The Sun. — London, England, 1868-01-02 00:00:00

•sputial,or Tirg PUBLIC. JOURNALS; The Telegraph brings to our mind the fact that in his interesting speech on education, at Willenhall, Mr. Vil liers made one or two remarks which are worthy of note. Whether the stories of the ignorance that existed among the English poor were true or not, it was unquestionable, he said, that no country in the world had such inagnificeut endowments for education, and that in none were the funds so grossly misapplied. Precisely, The revenue for teaching the people is enormous, but it has been diverted to all kinds of misuses. Neglect and selfishness have com bined to defeat the wise forethought of those benefactors who, centuries ago, left large funds for the purpose of rendering their countrymen an educated people. A re formed Parliament will not fail to make this abuse the subject of stern scrutiny. Mr. Villiers added, that the State should take as much cognisance of the moral and intellectual condition of its subjects as of their sanitary and religious condition. In other words, the State must do its best to teach every child to read and write ; the higher education will take care of itself. Mr. Villiers re minded his audience that in the United States there was a noble public spirit, which holds that to place the means of instruction within the reach of the people is the firit duty of the State. In England that feeling is limited to a smaller, though rapidly-increasing, section of the commu nity. The members of the lower social grades are not yet sufficiently educated to see the necessity of making personal sacrifices in order that their children shall be better educated than themselves. Render education com pulsory for thirty years, and henceforward no force will be required to fill the school-room. The Herald, writing on the recent!y-published revenue returns, remarks : In 1866-7 there is little doubt that many men paid in respect of profits which they had not made, though they had in anticipation included them in their returns, thus giving a fictitious appearance of prosperity down to June 1867, notwithstanding the pressure of a dis count rate of 10 per cent. and the still heavier burden o' company calls. That the falling-off should have been no greater than it has proved, is, we think, matter for con gratulation. Whether the next three months will witness a rebound must greatly depend upon those joint-stock company meetings which are now not far off. If the state ments to be made by bank and railway directors are of a character to stand examination and inspire confidence, matters will soon begin to look up, and trade will recover from its long-enduring lethargy. We do not venture upon prophecy, but we may, nevertheless, give expresSion to hope, founded, as we think, upon adequate basis, that some such improvement will take place, and that during the next three months both the revenue and trade of the country will once more exhibit some tokens of their normal elasticity. The Standard looks upon the falling-off in the Excise to .he extent of £715,000 in nine months as a very serious one. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the increase upon Customs in the same period has been £327,000, and that evidences a larger consumption of necessaries and luxuries, which means, cf course, an in crease of their means on the part of the same classes. The Customs revenue has therefore maintained its progress in spite of all the disturbing influences at work. There is a considerable diminution on the property tax, £434,000. It cannot think that this is all sheer loss. It is quite true that many persons who paid the income tax last year have had no income to pay upon this year, but for every one of these unfortunates there are ten who have incomes, but who have been sorely pressed for money during the last few months, and have put off paying their taxes as long as possible. A portion of this decrease will probably be made np next quarter. Stamps shew a very large in crease, and so does the Post Office, both augmentations which seem to shew that the general prosperity, although its growth has received a check, has not been seriously impaired. On the whole, the returns do not give the slightest ground for uneasiness, they hold out no menace of a deficiency, and they furnish no indication of general privation. The Daily News urges us to abstain from ill-omenec words, and from casting the shadow of uncertain evils upon serener hours. There will be time enough to com pare the reassuring Imperial words which are displayed in the most conspicuous page of the Moniteur with those fiery appeals to the warlike passions of the country population which are being despatched from the purlieus of the Minister of the Interior to obscure but not independent provincial journals. What matter if the Moniteur de la 2leurthe calls the people to arms to save the independence of France and restore her glory; what matter if even M. Rouher, Minister of State, speaking with all solemnity from the tribune in the Corps L4gislatif, if the Minister of War and the Minister of Marine insist on the urgent necessity of raising the active army to 750,000 men, and organising a total force of a million and a quarter of men, in order to sustain the military predominance of the Empire, if the Emperor himself speaks peace and friend ship to the Ambassador of the North German Confedera tion on New Year's Eve ? Let us do justice to the neces sities of a Government which is preparing to face a general election with a triple programme of Rome for the clergy, glory and conquest for the army, peace for the trading classes, and parish roads and general balderdash for a not too enlightened peasantry. And with this candid and intelligent appreciation of a powerful neighbour's domestic difficulties, let us wait in patience to see what another New Year's Day will bring forth, if we may be permitted at this season of universal contentment and congratulation to look so far into the future without misgivings, A 7.1 - L:7 . OR. —A splendid meteor was seen early on Wedii,.s(l:ly morning by several observers in the South of England. It moved along at an angle of about 45 deg. Lorn E.S.E. to S.S.E. It was not seen to burst. A narrow lint; of light marked its course for a few moments r.ftir its disappearance. Mr. Wollarton says that one very short part—say about one-thirtieth of the whole coarse—was visible for forty minutes, until 8.10, when it disappeared immediately over, and in consequence of the increasing light from, the rising sun. ANTICIPATED CAB STRIKE IN LIVERPOOL—It was announced at the meeting of the council on Wednes day that the new regulations for the hackney coaches, which involve the "free trade" principle as to fares, with the proviso that the list of fares is to be exhibited outside the vehicle, would be at once put in force. The cab proprietors are so much opposed to the new law that a strike is anticipated, which at this season of the year would cause much inconvenience, though the greatest sufferers in the end would be the proprietors and drivers themselves, Vise *Tail relifAs the - conclusione Of the hon. member for Banbury oil the subject of technical education as very 'striking. 