general ap probation of the measure. He ko"eh eeve coursery Mr. TRELAWNEY opposed the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet, as a system of restriction and interference with per fect free trade in banking. Mr. ROSS did not think it satisfactory that there should be Tem. places having credit for the amount of gold in the coffers, and that only two of them should be in the provinces. Mr. HAW ES said that he thought that one object of the Right Hon. Baronet was to maintain paper in equal value with Ecld. Upon that ground he quite connived with him. Another obet was to restrict the number of joint-stock banks in Ire lapd. If they drew an inference from Scotland it would be the tlerest of Ireland to have local joint-stock banks increased. tie dick not think that the measure was one calculated to benefit Ireland, though that was evidently the intention of the Right !lon. Baronet. The CH ANCE4LLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the elatue. Solvency would be better secured by not establishing the powers which were contained in the clause. Mr. HtIME did not think that the reasons which had been THE SUN, LONDON, TtJESDA I EVENING, JUN'E 17, -1845 their flocks, or be partially dependent upon . the State,. And why should not the Roman Catholics and Prot , 7oania of Ireland associate together harmoniously in the same way that they did in Scotland, Russia, or France ? Ile certainly would not support the Bill, as being the first step to the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church out of the public funds, because he thought a portion of the revenues of the Established Church ougbt to he appropriated to that purpose. A good deal had been said about the murder and persecution committed by the Roman Catholics of Ireland, but, on the other hand, had not the Protestant Church, at some periods of its history, been equally as persecuting and just as tyrannical ?—( Hear, hear.) Did their Lordships forget the cruel murder of Archbishop Sharp in Scotland, whose murderers were aft erwards rewarded by the Church and the State for their cruelty? Let them hear, then, no more about the domineering and perse• outing spirit of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. But he was inclined to think it was the wish and the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to deal with Ireland in a more liberal spirit, and passing from the religious to the political question of justice to Ireland, he trusted, ere long, they would see an extended system of registration introduced into Ireland, which should place ite constituencies on the same footing as those of England. It had been said, however, that there was no use in making concessions to Ireland, because, the more they con ceded, the more the people demanded, and even when they got what they asked for, they were not contented. They had heard a vast deal, too, of the ingratitude of the Irish people ; but let him tell the House, that if they conceded to Ireland all that she was entitled to demand, and her people were still dissatisfied, then would be the time for them to com plain. When the Irish people had been treated on an equality with the English—could any Noble Lord point out to him a period in the history of the two countries, anything which could at all show that Ireland had been treated as fairly and as liberally as England ? No ' • it was quite out of the power of Noble Lords to do any such thing, and until her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects were placed on an equality with Pro testants, Ireland would still have a right to demand further concessions. Lord Grey's administration went out of office without the opportunity of completing their intentions. Sir R. Peel's Government was formed at the end of 1834, and was so speedily dissolved, that there was no time for him or his Lord-Lieutenant to carry out their kindly-disposed measures for the benefit of the people. Then came the Government of Lord Melbourne, under which those measures of conciliation were taken which made Mr. Shed a Privy Councillor, and gave Mr. Moore O'Ferrall a place at the Admiralty. During the whole of the five years which followed, the cry of repeal died away. In 1841 a contested election took place for the city of Dublin. There were two candidates on what was called the liberal side, and two on the other. On the one side there was Mr. O'Connell, and on the other Mr. Hutton, the declared enemy of repeal ; and yet at the close of the poll Mr. Hutton was within ten votes of Mr. O'Connell, who was the very head of the repeal movement. What would be the case now if a candidate were to start for that city ? Would it be believed . . that he would gain twenty votes. If the Government had adopted five years ago the same conciliatory tone which they had afterwards taken up, they would have had an easy task; but it was declared that concession had reached its utmost limit, and what the result had been their Lordships had seen. These men had been placed in office. They were men of unblemished character, men of the highest honour, hut they had been disregarded. But he would only say that it was to him no wonder that the cry of repeal had been raised. The Irish people had learned that they were to get nothing by voluntary concession, and they thought that their only appeal was to force. He did not wish to touch on any irritating topic —(" Hear, hear." from the Ministerial benches)—he might say something of the monster meetings, he might say some thing of the Irish prosecutions, and of the way in which they were conducted. He might say something also of the way in which they were concluded.—( Hear, hear.) But he was glad to see that for the future the Irish people were not to be treated as aliens in politics and religion. He was glad to see that the Noble Lord opposite was likely to have a long tenure of office.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh. ) The Government last year had carried the Dissenters Chapel Bill. They had this year carried the Maynooth Bill by large majorities, and they had it now in their power,with the support of his own side of the House, to carry other measures equally useful, and he trusted that that would ultimately be effected for which he had always contended—the endowment of the Roman Catholic priest hood. Yet though it might induce a large exclusion from office of himself and his friends, he should still rejoice at the advancement of a generous and friendly policy towards Ireland. ' The Bishop of LLANDAFF said that the old principles of supporting the royal family on the throne had been so brought in question, that the term of concession had reached its limits was a correct phrase. There were one or two points which had been very erroneously stated, but so long as the principle was upheld the connexion of the monarchy with the Protestant religion must be maintained. These two points had been his torically misstated. There was but one church, one faith, one creed in the world; and though they might differ as to which was the purest church, yet there was no question as to the existence of the church. When, by what he must take the liberty of calling—and what was in reality a dispensation of Provi dence—this country was freed from the tyranny of a man who saw himself thwarted in some of his favourite views, the Church reformed itself, and was not affected by any outward power. In the early part of the time of Elizabeth the Church had been established in all its purity, and every membnr of the faith communicated with it. The church of Rome had thrown the Church of England off. She had repudiated and excommuni cated all who partook of her rites. But the Church still went on, and was not disturbed in any of her positions, so that it was only simple error to say that the revenues of the Church had been transferred to the other. When he called the Esta- blished Church of this country a continuation of the ancient church, he thought their earliest recollections would come in to aid the position which he had put before them. This was done, not by direct effect of authority, but by the vitality always ex i,ting in a Christian community they had continued the usages of the Church after its polity was changed. It was an error then to say that the revenues had been taken from one church and transferred to the other, for it was all the same Church only altered in features. There was one argument brought forward in favour of the Bill which he could not give his sanction to, namely that it was not the doctrines on which the grant was conferred but the number of people who professed those doc trines. He thought that such an argument was one of the most pernicious tendency. He would not however detain their Lordships any longer, hot believing as he did that the grant was inconsistent with the principles of the reformation, inconsistent with the civil and religious l►berties of this country, and subersive of those noble institutions which were established previous to the accession of the illustrious family who at pre sent occupied the throne, he could not give his sanction to it, and would therefore move that the Bill be read a third time that day six months. Lord CA NIPBELL said that he was far from being an enemy to the Protestant Church, and he did not consider that any appropriation of its funds, such as he had suggested, would in the least degree impair its usefulness. The Earl of EL LENBOROUGH did not concur with the Noble and Learned Lord. He thought that the Church of England and Ireland was one Church, and it would be as unju•t that the superfluities of York should go to supply the wants of Cornwall or Kent, as that the funds of the Established Church in Ireland should be taken to supply the Catholic religion there. He thought that such a proposition was unjust; and he intreated the Noble Lord, and all who concurred with him, to pause before they entertained such a suggestion. If once they countenanced so monstrous a proceeding it was impossible to say what would be the end of such an unprecedented interfe rence with the just rights of the Established Church in Ire• land. —( Hear, hear. ) The Earl of SHREWSBURY said that religious controversy ought to be eschewed in that House; but he could not, as a Catholic, allow the denunciations which had been frequently poured out in the course of the present debate against the Catholic religion, to pass without recording his decided protest against them. This religion, he it remembered, numbered among its followers, both in times past and at present, the most illustrious men the world ever saw, and he would ven ture to say that it would continue to do so for all time to come. If Noble Lords who had alluded, with so much eloquent vituperation, to the doctrines taught at Maynooth, had moved that a copy of the " Catechism of the Council of Trent, which had been published in 1829, by a professor of that College, should be placed on the table, or in the hands of every Member of their Lordships' House, an opportunity would be given to sift those charges which had been made. It was really monstrous, however, to state, as many of their Lordships had done, without the least proof of such an assertion, that all who were professors of that religion were sunk in superstition and idol atry. He was a Catholic not only in obedience to the church who inculcated that faith, but from a serious investigation, and a strong conviction of the truth of the Catholic religion ; and he defied those Lords who had indulged in these calum nious misrepresentations, to substantiate a single one of them. He could not help also contrasting the conduct of the Catholic Members of that House, when speaking of the Protestant re ligion, who, although twelve in number, never, as far as he knew, allowed a single word to escape them disparaging the doctrines of that religion. He should not have dwelt upon this part of the subject at all, but from the pertinacity with which those charges had been reiterated, and which, though refuted a thousand times over and over again, were still brought forward with all the freshness of novelty. He would just briefly allude to one or two'of the mis-statements which had been made in reference to the doctrines taught at May nooth.