The Sun. — London, England, 1850-03-08 00:00:00

Sa ,_ It Ir,, el 11, 11„4 •Vemi„ respect the Clifilen unions. The , • te et "an states: th a t l an e l or d e wer e in art eers, ill )pfeti they bee refissesi a fair r a te. He was not to eive the natiee of his correspondent, but he ; 1 ," I , e se e s .e,, t e eo, ef his etetemente l let n ea r ;l 4l "ret le Sr r , t 'ei s r. trein tits e t I ee•••es in ttei • :L . ' 11 , 1 ' ttie Veer t 1,( ree. t° :„s: e i es wns great prosperity itilePecesressive it:in:oven:ref, I. I L iha•. ever since that ii 3 P 4 l i 4;lisrn, „ n d c ,„ie re oe el had revaged it. propricter heel oirtr'.'l Mr. Twistletor, the 41 " i et'attniesiovier 1 WV of eruwing sires:, for the Ihty: 4 ch were due u?)e.: it - ^im'iunti we to 400 t, but itett-ie7e refused, 7 s gnere7) was that the Id e Z t. since been 1, ant; The wot I( h ease ligt)4•11. "In e 0F the he;t, tr t- aesione 1)f the proprietors t e r t: , ;,, r i l lt e p erl urpive,r,ted into , auxid - :ry worldruees, and others _ (4-ion4b, ta , ?y imlon.4ed to Lizoili-s , who h i : , id t 'See sestit every shillirps in Ireland.) he Cod . 14 ee district lii - rnself Jut gave tee statement es it tei i , el l forwarded to him 1V hat he o'oj , .cted to tor lee „ w as the re --ottouetile . Ate m ee s ' s inaleing charges IStenten'imoUS infe;; . natlon. - which were, in his letail;„''"gteerated in themselves, and u nwarranted oe a body of men, some of whom had, at all Ali, • 11 4 th eir cl• 1- - , ao d S er very difficult, circumstances. il ktti the staterm; sear) hp could not have the least oheec n't Which had been read by the lion. °4 'et, l : l b ecause it did not ear in fin slightest de ekti n,nealidate airs- of '.he a st p e p tements lie had formerly IN, ill' reference to the unions in the west of Ire 4111htts ‘‘, e could only say that every one of these state 0b tl", H o e on_ as good an authority as that on htd"4". Alomber hal made a counter-state that te ee . . t etre et wAll the exception of one, and that he r the ee as aw l a• it was sho Nll to he erroneous. ' 4l 43t "tnent were not the question la fire the l t ,rs '- al' - : e4 r)—th c i ty h hal a ;treat many sensible emttll,44l tend sone , ; not very 6 sensible ones, referring to de se that House, but be had never heard one t e ` e vi llZ 'the support of the llouse, or , less et i cl i t 'fLirit It' the opposition of her Majesty's / fan that of his Hon. Friend the Member i fur k 4 Go t,il6llth f a e et i s it tPpet ted that motion, because be believed 1 14, -4 d as those alleged demanded instant ve . ri V , 441 rt4 ress. The Government instituted 'n th-1,44 se e - 1 111 , 41 Y things less woithy of notice. If there e b l 'hitrer,,' 4l4 ,Lan e or a boiler burst in a steam-boat on 9 (3 laight Hon. Baronet would institute a V e t' la the order that he might know the . cause oceeirtidale loss of life which these aceid h en i te h4 eil etion -can * Why should the effects of the w o • f t: not also be inquired into and the causes d bail ti' j °l4l operating? Oae proprietor alone had .(413 tha n 1,025 persons, or equal to 200 k. o ne 'd it had been calculated at a low rate that d at d the ll Weie ll-1 , on in every family thus turned outte . Ile', tot te g i q e 200 deaths from that one estate. Were S e p th e ;,,:asiuire into such a state of things as that? llti .4l dl i s t " 4ll ' , lnce or selfishness of the landlords, the te e ll tliefe'l e ,n let and cultivated in such a manner that adis of a single crap they could not sustain C'4,;!leel tel►e-1 no asserted 'that neither the principles of ‘ l ttli tti sei e t e e°4l ° asY nor the principles of our common le t a s : Per mitted the owners of the soil to commence hhidlle,Ztereoinating system.—(Hear. hear.) The 5 ; i t , bud talked of proprietors who spent every "te r e e land. He believed that. 'They not only 'C h fit e ' s ail f their own, but every shilling be ekes the - ° J a y hold of, instead e l , ople that they con id Itt s 'ltta p .•" PrUd.nce moderation, uud forethought in f h ' l ne'at of the ' revenues derived from their es ,e 1- -ouse, he thought, actesi with too much te tt t el hp is to person"; thus situated. 116 was not to be Si:est; term confiscation. Ifahe millowners of I tersee; ''`ere to act iu a similar' way, and leave the le'etilpr.'4Yd'fincl dependent upele them to starve e l - 4s t : ',l i t !' House would no doubt speedily interfere. Vkii;,'tertiber fur Limerick said, that the landlords ae,)-444 naioa ' had lei , '" a rate of :3s. in the pound. bib t> Gk i i n , th4 t as. in the pound was not enough, when Se i 't tire,,, - " n oonsideration the fact that rents . were . paid I ti,„ 44 'se t " 4, ,, e 'eld that grants had been given to it from - meh kt(s s • 1 that when the landlords came un ,kpt, elre ; e l l'iv e , I nas tances to that House for assistance, th ey received was in feat a bonus upon ty t ~~ en sett ';he extermination of the feople. If the sad were to agree t o th e mo tion, and send a r e ll eek r ,, 44 , loan to take the administration of the aler," lol 'ds would soon sea that they could no . e l h's burdens from their own shoulders in te;e l d. i l e 's give that employment which they now ektbl e oe t he Government took that resolute . and ' l, ;`ter 3 7 l tree, they would soon see an alteration for ' !qeesp e 4 e Sn the general employment of the people. 1. 41 4 14 i, 4 on of his Hon. Friend was so simple that at d 0 7.0 1.11 d be agreed to. They would have the tit o l i tei s : l Ore the House, and the real cause of Ire teat,k'ltt-,tY would reach the light. There was no l:elee:nese of rates, and if this state of things was Ifitv e - ,' nothing remained for Ireland but misery hear, hear.) (12tilree`1411ERTY•said that, while he admitted the 4 '4 7 40 1 of the honourable Gentleman whose t 4 the. House, he did not think there was 4 tt. to 4 -e uity for the inquiry, or that it would . lead 4 11 .11 of the union of Clifton, I t , e was chairman `i t , ll ete r ° state that the English proprietors did not i tl l 'tttes 4.l es• Surely these proprietors ought t ) pay H I °Z holy could the people be supported ? 4 1 4 11 , 11 e 1 1 ,e - c ," 41 ,. th e House that the poor-law was now )I '4' 4 sS et ' l in Ireland. This lent and the Encumbered l? l 'eata - l' were well calculated to produce great im- Iv, 46'4 Ireland. °tit supported the motion, end said the k't4 i i . 6148 due to the people of Ireland' to make t Vi ki,„;lluiry. l ed‘. l th ° l ARUNDEL and SURREY said it was 1h -that i eat there was an excess of misery in Kil ,"S se, - a': 111 Y ever before existed in a civilized or o,, i _the - 7 to of society. It was also admitted e,ndlo.rds had . acted unfairly towards the ail s e 5,,," still they did not know the cause l t, d 'he -"tilt orrery in Ireland. Ile acceded to (lie Captain Kennedy, and while he ad ploa4l,-tue landlords in Kilrush were deserving of siwei thrown upon them, he must exempt from 1, 1 1: 1, e '- e t a t h is neighbour, Colonel IVyndham. The sth`l'eu p - , (Lord Russell) said they had . informa- . 4 4 se tt " reepeet to the subject under discussion, k l, - ,.,t 1 , 1 1 1 ;: 11 ded that more information was necessary, k t -a2 so they ought to have it. The Right 0, eag e , e ell' 4 tbe s e s Ita (Sir W. Somerville) said .... that frauds :ell' ll see'l by the guardians in the leelrush union. it 'tee ;" e ntd like to have all these frauds laic" before Qton He should lik e t o k now h o w the estates in 4 41 taii er t anti had been managed for years past. pV„ 4l leti s i' e vents he would say, that it was their . duty to 'ettl'eepi 41 R to RUC the lives of the people in Ireland. ttiat l e te,„e„were so degraded by the present state_ of e ethe; h u e was not surprised at anything they did, nor t po " e blamed far their actions. In supporting the I,tl coramiss ' ion it would be shown to the ' , and th t h were persons in that House a . t ere . c4 l' '' t4P4thi sed with them in their -difficulties. e l ltS s ' ll tt in that „ t f i , • ,, at tiouse must be thankful to the . Hon. etisie"? the zeal and determination which he - ". k "stV'Yed in bringing the subject forward, n, the discouragement shown to his doing AN 44 v 6,1 ), SOMERVILLE said he did not 'e"Sie (l been committed in the union of leelrush. I,etei , 1 , 3v4 a, that such a statement had been made fitll et) l-,,,exeitirseds !i01111e1;-`'ll'01.1E1. Id net detain the House by a led p l y• All admitted if the facts which ( t `'he true, the necessity for an inquiry .ex slic4ttoe.:,"le Lord objected that they had sufficient S, 4 ltt 4 ee ut fnte them. on the subject; but if they had 0, 41 1 ,5t: 1 4 4 , information required on the question, Otl t 4 t t v .' , he ashes", had born brought in to re hheel d o , 1 "s of which he comp:lined? If nothing e l k i ef e for the people, of what use,he asked, s tfte ` lr lnation which it was said they had? ‘ll4 840 1,, 4, itdo - ar they were going on in the same Ote4'3°lti of gnot seem as if they were to have an e y . 4% ; t 4 tr •e system. The Hon. Gentleman, r 41 a,'elt - „! Plan suggested by the Hon. Member for s hed , ee' 4l be had no doubt but if the resources of de tie ''re developed, the evils of which she had to be -rel,-eved —(Hear.) said the Hon. Member for Man esel;,e• niSf o l ne rents in Ireland had been well` paid. HT—No, I did not. - 'Nel -- I—The Hon. Member said that the we, 1411 14 141 1 Faid in Kilrush and other places he I t lelth e 4 t l4ll , l he (Mr. F. French) was justified in e a n s t; titid t he Hon. Member meant to state that r west, tsY Were well paid. He could speak for t h e e„ P eat,!se e ll e l lt of which the rents had not been paid for 04 1 1 ° th e ' and in other parts for two years. With re- O t `!e i.ProPosed inquiry, he saw no advantage that hnis -I nte7ned by it; te contrary, he thought it With the efforts now making by the Go - I I 4 4' 1 - ' 4 others, to improve the condition of the slic,‘" Union in question. F or to then divided, when there appeared— th A N , - e Motion 63 ••• it ••• ..