'Xt be'lleNres the truth of the matter to be that our VOi4elital neighbours have their hearts in the busi ness niol:elhan we have. We are regarded as having won a po'sitiOn and then gone to sleep upon it. Mr. Samuelson distinctly records his opinion that though these excellent 'systems of education have been established abroad, they have not, as a matter of fact, led foreign nations to any important discoveries, or even to any striking improve. ments. British text books are used in foreign schools, and British inventions are at the bottom of foreign practice. Our rivals have beaten us, where we have been beaten, rather by careful and intelligent economies. Of course Mr. Samuelson advises—first, that we should put ourselves on a level with our neighbours in the matter of early educa tion. Education has net enabled foreign people to make grand strides, or to do what the founders of our manu facturing industries did for us generations ago, bnt it has made them better average workmen, and more compe tent to second the earnest efforts of their employers. Mr. Samuelson, therefore, would fain see an effectual extension of elementary instruction to begin with, and then a system of technical instruction afterwards. He does:not consider that apprentice schools should form part of such a system in this country, or, at any rate, he would leave them to voluntary support : but general education, he thinks, should be secured, and technical education ren dered attainable. After this it is obvious that he builds much upon a better understanding between masters and men. Real manufacturing prosperity, he candidly says, is not to be secured by " the payment of low wages or by the premature employment and overtasking of children," 'any more than it is compatible with the objects of Unionism in restraining trade and discouraging individual excellence for the benefit of sluggish mediocrity. It does not seem to be Mr. Samuelson's opinion that foreigners have any advantage over us naturally, or that their superior education has given them any advantage hich we cannot easily overtake. Where they have gained is simply in small economies and cheerful co-operation. Instead of fighting over wages, and 'spending money and time in attempts to naake trade more profitable to one class than another, masters and men have pulled more amicably together, and have thus been 'enabled to turn every opportunity to account. To sur pass them once more we have only to do as they do, and then leave our natural aptitudes and resources to deter mine the preponderance. We must not leave them with a monopoly of the advantages of education ; we must not be quarrelling while they are working with one accord. But it results from Mr. Samuelson's observations that it is not education alone which leads to inventive power. Technical schools have not produced such men as those who laid the foundation of our industrial eminence. With all our shortcomings, we have not yet been overtaken in those qualities which first made us what we are. These, it is to be hoped, aro still indigenous, and if to such advan tages we do but add those of cultivation and prudence, we shall have very little difficulty in maintaining our position, and in securing to this country all those benefits of indus trial excellence which have been expressed so plainly in our national prosperity. IRISH CRIMINAL STATISTICS. The kerxiii 'oil Irish Criminal Statistics for 1866, com piled by Dr. Hancock, which has just been published, Presents some favourable points which it is gratifying to have to notice at a moment when there is unfortunately so much to record to the discredit of the country. We find that the year 1866 presents a smaller number of persons for trial at assizes, the Dublin Commission Court, and quarter sessions than any year of the last ten. In 1857 the number was 7,210, in 1866 it was 4,326. Allowing for the reduction of population, the decrease of crime in Ire land in ten years is from 122 to 77 in each 100,000 of the population, or 37 per cent. This result would be much more satisfactory if we had not to set off against the general diminution of other crimes a progressive increase in the charges of treason-felony. There were none of these cases in 1863, there were 11 cases in 1864, 44 in 1865, and 52 in 1866. The statistics are stated to be on the whole highly creditable to the tradesmen and labouring classes. There was not one for trial for destroying machines or goods in process of manufacture in 1866. There were six for demolishing buildings, and three for combina tions. Two persons were executed, which is about an equal proportion to the executions in England and Wales, having regard to the relative populations. There were 64 verdicts of wilful murder brought in by coroners' juries, which is 42 less than 106, the proportion which 402 verdicts of murder in England and Wales in 1865 would give for a population equal to that of Ireland. Infanticides and other murders were more numerous in England than in Ireland. The numbers proportionate to 175 verdicts of infanticide in England and Wales in 1865 would be 46 for Ireland, whereas the total number was only 40. The pro , portion to 277 other verdicts for murder in England and Wales would be 60 for Ireland, whereas there have only been 24. In both countries, however, infanticides are excessive compared with other murders. The characteristics of Irish crime are indicated by the number of indictable offences returned by the police and not disposed of summarily, compared with those observed last year, the most unfavourable being treasonable and sedi tious offences, malicious offences, against pro perty, riots, assaults, inflicting bodily harm, and other assaults. There is an excess in the number of minor offences disposed of summarily, arising probably from the fact that the police are twice as numerous in proportion to the population as in England and Wales. The Dublin metropolitan police are in the proportion of 1 to 302 of the population, while in the London district the force is in the proportion of Ito 457 of the population. In the rest of Ireland the police are 1 to 450 of the population, and in - tll3 rest of England and Wales 1 to 902 of the popu- N., 'ation. LAW AND POLICE THE ATTEMPT TO MUEDE3 AT ISLlNGToll.—Williard Ballisat, the shoemaker charged with attempting to murder his father, at Islington, on Saturday last, was again brought before the magistrates at the Clerkenwell Police-court. Some additional evidence was given, and the prisoner was eommitted for trial. A short time after wards a gentlemanly-looking man, said f.o be a relative, informed Mr. Cooke (although no member of the family examined as a witness gave the slightest hint of such a thing) that the prisoner had been under treatment for in- sanity, and was no doubt at the present time suffer ing from disease of the brain. The worthy magistrate ad vised him to have the medical man who attended the prisoner at that time, and other witnesses of the fact, ready on the trial at the Central Criminal Court, which he undertook should be done. INTIMIDATING WITNESSES. -At Bow-street, George Britten Bristowe was charged with attempting to intimi date George Day, to prevent him from giving evidence at the last Old Bailey Sessions, on the prosecution of one George Gould, alias Bristowe, for obtaining goods by false pretences. Gould, it seemed, was the father of present prisoner, and was convicted at the last Old Bailey Ses sions kir obtaining goods under false pretences, and sen- tented to five years' penal servitude. Prisoner, meeting complainant, began to abuse him, and said that if he gave evidence against his (prisoner's) father, he would kick his (the complainant's) --inside out. The prisoner was committed for trial. ROBBERY OF DRAPERY GOODS ON THE MIDLAND RAIL WAY.—At the Leicestershire Quarter_Sessions yesterday the trials were concluded of the prisoners charged with stealing drapery goods while in course of transit by the Midland Railway Company. Property to the value of several thousands of pounds had been stolen, and conside rable difficulty seems to have been experienced in tracing the thieves. The prisoners were tried in three groups. In the first there were Thomas Jackson, pointsman, Dennis Parkins, foreman shunter—both of Syston Junction—who were charged with stealing; and Henry Martin, beerhouse keeper, Silsby, charged with feloniously receiving the stolen goods. Parkins was allowed to turn Queen's evi dence. Jackson pleaded guilty, and he, as well as a plate layer named Underwood, appeared in the witness-box against Martin. To this man's house a large quantity of property had been conveyed ; and he had redistributed it amongst the villagers. Martin and Jackson were each sentenced to five years' penal servitude. Two other pri soners who were tried in succession, on charges arising out of the same series of robberies, were acquitted. THE CLERKENWELL EXPLOSION FUND.