—The Noble Lord then read a document purporting to come from a body calling themselves the Censors of the Anti-Maynooth Committee, which states, that there are eleven works containing doctrines of a persecuting tendency read as class-books in Maynooth, and it turned out that only three of the books which they enumerated were read there, and only as books of reference, and the doctrines which were contained in them were precisely opposite to those which were taught in the regular class-books of Maynooth. The Noble Lord then re ferred to a passage in " Menochius," one of those books of re ference, where an inference is drawn that Christ sanctioned the doctrine of putting heretics to death. So far (continued the Noble Lord) from concurring in such an opinion, or in any passages of a similar tendency, they were not only objected to, but strongly deprecated by the authorities and professors of the College, and are never referred to unless for the purpose of refutation. He might as well say, that because Cranmer burnt the Socinians, the present humane and virtuous Primate was anxious to try his hand upon the same ex periment. And he might go on suggesting cases of this nature; but he would only content himself by remarking that there would be always these notions in dispute between the two Churches. All he asked the House, there fore, was to give the same right of thinking and exercising their opinions upon these matters to the Roman Catholics, as they gave to the Protestants. The Catholic clergy were un exampled in the discharge of their religious duties, and un surpassed, if not unequalled, in their loyalty, but still, Noble Lords had been unmeasured in their abuse of them and the Jesuits of France. If the people of Ireland wanted any strong ground for repeal, it was to be found in the language which had been indulged in by some Noble Lords on this question. But he wished to depart from these attacks to say a few words on the principle of this measure.—( Hear, hear.) It would lie remembered that the tenets which were so obnoxious to some Noble Lords, were some time ago proscribed by the laws of t hi s country, an d what was it that had placed them in their present position ? It was not any alteration i n their Lordship s ' opinion that had produced the change, but it was because in Ireland the influence of the Catholic commu nity had gradually increased, until the Government of the country were unable to refuse them their rights. Their first grant to Maynooth was based upon that principle, and the prin. ciple had ever since been gradually advancing. The question before them was not one of polemics. It was a question of popular rights. Were it a question of polemics, he would have precisely the same right as the Noble Lord, who moved an amendment on a former occasion, every time an Eccle siastical Bill came before them, to demand that the doctrines of the Establishment be inquired into and explained. But it was not a question of polemics, but one of right and justice; and if their Lord s hip s r e fused even to sanction the measure, it would be tantamount to returning to their illiberal and unwise system of dealing with Roman Catholics. It therefore only remained for him to thank the Government for having brought the measure forward, and to urgently entreat them now in its last stage Rot to relax in their efforts to carry it out. The Duke of MANCHESTER spoke i few words in ex planation. The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished to know whether the Government had authorized . the Governor of Malta to con sent to the establishment of a Jesuit college there ? Lord STANLEY replied that a representation had been made to Government from Malta, of the great defi ciency of establishment, for education in that island, which had rendered it necessary for the inhabitants to send their children to be educated in Italy and Sicily. Under these circumstances a question had been raised whether the brother of an Han. Member of the other House should be allowed to establish at his own expense a school in Malta for the education of Roman Catholic children. That question was still under the consi deration of Government. No school could be established in Malta without the licence of the Governor, and that licence had hitherto never been refused. The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether the gentleman alluded to was a member of the Jesuit Society. Lord STANLEY was understood to say, he believed the gentleman belonged to a Jesuit college. The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether any communi cation had been held on the subject of this Bill with the Pope of Rome. Lord STANLEY replied that no direct communication ever took place between this country and the Pope of Rome ; but on the present occasion, as on others of a similar nature, the agent of the British embassy at Florence had certainly carried en an indirect communicatien with the Papal Court. The Duke of NEWCASTLE considered that it was cri minal in the State to encourage the Roman Catholic religion, which was both superstitious and idolatrous, if those who pro fessed it set up images which they worshipped. That doctrine was founded in error, and was contrary to all religion. He ob jected to the grant being paid out of the funds of this country, and understood that when the College of Maynooth was esta blished, that it was projected as an experiment, and not as an institution to be permanently supported and endowed by the State. The people would not be satisfied with the measure, . . for they had evinced the greatest dissatisfaction since Catholic Emancipation was granted to them ; so that it was absurd to suppo,e that this measure would conciliate them, and render them quiescent. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington) said, in introducing the 13111, " that no one in his senses"— The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no. The Duke of NEWCASTLE-_I say, yes. lam not to be put down by " No." The Noble Duke said " that no man in his senses would now think, the Government and the Parlia ment being against them, that they could ever have a chance of carrying their point (repeal), as they were so beaten down, so thoroughly unable to raise the standard of rebellion again, that it was desirable to he exceedingly liberal and to conciliate as much as possible." He (the Duke of Newcastle) held that the peace and prosperity of this country would be greatly in jured if they passed the measure. The situation in which the Queen was placed, with respect to this measure, by her Go vernment, whose conduct he deprecated, was most painful, for they were requiring her to do that which was contrary to the oath which she swore at her coronation—that she would hold the Established Church inviolate. He conceived, also, that the sentiments of this country were against the measure. He thought that there ought to be no barracks without a chapel of the Church of England attached to them. All this was un lawful, especially by the Emancipation Act. There was another Act which made it unlawful to establish a Jesuit's College any where, and he believed that those who were engaged in the es tablishment of these colleges subjected themselves to a prenau n ire. He did think that any attempt to establish a college at all was contrary to the Constitution, and though he felt bound to apologize for the very imperfect manner in which he had stated his views, he yet felt bound to state them, and he should vote for the motion of the most Rev. Prelate. The Duke of WELLINGTON felt bound to explain what he had said in a former debate, and it was this, that he felt assured that it was utterly out of the power of any man, by tumult, intimidation, or violence, to force the question of repeal. He had not said a word about agitation. He had not said a word about tumult. And he never thought that any Act could be forced throough the House by tumult or v:olence ; and if the Noble Duke was of opinion that it could be, he was the only man of sense that was of that opinion. He would beg to remind their Lordships that this was a Bill to amend an Act of Parliament, and he had never heard that it was unlawful to amend an Act of Parliament. The Noble Duke had stated a variety of circumstances to show that it was unlawful, but he must say that was not the opinion of other Noble Lords. They must either repeal the Act altogether, which he did not think was at all likely, or they must pass it as they had done heretofore by large majorities. If this were necessary when the population was only 3,000,000, it was still more so when the population had increased 250,000. When he had spoken in a former debate of making provision for the decencies of life in a college in which there were 500 students, he meant that they should not be two and three in a bed—( A laugh, and cheers)—or that there should be four in a room. If they meant to give education to the members of the college, it should be such an education as would render them equal to their several duties. They had not only to obtain an influential power with their flocks, but also a social influence in the community, and it should be recollected that this could not be obtained without an education which should in some way place them on an equality with the parties with whom they had to associate. Their business was to associate with the higher classes, and it was the object of this Bill to place them in such a position as to render them fit to he the associates of gentlemen of property and position. This he presumed was what the Noble Lord behind him meant by making them gen tlemen, and what he meant by giving them the decencies of life. This was the