• 76 •.„ ••• • • • • • kot• 4 tajoritv —l3 10 4 ••• ••• ••• was as consequently lost. "l' ' VOTE BY BALLOT. i tt „ta t , t 13 ,,, - -tKELEY then rose to move for leave to 11 e,.; to protect the Parliamentary electors of 4 00 4, 1414 and Irelandundue influence by the e ) ,from 4 41 y 4 Pol e all °t• Ile said that if he were in need of bes t , h ' 4 for bringing forward this motion, it was i iith k ette e ; h 4 t'le hour at which he brought it forward rese e -r4t °±' the latest. (It was then nine o'clock.) k 1 — et to th e • he considered it of „et, tea motion itse , eeoten INeortance, that until some Hon. Member, 1 1 % 11arettlit for the task than himself, undertook it, 111sst4ek-e(eri._4lintie to press it upon the attention of the 1 / 4 41 ‘e l tit - 74 r. bear.) He found in her Majesty's es t he k e ltiese —e opening of this session of Parliament a Ott ue " le stitational maxim. It was to the effect , „ la \.°n,tubining liberty with order, by preserving It ll a l e 4 ll 4 :Na ll' t li e 4ble and amending .- what is defective, you k, me. 16 )j. f ," fabric of our institutions as the abode tc) °- free andhappy People." Nothing could 11114 'k '4'l)alitt p u tt ltk q ttional, no sentunent more de- Plegnee th e but he submitie I to the Government lib e tlieWteill ..linieterial tree bore such blossoeas ea t r _ t e e . lk i h a 4 ,:' , .Poet to gather some fruit.—(Hear, h .) h e „ 4l te ec ‘nts . s e : a 4l °n of liberal principles unattended by tie rce Much about the same as . a . stric . t oh: e k ea sl , ll tecr''CIOLLS ceremonies without Christian (leen . t)tn, ti, to ask house mai the Government t . ts Axial he, had just quilted, to amend k1 t e4 441 th„ 1 " be' interposing a shield between the e.l4lte hits.s° who for their own purposes attempted Oc s gi s . knew it was almost hopeless to oath Q 4 se I.,•sttoa palatable to the llouse, but he hoped 44 1 ' elaira to their indulgence by avoiding i as 1 411 41 en e l) . "sibl e t h e 40 4 ' et Re consider aruments he had used on previous d the ballot to be the most pie -Ilite beennse measures of Parliamentary reform submitted to the House by his Hon. Friends on various occesions. He considered it to be the primary .!ten to those other measures of :eform, be cause it was a stepping-stone to them. He thought it less objectionable to the generality of Members, because in seel,ing: it the*: sont:ht :o alter Y.O f!:-:ISti!Ig . net eiy t o pr,,sset the eltaeor itt 'he iih ire tai a dory which they had err tail*.d upon him, and lea-iese pris••nt he 11'1.- , to disel.arge that, fluty, irons the 't L 1,113 tilt, r: 1110'> hilth teo cr,:l.t into our electoral system, and which were as noteriotri as the lotigitude and latitude in navigation. This simple pro position, simple as it seemed to him, had always hitherto been met with lively indignation. Minister aft,r Minister came down to that House driven to his wits' end to prove that sonic vital objection eaisted to a man dis• charging his duty sub sitentio, even when it was con fessed that he was unable to discharge it vied voc , e. This wes, in his opinion, a very difficult question to argue against, whilst the arguments in favour of it were, he thought, irresistible. The arguments against it had been gradually dwindling away—they had become salad by degrees, and beau:if . lily less," until, at length, they had ended in silence and hard voting.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) When other question; of rerlia mentary reform were brought helm° the House, there was no want of eloquence againa them on the part of their opponent a but the moment the ballot was men tioned Hon. Members became perfectly mute. They shied and dodged the question by every means in their power. When Mr. Ward brought forward his motion on the subject, in 1842, the same comp'aatt was made, and the great diffisulty then, as now, was to get toe Government on their legs.—(llear, hear.) Tne con sequence was that people believed that they opposed the me inure for other reasons than those which they as signed, and the people were ready enough to assign reasons for them. The people believed that they op posed the measure solely because they could not endure to see the uppsr classes and the ari,tocracy shorn of their undue and unconstitutional influence.—(Hear, hear.) The course he intended to pursue on the pre sent occasion was to meet some of the objections which had been most lately put on record as arguments against the measure. He found that they had a fresh opponent in the field. He found that they had to contend with the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department (Sir G. Grey). That Eight llon. Gentleman was formerly a supporter of this measure. The brilliant eloquence, the acute logical powers of that Rght Hon. Baronet made him an undesirable opponent, while his high character, and the important position he held in her Majesty's Councils, made his example most dangerous.—(Hear, hear.) It was for this latter reason that, feeling as he did his utter incompetence to cope with such an adversary, with some hesitation he had re solved to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman to explain some parts of his conduct on this cinestion. He begged to say that he did nut assume for a moment that any gen tleaela was compelled always to remain of the same opinion. Grave statesmen and Right Hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House had changed their opinions frequently, and with their opinions hal changed their votes; end he must say, as an humble individual, that he hat thought them perfectly right. There was the question of the corn-laws, for instance, upon which the Noble Lord the Member for London, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member fir Tam worth, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon, and other great statesmen, had changed their opinions and votes; but, bs fore they did so, they gave that House, the country, and their constituents the most complete, elaborate, and anxious explanations ; and he submitted, that it' they had not adopted that course they would have appeared, in the fece of the country, as so many unequivocal and naked rats. Ile (Mr. Berkeley) therefore, maintained that Hon. Members who changed their opinions on so important a question as the ballot ought to follow a similar course, and give to the House and the country a most complete and ample explanation. Now, how stood the facts of the case? In 1848, when he (Mr. Berkeley) had the honour to propose and the good luck to carry a resolution— (Laughter)—in favour of the ballot, the Right Hon. Gentleinau (Sir G. Grey) did not vote. The friends of the motion first became aware of the loss they had sus tained by that inelaecholy obituary of departed Re formers—the division-list of the House. The Right lion. Gentleman appeared in the House on that occa sion; but like the phantoms in Macbeth, he came like a shadow and so departed—he pointed to his vote and glided noiselessly out of the lobby.--(Hear, hear, and laughter.) ' When the Honourable Member for Montrose brought forward the general question of re form, he (Mr. Berkeley) ventured to arraign the silent system, and then they had the Right Hon. Gentleman's explanation. And what did it amount to ? It seemed that in 1838 the Right Hou. Gentleman voted with the Government for the ballot, and when Mr. Ward brought forward the question in 1842 he voted with him also. The Right Honourable Gentleman said that his reason for so voting was, that he then represented a constituency (Devonport) where undue influences prevailed, and that therefore he had been induced to give his relectant support to the ballet. In 1847, however, the Rigbt Hon. Gentleman became Member fsr Northumberland, and as that was a pure constituency— as he was then breathing wholesome air—and as he had at length escaped from the foul atmosphere of Devon port, he thought it right to turn round and vote against the ballot; the reason he assigned being, that public opi nion had of late acted so powerfully upon the upper classes that they had become politically virtuous. — (Laughter.) Surely never before had such a reason been given by any stateenan for a vote.—(Hear, hear.) It had seen laid down by Burke, that when a Member entered the House of Commons be entered it as Member for England, and that he should not attempt to legislate fur the county, city, or borough which returned him, but for the community at large. He (Mr. Berkeley) left the House to say whether, upon this principle, the Right Hon. Gentleman's reason for his vote on the sub ject of the ballot would hold water. He begged to call the attention of the Government to another ex traordinary circumstance connected:with the House of Grey. In 1837 Lord Howick. then Member for Sunderland, now Lord Grey, voted aginst the ballot, the reason he assigned for doing so being the same as that now assigned by his Right Honourable Relative, viz., the increased political virtue of the upper classes. In 1841, however, the Noble Lord, having been defected in au election contest for Northumberland, turnsd short round upon his former opinions about the increasing purity of the upper classes, and showed that he had been talking nonsense on the subject, fur at the declaration of the poll at Alnwick the Noble Lord made a most sweeping and unmeasured attack upon the Duke of Northumberland, Lord Tankervillo, and his oppo nent Lord Ossulston, for unworthy trickery, for un scrupulously violating., their promises, and fur unduly influencing the electors. [ the ,lion. Member read ex tracts from the Noble Lord's speech at Alnwick, as quoted by Mr. Ward in his speech on the ballot in 1842.] Mr. Ward on that occasion claimed the Noble Lord as a proselyte, and challenged him to support him with his vote. The Noble Lord, however, contented himsef with walking out of the House without votMg at al!. It ap peared, therefore, that the test of purity of peliticai opinion in the mind of the family of Grey was a Northumberland election. If a Grey was rejected, straightway the commu nity was plunged into the depths of vice; if a Grey was successful, the electors were immediately lull of virtue.