—On Wed nesday the Lord Mayor took occasion on the bench to make a statement respecting the sums expended on the relief of the distress occasioned by the Fenian outrage at Clerkenwell. The committee, it appears, have distributed £1,500 for the alleviation of the immediate sufferings of the injured, and £3,000 towards replacing the furniture and tools destroyed. His lordship made an appeal for further contributions, mentioning, as a sample of the cases to be dealt with, that of a family of four children, one of whom was totally and the other ttluee partially deprived of sight. DARING HOUSE ROBBERY. - Christian Miller, 29, Thomas Seabrook, 63, furniture dealer, of Bull-street, Ratcliff, and John Boswell, of Church-road, Stepney, were brought up at the Thames Police-court, charged with stealing a quantity of furniture, valued in all at £3OO, the property of Mr. W. Stainsby, tailor, Ileath-street. Mil ler, who is a foreigner, lodged with Mr. Stainsby and his wife. The latter were left in charge of the house while Stainsby and his wife went into the country. Soon after they had gone Miller went to the shop of Seabrook, and said that he wanted to sell all his goods. Seabrook went to the house of Mr. Stainsby, where Miller met him, and, after inspecting the furniture, Seabrook agreed to pay £9 for the whole, £3 down on account. The articles sold embraced everything in the house. Mr. Stainsby stated that the goods actually cost him upwards of £3OO. The prisoners were all committed for trial, but the magistrate said he would take bail for Seabrook and Boswell. THE FAMINE IN NORTHERN RUSSIA. A letter on the above subject, from Mr. Charles Renny her -dajesty's Consul at Archangel, is published in the Times. Mr. Renny states that to all appearance it is per fectly impossible to avert starvation from a large propor tion of the population. " Bread is now at three times its usual price, and before long money may not buy it, as supplies of flour are running short, and more is not ob tainable nearer than Viatka, a distance of 1,000 versts. To bring a sufficient quantity thence by land, putting cost entirely out of the question, is hardly feasible ; and were it brought, the bulk of the population is without the means of buying it. Even now there are instances of death from hunger, and numbers are already so com pletely destitute that their existence can be reckoned by days. Measures have been and are being taken, both by Government and private persons, to supply the people with food ; but the want is becoming so general that the limited local means, even with the assistance of Government, cannot cope with it." Mr. Renny suggests that subscriptions should be raised in London. He says :—" "With the sum subscribed I pur pose to buy rye flour in Viatka, deliverable here by winter roads, and to distribute the same, with the co-operation of others, to the absolutely needy in this neighbourhood. For the town itself local means may prove sufficient." THE QUEEN'S NEW YEAR'S GIFTS.—On Wed nesday„morning, between nine and ten o'clock, the annual ceremony of presenting her Majesty's New Year's gifts to the poor of Windsor took place in the market beneath the Guildhall. The gifts consisted of meat and coals, the latter being delivered at the homes of the families, while the beef was delivered to tie recipients from the butchers' tables in the market. On this occasion the mayor of Windsor, Mr. J. W. Wellman, the Rev. 11. J. the Rev. Mr. Thompson, and other clergy, were present at the distribution. during which the bells of the Chapel Royal of St. George and St. John's Church rang merrily. The poor of Windsor entitled to the gifts included 351 families ; the parish of Holy Trinity, 193 ; and that of Clever, 219; giving a total of 763 persons. These families were divided into five classes, of which the first received a piece of beef weighing 71b. ; those of the second, Glb. ; third, lb ; fourth, 41b. ; and the fifth, 31b. The weight of the beef thus given by the Queen was 3,1191 b. It was of splendid quality, and was supplied by Messrs. Bedborough, Cope. land, and Hughes, of Windsor. Its value was £97 9s. 4id. Mr. Heale, who represented Mr. Cullen, the clerk of the kitchen at Windsor Castle, was present for the Queen. Ftft y. nine tons of coal, supplied by Mr. Little, her Majesty's coal merchant, were distributed at the homes of these families in quantities of 3 cwt., 2i cwt., 2 cwt., 16 cwt., and lcwt. The value of the coals was £73 9s. 40., so that the total value of the Queen's gifts was £l7olBs. 9d. Her Majesty also gave £lOO to the Royal clothing Club at Windsor. THE SUN, LONDOiI, THUBSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 2, 18€8 DECLARATION OF 7HE ROMAN CA7 HOLIC CLERGY. DUBLIN, Wednesday. The following is the text of the Roman Catholic Manifesto : "We, the undersigned Roman Catholic clergy men, believe that we have arrived at an epoch of great trial and some danger, and that it is due to the people, the Government, and our own position frankly to expose some of the evils under which Ire land labours, and the remedy which, in the presence of God, we believe to be the most efficacious, if not the only one, to give peace, security, and progress to the country. " We belong to no party in the State within or without the Constitution. We have no alliance with Whig, Tory, or Radical. We have laboured, many of us, and some of us incurred considerable odium in our endeavours to preserve public order, and thus we have given a pledge that we are de voted to the interests of peace. In reflecting upon the present position of the nation, then, and offer ing our honest counsel, we have no impulse to embarrass or to patronise any party, and no object but to perform our duty to religion and the people, with whom we are, and have ever been, perfectly identified. "It would be an error and a crime to say that the disaffection of this country is not deep-seated and extensive. Deplorable as such a fact may be, no one who knows the country can truthfully deny it. Generally a blank hopelessness pervades the mind of the population, a dark brooding all the worse because every day growing in intelligence. This hopelessness operates in two or three direc tions, and in every one of them is equally danger ous. Taking the form of emigration, it becomes a longing and a resolve to ' come back,' taking the form of conspiracy, it is ever on the watch for its opportunity ; and, taking the form of Fenianism, it becomes reckless very often and regardless of consequences, making danger at home and inviting evil from abroad. " We need not say that we know the people of Ireland well. They are emphatically our own' people. We have their confidence, and know their great virtues, as well as what failings fall to their share; and we solemnly declare that one of the most imminent dangers of the movement of this generation is the magnanimous spirit of self-sacri fice which has animated the mass of those who think of risking their lives or spending them in even a hopeless contest. That they cannot be worse,' that there is no hope for the country,' and that ''tis as good to die' are the sentiments and ethics which poverty and degradation have taught, and which are frequently repeated by American success and daring. " In one word, as an eminent prelate, a man even singularly distinguished for his devotion to English institutions, has recently said—' If the Grand Turk came to this country and proffered a fair chance of expelling English power, every man, woman, and child would follow him to the field.' " We deprecate the continuance of this state of things—equally injurious to the spiritual interests