opinion entertained in that part of the country, and it was vain he thought to go back. They could not go back to such a state of things as existed fifty years since. All he asked of them was that they should carry out this mea sure in a way worthy of this great country, and that they should establish this institution according to the spirit in which it had first been founded. They certainly could not accom plish this on cheaper terms than those which had been pro posed. There was another part of the question which related to the endowment. What was the question with regard to endowment? Was this the first Act by which that endowment was effected ? He would contend that it was not, for the en dowment was in fact effected by the very first Act of Parlia ment which had conferred the 8,000/., and that question was therefore set at rest. It mattered little whether it was a small sum or a large sum, for between them in the way of prin ciple there was •no difference whatever. But then, as his Noble Friend had stated, there was an argument in the fact that this vote had been an annual one, but he would contend that the very first year, when in 1795 the grant had been made, the endowment was effected, and it mattered little whether the grant was for 9,000/. or 15,000/. the legality of the grant was the same. In the one case in which any alte ration had been adopted it had been made by a Minister for whom he entertained the highest respect. He was a good Minister, a highly respectable Minister, and one whose memory ought to be held in great veneration. He meant Mr. Per cival. That Minister had made an increase to 9,0001. a-year in consquence of the increase of the number of stu dents. That was the rule of equity, and it mat tered not whether the rule were considered in the House or not, but it was most desirable that these discussions should be avoided, and that the grant should be a permanent one, but also on other grounds. It should be recollected that the education of these persons occu pied a period of years, and it was necessary that those whose duty it was to instruct these students should have some assur ance that their salaries should not be stopped. Their labours were of the highest importance. They were men of learning and position, and it was not reasonable that men of this cha racter should be turned adrift at a moment's notice ; and the mere difference therefore between the grant being ar.nual and its being permanent did not in any way affect the Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) Another point arose out of the impression that the institution of Maynooth was a corporation. But that was a mistake. It was not a corporation. It possessed none of the powers of a corporation. The Act of Parliament by which it was founded expressly defined the powers by which this institution was founded, and the Act of 43 Geo. 111., by which the previous Act was renewed and confirmed, expressly stated that the persons in vested with authority and power as the rulers of the uni versity, had none of the powers of a corporation. The pream ble stated that this Act was passed in order to perform the duties of their calling and position. The institution was not an ecclesiastical corporation, but it was an eleemosynary col lege. The ordinary here had no power of visitation which was to be made by the officers of the Crown. This visitation was to be made by an officer of the Government, under the authority of an Act of Parliament. Bat he could not assent to the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, who had risen in the early part of the debate (Lord Campbell), who had given his reasons for voting for the third reading of the Bill. He (the Duke of Wellington) should disclaim all the reasons which that Noble and Learned Lord had given for his support to the Bill. This measure was not intended to be the forerunner of any other measure. It was to stand by itself. He felt that the Church of England as established in Ireland was founded according to the principles of the Constitution. He had taken the Oath of Supremacy, and he must say that he was bound to support that church. They were bound to sup port the supremacy of the Protestant Church, and he would assure the Most Rev. Prelate that the same principle had been preserved in this Bill which had been observed from the com mencement of the reign of Geo. 111. to the Act of 1829. He felt, therefore, that it was absolutely incumbent upon her to uphold the maintenance of the Protestant Church in Ireland. The question sad always been surrounded by difficulties, and he did not see any solution to those difficulties in any of the prepositions which had ever been made to Parliament. The principle which they were now applying had been used ever since the establishment of the reformed religion in this country. It was upon this that the universities, colleges, and schools of the country had been founded, and if it were changed they would have to alter the whole system of ecclesiastical polity in the country, and interfere with every sect of religious opinion in the community. According to the opinion of his Noble Friend behind him the course was perfectly clear, but he thought that the objects which his Noble Friend wished to serve would not be made out. They might go ten years back, or a hundred years, and he feared that his Friend's position would not be improved. The Earl of WICKLOW had thrown all that overboard. The Duke of WELLINGTON was glad to hear that he had thrown all that overboard, for he faared that if he went back 100 or 200 years, or as far as 300 years, or as far as he would, the position would be the worse the further he went back. It was rather a curious assertion that the establish ment of this institution was inconsistent with tne Oath of Supremacy. Now he himself had taken the Oath of Supre macy. The State had imposed that test, and he asked the Noble Lord to consult the Acts of Parliament, and he would find many which, while they stated that the Pope had not, and ought not to have any power or jurisdic tion► in this realm, never stated anything which made it incon sistent in them to give a grant for the purposes of the Catholic religion. How, he would ask, could it be a breach of oath, when the Legislature themselves knew, that there were many who took the oath of allegiance, who never took the oath of supremacy at all ? He thought, if the Noble Lord had looked info the original statutes of the year 1795, he would see that the students and all who were employed in the college, were under the necessity of complying with the provisions of the 13th and 14th George 111., to testify their allegiance. Under all these circumstances, he thought their Lordships should support this measure, for he considered that it was one pregnant with the most beneficial results as regarded the welfare and condition of the people of Ireland. The Earl of WICKLOW explained in reference to the funds to be taken for the endowment of the Catholic Church to which subject he had referred in his speech a few months ago. He thought that if a measure of that kind were not carried, one infinitely more dangerous would be ultimately pro posed. If they did not take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, a demand would be made in a succeeding Parliament, and from a source not at present antici pated, which would sap the foundation of the Protestant Church in Ireland. He was perfectly aware that unless some such measure were adopted —unless other measures of a con ciliatory tendency succeeded the one at present before the House, it alone would not add to the improvement and tran quillity of that country. After a few words from Lord CAMPBELL, The Marquis of BREADALBANE said that he opposed this Bill. He was desirous to redress every grievance which unhappily prevailed in Ireland, but he considered that every measure of redress brought before their Lordships should always keep in view those great landmarks and fundamental prin ciples which existed in their own Constitution.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that the enactment of the Maynooth grant entirely proceeded at first out of a spirit of toleration, as no Catholic college could at that time be founded according to the laws, but he thought it never was contemplated to perpe tuate that grant, or to throw its support for all future time upon the people of this country. One of the best bulwarks of the liberties and rights of the country was the establishment of the Protestant religion, and if they sacrificed its interests they en dangered the safety of the constitution. The Noble Lord then quoted a number of documents to show that the reformation Parliament of 1675-1679 was summoned and sanctioned by the Prince of Orange and the people, upon strictly Protestant principles, and proceeded to say that the present Bill was contrary to the spirit, if not contrary to the very letter of the documents he had read. By the corona tion oath, her Majesty had declared the principles of the Romish Church to be superstitious and idolatrous; and yet . _.' their Lordships called upon the Queen to give her sanction to a Bill which proposed to endow thd very same error. If there was not inconsistency in this, he did not know what consis tency was. These facts ought not to be got over by an aect dental majority, contrary to the declared sentiments of the people of England, and if the safeguards of the Constitution were to be violated in this most daring manner, he did not know what would become of the rights and privileges of the people. Government should dissolve the Parliament before they suffered this measure to pass, for the constituencies of the country would never have returned the present Parliament had they had the remotest idea of the course they intended to pur sue. Such a course was wholly opposed to the principles avowed by the present Government when they came into office, and wholly opposed to the opinions of his Noble Friends around him. It was a course dis countenanced by nearly every European State in existence, and he believed there was not a free and independent State in Christendom that did not renounce the monstrous and absurd doctrines to be found in many of the test and class-books used in Roman Catholic establishments. Having very imper fectly put their Lordships in possession of the grounds of his opposition to the present measure, he would merely remark in conclusion, that if there was any denomination in the country which had more right to complain than another of this measure, it was those who dissented from the Established Church upon conscientious principles. They had not only their own reli gious establishments to maintain, but they had to contribute as well to the Established Church, and now they were called upon to pay for the promulgation of doctrines to which they entertained strong conscientious objections.