—(Laughter.) But now, as to the fact of the increased political purity said to be found among toe upper classes. There was a Committee which inquired into this subject in 1836. That Committee had evidence laid before it from all parts of England and Ireland — evidence which it was impossible for any one who had not actually read it to .conceive. In 1848 he bad quoted in extenso from that er:dener, and proved that a general state of demoralization characterised all elections at which anything of party spirit prevailed, and succeeded in establishing cases not to be upset—and he defied the Right Hon. Gentleman to upset them—ot the grossest intimidation, corruption, and malversation, in every pos sible way, of the franchise. As an appendix to the re port of that Committee, he might point to the evidence before almost every one of the Election Committees from that time to this—(Hear)—evideoce proving that the same demoralization, the same intimidation, the same corruption prevailed after 1836 as before 1836.—(Hear.) He would ask which was to be believed in preference, the bare bald assertions of Hon. individual Members, be their position what it might, or the evidence on oath taken before so many Committees, backed by the distinct statements of facts adeMeed by other Members of the House whenever the subject had been discussed ?- -(Hear, hear.) There was the distinct evidence of the Hon. Member for Birmingham in 1848 and 1849, who stated, of his own knowledge, that no election for the great city he represents ,d ever took place without at least 1,000 of the electors being prevented from voting by in timidation.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member did not mention the many hundred other electors who on all those occasions did v ete upon intimidation and against their consciences.—( tlear, hear.) The Honourable Member who second ad his motion in 1849—the Mem ber for Macclesfield— -showed, from his own experience, the state of intimidation into which the metropolis was plunged at ever y election ; and he had himself given on the same o ccasion examples of the intimida tion practised at particular elections. He required the Right Hon. Gentleman to show to the House what in crease in political virl.ue had taken place in the upper classes in 1848, 1849, .and 1850, that should supersede the goodness and expediency of the ballot, which he himself admitted, in 18.38 and 1842.—(Hear, hear.) He presumed that the Rig ht Hon. Gentleman would have the tact to avoid, on tho present occasion, the obsolete claptrap that formerly s erved a turn—about the unman liness and the un-Engli.ihness, and so forth, of the ballot —the twaddle about its being cowardly to give a vote and conceal its object.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman must see t hat he might as well suggest it as cowardice for a man t o use his watch and then conceal it, since the political intimidator and bully had no more right to your vote limn the pickpocket to your watch. Nor, he conceived, would the Right Hon. Gentleman venture to suggest thest the English people were less fitted now than in 1842 for the ballot, after the proofs which the Government had received of the sound sense, intel ligence, good feeling, and loyalty of that people, in times of great excitement abroad and sedition, nay, of rebellion at home.—(Hear.) Perhaps, indeed, the Right Hon. Gentleman might contemplate the proposition that the people were less anxiout . about the matter now, because they did not so anxiously agitate the question. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman beware of such an argument as that, lest he confirmed what was said against his Go verument—that it refused to reason what it yielded to agitation—(Hear, bear)---lest we justified the character of the Whigs given by Lord Anglesey, that they were tide-waiting legislators,, who flowed in on the tide of re fore], who steered witbi its slack water, and floated buck with its ebb.—(hear, hear.) To the individual Mem bers who might be disposed to stay also at what they thought slack water, he would give the earnest advice to reflect maturely on the position of things in this year, 1850. The threat of gentlemen on the Opposition benches to appeal to the country must be ringing in their ears—(Hear, hear)—and, ringing there, it could not but bring to their minds the last appeal of the same sort which led to the general election under the contending b inners of free trade and protection in 1841, and to the insults of that centest. If the appeal then was en ap peasl to dernoreinatiee, what woeld an appeal now be?— Wear.) It would he an ap; eel in which wealth and ewer, puttinta on the eseN te ifs !et reerel, weeld overt the fee-lee over tlO couetias, t! MI chartered riah's more lv :1 , 1 , 1 in aly tleau (ee- bafora ---(hear. het.) ,ott!(1 he en ap,al eaiees e lt el:seat, eel aepeal wealth to crush poverty, an appeal to the House of Lords ta, elect the House of C O MMOr,:f.—(Flcar, base.) He would say one word as to the vain eVereipts of recent legislation to deal with the least of the evils of the pre sent electoral systerr—the evil of overt bribery. They had made laws stringent enough against overt bribery, but they had entirely omitted the prevention of secret bribery, and of that intimidation by exclusive dealing, which contained within itself the very essence of bribery. —(lcer, hear.) They had, in short, strained at the gnat and swallowed the camel. Exclusive dealing was the right arm of intimidation—the essence of bribery in its very worst form In the ease of simple bribery you gave a man a reward for selling his conscience; you, uerh9ps, saved him and his family from ruin, from starvation, and the actual positive good ac cruing, though no excuse, might. be taken as avi extenuation. But in exclusive dealing you punished, you perhaps ruined a man and his family, because he fellowed his conscience, and there could be no doubt which was the worst offence. Again, they had passed a measure by which it wa, impossible for a man to stand against treachery and rascality; he referred to their law of agency, under which agency was definable to be a man's walking arra-in-arm with a can didate, or being seen in his committee-room, or placard ing'one:ef hisbide or wearing his colours, and so °lobe further feat of any such person afterwards giving a sovereign to an elector being deemed sufficient to eject the candidate if elected, from his seat.—([fear.) lie had on this point consulted many of the most eminent election agents, and they were unanimously of the opi nion that under this law, after a general election, there would be more seats unjustly declared void on petition than had ever been declared void before, justly or un justly, from the utter vagueness and unlit:nimble extent of the definition, and the wide field given to simulation of agency.—(hear.) He had urged this question on the House in the honest conviction that it was a measure due to the people of England, to the constituencies who elected that House, as a measure called for by justice and by humanity; and he now committed his short sketch to them, prepared to receive counter-conviction from any man who could furnish him with it.—(Cheeas.) Lord DUDLEY STUART seconded the motion. His Hon. Friend had endeared himself to the people by his able, unyielding, and in one case, successful advocacy of this most important principle.—(Hear, hear.) He was convinced that there was no question on which the country felt a deeper interest; no object to the attain ment of which they were more thoroughly entitled. It was demanded alike by all who possessed, and by all who sought the franchise, as the only means of giving them the secure exercise of that franchise. Without the ballot the elector could never substantially enjoy the te which the constitution gave him. The ballot was alike his due, whether he claimed the franchise as a trust, as a right, or as a privilege. In relation to its character as a trust, it was objected that those who so exercised, being responsible for its exercise to the non electors, could not consistently conceal its application; but this argument, at all events, could not be justly held by those who resisted an extension ,of the franchise on the ground that the people were net yet fitted for it; since, if they were not fit to vote, they - were equally unfit to control a voto.—(Hear, hear.) If any persons doubted the extent to which undue influence prevailed, he would ask them to look at the different constituencies and see whether there were any in which un merous elector: did not abstain from voting through' fear of incurring the displeasure of influential indivi duals, or from the hope and expectation of some reward. Now, the ballot, Would, on the one hand, prevent inti midatiou, while on the other hand it would prevent the possibility of corruption. He felt it difficult to believe in the sincerity of those who opposed the ballot on the ground that it would promote deception and encourage a spirit of disingenuousness, and that it would be found ineffectual for the object it was intended to accomplish. He believed the opposition offered to the ballot arose from a love of power. Its opponents could not divest themselves of a notion that they had a right to direct and govern the votes of those who lived on their estates, or with whom they dealt. They were averse to the measure because they had no confidence in the people, and they had no confidence iu themselves.