of our flocks and the social and commercial inte rests of Ireland. We come before the country and the Government believing that the difficulty is not yet insoluble, though we think it may be rapidly approaching that state of hopelessness. We appeal to the common sense and highest interest of these three kingdoms patiently to hear and judge ; and should we fail in averting a dire catastrophe we shall have the consolation of remembering that we have done our duty. " Without any affectation of confidence, we do think that the English people—the great body of that nation—would be inclined not only to justice, but generosity, were they sufficiently well informed. To these we most especially appeal ; and we shall feel surprised if, having duly considered the condi tion and claims of this country, they will for ever leave their owu at the command of foreign nations Sooner than reverse the policy of ruin. " What, then, are the roots of the wide-spread and growing evil—an evil in whose deepening sha dow society is every day growing more uneasy, and the foreign relations of England every day growing less honourable ? " Firstly, we answer, and we declare the root, source, life, and strength of all misery to be in the ignorance, poverty, and degradation of Ireland ; and in the reversal of all three—every one—in the establishment of intelligence, national wealth, and national dignity, or in commencing to establish them, is to be found the only security for peace,and the only security against continual danger and final catastrophe. " Let us look back a little. From the year 1698 to the year 1782 learning was under the ban of law in Ireland; no one could learn the alphabet without violating the statute. That is, for three generations all that time no one could acquire the elements of wealth, dignity, or civilisation in Ireland. The po sitive effects in brutalising the population may be easily estimated; the negative effects which left them behind every other people are equally clear. In the face of such facts—the facts of having driven a whole people back upon the road of progress, and of having made it impossible for them to come up to the progressing intelligence of the peoples who have centuries the start of them—what will jus tice do to repair the wrong? We think it suffi ciently evident that justice will, by every means, commence to restore equality—equality in intelli gence. " And when we speak of ' equality of intelli gence' we are not to be understood to mean solely equality of facilities for obtaining primary and col legiate instruction—primary and collegiate instruc tion for those who carry the brand of the laws by which Government for a hundred years degraded them. We mean much more. We mean the intel ligence in scientific agriculture— intelligence in skilled workmanship—intelligence in domestic eco nomy—intelligence in the employment of capital— intelligence in those things which are auxiliaries to public wealth and the accompaniments of civilisa tion. All these were taken away from the Irish race, and as a race they are still deprived of them, and by their loss are to a considerable extent the people which the world beholds nearly the first in capacity and the last in wretchedness that blots the globe. All these must be restored, because all these are necessary to raise up Ireland to the .equality from which the laws have thrown her down, to re store to her the competence of which the lawn de prived her, and if they be not given back the misery which recruits the ranks of disaffection must con tinue to the end. " If it be said that the Irish race are already on an equality with those who for 100 years were made their masters, there is most evidently an error, and a grave one. To assert that two men are placed on an equality for rifle competition, one of whom you have taught, and the other of whom you have never permitted to handle a gun, would be unwise, and tend to discredit the speaker's sense of justice; yet the assertion would not be more viclent than to say that the Irish race are on an equality in the race for national wealth with the English settlers here, or the English and Scotch be yond the Channel. " Every one who has travelled in America and Australia will recognise the truth of Irish ignorance at home and Irish capacity abroad. Comparing population with population and position with posi tion on landing, we know that the ascent in the gradations of labour, from small to large commerce, and from the lowest to the highest ranks of intellec tual and professional eminence, illustrates that once the Irish race know their way, and are allowed to travel, they are not behind any they meet on the road. In Ireland there are many miserable who would be miserable anywhere, but there are great numbers who are miserable only because, through one cause or another, the curse of the penal laws hangs heavily around them. " Secondly, the poverty of the Irish race has been directly produced by the government of the country. We do not speak of the confiscations of the lands which took the means of living out of the hands of the natives, and left them penniless in so many cases, nor of the possesion of nine-tenths of Ireland by absentees who spend its produce beyond the seas, although we believe that drain upon this country rises nearly to five millions annually ; nor of the abstraction of all the savings of our farmers to swell the means of English and Scotch enterprise (occasioned by the ignorance before mentioned) ; nor.of the singular arrangement by which Ireland pays an interest on 600 millions of debt which she never contracted ; we do not speak of all or any of these inflictions which so severely deal with our capital now—we speak of the laws which were framed and put into operation with the direct aim and object of pauperising, casting forth, and. re ducing to a state of nature' the whole native popu lation of this country. " We pray it be remembered that, frightful as is the picture of the Penal Laws, of which Burke says that it was a system as well fitted for the oppres sion, impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverse ingenuity of man'—yet was this terrible system only the sequel of another system, bloody as it was unjust, and pro tracted as it was powerful. For 400 years and more the Irish enemy' might be shot down as the raven ing wolf ; and even had he bound himself in alle giance to England, his murder was punishable only by a small fine of one mark. The result of 430 years of such a system left the native population, we may well infer, not abundantly supplied with the wealth which helps and rewards progress, even though the said population may have had fourscore years to breathe. Yet it was in such "circumstances that the elaboration of the organised process of ex termination, called the Penal Laws, began. " Let it not be supposed that we dwell upon these topics with pleasure or bate ; far from us be the thought of triumph or vindictiveness. We recur to them for reasons the importance of which statesmen ought to understand and estimate. From those springs of bitterness the waters which have destroyed the social happiness of Ireland, and swept away her national wealth, have flowed forth, and it is in utterly stopping them up and sealing them for ever that we are to look for the peaceful regeneration of the land which is dear to us all. " For three generations, then, every means of acquisition was by the laws of the land snatched from the native race. "1. Confusion was sought to be introduced into every family by law. " 2. All the professions were closed to people o the old faith by law. " 3. The ownership of laud and the holding by Lease forbidden by law. " 4. All political power, position, and advantage ; even to the office of common bdllmau, were forbid. den them by law. " 5. All the handicrafts, even to the humble pur suit of the artificer, were impossible to them by law. "And thus for the long