—( Hear. ) He again said that the measure which they were about to adopt was wholly inconsistent with religious feeling. They were endowing a religion on which, as on the religion of Scot land, they imposed no conditions—( Hear, hear)—and they did so because they would not destroy the g l ar e and power of the grant. Would they tell the Presbyterians of Scotland that, in endowing their religion, they made certain conditions which they did not call upon the Catholics of Ireland to subscribe to? The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he considered the measure at variance with sound policy, wisdom, and justice. The Earl of CHICHESTER wished to say a few words why he should give his support to the third reading of the Bill. He should not enter into the constitutional question which had been involved in the measure raised by the Noble Marquis and by other Noble Lords. He could not see any difference between the measure of 1795, with respect to the College of Maynooth, and the one before the House, which he believed was but carrying out the liberal intentions on which that measure was founded. Objections, he knew, were felt by a numerous and respectable body of their fellow-countrymen, to some of which he wished to address himself. . It was felt by many that there were grave objections to the measure on religious grounds. He differed with those who entertained this opinion as it should not be discussed with re ference to the religious question involved. But it must not be conceived that because he gave his support to this measure, that he was desirous of injuring either the spiritual or temporal interests of his fellow subjects. Although he, in common with those of his Church differed with the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, yet he should not act as a Christian if he looked upon those doctrines as anti-Christian.--( Hear, hear.) He was sure that none who had disetiseed this measure were prepared to go that length. He held that it was fallacious to refuse support to a religion which might be less pure than the one which we professed, but whose doctrines were held by a great body of the people. They must either teach the Roman Catholics by their own priests, or else they must be left altogether untaught. He believed the measure to be founded en justice, and trusted that if it were followed up by a corresponding policy on the part of her Majesty's Government, that Ireland would be found ca pable of enjoying the blessings of civil and religious liberty to which she was entitled. He confidently believed that if such a policy were adopted that that country would be no longer a diffieult problem in British legislation, but an aid and a sup port to this country. The time had gone by when Ireland could be governed by a hostile policy—when she could be governed by a military force, or be scourged into a tempo rary submission. He should vote for the measure, as he con sidered it due to Ireland. cipate its effects. A new generation was sprin , Ting upp oh n, witnessing the gnoi intentions and practical goo'rl of the Go. vernment, would yield all the gratitude and obedience which such good deserved. He would conclude by re ading a sho rt extract from Burke, in whose policy this Bill had o ri g inated: —" I spoke on the supposition that there will be a disposition to take things as you find them, whether it be Protestant or Catholic, or consist of both. Hitherto the plan of the Go' vernment was to sacrifice the prosperity of the coup ' try to ideas of religious improvenaeut ; but if pe° ple in power at length came to entertainnd P3°‘ o ther ideas, and consider good order , decorum, virtue, a rality, and legislate accordingly, they would do more good Ws by all the polemical discussions which h ad occurred since the beginning of the world." The Noble Marquis conclu ded b 1 saying he would give his hearty sanction to the third readid of the Bill. The House then divided, when there appeared, for th. third reading— Contents Present Proxies -- 181 Non Contents Present .. ............................. 34 Proxies ... ......... 13 '.................... lti—bo i Majority for the third reading... ---- On our entering the House, The Earl of WINCHILSEA was speaking in opposition ta the passing of the Bill, and contended that the only true d proper course was to dissolve tbe Commons Hous of VP meat. This was a great constitutional question Bands at ta next e l ec ti on the people of England would retrace ther step s ' and give by their vote a sufficient assurance that this Ir e sure was contrary to the sense of the people of England' th e tie was aware that he spoke with such warmth of feelings ke was induced to fear that he was not a welcome sPe a • r h —( Hear, hear, and ~ No.") The Government under wine _ it t hey lived was a hereditary monarchy, though in some se.nal was uncontrolled. They had proposed a principle. vitna'lt if it had been proposed by the Noble Lord behind hini,n; one individual opposite would have voted in its behalf, an? _,, e thought that if it was passed it ought to be passed religious whose principles assimilated with it. He would give ~le liberty to all, but he could not think how one of the r'nt o Lords who had that evening addressed the House, ands:tiled was a member of the Catholic religion, ha d hat that he was prepared to submit the n , bob s t —,. were read Maynooth College to their Lordships' House, e° lieving as he must do, that the doctrines taught there fverer: anti-social, disloyal, and intolerant. He woul th ere : g rs, n 0 0 0v u e as an amendment that, after the expiration t hreef/_, Afterf r t h e a r f s e u w m w should f r b o e in g L r a o n r t d e di3foßrothe BROUGHAM' o f The clause was negatived without a division, gad the Bill was then passed. : a e Their Lordships then, at five minutes to one, aciPu r-e ' this 4; , . THE THEATRES. DR u R Y-LANE. „ s lo b ire th e " Bid me discourse, I will enchant thine ear, the Queen words which Shakspeare puts into the mo uth of ri atelyo- of Beauty and Love," and they might be not inaPPl t ever re' seined as a motto by our own Enchantress (for I ) ! ber ol ue , membered Madame Anna Thillon, notwithstaorl'hnrice repel" and her accent, is an English woman), th e y old be not inappropriately assumed as a motto by 00 , 0 ,d, to IN chantress who is by her fascinations atti a cting c'" Drury every evening, but alas! " All that's bright must fade, „ .5 th e The brightest still the fleetest. vii§ We are soon doomed to lose The Enchantress; of head, de last week but one of her engagement, and as the o ru, l o in parture draws nigh, her powers of attraction see ov er . o . Thillon in better voice—never did she sing Last night the theatre was crowded to e ves', al i u sro nglr: r afr e c w doe ball et Id never did she act with <neater fascination. it Weis] titled Nat Italie followed", in which Mademoiselle d• the " Gitana " with great taste and elegance, an,, Aladen 3l3 o l , selles Louise and Silvain gave us the " da o t r i,o. r n i s h spirit that we could almost fancy it selle Louise is the best dancing Spanish Dal : : t he '1 )-- the staffe. She is so thoroughly imbued w it , hersel f was dancing the " Bolero." The ballet was c ceesful. wa s La NenoopietelY The Earl of ROSSE said he had resided in Ireland all his life, and was deeply interested in all that concerned that coun try; and believinc , that the measure would be productive of benefit, he should give his vote in favour of the third reading. From the time it was first proposed, he was of opinion that it would very much improve the education of the Roman Catholic clergy. He was, therefore, surprised when he heard it said that the Bill contained no clause for the purpose of effecting that object. They had a guarantee that the best ed uca ti on . . would be given to the students which it was in the power of the teachers to impart. Those who had seen the educated Roman Catholic priest, and the priest sent from Maynooth with a miserably stunted education, could bear testimony to the beneficial effects of education on the Catholic priests. It was said that education would give poser, and that that power would be used against the Protestant Church. If he said that that argument was well founded, it would be entitled to the most earnest consideration; but, in his judgment, such an argument was totally unfounded. He appealed to Noble Lords whether they had observed, in the educated Roman Catholic priest, or in the priest sent from Maynooth with a stunted education, anything hostile to the Protestant religion. Therefore, looking to this question, in all its points of view, he should say, and he did not think the opi nion could be controverted, that the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland could not be expected to oppose this system of educa tion. But some Noble Lords had said that this measure would result in the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergymen, and before granting that this would be the ca-e, he should wish to know how the revenues of both churches stood at the pre sent time. The revenues of the Roman Catholics had been variously estimated, at 17,0001. at one time, and at other times double the sum that accued to the Established Church. He did not believe that the revenue of the Roman Catholic church exceeded the revenue of the Established Church. But he should say that in this measure there was not the most distant approximation to an endowment of the Roman Catho lic religion. If indeed they gave the Roman Catho lic clergy the same power that they gave the Established Churchmen, then there might be some ground for opposi tion. An agitation had long existed in Ireland, and it had very properly been termed a religious agitation. This mea sure would be likely to quell that agitation. But he was per fectly well aware that this measure was regarded by some parties of extreme sectarian opinions as an evil, but he was equally sure, that by the general classes of the country it would be considered a great boon. Now, he did think it a great matter that the Roman Catholics should be educated.—( Hear, hear.) They would find it the only means of eradicating discontent and anarchy. There were many points to which he should wish to direct the attention of the House, but at this stage of the discussion lie should not do so. He had no doubt, however, that every man in Ireland must be convinced that this measure, brought forward by the Govern ment and passed by the other House, would conduce to the welfare and happiness of that country. They %sere told that if they passed this measure they might look to the increase of sectarianism, but in his humble judgment, the very opposite would be the effect pro duced. The persons who guided the peasantry of Ireland were sensible and discreet men, who would look with horror upon a civil war.