—(Hear, hear) They talked about the just influence of property; but what was the just influence of property? It was this— that when a possessor of property was a humane and considerate man, he would be respected and looked up to by those around him, who would be anxious to know his opinions, and who would probably in most cases be guided by his views; but anything be yond that was tyranny.—(Hear, ate) If it ware considered desirable that property should have more in- • fluenee, that House had better pass a law providing that people should have votes iu proportion to their property. That would be preferable to the present system, which pretended to give people votes, but which was nothing bitter than a mockery and a delusion. It was said that the ballet would be ineffectual to accomplish the object it was intended to effect. Ho would admit that that might perhaps happen in some small places ; but the conclusion to which he came was that the franchise ought not to be continued in such small places, but that larger bodies ought te be invested with the right of electing Members of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) He would not say that he considered the ballot would be a panacea for all evils, or that it might not be attended with some dis advantages as well as with great advantages. Ha was not, in favour of doing things in secret, and he thought it would be much better if all electors had the manliness and independence to exercise their franchise without de ferring to the influence of others, and if persons in the higher classes were too bighminded to stoop to intimida tion and corruption. But when be knew the situation tu which families had been reduced because electors had given their votes conscientiously, he considered that they ought not to call upon men to make such sacrifices for the enjoy merit of the privilege or right which the constitution had placed in their hands. It was said that the ballot would be useless, because the electors would themselves divulge in what way they had voted; but was it likely, when it was important to a man that his votes should not be known, that he would be so great a fool as to proclaim for whom his vote had been given? He (Lord I). Stuart) thought, however, that it was likely, after a time, that the habit of concealing votes would be laid aside. He believed that if they had the ballot, the rich and power ful would by degrees abandon their attempts to tyrannize and to corrupt, that things would then be placed upon a better footing, and that the people would nut be anxious to conceal their votes. In the recent discussions on the Irish franchise, they had heard something from Hon. Gentlemen opposite of the leaven of democracy, and of that House proceeding in a downward course. He was not afraid if the leaven of democracy ; he wanted the people to have the constitutional right of electing their own representatives, and he considered that, when that House R as really and truly elected by the people, and was more: in harmony with their wist es and desires, so far from being lowered it would be greatly elevated.— (Hear, hear.) He believed that the ballot would tend to the general welfare and benefit of the nation, and the motion before the House had therefore his hearty con currence. The question baying been put, Sir G. GREY said, he would not occupy the atten tion of the House for more than a few minute!, but, as the mover of the resolution had devoted a considerable portion of his speech to a discussion of his (Sir G. Grey's) conduct upon this question, he would in a very few sen tences gratify the Hon. Gentleman's curiosity, by in forming him what were the opinions he entertained, and what course he intended to take on the motion before the House. Ho differed from that Hon. Gentleman in his estimate of the importance of the ballot. He (Sir G. Grey) never had stated that he considered the question one of vast importance ; and when be had supported a motion for the ballot, he had said that ho had no great confidence in the success of the plan. He had supported it, however, in deference to the opinions of a large body of constituents, to whom he owed much, and who had given him most disinterested support. That constituency, by petitions addressed to that House, had certainly persuaded him of their desire to obtain the ballot as a protection for some of their number, with regard to whom he stated at the time that he thought undue influence had been exercised, and fer whom he endeavoured to procure the protection they required. He agreed very much in the opinion which had been expressed a few nights ago by the Hon. Member for Middlesex, that the advantages and evils of the ballot were both greatly exaggerated. The more he had heard the question argued, and the more consideration he had given to it, the morn satisfied he was that so far from preventing bribery, the ballot, if adopted, would in some constituencies greatly facili tite the commission of wholesale bribery, and in most constituencies would render it difficult to bring home acts of bribery to particular parties. At the same time he thought there were cases where the power of giving secret votes might enable honest voters to exercise the franchise according to their own judgment and conscience, free from external con trol.—(Hear, heir.) He believed, however, that in the vast majority of cases the ballot, if adopted, would be actually inoperative. He did not think it would be a panacea for intimidation or bribery. He considered that publicity was of the very essence of our elective franchise.—(Bear, hear.) He would say nothing about the ballet being English or un-English, but he would say that under its operation the record of the vote would not be, in 90 cases out of 100, the first indication of the intention and opinions of the voter. — (Hear, hear.) Where the political opinions of candi dates were marked and distinct, and where the great majority of the electors were divided into marked and distinct classes, the relative strength of parties was well known, and the candidates knew upon what voters they could rely. Ho believed, therefore, that if secret voting were adopted, publicity would still remain as the very essence of our electoral system. The question then was —whether it was necessary or expedient to adopt the ballot for the protection of a minority of voters? He hail stated that, on the occasion which had been re ferred to, he hail, in deference to the expressed wishes of his constituents, but with hesitation and reluctance, having no confidence in the efficacy of the remedy, given his support to the remedy they 'had suggested. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Berkeley) had said that be (Sir G. Grey) stated last ye ir that the political virtue and purity of the elective classes had so far in creased that he (Sir G. Grey) thought the t allot no longer necessary. The Honourable Gentleman had in v lited that speech for hire.—(A laugh.) lie would ask the Hon. Gentleman where ho could find it, for he (Sir G. Grey) had used no such expressions. What he had said was, that of late years the growing influence of petilic opinion hal produced a much more powerful check than formerly exited egainet the use of those undue means which had been frequently exercised with a view to induce electors to vote contrary to their opinions. Ife herd th, lion. Gentlemen cini-1 Fre ttr , t, totally daerent thing- from extollio t e pelitieel virtue end purity. Ile (Se. G. Grey) heti spoken ot . public epinion es expressed threugh the press, in the i n untrv, eel ie. that reoutee eed ui ale e.e.posu., elk.% iolloy tee attempts to intimidate or corrupt electors; and he be lieved that this afforded a better eecurity thee any lew that could be adopted by the Legislature. He believed that if they were to adopt the ballot they would not protect that class of electors who, with !mown poli tical opinions, wished to abstain from voting. Their opinions being known, they might still be prevected from voting by undue influence. With regard to the various lights in which the franchise was regarded, he differed from those who treated it as a mere privilege, for he considered the franchise, not as a mere privilege, but as a trust conferred for the bene fit of the community, and which should therefore be exercised in the face of the community. Tl.cie consi derations induced him, in the excecise of his own judg• ment, which he felt bound to follow, under the present circumstances of the country, when there was no ap pearaece of the ballot being required, when there was no expression'of public opinion:on the subject, and when ho believed the people:generally did not desire hough the lion. Geutleenen opposite (Mr. Berkeley) had by a lucky accident carried his motion by a very narrow ma jority last year—to decline to concur with the Hon. Gentleman in the ci7aege he proposed—a ehaege which he (Sir G. Grey) eetieeed would confer anvantages upon a very small portion of ihe community, and which advantages would, in his opinion, he counterbalanced by the evils which would follow with respect to bribery and corruption.—(clear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") Mr. M. GII3SON said it appeared that upon these questions of reform they were not to be allowed to have fair debates, for /lon. Gentlemen opposite called fir a division almost before the Right Hon. Homo Secretary had declared the views of the Government. Sir G. GREY—My own views. —(A cry of" Hear.") Mr. M. GIBSON was glad to hear they were not the views cf the Government, and that this was an open question.