period to which we have more than once directed attention the intellectual, social, and moral conditio❑ of this country had been so low, degrading, and debased—ignorance and in capacity had so paralysed the minds of the whole people of Ireland—that we may well feel astonished at the bound which in 80 years has brought them from the rudeness of a barbarism inflicted by law to the condition in which we find them, sad a con dition as that is, looking at the condition of Great Britain, with which she legally forms one kingdom. " And now we beg the most earnest attention to what follows. " The Irish people did, indeed, in the year 1772 commence to regain their position, not the position they should have had, but the possibility of begin ning to aim at it. In rags and ignorance, it may be said, they began the up-hill road to wealth and intelligence in 1772 ; but before their faculties had been unbound, before their eyes were allowed to see or their hands to work, the employment of them became useless. The facts are very instructive, and shed light upon the duty of legislation. " Unfortunately for Ireland, a party that could not live without ascendancy sold the liberty and wealth of their country for thepleasure of oppress ing their neighbours; and hence the resumption of industrial right was not much advantage to the long-oppressed population. " The governing country had grown passionately jealous of the activity an 1 success of the small minority whom she permitted to aggrandise them selves. The export of cattle was not allowed, lest it should lessen the value of English land. Then the export of wool was forbidden, unless under great restrictions and only to a few places. The export of cloth was then prohibited, and almost every kind of import, too, unless the cargo was first discharged in England. A King promising from his throne to discourage the woollen manufacture in Ireland,' and essay after essay showing how to utilise Ireland for English wealth, without seeming to deem it worth a thought whether Ireland de cayed to ruin or not, are the singular phenomena of English rule and Irish subjection, from the reign of James I. till the year 1782. Thus it came to pass that those we call the native population found no country before them in 1772, when they were allowed some of the privileges of Irishmen. A Par liament that, to retain the enjoyment of its preju dices, took every loyal message as law, sold their best interests for the pride of ascendancy, and brought Ireland to the verge of bankruptcy. " The year of Free Trade' came with England's necessity,' alas ! apparently always Ireland's op portunity.' In the history of mankind such na tional progress is not recorded as that which brightens the annals of Ireland from 1782 to the year of the Union. With the consciousness of power there came an exhibition of independence which was fatal—lreland lost her Parliament. It can be no harm to say that England thought the advantage of extinguishing our Legislature a great one, for she paid £1,420,000 to the parties in the country who gave her the key to Irish resources and the control of Irish liberty. "Thus, from the very beginning of English rule, the Irish population may be said to have been im poverished by law. " From the English invasion to the Reformation the Irish enemy' was impoverished by law. " From the Reformation to the reign of James I. the Irish Catholics were impoverished by law. "From the reign of James I. until the year 1782 the Irish Catholics were not only impoverished, but the very possibility of acquiring either knowledge or wealth was taken from them by law. " And when the Irish Catholics were allowed to raise their heads and look around they found every species of commerce by which they might ever grow into a knowledge of the very process of acquisition —they found them all destroyed by law. " Thus, under the reign of an ignorance hardly shaken by a few years' freedom ; without the op portunity of seeing or knowing anything but the rough work of the field, the coarser species of artisanship, or the humbler classes of trade pur suits—thus at the Union the Catholics of Ireland were thrown upon agriculture ;exclusively for sub sistence. No freedom availed them any longer. They had little capital—very little, of course— they had lost all the skilled workmanship ; they had lost all the knowledge ; they had lost almost the taste for anything beyond the wretched field which they dug, or the beasts which they reared. Burke's philosophy was illustrated in them, and if, per chance, a spasmodic effort from time to time pro duced any species of industry now monopolised by English manufacturers, the poverty of the Irish man soon succumbed under the weight of the Eng lishman's power, who sold at less than the cost till he had made the Irishman bankrupt. " There is no use in saying to such a roan that he is free to run the race of manly competition with the Englishman, unless, indeed, such freedom be understood in the sense that an invalid rising from the bed of infirmity is ' free' to enter the lists with the athlete. lie is free, but the use of his freedom would be his destruction. Ireland is free to fight her competitors with the antecedent condition of being killed inevitably in the battle; on the land, then, and on the land alone, the Irishman was driven for subsistence. Without much capital, without much knowledge, without any security for what he might invest in the land, without sym pathy, as a rule, from those to whom far over the sea he sent the produce of his sweat and anxiety, the normal condition of Ireland, the condition re sultant from law, was a condition of necessary poverty and debasement, " So we were in 1846, when the famine turned the island into a graveyard ; normal poverty —pro duced by law—was no match for the blight which withered our fields and gave a whole kingdom no choice but flight, mendicancy, or death. " England could purchase in any or every market in such a contingency. So could France. So could almost any country ; because every country but our own has something to live upon besides the price of the produce of the soil. We had nothing, because law had utterly swept everything that in our trial could sustain us ; and thus it happened that we lost two millions of our people by death and emigration, and gained many lessons that nowadays produce their fruits in thoughts and aspirations which bode some trouble to the empire. " For a long period the real causes of Irish wretchedness were not known, and when they were known the traditional debasement' of soul wrought by slavery was inaccessible to the spirit of self vin dication. • "All this has been changed. The national schools should have been a forbidden tree if Government intended for ever to make the resources of the na tion inaccessible to the people, for it is difficult to associate denationalisation and poverty with a know ledge of right and of history. Education has been the tree of knowledge of good and evil,' and the Irish have largely partaken of the kind which they have been able to obtain. " The normal causes of poverty are this year as active as in years past. Nothing is done to develope the resources which we have, or to introduce new ones to aid our insufficiency. On the contrary, the people are flying away, and the land rapidly going out of cultivation. The 'stock'—the beef, mutton, and bacon which feed the English manufacturing districts are more largely produced ; but the eople are driven away, going with a vengeance.' We do not assert that this state of things is the re sult of a designed policy at this moment ; but we can well see that many are led to that conclusion ; and the effect of all—whether we admit the convic tion of a hostile policy, or the conviction of the ad ministrative incapacity in the rulers of Great Britain, or of a combination of them all—as the impulses of the national mind of Ireland, we feel confident tkat