—( Hear.) They knew that Ireland would not maintain itself as an independent nation, and that in connexion with no other country than this, could the public possess so much of civil and religious liberty. The Noble Lord con cluded amidst loud cheers by giving his cordial support to the Lord CL ANC ARTY defended the speech which he had made upon the second reading, and again referred at length to the various documents from which he had quoted on that occa sion, for the purpose of exposing the pernicious and unchristian doctrines which he alleged were taught at Maynooth. He believed it to be his duty to reject this Bill, and he trusted that the day would come when his countrymen would appreciate the blessings of the Reformation and be able to enjoy them. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not intend to take up any great portion of the time of the House at so late an hour of the night. But before he gave his vote in support of the measure, he wished to make some observations as to the grounds on which he was convinced that this vote would be favourable to the peace of Ireland, and to the security of the Established Church. He entirely concurred with what had been said by the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Bosse) as to the advantages of having an educated instead of an unedu cated clergy, and as to the other benefits which the superior education of the Roman Catholic priests would have upon the peace of that country. Which respect to the distinc tion which had been attempted to be raised between a tem porary grant and a permanent endowment, he must say that he could not admit that the distinction was supported by the principle which had been so often referred to. If upon principle they were opposed to a grant, the difference of duration could not affect that principle. Nor could they shut their eyes to the glaring fact that there were seven millions of their fellow subjects who had a demand upon their assistance for the education of their religious teachers. Noble Lords opposite, and Right Reverend Prelates had declared that though they had voted in favour of the temporary grant, they were in principle opposed to a permanent endowment. But he asked, upon the question of principle, was there the slightest difference between an extended vote and a limited one ?—( Hear.) Was there any principle of religion, by which he might be a thief, a murderer, or an adulterer—( Laughter ) for a time, on condition of not asking to be permanently en dowed with a privilege of wrong? All who had voted in favour of the temporary grant had admitted that the public money might be voted for the education of the priests. Administration after Administration had carried liberality over three-quarters of the globe, and were they to stop at that body of people which most claimed their support?—( Cheers)—who, because they were most ignorant, and the most in want of the liberality of the Government, should find you stop short with them, after you had given away your liberality in every other quarter of the globe ?—( Cheers.) It had been said, in the course of the debate, that one reason for withholding this grant to Ireland —conceded to all the rest of our possessions —was that Ireland was a conquered people. What an objection that was to go forth to the Irish people ?—( Cheers.) Were you to say to them that if they obeyed the laws and avoided crime, they should not have religious instruction. But if they committed crime, and were sent to Van Dieman's Land, the Government would pay for the support of their clergy?—( Cheers.) Noble Lords and Prelates did not resist the support of the clergy of Malta, for the sake of their trade in the Mediterranean.— ( Cheers, and laughter.) In Trinidad they supported those " teachers of error," rather than risk a hogshead of sugar— (Cheers and laughter)—and in Newfoundland they did the same rather than risk the value of their cod-fish.—( Laughter.) He would then consider the question as one of expediency. It had been said that Mr. Burke was the first to recognise the principle contained in the present Bill. He believed that Mr. Burke was the first who enforced that principle on the Govern ment of this country. A professor of Trinity College sug gested to Mr. Burke, before the Government took up this question, tbat the Catholic priests should all be made sizars of Trinity College. This proposition produced from Mr. Burke the emphatic and characteristic reply—" Yeu might as well feed the Hindoos with beef, or dress their wounds with brandy." Mr. Burke took every opportunity of forcing this principle upon the Government. He represented it to Mr Pitt, who adopted it. He ( the Marquis of Lansdowne) thought he was entitled to use the argument that no one man having been brought to con template the state of Ireland, and who had been furnished with the means of knowing and understanding what that state was, that had not seen the expediency and necessity, not only of con tinuing the gra n t, b ut of enlarging it for the purpose of making sufficient provision for the wants of the people. He believed that the time would come when it would be larger, but he was perfectly prepared to say, that he considered the vote in this case was great, and he did not think that any Noble Lord in voting for this Bill was obliged in any degree to support any Bill that might be proposed hereafter. He accepted this measure as giving value to the declaration known to have been made at the time that measure was introduced. It was a proof and symptom of the policy intended to be pursued towards Ireland. He thought the Government were wise in not stating in detail the measures which they had in view. Such a course would prejudice both the present measure and those that were to come. He would remind their Lordships that the present state of Ireland was a most dangerous one. It had been said that the measures which had been passed by their Lordships, similar in character to the present one, had not been received with gratitude. He found no argu ment in this against the measure before their Lordships. By such measures as these they would take the power out of the agitators hands and place it in those of the Government. If the people did not at once repose with confidence in the Government of this country, it was only what might be ex pected from a nation which, it was now admitted upon all hands, had suffered centuries of misrule. It had been said somewhere by an eminent writer, that a Government could make laws but could not make prejudices, neither could they unmake prejudices. They could not fly before time, nor anti- Selby , ADELPHL f Cha rleg A piece de circonstance, from the Pep ° herelot e • o d ek• entitled Powder and Ball, was produced g i v en la of the It is a broad quiz upon the Bal Masqu e ingham Palace, and is a regular screamer' Mrs. F • ° s l y o olgsr late f rbe g iver tbo o, Bal Poudre is a Mrs. Montgomerie 111 , is t h i the wife of an eminent grocer. Wrig" - diaceo habited a la Lucile Grahn and Cerit p t of brow c u bside' de la Cour and Gavott e i n th e mos t rich style laughter li-toting imaginable, and scarcely have the roars °'„ by Wr'g„,b as 11 , before they are renewed with redoubled enel .. ,?:hmeett, s e ",, a use " his partner, whether she will have any re' — i s tter , " ati ad' horange or a hoyster, and recommending the t he sing s hewing will slip down the easiest. Add to thif, the w av of s e.ti‘ minable parody on , t Come gently " a nd bi f ifs inc"lP..wat his respectability prod uc es the envelop o il broa d grin I°Y paper, instead of his c a rd, an d a ll who en. s tool f °r ,, t d both form some faint idea of th e t rea t that i s sa l ccosful, the Adelphi. The piece was per fectlY c Selby and Wright were called for at the'heoon. -,-2- - - - - - rll., A It• ours COURT CI 3:LC 7,,,,,he5s de Nej e - , / 0 Their Royal Highnesses the Duke ail"'" minutes pa st e• tii :,. left Buckingham Palace at twentyfiarrigge aroo d a fo n u ie r ci l ly tt r a o'clock yesterday morning, in an open c return to the Continent. The Queen, ac e° , Pg-ests at the i . , i „-•,,,,,, g P r r a i n n c c , e s entrance.R al , took h e leave t o e f a a t h o r G i laliunsatbtrohi ereuo Paget, Hon. Miss Liddell, the Master of Vi i r ' a s s e t il , e t r lne v , , r, r r e t b ) a , quis of Ormonde, Lord George Lennox, the Colonel u Household, Colonel Berkeley Drummond, Hon. _ n , to dser• and Major-General Sir Edward Bowater, a w e e r r ia e g i . 31 . 1 to conduct their Royal Highnesses to their c . en e aec _ op seie! His Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningeanee,°_,d teee the Royal Duke and Duchess to the grand ent a" ke soa took leave of their Royal Highnes ses. with the Du t se His Royal Highness Prince Alb ert went i 5.,,, Duchess de Nemours to the Bricklay ers Arms station, yis South-Eastern Railway. La Baronne M. de Fitiga,oped„ George Edward Anson and M. Borel de Bretizel i" As leg;l another carriage and four ; and the Count de St' o b, ti, Ambassador from his Majesty the King of the F re :slo ). Count Louis de Noailles, Secretary to the Emboss , 4 lowed from the Palace. . ge eeti A " Before the departure of the Duke and Duchess defy' lie . :I f their Royal Highness received a visit from her ROY' - g e" . ; the Duchess of Kent, who arrived at the Palace Ot, ;)/auche hour, and after taking leave of the illustrious Duke an N . 0 returned to her residence, Clarence House, St. Jainet,% pout.s His Royal Highness Prince Albert returned to il l from the railway station, after the departure of their / ieg in ous visitors. oro The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday 'a the Royal Gardens of Buckingham Palace. vs 'nee Ali bee Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, . 1 bee t the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, We re ta ter usual walks and rides to-day, in the Royal ardeaso•o Yes Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent left t tra day afternoon, for the Continent. a rr i ved i n g ta ill His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge.arrtio her - e yesterday morning from Kew, and paid a vis it jaw es's;, oi ,l Highness, at her residence, Clarence House, S' r , his P IO EH,ii fi g,h. ei recia ß so o f y ri a sr l ain H xce i e g N h vG n e e ei s om s rag t re h : e Duchess of Glouce at i e o ess rite. of the Royal Duchess. The Queen visited her Royal Mother in the after s s o use ion ca a l n le d d dhuisrinSgetrheenedallyetooak: 'era Majesty and Prince Albert arrived at Clarence ~. o u str quarter before five o'clock, and remained with thal;• il isti relative until a short time previous to her departuraceottisoris At half-past five o'clock the Duchess of N f e nt i., Anna ,ise by the Prince of Leiningen, and attended by L.: J o a ?We, Dawson, Lady in Waiting, left Clarence Huber Royal fel and four, for the New Cross Station, where cooper,ehslih ness was received by Colonel Sir George ~, Ill o tet Equerry and Comptroller of her Royal Ht psitia" The Royal Duchess and suite travelled eio t st Railway to Dover. Her Royal Highness 5 1 0 teo t h e , Hotel. • 'es gr a° slit ° s ee A deputation on the subject of life annutti _ d or hie Commissioners of the National Debt had an int e igc ial re s ilota . Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at. his ° O r .416 in Downing -street. The deputation cons'a Ms. it,-,' r seht s ted 0 1 * a l Drummond, M.P., Mr. Gibson Craig, M.P• v ,' o bert i Y al P''' M.P., Mr. George Duncan, 111.P7 t Al f r •;,.. - Fia" . " ' eo isi Moneymusk, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. (i. aia-ie I A ill d horo Ansel', Mr. Boyd, and Mr. P. Ewart. , an d ha" -1" r, The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for EV 4 1110:081$ yesterday afternoon, at the office in Whi , t v e pe : c., ; ;:to, o lo„,_.. fr ocosn oe wl,,, . ,ir, were present the Bishop of London, the 13 i i l gob' r , is , the Earl of Besborough, the Right Hen:, ,i ps ies, e i lsoNt. Right Hon. J. Nicholl, and the Dean of Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stam Hon. E. Stewart, Deputy Chairman of the 1 so tb e iptor / ' Higham, Secretary and Comptroller- Genera t, bid i d sioners for the Reduction of the National Deb, ~ t he with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterea' le ' 14 i e i st se The French Ambassador had an interete° Aberdeen yesterday, at the Foreign-office' wit h PSI tatii‘ l ' Mr. Felton Matthew had an interview W I o' - vit• ..s 0 %0 Ito'. yesterday, at the Colonial-office. . fro.- 00 0 0- o ;bra• - ,d Dispatches were sent off last evening ~, d • h he. , office, for the Governors of the West lal',' - e ree r ,," fre s " r dsf' patches were received yesterday from the Oe j a 3 1 ",/est e t , oa Mr. Carr, Mr. John Fielden, M.P., ,„ a :gteel ti „ e g s Va r „Zesal had interviews with the Chancellor of the lid di„..°" 1 , 8 ce"Oseth The Duchess Dowager of Cleveland b a d e , - 'JP - f lis - Oise Sunday, at her residence in Seamore-Pla Lay i ed oe r . included the Countess of Camperdown a ri ebarl, r es b ooa 9 Ws' Duncan, the Earl of Mulgrave, La( l 9_, sir ' 11 f,f , , , , o i' Somerset, Mr. and Lady Anne Dashweoubossee, gipePatora bent, Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Phipps, Air•„s Cog!" sea Wells, Mr. Baillie, Captain R. Russell, R.,4;.' Bic" A lef: ton and Duncan, Mr. Henry Milbank , ' ' eft' ce llor Harr Vane. 'I sqbsa tel ' • sll $ The y :Judicial Committee of the Privy Cean e Vie e - l e ' The Lords present were Lord Brougham' 1 ,1 of C°fl3 l/ I. Oi Knight Bruce, the Ch anc ellor of the Doc"' 1,- sea the Judge of the Admiralty Court. lonia utisebetise An Appeal from St. Lucia.—" Th e 's C ° f ee Alarryat '' was heard, Mr. Wigraul , Q d ue f o en s th e v rd; Mr. Jervis, Queen's Counsel, heir hoe of t'' 'oil te parties. the Pe rt bu t te ) Lord Brougham gave judgment on be l o w', t he ships, affirming the Decree of the Court ving so a s costs, and adding to the judgment a else ' Of the parties in any future action. of I "°' _ BIRTH'S. ~_ 310. an d On On the 13th inst., at Newingtod-Plec" e oo of t he 4 1(1 a son. he ladY d eth" - appeare On the 13th inst., at Wimbledon, t- of P °- 0. Rev. Horace Povrys, of a daughter. Par ker, if,' of S S'. On the 12th inst., Mrs. Thomas .r Blackheath, of a daughter. tbe 1; - On the 12th inst., in Oxford-terrace, Chapman, of a son. E sol ) .n Ct t i l o e ml 2 mo d th ' Jol O ni n On the Bth • the 14th of April, at Calcutta, ,-- Inst., at New Middlemass, E l s ri :q ns . A Fra ser, f 511001111°' 0 0 trli the_ .„ . West Grhisread' fro , rd, Esq., aged 86. Charles L i j o I d 1 ::: . Commander, R.N. of Ch rist On the inst., t . 0. , , fa atDunbar, l:doerrtehd Brixton, riitionannd,edti; lwg Surrey' ti°fe it it v, .5,10, yo _b e tir e r the loth inst , at Westminster, SavanaeleA;cdrigief, 15 h • st., at C . attlegate, 12th inst.., at Westfield •grove, A. , .. or iel Leeds, Marv, wife of Mr. Richard Oastler. t in Hale. aged 83. near I s T ° Da o On the 13th • inst., at lliousehold flo,ne, _, 51 r So Maria H Maria, youngest daughter of gajor-lie ell" Harvey, aged 25. t gr• ''' k Dor On the 13th inst., in Old Burlington-stree , f c,, lecher, aged 83. wife o " On the A. Prior, Esq. r 0 13th inst., at Blackheath, liarriott, tli,eA‘c f 0. Middleso%, gr. Crivici„ On the 13th inst , Hd fourth daugh`" , A y. Smith, of Grove-1;12e, Camberwell u daughter o f On the 14th inst., Mary Jennings, third "I" R. Jennings, bookseller, ClleaPside. o i Y pUti G to , London: Printed and Published by 3.111R11, -'~g, $ O . o f 112, Strand. Printer, at The Sots '-'7h1(1000 Strand. in the Precinct of the Savoy, I^.. Blidnesex, Tuesday, June 17, 1845. advanced against this clause were sufficient to influence the de cision of the Howe. Sir R. PEEL contended that undue importann , was attached to paper currency. Let the House look to th i manner in which the enormous transactions at Liverpool and Manchester were conducted. There the only bank notes in circulation were those of the Bank of England and the Bank of England only. Those notes represented sovereigns, and if such notes were to be abolished to-morrow, sovereigns would be used in their stead without very much inconvenience being felt. The value of paper issue was regulated by the celerity with which it could be converted into cash and by that only. Mr. WILLIAMS supported the clause. Sir W. SOMERVILL E supported the clause, though he believed his endeavours would meet with but little success. On the question being put, Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN expressed his determination to divide upon the proposition, although despairing of success ; he would gladly effect a compromise and withdraw his clause, if the Right Hon. Baronet would modify his measure. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could see nothing so objectionable in the Bill introduced, as it was in the same spirit as had characteri3ed similar measures for England and Scotland. Mr. O'CONNELL denied the analogy between the con stitution of the Irish and the Scotch banks. In the latter there was a monopoly and an exclusive circulation of capital wholly foreign to the Irish establishments. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and on there re admission, the numbers appeared— For the clause Against it Majority against the clause ACADEMICAL INSTITUTIONS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the Order of the Day being read to bring up the Report on the Irish Colleges Bill, Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN presented a petition from the Loyal National Repeal Association against the 10th clause of that Bill. Mr. OSBORNE postponed his motion until the Right Hon. Member the Recorder of Dublin was in his place to answer any statements he might make respecting the Univer sity of Dublin. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, not seeing the Hon. Member for London in his place, postponed entering into detail upon the Irish Colleges Bill till Thursday next. Mr. O'CONNELL would not oppose the delay, if conve nient, to the Government, but he hoped it would be under stood that he was no party to the arrangement. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said there was a very great differ ence of opinion out of the House, among Catholics, respecting this measure. The Irish Prelates were to meet in a few days to discuss the question, and their opinion could not reach the Members in that House who might be influenced by it, till Thursday next. He hoped, therefore, it would be postponed till Thursday week, to await the result of that conference. Mr. DILLON BROWN concurred in pressing for a further delay. Mr. HUME thought the reasons advanced for the postpone ment the very strongest that could be used for proceeding with out delay.—( Laughter.) He could not understand what the Irish Catholics had to do with this measure. Let them confine themselves to their own element, and as the present was a mea sure to give secular education to all classes of Irishmen, irre spective of religious distinctions, he thought neither a Protestant nor Catholic hierachy should be consulted upon it. He considered it would be very improper, as the measure was intended for the general good of all classes, for either the Roman Catholic bishops or the Protestants to interfere in the matter. Mr. SHEIL said, his Hon. Friend the late Member for Kilkenny had declared that the present scheme was entirely a system of secular education, and therefore it met with his appro bation. Religio rni nullus sit should be the motto of the Hon. Gentleman. The Government on the other hand had de clared that the ►neasure was not exclusively a system of secular education. He (Mr. Shell) thought it was a signal error in not having, in the first instance, consulted the opinions of the Irish Bishops. A synod of the Bishops had been held, in which they had expressed their condemnation of the Bill in certain particulars ; but at the same time they had given the Government every credit for the goodness of their intentions. The Bishops, in the memorial which had been transmitted to the Lord-Lieutenant, had pointed out objections to the measure which were insuperable. The Government were called upon to state how far they acquiesced in the views entertained by the Catholic Bishops. The Government under took to give them every due consideration, with a view to their alteration. The Noble Lord the Member for London had said he approved of the Bill, but not with the proposed alterations. The Right Hon. Baronet had been asked several questions respecting the matter, one of which was, would he consent to the appointment of a chaplain to the colleges profess ing either the Roman Catholic or the Protestant faith ; and secondly, whether he would acquiesce in the appointment of a Roman Catholic Bishop by the Crown ? No definite answers hid yet been given to these questions, which had been delayed till the present time ; and he had come down with the full conviction that, on the present occasion, the Right Honourable Gentleman would inform the House on these two important particulars whether any change was contem plated by the Government. He advised the policy of com municating fully with the Catholic Bishops before any further steps be taken. Mr. GOLQUHOUN considered that in any system of edu cation that was proposed to be adopted by the House, it would be most unconstitutional and hostile to the feelings of Eng • land, if, before the House had decided on the matter, any hierarchy, be they who they may, were called in to assist at their councils.—( Hear.) Still more objectionable would it he to call to their councils a class of men who had assisted more strenuously and uniformly in the agitation promoted by the Hon. and Learned Member opposite for the dismemberment of the empire. Mr. O'CONNELL—No, no.