—(Hear, hear.) Upon sea eral recent occasions lion. Gentleman opposite had urged the importance of ascertaining the independent views and opinions of the tenant-farmers of England; and one Hon. Gentleman had expressed his desire that the true opinions of that class, free from all external influences, should be heard in that House. He (Mr. Gibson) w as prepared to give the tenant-farmers on opportunity of so ex p re ssing their opinions, and for that purpose he would g i v e them the protection of the ballot.—(" Oh! oh!" and laughter.) The Right Hon. Home Secretary had stated that when he voted fur the ballot ho had done so in deference to the opinions of the electors who sent him to that House; and it was his (Mr. Gibson's) conviction,e from the knowledge he had of tenant-farmers, that if Honour able Gentlemen opposite voted in deference to the opinions of thoso who sent them to Parliament, the tenant occupiers, they would support the ballot.— (Laughter, cries of " Oh! oh!" and cheers.) The Right Honourable Baronet had said that the ballot would be inoperative in the great majority of cases. Where, then, was the danger of trying the experiment, if that system might be called an experiment which was in full I operation in Lenny other countries ? He (11r. Gibson) would venture to say that in no ether country where the ballot had been adopted would they find the electoral holy willing to relinquish ia—(Hear, hear.) The bal lot was required for that minority of cases—if minority it were—where undue or improper influence was exer cised upon electors ; and to eay that the ballot would be inoperative in a great majority of cases was no valid argument against it. They might apply that rule to their. police regulations, to their criminal law, and to other institutions which, in a great majority of cases, were inoperative—(Hear, hear) —but the question was, did they come into operation in any minority of eases where the protection of the law was re qeired ? What public object did they gain by im posing publicity us the condition of a man giving his vote ? As they imposed upon every elector the obliga tion to publish his vote, they were bound to show the public advantage of such a restraint. Were elec tors, he asked, to vote as they themselves wished, or nut ? Ile believed the House would say they ought to vote according to their own wish and conscience. If, then, by compulsory publicity, they compelled a man to vote otherwise than he would have done with the protection of the ballot, they violated the principle on which they gave that man a vote; namely, that he should use it according to his own conscience and opinions. If, on the other hand, publicity had no effect, and the man voted just as he otherwise would have dose, then this obligatory restraint and publicity were of no value. If the electoral body were known to be at liberty to exercise their own free convictions in voting, there would be less of claptrap agitation; a candidate would more maturely consider his speeches when he knew that they would be weighed by unbiassed under standings, whilst at the same time a higher teno of thought would be engendered in the constituency. At present, indeed, many a man would rather not hear arguments upon a public question, fearieg that his con vicions might oblige him to vote against his interest. — (A laugh.) That aas the case in a great many instances in many small boroughs where considerable influence was c xereised.—(Hear, hear.) With the ballot, timid men would no longer be deterred from voting through fear of mobbing, or of having to pass through two lines of men using expressions perhaps not very agreeable to hear. The argument for open voting—its being un- Ecglish, that it should be secret—might be used in favour of requiring a man, wben he made his will, to publish it at the church door.—(Oh!) If' the genuine voice of the constituency were desired, they should have the protec tion of secrecy in recordbag their votes.—(Bear, hear.) Mr. J. WILLIAMS had felt it his duty, on behalf of those who desired to use the franchise without per mission from or under the compulsion of their customers to corroborate last year the Honourable Member's (Mr. 11. Berkeley's) statements of the disgraceful state of thraldom in which the inhabitants of this metropolis were plunged, and was enabled to point out also the de moralisation of constituencies in Wales—his own native country. The Honourable Member had well remarked, that although for the la 't few years the screws and en gines of compulsion had not been retorted to, unless in particular instances, with that fierce determination which marked their use in times of great political excitement, yet it was a miserable argument to pretend that there fore intimidation had gone out of fashion. Let the aris tocracy now, if they could, or at any time, stir up an election, and we should have the same scenes enacted which ho ventured to deserib3 last session. Carriages, with their titled occupants, would roll from door to door, as they did in 1841, the threats and cajolery of ladies — (Loud laughter)—belng carried to a much greater ex tent with tradesmen than their male relatives dared to', go.—(Renewed laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear.") As a plain man—(A laugh)--but, he trusted, an' honest one—(Bear, hear)—he was utterly unable to comprehend how llon. Members could defend the pre sent system. Why not be honest, and say that it was folly to eetrtua the present class of voters with the fran chise, but that a man should vote so many times accord ing to hie property? To qualify one set of men to elect representatives, and thew permit that privilege to be usurped by another, was contrary to reason and common sense.—(Hear, hear.) It was in vain to deny this state of things. In the cduntry the landlord alone was always canvassed; and when . estates changed hands, the voters adopted the politics of the new masters. How much better for an auctioneer putting up an estate to describe it as well timbered and watered, abounding in natural hares, ra bbi ts , p ik e , trout, and e merket and polling-pl ace at a conven ient dis tance?—(Laughter.) Of all practic e s most abhorrent productions, pheasants, to an Englishman was this systena of intimidation, openly repudiated, but quietly winked at and encouraged. — (Hear.) The system had been maintained too long by thoroughgoing Tories and half-going Whigs, until it had become a scandal and disgrace to a civilized nation. — (Hear, hear.) Parliament should extend the suffrage to its permitted limits, and allow men to vote who now re fused, and give the middle and lower classes the power of expressing their real opinions. He should vote for the ballot. Mr. HE ALD entirely dissented from the proposition, that this motion ought to be agreed to on the ground that the electors of this country required the protection of the ballot. He did not admit that it would be a pro tection to them—(Hear, hear)—and he begged to state that the electoral body did not ask for, desire, or wish for such protection.—(Hear, h ear .) They prided them selves on being kiown as supporting certain principles and favourite candidates.—(Hear.) As for the minority to whom the Home Secretary had referred, who were they? He represented a popular borough, and he was prepared to state that not merely four-fifths of the con stituency of that borough, but nine-tenths, did not want the ballot—(Hear)—they felt it would be a reflection upon their integrity and their preparedness to avow what were their views on great public questions.—(Hear, hear.) And he honoured that principle.—(Cheers.) He would be the last to part with any essential feature of our English character.—(Hear, hear.) Ho was not ashamed of any vote he ever gave ; candidates were examined opealy onthe hustings, a n d, as one who w a s canvasse d as to his views, he claimed a right to be dealt with openly and fairly.—(Hear, hear.) There was a small minority indeed in all our constitu encies that was to be regarded under a very different view--a nondescript party—(A laugh) — at every elec tion hanging in the balance--(Laughter) — and waiting almost till the poll was about to close before they would determine for whom, if the election was nicely poised, they would vote.—(Hear, hear.) Was the country to part with a long-established and greatly . honoured sys tem of taking the Eel:A) of the constituency of the empire merely to meet the case of this small minority? —(Hear, hear.) The sooner the country was relieved from any kind of premium or advantage, or protection given to that small proportion of the constituency, the purer and the freer, and the more satisfactory, would be the record of the votes of the electoral body,—(bear.) Mr. BRIGHT felt that it would be extremely satis factory it' the very favourable character which the Hon. Gentleman had given of his constituency could be believed to be true of the constituencies generally. Stockport was a borough not remarkable for its purity —(A laagh)—for the little cost of elections—(Hear) — or the absence of tumult at them.—(Hear.) He (Sir. Bright) knew something- of Stockport.—(A laugh.) It was a town almost entirely supported by the cotton trade; many of the firms there were wealthy and pow cad', employing frem 500 to 2,000 persons, and having influence over all the tradesmen in the town who supplied the articles necessary in the wear and . tear of those es tablishments. The large millowner, in a moderate size town, was very much in the position of a largo pro prietor of land, having labourers and tenants dependent on him. He himself was in the position he was de scribing—(A laugh)—namely, employing a large num ber of persons, and seeing constantly at his counting house the people employed in the various subsidiary manufactures of the neighbourhood coming to receive their orders or payment of their ACCOUIItS. The influence against which the ballot was intended to guard existed to a very large extent; and it depended upon the mo rality and the conscientiousness of those who had that influence, whether it should be used against the rights f the elentors subjected to ie—(Bear.) Without making any charee in re ferenee to Stockport more tian Rochdale or the nietropoli 4, he would ask the House whether,-when party spitit ran high, (as it often did in small t leflls even were there seemed very little to right about), it was not known that this influence was con stantly exercised by candidates and by employers con nected with all political parties?