disaffection has never been so widespread and so de termined as it ie this year 1867. "We need not say that this disaffection is home and foreign ; abroad it is downright war, and at home is partly sympathy and partly conspiracy —but nearly universal. " There is no doubt that the foreign element must always depend upon the life derived from home—hostility to Government. Take away the appui that Irish American Fenianism finds in Irish disaffection here in Ireland, and you at once and for ever remove the plea and the danger of foreign interference. " Without a removal of the combustible matter in this country, a spark at any moment may spread a devouring conflagration. "And what is mere, if the co-operating causes be not removed from Ireland, there never more can be peace or security in these kingdoms. "Let it be remembered that the idea of coming and seizing Ireland is now the idea of millions. Remember that the young hear and receive it as they grow up, and that their pride, interest, and chivalry are all stirred actively by the thought. Remember that the facilities of learning the use of arms, and of gathering material means, make the idea to them very much more than merely possible. We behold in the movement the elements of per petuity, which, however inefficacious for accom plishing their object, will be always efficacious for producing disquiet. A never-ending perturbation, or a settlement of the Irish question, is the very least that is inevitable. " More than this, there is a state of things at home which statesmanship should not tolerate for a moment. This country always looking for a change, thinking any change whatever a chance to be prayed for and seize l upon, any enemy of Eng land becomes by the fact of such enmity a friend to Ireland ; Ireland ever ready to condemn or mis understand or oppose the views of the Imperial Government, on the principle of an antagonism, whose mission is active resistance to a changeless foe—all is injurious to Imperial influence every where, and, however long it mv have to wait, will find its hour of retaliation at last. We think our selves no enemies of the commonwealth by seeking to preserve it from such trials as are shadowed forth in the state of affairs just described. " All Europe knows those difficulties to which we allude, and America is every day acting upon them. How can any Government vindicate its honour or guard its interests in such a state of things ? The experience of the last two years proves that, were England at war with any European Power to-mor row, that Power would be able to fling a brigade of fifty or sixty thousand drilled and armed Irishmen into the field ; perhaps into this country ; and then what could restrain the Irish population, enraged, poverty-stricken, and hopeless, as they are. " Again, we declare that the only hope of peace, order, progress, and at last real union, is in tran quillizing Ireland. " And we solemnly declare that the only means of effectually tranquillizing Ireland is by a restora tion of her Nationality. " General legislation by the Parliament of Great Britain will never be equal to the task of teaching, cherishing, developing, and raising Ireland. " Political economy will never do for a country like Ireland any more than the ordinary food of health would do for the weak and sickly. The most exceptional legislation must be employed, the mi nutest knowledge must be obtained, the most per severing local inquiry must be instituted, and a full, heart-whole, and we would say exclusive atten tion, province by province, must be directed to discover and remedy Ireland's wants ; and these things an English Parliament cannot perform. "An English Parliament has already too much to occupy it ; an English Parliament will always proceed by fixed principles applicable only to orga nised communities, and they will not do for Ireland; an English Parliament will have to command a com bination of parties who know little of Ireland, and cannot understand the necessity of entirely excep tional legislation--a thing absolutely essential to Ireland. And, above all, such a Parliament will never satisfy the yearnings of a whole people, whose intellects and whose hearts combine in the cry for nationality. " A land tenure will accomplish something ; re moval of the Protestant ascendancy, by placing the Protestant Church in the same position before the State as the Catholic Church, will accomplish much ; equality in education and the removal of the ano maly of giving a freedom of education on the condition of people giving up freedom, will do its share, and we will hail any and all of them with thankfulness ; but we feel bound to say that when all of them have been granted, safety from foreign danger, perfect development of home resources, and we repeat, above all, the heart of this country will require Nationality. " Give Ireland her own Legislature, and the Go vernment of her own rmources—Nationality, and her federal amity will 133 , a tower of strength to the empire. The country and the people will have no thing to complain of any more —they will be them selves responsible fur their own condiiion ; conspi racies at home will have nothing to plot about, and conspiracies abroad can promise nothing which Ire land would not be ready to reject and resist. Eng land will then be united to us by our best interests, and will be the protector of our most valued privi leges, and the miserable conflicts of centuries shall have an end. " We conclude, then, " Firstly—That Ireland is poor and helpless, not by any fault of the Irish race, but by the force and fault of English legislation. " Secondly—That, the said English legislation exercised its power not only in pauperising Ireland for a season, but in destroying nearly all the sources of Irish national wealth, and thus making poverty a permanent condition of the country. " Thirdly—That the danger to public order, both at home and abroad, has been produced by said poverty and degradation. " Fourthly—That the very nature of the remedies required to make Ireland rich and contented renders it impossible for a British Parliament to adopt and apply them ; and, besides that, home aspirations ' and the plea for Irish intervention from abroad can never be met unless by restoring Ireland her na tionality—re-establishing the Sovereign and the Lords and Commons of Ireland. " Before the face of Ireland and the whole world we make this declaration—in the interests of Heaven and earth, the present and future. With the thoughtful men who sway the destinies of these kingdoms we leave the issue ; but our own honour and conscience required that we should tell the truth and nothing but the truth, in the face of eventualities of which a Christian clergy should not desire to take the responsibility. We have dis charged our duty, and on the statesmanship of England now rests the deeply important issue. Given this 23d day of December, 1867. "R, B. O'Brien, D.D., "John Hayes, D.D., C.C., V.G,, Dean of Lime- Newcastle. rick. "John O'Sullivan, C.C., " James Synan, P.P., Newcastle. V.G., Shanagolden. " J o h n I rwan, C.C., Cool " Daniel O'Connor, Da.). eappa. P.P., Ardagh, " Luke Gleason, C.C., " James "flukey, P. 1?., Glynn. Askeaton. " John Morgan, C.C., " John Clifford, P.P., Castlemahon. Monegay. " Michael Mahone C.C. "John Welsh, r.P., Li mer i ck. , , Temple of Glantine. "T. Ryan, C.C., Ardagh. "E. Costello, P.P., "T. Bens on , C.C., P a t- , Stonehall. rick's Well. " Martin Ryan, Adral- "E. Connery, C.C., Sim nistrator, Athr a y. nagolden. " Luke Hanrahan, P.P., "M. Fitzgerald, C.C., As- Castlemahon. keaton. N.B.