—No, no. Mr. COLQUHOUN hoped the Hon. Member would allow him to proceed, for he was not now on the floor of Conciliation Hall, but in the British House of Commons, which was usually understood to be an assembly of gentlemen. He would sea it would be prudent for the House not to consult the Irish Bishops, but their own temperate and unbiassed judgment. Was it fitting or proper that the House of Commons should be tam pered with, and kept hesitating and delaying from day to day, until the consent and approval of the Roman Catholic Bishops had been obtained to the measure. ( Hear, hear.) He should never hear such a course hinted at without expressing against it his most resolute protest. He would ask the Hon. and Learned Member opposite what support he had received from the Roman Catholic priesthood in influenc ing the people in the agitation of repeal. It was known that a Catholic bishop, by the discipline of the Church. had autho rity to dispossess any priest of the revenues of his benefice, and this power was used as an instrument for compelling the priests to re-echo and confirm the sentiments of the bishop on any question that might arise, and it had been used for promoting the spread of repeal. Mr. O'CONNELL said he would not now enter into the subject of repeal. He thought the Hon. Gentleman would be an exceedingly bad member of Conciliation Hall. No Catholic bishop could deprive any priest of his bsnefice who had been regularly inducted into it. The Irish clergy never attempted to interfere or meddle with the education of the Protestants, and he would claim for the education of the Catholics the same immunity. Although he could not precise) agree with the Right Hon. Baronet who stigmatised the present scheme as a godless system of education, he had come over to insist on the absolute necessity of making religion the basis of their educa tion, and the total failure that would ensue if it were not made the basis. It would be no harm to treat the Roman Catholic bishops in a conciliatory manner. He would wish the present discussion to be carried on in a spirit of amity. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he most cordially joined in the sentiment last uttered by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and he hoped that no great difference of opinion would exist among them. The proposed scheme of education must be deeply in teresting to the Roman Catholics, and although he was not prepared to say that the Government would consent to summon the Roman Catholic bishops to their counsels on this subject, yet their opinion ought to be received with respect. In answer to the question of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Dungarvon, he did say that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had received a deputation and memorial from the bishops. Some of their objections had been resolved by an explanation at the time. Since then no further communication had been made between the Lord-Lieutenant and the bishops. The present plan did not provide for religious instruction within he walls of the college, but no obstacle would be put forth to prevent religious education being conducted without the walls. He would go further into the subject when he made the motion for going into Committee on the Bill. He would take the pre sent opportunity of sta ing that a reasonable time would be afforded the people of Ireland for the full consideration of the measure, before the third reading, and any alteration that might oe considered advisable would be attended to. He should postpone the motion for the Committee till Thursday next. Sir WALTER JAMES said he was greatly surprised at the observations of the Hon. Gentleman who had stated that the hierarchy of Ireland had taken an active part in promoting the repeal agitation in Ireland. This was not the time for going into the conduct of the Roman Catholic bishops, though he might observe that they had his sincere and hearty respect. To a certain respect he sympathised with them, in their opposition to this measure. He could understand their opposition to education of a scientific character, to teach• ing of a purely material and physical nature, and why they should conceive such an education calculated to take away attention from heavenly things. It was reasonable that such a plan should call forth such an opinion as that which had been made against the measure. It was his opinion that much of the opposition which had been brought to bear against the measure would have been saved if the principle of the Bill had been applied under another name. It was said to be collegiate, instead of which it was more universitari in than collegiate in its character. He deeply regretted to live in days when every theologian was a politician, and every politician a theologian ; yet every measure of such a character as that before the House was sure to he considered from such a point of view. Mr. JEPHSON considered that nothing could be more reasonable than the memorial of the Roman Catholic Bishops. Unless they were satisfied with the measure, it was perfectly useless for the Right Hon. Baronet to go forward with the question. Mr. ROCHE only rose to state his great pleasure at the speech delivered by the Hon. Baronet ( Sir Walter James). He considered the best course was to allow the measure, after the discussion which had taken place on it, to go into Ireland, there to be discussed previous to its final settlement. He was delighted at this coarse, as he was sure it would lead to a good understanding regarding the general principle of the Bill. After a few words from isle. J. W. HOPE, The Report of the resolution of the Committee was put and agreed to. USURY LAWS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER asked leave :o bring in a Bill to extend the present Usury Law, relative :o Bills of short date.—Agreed to. TIMBER SHIPS' BILL. The Timber Ships' Bill was read a second time and agreed to. SUPPLY. The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, and received. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past ten o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, s hine 16. Their Lordships met at Five o'clock. RAILWAYS. Messengers from the Commons brought up a number of railway Rills, which were severally read a first time. Earl FITZ WILLIAM laid upon the table of the House the report of the select Committee lately appointed to ascertain the best mode of satisfactorily adjusting disputes be tween landholders and railway companies relative to the pur chase of landed property fryrthe purposes of railways. - AI A YNO . O'f H. The Bishop of London, the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Winchilsea, and the Earl of Breadalbane, presented a large number of petitions against the third reading of the Maynooth Bill. MESSAGE FROM HER MAJESTY—SIR HENRY POTTINGER. The Earl o f ABERDEEN moved the order of the day for taking into consideration her Majesty's message recommending their Lordships to concur with her in granting a pension of 1,5001. a year to Sir Henry Pottinger, K.C.8., for the period of his natural life. The Noble Lords having uncovered, The LORD CHANCELLOR read her Majesty's message. The Earl of ABERDEEN then said, he rose to mov e an humble address to her Majesty, in answer to the message which she had sent to their Lordships, and in doing so, it would only be necessary to detain them for a very f ew minutes, for he had already had opportunities in th at House testimony to the gre a t mer i ts Of the distinguished of on the present oc asion, w 3 bearing person who, the object of her Majesty's gracious consideration. He had not been sparing in - those expressions of admiration and praise of that conduct which was considered by her Majesty to be so justly done. Those sentiments had found an echo throughout the whole country. In every part of the kingdom, whether in England, Scotland, or Ire land, Sir H Pottinger had been welcomed with enthusiasm, and every effort had been made to do him honour. But it was clear that the vast majority of those persons who had so united in expressing such opinions, had very little means of duly estimating the real merits of Sir Henry Pottinger. They looked upon the bound less field which he had opened to British enterprise, and to that inexhaustible source of commercial wealth and prosperity, which, by his means, had been rendered accessible to their fellow.countrymen. But he felt it his duty to say that the real merits of Sir FL Pottinger would have deserved their Lordships' approbation and the ap probation of the Sovereign equally as much if his exertions in China had not been attended by such magnificent results—for through his whole conduct in China it was his (the Earl of Aberdeen's) good fortune in the relation which he stood towards him to bear testimony to the conduct which he pursued. Sir Henry Pottinger in being called to service in China was removed from a service and from a school to which he (the Earl of Aberdeen) might be permitted to say the State had been greatly indebted. He knew not how it was, but whether from long habits of self reliance or from taking part in great affairs, the fact was that the service of the East India Company had produced men who, by the energy of their characters and the statesmanlike views which they entertained, were peculiarly qualified to con tend successfully with the greatest difficulties, and to confer most signal advantages on their country. When Sir H. Pot tinger went to China, he found the negotiation in a state of complete confusion, and the utmost difficulty was placed in his way to bring the matter to a right adjustment. He had been engaged in the direction of both the naval and military forces —he might say, of the largest force that had ever left this country—and had, under a variety of circumstances, suc ceeded in giving peace to the empire. He had united, in the most wonderful manner, those qualities which had enabled him to consolidate the efforts of both the services, and had so suc ceeded in executing the duties of his office, as to convert hatred and suspicion into confidence and friendship. It was the exer cise of those strong faculties with which he was so extraordi narily gifted, and it was under the most difficult circumstances, that he had, after having exhibited his high qualities in the sphere of India, followed it up in China with the same energy and success. During the whole of the time in which he had been employed in China, though it had been a great effort with the Government to furnish him with as precise instruc tions as they could possibly give, yet much had, of necessity, been left to his own discretion ; and there was not, throughout the whole of his pro ceedings, a single act which had not met with the approba tion of her Majesty's Government. He would not enter into details, but he would give the results of the negotiations in which Sir H. Pottinger had been engaged, and which were highly satisfactory to the country. By the returns which had been given of the British imports into Canton in 184-1, there had been 3,451,0001., and 3,:383,000/. of exports. Such was the result in one of the ports of China, and their Lordships would be able to judge of the effect which would be wrought on British commerce with the whole of Chin:. The northern ports showed equal returns, and with Shanghai and Amoy especially the commerce was largely increasing. By the re port of the intelligent gentleman who acted a 3 Consul at Can ton the whole of the trade with China was conducted in the most orderly and satisfactory manner, and ever since the en gagements had been formed the treaty had been fulfilled in every respect by the Chinese Government to the letter. But however great this success, and however great the trade which had been opened by it, it was necessary to preserve it with both moderation and justice towards those with whom we had to deal. Without more words he would read the message of her Majesty, and move a resolution, " that their Lordships would cheerfully concur in giving effect to her Majesty's gracious consideration of the services of Sir H. Pottinger." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Noble Earl had truly stated that other opportunities had arisen for noticing the celebrated individual who had now been brought under their consideration by her Majesty's message. It was a singu lar fact, that while Sir Henry Pottinger had received instruc tions from one Government, and had other instrucitons from another, he had succeeded in enjoying the confidence of both Governments. He was glad to learn that a reward was pro posed for services which had conferred such a high benefit on the country. If her Majesty's Government had gone further, and conferred the highest reward which had been given for diplomatic services, he believed that their Lordships would have been quite ready to justify it; hut he knew how mush the Government were bound by precedents, and therefore he thought that on this account they were not to be blamed. The Earl of ELL ENBOROUG H said that upon the subject of the merits of Sir Henry Pottinger he would say nothing, con curring as he did in the meed of praise now awarded to him, hut in common justice to Sir Hugh Gough, Sir W. Parker, and the other officers who had served with so much zeal, energy, and ability under them, and who had carried into effect the instructions of Sir Henry Pottinger, he could not allow that vote to pass without recording his appreciation of those great services. It was well known that the Chinese were not reasoned into a a peace but were beaten into it by arms, and there appeared to be a strange misconception entertained with respect to the naval and military operations that were then carried on. These were not under the directions of Sir Henry Pottinger, nay more, they were against his directions. He had every wish to give his tribute of praise to Sir Henry Pot tinger's civil services, but he thought that the army and navy were not to be overlooked on such an occasion. The House of Commons had expressed their approbation of those services, and Sir Hugh Gough had obtained a reward of the greatest emolument in consideration of them, but where, he would ask, was the re ward of Sir Wm. Parker? If he had only defeated a few ves sels in a single engagement, he might have expected at least a little notice, but his services were carried over a period of seve ral months, in shallow water of difficult navigation, and over no less than seventy vessels, with the most consummate suc cess. He thought, in conclusion, that he was bound, from a sense of public duty, as well as in justice to the individuals con cerned, and with whom he had co-operated in carrying out those splendid results, to record his appreciation of their deserts on the present occasion. The Earl of H ADDINGTON said that if his Noble Friend had been aware of the discussions which had taken place in that and the other House of Parliament, he would have known that the thanks of Parliament were conveyed to both those Gallant Officers for their exertions on the occasions referred to. He was certain that no one who was present could forget the language which the Noble Duke on his right hand had used on that occasion. He did not, however, confine his remarks to Sir H. Gough. The order of the Grand Cross of the Bath had been conferred on the Illustrious Admiral, Sir William Parker, and shortly after his return home a baronetcy had been conferred on him. Since that the most important command at the disposal of her Majesty's Government had been given to him. He had been appointed to the command of the Medi terranean fleet. He would not enter into a comparison of the naval and military operations that were then carried on, be ;ieving es he (lid that the successful results which Sir H. Pot tinger had achieved were partly attributable to both; and Parliament was desirous to record their appreciation of those services. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH was well aware of the ap pointment which had been conferred on Sir W. Parker, but his Noble Friend had not touched upon the point of honour. Another officer, perhaps, could not be got so well qualified to take the command in the Mediterranean. The Earl of HA DDINGTON said that there were officers equally well qualified to take that command. The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH said that, with the excep tion of Sir George Cockburn, there was not an officer in the service so well qualified. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped that nothing which fell from him could be construed into any disparagement of the services of Sir Wm. Parker. So far from saying anything to his disparagement, he would be sorry to omit anything he knew that would tend to the praise of that great admiral—for he would call him a great admiral—but he thought that after the greatest command in the habitable globe had been conferred upon him, any eulogium from him as to his merits was per fectly unnecessary. After a few words in explanation from the Earl of GLEN GAL, the address was agreed to. 111 - AYNOOTH. Lord RODEN presented a number of petitions from various parts of Ireland against the grant to Maynooth. TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS ON SUNDAYS. A Right Rev. PRELATE presented a petition from Sussex against any unnecessary traffic on railways on Sundays. AIAYNOOTH. On the order of the day for the third reading of the College of Maynooth Bill being read, Lord CAMPBELL said, as he presumed it was not the intention of the Noble Earl (the Earl of Winchilseal to bring forward the notice which he had on the books until the Bill had been read a third time, it being in the nature of a clause to be added to the Bill, he would shortly state the grounds on which he should support the measure. No doubt the Bill would be carried by an overwhelming mejority ; but the results to be expected from it very much depended on the spirit in which it would be passed, and on the reasons which led the Government to 'propose it. He was anxious to state that he did not support the measure from any apprehension of agitation, or from any dread of a foreign war. If these were the reasons on which he and others supported it, they would have the effect of placing Mr. O'Connell on a higher pinnacle than that he had occupied since his trial. Neither did he sup port the Bill because the Government had gained a triumph over education, because the Government was now strong, and could afford to be generous, and might therefore bestow a boon which it might otherwise withhold,—but he could not help stating that their measures towards Ireland had hitherto been unfortunate. A Noble Friend (the Marquis of Clanricarde) on Friday gave a true statement of the public mind in Ireland. He (Lord Campbell) did not support the measure, merely on the ground that it was to supply a defect in former grants—he did not proceed merely upon the dilapidated state of the build ing, or on the wretched condition of the students, for he thought it was a sufficient answer to the arguments that had been brought forward against this measure on religious grounds, that it was only a continuation of former grants; but if it were merely to be considered as an isolated measure and nothing mere were to be done, he doubted whether evil instead of good might not be expected. He could not sup port the measure as a step to the endowment of Roman Ca tholic Churches in Ireland, out of the public revenue, while the Protestant Church of Ireland retained its present monstrous dimensions.—( Hear, hear.) He was fully convinced that they never could expect peace in that country until there was complete equality between Protestants and Roman Catholics, on civil and religious grounds. He supported the measure, because he considered it a Parlia mentary recognition that hereafter in Ireland Protestants and Roman Catholics were to be dealt with alike. He would venture with confidence to point out a plan by which Ireland could be governed, and by which Ireland might be rendered peaceful, prosperous, and contented. Let them place the Ro man Catnolics and the Protestants of Ireland on exactly the same footing. With so much and no less would the Roman Catholics be contented. He did not complain of the exist ence of the Episcopal Protestant Church in Ireland, because he could not place any faith in the voluntary principle. It was he thought the duty of the State to provide religious instruction for all classes of the people ; but it was a lament able fact that, hitherto, those who had been most in need of religious instruction had been left entirely destitute of it. It seemed to him, however, very importr.nt for the character of the clergy themselves, that they should not depend for sub sistence entirely upon their flocks, but that they should be rendered independent, and thus remove their apprehensions of becoming unpopular, and prevent their resorting to un worthy acts for the purpose of obtaining a decent living. There were from 7,000 to 8,000 persons in Ireland of the Episcopalian persuasion, and it was highly becoming that their religious wants should be amply provided for. Far be it, therefore, from him to sanction any measure which should have the least ten dency to take the whole of their rights and privileges from them ; but he could not forget that there were 7,000,000 of Roman Catholics in Ireland who were required to obey the law, who were required to contribute to the public revenue, who were re quired to defend the State by their personal services, and yet they were refused the same facilities for obtaining religious in struction.—(Hear, hear.) While there was no prospect of Roman Catholics being converted to the faith of the Estab lished Church, their clergymen, who were to instruct them, ought to be well educated. There were errors in the Roman Catholic religion, and no one could dislike them more than he whether tenets e did ; but th e quest i on was not w h et h er t h ere were errors, b ut whether th ese who were attached to it should receive instruction T n th et e s y th s e h y ou p i r d ofe li sse ve d or e t u r t o ir m ely ign u o p r o a n nt the ip esduubcsacrtedtimonesn—of