—(Hear, hear.) lie solemnly believed that every man in the House was as conscious as himself that in the great, majority of elec tions, whether for countie s or boroughs, particularly if the constituency was limited and the contest ran keen, this influence was constantly exercised adversely to the independent and conscientious voting of a great number of the electors—(Hear, hear)—and the borough of Stockport was no exception .—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that nine-tenths of his constituency did nut want the ballot; nine-tenths of them did not vote fur him—(Oh, oh!)—but he would probably be asked to present a petition in favour of the ballot, signed by a majority of those electors.—(flette.) In the neighbour hood in which he (Mr. Bright) lived—in Lancashire— where probably the electoral classes whereas independent 'as in any portion of the kingdom, a great majority of them, he believed, were in favour of the ballot; and the principal reason why the Members of that House did not give them the ballot was the knowledge that with it the returns in many constituencies would be very different from what they now were.—(flear, heir.) He was amazed at some gentlemen opposite, great sticklers for morality, quoting all parts of Scripture in favour of all kinds of questionable propositious—(Laughter)—Gen tlemen who assumed to be the defenders of the Church and of that Christianity which the Church was supposed to embody—,'Oh, oh!)—he was aitinished that, seeing the immorality—(Oh!)—seeing the cruelty and oppres sion exercised on the part a powerful and wealthy men towards the more dependent classes of the electors, these Gentlemen should oppose a proposition like this, against which the most that could be said was, that it would not do all the good its advocates expected. The time was not very far distant when the whole of this representative system, the franchise and mode of election, would be subjected to a more thorough investi gation and reform.—(Oh, oh! and Hear.) The thing was so monstrous upon the face of it that we were ex posed to the ridicule of every foreigner who examined it.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, ohl") And it would be wise for gentlemen, instead of raising unmeaning laughs—(Oh, oh 1)—to adduce arguments, if they had any—(ohl)—in f tvour of a system which was ridiculous in theory, and which in practice was fund to create great evils and to cause great discontent throughout the country.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MASTERMAN (who was very imperfectly heard) was understood to express his opinion that it was not desirable that votes should be concealed. He should rather know at all times who were. his friends and who were his enemies than remain in ignorance as to the character and feelings of his constituents. Mr. MUNTZ observed that the 'Hon. Member oppo site had stated the views upon this question of the electors of the borough which he rbpresented, and had told the House that not above one-tenth of , them was favourable to the ballot. Now, he should say that as far as his experience went in one borough at least, it showed that a very large proportion of its constituency desired the ballot, and if he were asked to what class they belonged. he should say to a highly respectable class, who refused to exercise the franchise, feeling that they could scarcely venture to do so with justice to their families. He remembered, some years ago, at an elec tion for that borough which ho now had the honour to represent, the parties on both sides came to him and asked if he had any objection that they should see his workmey, but they added that they supposed it would be of no use, for, of course, the men were already pledged to vote as he might dictate. To this his reply was, that they could canvass his men if they pleased—that be would as soon think of meddling with a man's pocket as with his vote.—(Hear, hear.) But, though he did not interfere with his men, the application to him in his own borough showed how the system of open voting worked; and it was the same in all manufacturing towns. The majority of the masters were as tyrannical towards the working men as the ladies were towards the shopkeepers. He asked, would they give to men the privilege of voting and not protect them in the exercise of that privilege? Let them look at the effect of vote by ballot in Belgium. It was established there in 1830, and he had every reason to believe that it worked very well to the satisfaction of all men in that country. The ballot was not now a part of our system in this country, but it would soon become so; it would not fail to bo so in some time. It was ridiculous to talk of doing everything openly; men did net leave their account-books and papers open to all the world. _ _ _ Colonel SIBTHORP had no objection to make to what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Manchester, but, in reference to the remarks of the Hon. Member for Birmingham, he must be allowed to observe that he by no means concurred with that Hon. Gentleman in wishing that England should imitate foreign nations. He entertained a decided objection to the introduction of foreign manners and customs; even the Exposition d In dustrie—(A. laugh)—did not appear to him so admirable a project as some thought it. He had listened with in flnits pleasure to the observations that night made by his excellent Mend the Member fur London, for that Hon. Gentleman relied on his own integrity and his own consistency, and was never afraid of open voting. Dur ing more than twen'y years he (Colonel Sibthorp) had the honour of a seat in that House,—bow long ho might continue to retain that seat he did not know, but of this he felt assured, that his manner of voting in that House would undergo no change. He should despise the voter who supported him in a covert, tricky, un-English man ner, and ho could say in the face of a British House of Commons that he had never bribed any voter, nor ever influenced a tenant. He did not know what the Noble Lord at the head of the Government might say to vote by ballot, but for his part he should never cease to op pus,. it.—( Hear.) Mr. HUME would judge the Hon. Member who spoke last from his own words; he talked of the practice being un-Englisb. Let him look at the clubs of London.— (Cries of " Oh, oh!') The ballot no doubt might work an unpleasant and extraordinary change in the House of Commons; but he remembered the time when it was de fended by those who opposed it now. As to the state ments by the Hon. Member for Stockport, he could not help saying that that Hon. Gentleman was altogether mistaken—he had libelled his own constituents, for within the last three weeks a public meeting had been held there at which thousands of the inhabitants declared in favour of the ballot. If the ballot were established there would be no bribery, for who would " buy a pig in a poke?" He thought that the Hon. Member for London was also mistaken. Mr. MASTERMAN said be had never stated that his constituents were against the ballot; what he said %VW, that they had never intimated to him that they wanted it. Mr. HUME resumed. There had !:.en twenty-five meetings in London recently which bad declared in favour of the ballot. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) said there was no demand for the ballot. The reason was that the people knew too well the constitution of the House—(Hear, hear)—the fact being that at almost every popular meeting they declined to petition the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) He had only this to say, that they who used the ballot to protect themselves acted unjustly, un-English, and unmanly in refusing it to others.—(Cheers.) Mr. 11EAL1) rose to explain. He said he was certain thst neither the Hon. Member for Montrose nor the lion. Member for Manchester wished to misrepresent him. What he said was that he believed nine-tenths of the constituency of the empire, including his own, did not require the ballot as a means of protection in recording their votes.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh!") His argument was that such a proportion prided themselves in having it known what were their distinctive principles, and who was their favourite caudidate.—(" Oh, oh !") Mr. BERKELEY replied—He said he would detain the House only a very few minutes, for he did not find that he had much ta answer.—(Cheers.) Ho bad first to accept the explanation of the Right lion. Baronet (Sir G. Grey), and to assure him that ho had never meant to attribute to him the use of at y words expressive of trans cendent virtues and purity in relation to the upper classes; he only ascribed the sentiment to the Right Hon. Baronet, who had borne him out in this interpretation. With respect to the ballot it would be a cure for bribery in large constituencies, but not in small. ones. He had beard nothing to-night that had at all shaken his opinion respecting the ballot, which he did not, however, pretend was a panacea for the evils which he desired to remedy. He was convinced that these small constituencies must, sooner or later, be done away with. It bad been said, that if the ballot became a law, a man would be compelled to secrecy; but this was a mistake. A man might go and proclaim his vote; he might march. up to the polling booth with banners and music if he chose; but if he saw that he would be ruined by taking a certain course, the ballot afforded him proper protec tion.