—The members of the Committee will re ceive names, or lists of names, until the Ist day of February, 1868." REVOLUTION IN ENGLAND. The revolutionary influences which have been continually breaking out in violence and blood shed on the continent, at length are beginning to tell in these islands. The geographical position of England, and the common sense of the nation, to gether with that ballast which enormous middle class and commercial affluence creates, have served up to the present as a powerful check to those democratic aspirations which begin with the fana ticism of, those who have nothing to lose, and gra dually mounts, like fire, up the social scale, till the whole of a country is in conflagration. But by degrees a stronger influence than the power of the middle and upper classes, and a force which is not to be confined to any particular sea-board, has made its way into the heart of the country. Logic and the appreciation of the effects of principle, are not points which hold out to the Englishman an object of very interesting investigation. And though his ignorance of, or his want of sympathy with such studies may have. been in one sense a safeguard against any very violent social revolu tions, at the same time it opens the gates to this serious danger—that he may, without being aware of it, be the sower of the seeds of his own destruc tion. Englishmen, it seems, will not see that prin ciples cannot stop short of their ultimate conclu sions. If once they are set in motion, they inevit ably work themselves out. This is a fact which is not only attested by principles of philosophy, but is proved without an exception in the region of practice. Moreover, what is equally true, and possibly still more evident, is the fact;that those principles which are the most popular, and which adjust themselves most freely to the passions, the rapacity, and the " aspirations " of the masses, are the very ones which, when once implanted in the popular mind, not so much take root like seed as burn like fire There is no element in creation more combustible than the mind of a needy multitude, with just so much education to take in theories of self-aggran disement, and just so little real religion as will minister texts of Scripture to justify their claims to the property of the rich. That there exists in this country a vast multitude which occupies the position just described, we suppose no man of any observation will for a moment doubt. Indeed, the minds of the masses in this country are in a position which probably renders them more easily affected than foreigners can be by the principles of disorder which are in keeping with their aspirations They are poorer, harder worked, more ill-used, reduced to a far more servile slavery, especially in the mining and manufacturing districts, than is the case with any other people in the world, in cluding the slaves under American drivers in South America. As to religion, either they are totally ignorant of its first principles, and the first dictates of morality, or their minds are possessed with a superstitious fanaticism which acts violently on the nerves, and manifests itself in. Psalm singing, hymns, "conversions," dealings with " the spirit," and those other varieties of Methodism which make up the religion of the English "poor." The rich are far above them, and to an immense extent alto gether isolated from their sympathies ; a fact which has the simplest proof in the world—namely, the invention of " workhouses," and the mechanical relieving the distressed—a method which assuredly would never have been adopted if the tendency of the wealthy classes had been to sympathize with poverty and disease. Now, there are two classes of men who act most powerfully on and educate the multitude the leaders of the country, and the exponents of the people. By the leaders of the country we mean those who are responsible to the nation for the right government of the country, members of Parliament, slid particularly the Ministers for the time being in power. By the leaders of the people we mean those men who, belonging to the people, have by their powers of mind and speech raised themselves up as the exponents of the people's mi n d, an d w h o, by a greater insight into principles, are able to lead the masses premise by premise to their logical conclusions. Generally the popular leaders a r e i n advance of the most liberal leaders of the nation. They are even on the alert to detect principles in the action of the State which correspond to their own revolutionary ideas, and the moment they discover a point of contact between the two through the force of logical sequence they attempt to drag an unwilling Government violently in their own direction. Where the leaders of ,the nation and the leaders of the people combine in inculcat ing a set of principles which are in keeping with the aspirations of the masses, the education of the latter is begun—the spark has been thrown in : the explosion is merely a matter of time. Now, what has been the state of the case in England ? What has been the action of the leaders of the nation and the leaders of the people ? What principles have they sown in the popular mind? Have they been teaching the doctrines of autho rity, order, submission to law, inviolability of private and public rights ? If there are seeds of revolution in the popular mind, who put them there? Whence,proceeded those principles which have resulted in the outrage of the Fenian ring leaders in Manchester, the rescue of Kelly, the avowed sympathy of a London mob with the mur derous attack on M'llonald, in the meditated attack upon Chester Castle, in the bread riots in Exeter and Teignmouth, in the doings and sayings of a Bradlaugh, a Broadhead, a Crookes, a Lucraft, an Odger, a Cremer, a Dickson, and a Merriman ? Whence come the trades' unions associated with ,he most revolutionary section of continental dis- order, and the most bloody deeds of home violence ? Whence proceed the liberty with which a Murphy may bring misery and agony in the homes of the poor, and cut: their hearts out by the vilest and most odious att .cks on their religion? Whence comes it that a mob of ruffians impede our thorough fares with seditious processions, and that prison walls are blown down, houses shaken to the ground, and innocent men, women, and children killed or maimed for life in the public streets of the capital of the commercial world ? Have the people re ceived the principles which result in these actions from the clouds? Did they take possession of them in their sleep ? Did they come by the minis- trations of some supernatural power? They came neither by chance nor by the mediation of the other world. They have come out of this world, and have been fashioned and perfected and put into the minds of the masses, not by France, not by Italy, not by some adventurer amongst the lower orders, but by the distinct teaching of th ose agains whose destruction they are now directed. The leaders of the nation have brought this on us. If we are driving towards anarchy or revo lution, let them look to it. If they fall in the general disorder, and have to take the places of those in whose minds they have lighted up the fires by which they themselves are to be consumed, let them distinctly understand that they are simply reaping their own harvest, and that having sown the wind they will reap the whirlwind. For what has been their action ? What has been the almost unanimous teaching of the leaders of the nation ? Has it not been that men are free to choose what government they like, that each " na tionality" is to constitute itself, and that robbery and murder are not too great a price to pay for the mere chance of completing an ideal nationality by the wresting from others that which is theirs by the most sacred rights acknowledged in the world, and by an antiquity of prescription unequalled in any empire of the West ? The Earl of Denbigh could not restrain his noble indignation against those leaders of the nation who could thrust into the mouth of the first lady of the land a: statement which he designated by the only epithet of which it was capable of being expressed in the English tongue. When the " powers of darkness " would thus place themselves in " high placts," and