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that he should find himself supported on the present occasion by all those Members who had heretofore voted in favour of the ballot.—(Cheers.) The Ilouse then divided, when there appeared— For the motion ... •-• 121 Against it ... ..• 176 Majority ... --55 Th e announcement of the numbe rs was received with cheering by the friends of the ballot. Lord SIELGUND moved for leave to bring in a Bill to reform and extend the school establishments of Scot land. The Noble Lord, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to say that many defects existed iu the school establishments of Scotland, for which a re medy was demanded, and this he intended in some degree to supply by the measure which he wished to in troduce. Ile proposed to establish some educational test for teachers, and to raise as high as possible the profession and status of that class of the community. lie would give large parishes the power of dividing them selves into districts for educational purposes, and he would enable adjoining localities to unite together and form themselves into unions for the same object. If leave were given to bring in the Bill, he would explain more fully on a future occasion the provisions of the measure ; but ho felt that at that late hour he would not be justified in detaining the House. Sir G. CLERK regretted that the lateness of the hour had prevented the Noble Earl from stating more at length the nature of the Bill. He would not oppose the introduction of the measure, hut he hoped that ample time would be given ti consider it in all its bearings before the House was called upon to discuss either the principle or the details. Le svo was then given to bring in the Bill. Mr. WOOD obtained leave to bring in a Bill to pre vent the holding of vestry or other meetings in churches, and for regulating the appointment of vestry-clerks. The Bill was not intended to be one of a compulsory nature, but to enable parishes of more than 1,000 inha bitant; to make application to the Poor-law Commis sioners for power to extend iti prOvisiens to such parishes. It was proposed to authorise the payment Of vestry-clerks out of the ra•les of the parish. •. Leave w.la t!) bring in the Bill. Mr. ADA IR obta,'ned leave ti bring in a Bill to provide for the more equitable tiiitribution of .the charge for the relief of the poor in eetta.in cities :and _ _ Oa the motion of Mr. HUME, a return was ordered of the name of each of her Majesty's ships of war in commission and in ordinary on the let of January, 1850, and by whom built, &c.; of the number . of ships in commission and in ordinary in each year, since 1828; and an account of the sums expended on each ship in build• ing and repairing, Sac., since 1828. Mr. BAINES move-1 for leave to bring in a Bill to Make better provision fir the contributions of unions and parishes in school districts to the common Lund of the respective districts: The object of the Bill was to le move some doubts that had arisen as to the meaning of en Act passed in 1844 on this subject, and which con tained a number of very valuable provisions. It related to the contributions made to district schools. The ave rages were at present taken at different periods in the various parishes comprising each union, and one object of the present Bill was to take the a;erages simulta neously. Again, there was no provision in the present law to add one parish to a school district composed of a certain number of unions. The Bill would provide for this also, and, as an instance, he might mention that the parish of St Luke, Chelsea, would be added to the North Surrey Union school district. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. TRELAWNY gave notice that he would ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government whether any steps had been taken in parsuance of a sort of under tatting given by him (Lord J. Russell) in 1847, that ter rain persons connects 1 with tt:e union schools should have some of the small offices of the State. CHARI CABLE TRUSTS BILL. • The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved the senora rut-ling of this Bill. Mr. TURNER opposed it, on the ground of the late ness of the hour and the thinness of the House. The Bill was postponed de die in diem, to give the Solicit ir-General the first available opportunity to move it. The House went into Committee on the REGISTRAR OF METROPOLITAN PUBLIC CARRIAGES BILL. In reply to Mr. BANKES, Mr. C. LEWIS stated that the proposed compensa tion of the present officers would effect a saving to the public. The Bill was passed through Committee. The House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. PARLIAMhN TAR Y DIVISIONS. From the Yotes and Proceedings of the House of Connsoned THURSDAY, MARCH 7. KILRUSEI UNION. Motion made, and Question put, " That an humble Ad dress be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to appoint a Special Commission to in quire into the social state of the Union of Kilrush, and into the means that may be adopted for its amelioration." The House divided : MINORITY-AYES, C. Adair, Hugh E. Grace, 0. D. Packe, C. W. Armstrong, Sir A. Greene, John Perfect, Robert Arundel, Earl of Harris, Richard Pilklngton, James Bennet, I'. Heald, James Plumptre, J. P. Blair, Stephen Henry, Alexander Prime, Richard Blake. Martin J. Hood, Sir A. Rawdon, Colonel Bright, John llorsman, Edward Reynolds, John Brisco, M. Hume, Joseph Salwey, Colonel Brotherton, J. Keating, Robert Stanford, J. F. Buck, L. W. Kershaw, James Stuart, Lord D. Chichester, Lord J. Lewisham, Viscount Sullivan, Michael Collins, William Meagher, Thomas Talbot, J. H. Devereux, John T. Mahon, O'Gorman Tenison, E. K. Duncan, George Monsen. William Thicknesse, Ralph Ellis, John Moody, C. A. Thompson, Colonel Evans, Sir Da Lacy Moore, George H. Wakley, T. Kvans, William Mowatt, Francis Walmsley, Sir J. Ewart, William Munta, G. F. Wawn, J. T. Fagan, William Naas, Lord Williams, John Fox, W. J. Norreys, Sir D. TELLEXII. Gaskell, J. M. O'Connell, Maurice Scrope, G. P. Gure, W. 0. O'Flaherty, Anthony Herbert, H. A. MAJORITY-NOES, 76. Abdy. Sir T. N. Fitzroy, Henry Adair, It. Shafto Foley, J. H. Aglionby, H. A. Forster, H. Alcock, Thomas Fox, It. H. Pelham, D. A Pigott, Francis Price, Sir R Rice, E. R. . , Armstrong, R. B. Freestun, Colonel Richards, Richard Baines, M. T. French, F. Romilly, Colonel Barnard, E. G. Glyn, G. C. Romilly, Sir Jon Berkeley, Admiral Graham, Sir James Russell, Lord J. Berkeley, Henry F. Grey, sir G. Rutherfurd, A. Berkeley, C. L. G. Batelle'', John Shell, R. L. - . Blackall, b. W. , Hayter, W. G. Somerville, Sir IT. Bouverie, E. P. 111Idyard, U. C. Strickland, Sir G. Brockman, E. D. Hobhouse, Sir John Stuart,,Lord J. Campbell, W. F. Howard, Lord E. Tancred, H. W. Clay, James Jones, Captain Thornely, Thomas Clive, Henry B. King, P. J. Trelawny, J. S. Cobbold, J. C. Labouchere, Henry Tuttlell, H. Cowper, W. F. Langston, J. H. Turner, George Dick, Quintin Lewis, George C. Verney, Sir 11. Duncan, Viscount Martin, John Villiers, Charles Dundas, Admiral Matheson, Colonel Wilcox, Brodie Dundas, Sir David Weigand. Viscount Wilson, Matthew Ebriugton, Viscount Milner, W. M. Elliot, John Morris, David TELLEita. Evans, John Paget, Lord C. Bellew, H. M. Fergus, John Parker, John Grey, B. W. Ferguson, Sir It. Peel, Frederick ,BALLOT. Motion made, and Question put, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to protect the Parliamentary Electors of Great Britain and Ireland from undue influence, by the use of the Ballot." The House divided:— MINORITY—AYES, 121. Adair, Hugh B. Grenfell, Charles W. Rawdon, Colonel Adair, R. A. Hall, Sir B. Reynolds, John Aglionby, H. A. Hallyburton. Lord Ricardo, Osman Alcock, Thomas Hardcastle, J. A. Rice, E. R. Anderson, Arthur Harris, Richard Romilly, Colonel Armstrong, R. B. Hastle, Alexander Romilly, Sir John Bagsha e , John Headlam, Thomas Salwey, Colonel Barnard, E. G. Henry, Alexander Scholefield, W. Berkeley. C. L. Heywood, James Scrope, G. P. Bernal, Ralph Heyworth, L. Scully, Francis Blake, M. J. Hill, Lord M. Shafto, R. D. Blowitt, R. J. Hobhouse, T. B. Smith, J. A. Bouverie, E. P. Hume, J. Smith, John B. Boyle, Colonel Humphcry, Ald. Spearman, H. J. Bright, John Kershaw, James Stansfleld, W. R. Brocklehurst, John King, P. J. Strickland, Sir G. Brotherton, Joseph Langston, J. H. Stuart, Lord J. Clay, James Locke, Joseph Sullivan, Michael Clay, Sir W. M'Cullagh, W. T. Talbot, J. H. Cobden, Richard Meagher, Thomas Tancred, H. W. Collins, W. Mahon, O'Gorman Tennent, R. J. Currie, Raikes Mangles, R. D. Thicknesse, it. A. Dawson, T. V. Marshall, William Thompson, Colonel Devereux, J. T. Martin, J. Thompson, George D'Eyncourt, C. T. Milner, W. M. Thornely, T. Duke, Sir J. Mitchell, T. A. Towneley, John Duncan, Lord Moffatt, George Trelawny, J. S. Duncan, George Morris, David Millen, Henry Dundas, Admiral Mowatt, Francis Villiers, Charles Ellis, John bluntz, G. F. _ Wakley, Thomas Enfield, Lord Norreys, Sir D. Walmsley, Sir J. Evans, Sir De Lacy Nugent, Lord Wawn, J. T. Evans, J. O'Connell,lltaurice Willcox, Brodie Evans, William O'Flaherty, Anthony Williams, John Ewart, William Osborne, Ralph Wilson, Matthew Fagan, William Paget, Lord A. Wood. W. P. Fox, W.M. Paget, Lord C. Wyvill, Marmaduke Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord:George Gibson, T. M. Pechell, Sir G. TELLES/J. Glyn, G. C. Perfect, R. Berkeley, H. F. Greene, John Pigott, Francis Stuart, Lord Dudley Grenfell, C. Pascoe Pilkington, James MAJORITY—NOES, 176. Acland, Sir T. Ferguson, Si It. Mulgrave, Earl Adderley, C. 75. Filiner, Sir E. Muthugs, J. R. Archdall, Captain Fitzpatrick. JW. Mundy, William Arkwright, 9. Fitzr .y, Henry Naas, Lord Armstrong, Sir A. Foley, J. 11. Newdegate, C. N. Ashley, Lord Forbes, William Norreys, Lord