thrust the brand of destruction into the hand of the highest representative of order in the land, it was time to protest, and raise a voice against the cut throat policy of leading minds. The foreign policy of the English Government —which is visible to the poorest man in the penny papers--being in accord ance with popular " aspirations," has been seized hold of, and is being applied by the people to the condition of England at home. The "people" will reject the policy of restraint which the Government would apply to them, and will embrace the policy of "liberty" which that same Government would apply to the Continent. The rulers of the nation cannot help this. They cannot alter the action of princi ples, nor their relations to the conditions of the people and the cravings of the popular mind, any more than they can prevent the steady rising of the tides with the palms of their hands. it is of no use to exclaim, "It is not meant for you." The very authority which would enforce this view upon the people on the one hand, is cut to pieces by the " gladius acutus" which is brandished in the other. If two contrary principles are taught, that one, and that one alone, will be learnt which is most in keeping with the " aspirations," —that is to say, with the rapacity and passion of the popular mind. The principles of Messrs. Bright and Potter, atid other political agitators, the views of Mr. Beales, M.A., and Mr. Bradlaugh, though far in advance of the views held by the Government, are much more honest and much more consistent. The leaders of the people do not disguise their senti ments, and would to-morrow, if they could do so, change the constitution of Parliament, destroy the House of Peers, and constitute themselves in power as leaders of the nation. Whether their aspirations are ever to be realised, or in what form a chalige of a more radical democratic nature will be brought to pass, of course we cannot prophesy with cer tainty. But this we can declare, without fear of contradiction, that if ever a revolution takes place in England, the cause will lie at the door, not only of the leaders of the people, but of thoie whose policy it has been to encourage principles on the Continent which issue in destruction when applied to ourselves.— Westminster Gazette. FOOTBALL. GREAT FOOTBALL MATCFI—ETON AND HAR- R 0 W v. THE WORLD. On Tuesday, at Westminster, the two groat rival schools of Eton and Harrow attempted the somewhat arduous feat of competing against a team selected from all the other various schools and football clubs, and, as the result proved, rather unsuccessfully. The Schools were placed under a great disadvantage, whilst their opponents mustered thir teen liege men and true. At 2.45 a movement was made from the Lodge, and at about 2.50 the bill was thrown up in the air by the captain of the World, who, having lost the toss, was compelled to play up from the Lodge goal, with a slight breeze blowing straight in the face of his fellow-players. Immediately at the start a united rush of the men of the World forced the ball down in close proxi mity to the schools' goal, but without any decisive suc cess. A forcible kick from the to of the Schools' captain once more launched the ball into tho centre of the ground; where it was bandied to and fro by the legs of the 22 players, now borne along by the superior weight of the one party, only to be sent speedily flying back by the ex cellent long kicking of the goal keepers of the other team. At length C. M. Tebbutt, guiding the ball well down the side of the ground, cleverly passed it on to M. Muir Mac kenzie, who, after a short and unmolested one, bore it safely into the space between the posts. No goal, how ever, for the claim of the "off side" was at once acceded to by their opponents, and the game wns recommenced. The little band of the rival schools worked hard to wrest some advantage from their more numerous opponents, but the odds were too great, and the ball but rarely travelled into the innermost lines of the World. Several times the fight was carried up almost into the centre of the Schools, but each time the good play of the goal-keepers had proved equal to the emergency. A long kick by C. M. Tebbutt, badly fielded by a celebrated back player, at last secured the desired result, and the goal for the World caused the two teams to change sides. Until four o'clock the game was kept up with unabated vigour, but neither party proved successful in securing any further score, and thus the victory rested with the World. Throughout the match W. J. Dixon played most energetically for the World, well backed up by E. Dasent and J. E. Tayloe ; whilst A. F. Kinnaird, J. B. Martin, and Q. Hogg did wonders for the Schools. The following is a list of the players : Eton and Harrow.--A. F. Kiunaird (captain), Eton; J. R. Sturgis, Eton; C. Tait, Eton; Q. Hogg, Eton; C. W. Alcock, Harrow ; J. B. Martin, Harrow ; V. K. Shaw, Harrow ; A. Taber, Harrow ; and R. N. Ferguson (E. Whittaker). The World.—W. J. Dixon (captain) Westminster; J. P. Nicholls, Westminster ; E. W. Wylde, Westminster ; S. H. West, Westminster ; J. E. Tayloe, Westminster ; N. P. Eastwick, Westminster ; C. Dasent, Westminster ; M. Muir Mackenzie, Charterhouse ; C. M. Tebbutt, Wan derers ; A. Baker, Wanderers ; J. M. Hartung, C.C.C. and J. Clote, C.C.C. Foreign Mail Packet List. . MAILS D 17E. , A.ustralla and New Zealand, via t. l . , outhamptoa.....Jan. 19. Ditto, via gamines .„., ..........Jan. 13. Ditto, via Panama ...Jan. 28. ••••••••• drazii, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video Jan. 5. Ditto, by rrellen packet . J at 22 Oape Verde, by B razi l paoitet ....... cape of 14 Good - — o l3e. A.soension. and St. iielena Jan 7. tillills ' Penang. and Singapore, via Southainp to a • Jan. 3 Ditto, via garseilles ••••.•• Faittland Islands .. Lilbraltat, via iouttimaiptoa .. ludicila Southampton ...... ... .... Jan. 3 . - Ditto, via Marseil es . ... Jan. 7. Malta, r4ypt, &,... ........ • • • • Jan. 3 Ditto, Marseilles... Jan. 7. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton Joni.) Ditto, Marseilles Jan. 13 ~. ewfoundla at. Portugal •• Jan. 13 Jan. 5. Ditto, by pr %i le ship to Oporto ... Ditto i tto to Lisbon United States, lansda, California, &0., by British racket Ditto, by l i ited - tatEs packet Ditto ditto 'New York , Ditto aitto Ncw York) Ditto ditt , (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet Jan 3. West Coast of Afri,a, Madeira, and Teneriffe Jan. 3 West males and Pti3iiiC (except Mexico and Balla- mas) Jan. 13. Cuba and Mexico Btha_nas, via New York Bermuda. via Halifax Births. BARTTELOT- 7 011 the_3lst ult., at Find on Manor, Sussex, 7 - 7 the wife of Brian B. Barttelot, Esq., of a son. PALMER—On the 30th ult., at Augl sea-place, 'Woolwich common, the wife of Uommaudor Palmer, .11. N., of daughter. WHITING—On the Ist inst., at Battersea-rise, Mrs. Henry Whiting, of a daughtur. Marriages. CROYSDELL—MORDAN—On the Ist inst., at St. Mark's Tollington-park, James Edwin, second son of ff. Greys-, dell, Esq., of Canonbury-park South and Old Jewry chanib,:rs, City, to Ellen, youngest daughter of Francis Mordan, Esq., of Albion Lodge, Upper Holloway, and Albion Works, City-road. LANE—LANDALE-011 the 31st ult., at St. Mark's Episcopal Church, Portob e ll o , Willi am , eldest son of Win. Lane, Esq., of Vernon Mount, county Cork, to Eliza Gray, sixth daughter of the late D. Landale, Esq., St. Mary's, iiirkcaldy, N.B. Deaths. DI:DRAM—On the Ist inst., at 120, New Cross-road, S.E., and rate of Java, John T. Dudharn, Esq. LAVER On the 31st ult., at East Hall, Pagleshanr, Essex, Wrn. Laver, aged 82. STARK—On the 31st ult., at Gainsborougb, Mr. A. Stark, aged ondon : Printed and Published by WILLIA.II ANDREW. , .. or No. 112, Strand. Printer, at Thu SUN liltra,nd, in the Precinct of the Ss vey, in the County o AlidcUo3ox....Thurfiday, January 2, 1868, fro 1 not ha , by for Bo me in t at St. O'el