Dairies, M. T. Forester, G. C. Oswald, A. Bankes, G. Fuller, A. E. Packe, C. W. ' Baring, 11. B. Gaskell J.:31. Palmer, Robert Baring, Thomas Gladstone, W. E. Palmer, Boundell Barrington, Lord Gore, W. 0. Palmerston, Vis. Bateson, Thomas Goulburn, Henry Patten, W. Rennet, Philip Graham, Sir J. - Peel, Sir Robert Bereslord, William Grey, Sir G. Peel, Frederick Blackall, S. W. Grey, Ralph W. Pelham, 1). A. Blair, Stephen Grogan, Edward I'lowden, W. H. • Blandford, Marquis Guernsey, Lord Plamptre, J. I'. Bowles, Admiral llalsey, T. P. Portal, Melville Bramston, T. W. Hamilton, G. A. Price,lSir Robert Brisco, M. Hamilton, J. Prime, Richard Broadley, 11. Harcourt, G. Reid. Colonel Brockman. E. D. Hatchell, John Repton, G. W. J. Brooke, Lord Heald, James Richards. Richard Buck, L. W. Ileathcote,iG. J. Rumbold, C. E. Buller, Sir Y. Henley, J. W. Russell, Lord John Banbury, E. H. Herbert, Sidney Russell, F. C. Burrell, Sir C. Hervey, Lord A. Scott, Francis • Burroughes, li. N. Hildyard, R. C. Seymour, Lord Buxton, Sir E. Ilildyard, T. B. Shelburne, Earl of Cabbell, B. B. llobhouse, Sir J. Sibtherp, Colonel Campbell, W. F. Hodgson, W. N. Smollett, A. Cardwell, Edward Hogg, Sir J. W. Somerset, Captain Carew, W. P. Hood, Sir A. Sotheron, T. 11. S. Castlerea7h, Vls. Hope, A. Spooner, Richard Cayley, Edward S. Hornby John Stafford, Augustus Childers, J. W. Hotham, Lord Stanford, J. F. Christy, Samuel Howard, Sir R. Stanley, Edward Clerk Sir George Hughes, W. B. Stanley,;F:. 11. Olive, B. H. • lnglis, Sir it. Stanton, W. S. Clive, 11. B. Jermyn, Earl Start, H. G. Cobbold, J. C. Jocelyn, Viscount Taylor, T. E. Cocks, T. S. Johnstone, Sir J. Thompson, Alderman Cole, Hon. 11. A• Jolllffe, Sir W . G. Trevdr, G. Colebrooke, Sir T. Jones, Captain Turner, George Coles, 11. R. Knox, Colonel Tyrell, Sir J. Compton, H. C. Laboucherejlenry Vane, Lord H. Cowper, W. F Laniard, T. B. Verney, Sir 11. Cubitt, William Lewis, G. C. Vesey, Hon. T. Denison, J. E. Lindsay, Colonel Waddington, David Dick. Quintin Littleton, E.K. Waddington, H. S. Dodd, George Lockhart, W. Walpole, S. II Drummond, Home Mackenzie, W. F. Walsh, Sir J. B. Duckworth, Sir J. Martin ;C. W. Watkins, Colonel Duff, George S. Matheson, Colonel Wegg-Prosser, F. Duncembe, 0. Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Wellesley, Lord C. Handal), G. Melgund, Viscount Wortley .S. Dunne, F. P. Meux, Sir 11. Da Pro, C. G. Miles, P. W. S. TILLER& Edwards, li. Moody, C. A. Howard, Lord E. Fergus, John Morgan, 0. Masterman, J. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, MARCH 7. STOCK EXCHA.NGE.—The market to-day has been more animated. The transactions were as follow :—Bristol and Exeter, 31 dis.—Great Western, Quarters, 14:% ex div.— Ditto, New 171. Shares, ,71 dis. ex div.—Mid and Stock, 40% ex div. LIVERPOOL, Waxen 7. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market was better to-day, and a good business has been done, the market closing firmly at the quotations. The transactions were as follow: — Lancashire and Yorkshire, Consol. Fifths, :dis. London and North-Western, 106%—Ditto, New Quarters, par —Ditto, Fifths, % p.—Ditto, Quarters (C), % c. land, 41—Ditto, Halves, 24/. 115. 3d.—East Lincolnshire, 71. 3s. 9d.—Great Weste rn, 59—North Union (A), guaran teed jointly by London and North-Western and Lancashire and Yorkshire, 235—Ditto (B), 164 1 , 2 —Y0rk, Newcastle, and Berwick (Original N. and 13.) Extension Nos. 1 and 2, 11 dis.—Y ork and North Midland, 18 1 4—Dutch Rhenish, 6 dis.--Lancaster and Preston, % p. MANCHESTER, Matzen 7. STOCK EXCHANGE.—Our share market was very fins to-day, but the amount of business done was limited. The transactions were as follow : Lancashire and Yorkshire, 44—Ditto Fifths, 8% dis.—London and North-Western 106 ex d.—Ditto, Manchester and Birmingham (C), Qua rters, 9 16 p. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Prole;- once, 7 c.—Whitehaven and Furness, 141/ 2 dis. BIRMINGHAM, Miami 7. B.roox Excnanon.—Business on our Stock Exchange to-clay was very dull. The only transaction was—North Staffordshire, 1078 dis. YORK, Batten 6. STOOK ExCHANOS. —The tramactices today were as follow York, ICeiccasee;' end 73 0i;w7a,, . . Eastern 'COOnties, 71. 05..9(1.--V,a , f LaOcashire 7 ortli-Weetern, -11. 13s. 9d.— York and I , ,rth - 111"tilland,'Prefirtricei • " . . :414)(K.Ct1 tr3i4,,actl4lli,' t(p.-51;iy were RA Glio , rwre - ,..5 ,:";-,‘lor: Is I.an - IA; Graini Junction,. •2.i. . • . • . NA TE 11, GILIZALTAR, JAB. 20.—The Peninsular and 06- ental Comp an y' s s te a m e r Iti pou , with the outward East India and China mails, in ,five. days and three. quarters from Southampton, 'arrived here. this morn ing, and proceeded at 5 p.m. for Malta and Alexandria, all well. • The Janus and the „French steam • -rrigate:Lavoisier remain at anchor in the bay. The British steamer Pirate, 11 days from.Livtr pool, and the screw steamer Bosphorus, nine dais from Liverpool, arrived here on the 23d, and.sailed for Constantinople. The Penin , ular, Cimpany's steamer Madrid, six days from S mtbampton, arrived on the 2 . )(1, and proceeded for Genoa, Leghorn, and Civita Vecchia. She had very heavy weather on the passage out. The steamer Sharpshooter, seven days from Malta, touched here on the 221, en route to England. The steamer Osmanli, f.om Genoa and Leghorn, arrived here on the 18th ; and the Levantine, 10 days from Liverpool, fir the same ports, arrived on the same day, and proceeded. The British steamer Free Trade sailed on the 18th for Genoa. The Danish sloop Bonne Esperance, from Messina, put in here on the 18th in a damaged states • Wind, S E., fresh gala, and clear weather. FEn. large French steam-frigate (name unknown), arrived here this morning., The French screw-frigate, Pomone, 36, remains here. LISBON, Matzen I.—There are no British vessels of-war in the Tagus. The loyal Yacht schooner Fair Rosamond, from Cadiz, and the schooner Tali) 4 of Plymouth, are off Belem Cas'le. Vino, MARCH 3.—The Peninsular steamer Jupi ter, with the outward mails of the 27th February, arrived here' this morning, and proceeded to the southward. PORTSMOUTH, Tau RS Dia.—Rear-Admiral Prescott is better to-day. The Lily, 12, has been commissioned and is enter ing men. She will sail with the mail of the lit proximo for the coast of Africa, and proceed thence for the East India station. - The Dublin Royal Mail Company's steam-packet Royal William arrived here this morning from Cork with the depot of the 7th Royal Fusilleii, which landed at the dock-yard this afternoon, and marched to the Landport terminus of the South-Western and South Coast Railway, whence they left per train for Winchester barracks. The fourth company of the Royal Sappers and Miners, under Captain Craige, of the Royal Engi neerF, will arrive at this port from Woolwich on the 21st lust, , to relieve the company under Captain Barry, R.E., which returns the same day. to Wool wich. APPOINTMENTS. Woorwiclir, MARCH 7.—Midshipmen—Granville Temple to the Centaur steam-frigate, flag-ship on the west coast of Africa ; George Blakeley to the Con flict steam•sloop, attached to the Lisbon squadron. . _ CAPTAIN AUSTIN S AUCTIC EXPEDITION. One corporal and one bombardier of the Royal Marine Artillery from Portsmouth, and two ser geants, two corporals, and 20 privates of the Wool wich division of Royal Marines, embarked to-day at Woolwich Dockyard on board the Salsette receiving ship for service in the vessels appointed to form the North-West Arctic Expeditior. Upwards of 50 men volunteered for the service from the Woolwich divi sion of Royal Marines, and consequently there were great facilities for selecting the beat and most healthy for this undertaking. THE DIORAMA. Yesterday we had the gratification of attending a private exhibition at the Diorama, in Regent's-park, and to-day the two pictures there on view will be opened to public examination. OF the second, excellent as it is, we shall say nothing whatever, seeing that we re member some years ago the very same production— the " Shrine of the Nativity at Bethlehem," painted by the late M. R'noux from a sketch made on the spot by David Roberts, Esq., R.A.—exhibited in this very same establishment. The other work of art now to be seen at the Diorama is deserving of some further notice from its novelty. It represents the Castle of Stolzenfels on the Rhine, a romantic and beautiful locality, where, in 1845, her Majesty Queen Victoria was royally entertained by Frederick Wil. Liam the King of Prussia, on the occasion of her Ma jesty's journey to Saxe-Cobourg. Tne whole expanse of the landscape, including the castle, the environs of Stolzenfels, and the blue and winding Rhine, is very felicitously pourtrayed: animation being imparted to the view by the charming natural effects of light and shade produced by the setting of the sun and the [ coming on of a storm of rain, thunder, and lightning. After the sun has sunk below the horizon it appeared to us, however, that the effect was somewhat marred by the strange green hue of the heavens. Neverthe less, altogether, the painting as a whole, which is the [ production of Nicholas_ Meister of Cologne, is ex ceedingly clever, and by no means unworthy of ad vanciog the credit of the Diorama. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. DONCASTER SPRING MEETING. Acceptances for the Grand National Steeplechase. Peter Simple, aged, 12st—British Yeoman, aged, 1 Ist 121b—Farnham, 6 yrs, I Ist—Lucy Neste, aged, 10st 121b--Rachael, abe 1 , lOst 41b—Ace of Trumps, lost 41b—Quadruped, aged, lOst 21b—Young Lottery, aged, 9st 6 tb—Peetliag. aged, 9st. Acceptances for the Doncaster Handicap; St. Leger Course. The highest weight accepting being under 84711', it has been raised. &c. Foreclosure, 6 yrs, Bst 71b—Meaux, 6 yrs, Bst 61b— Priestess, 4 yrs, Bst 21b—Pelham, 4 yrs, 861 llh—Anda lusian, 4 yrs, 8•t 11b—Luxor, 6 yrs, 7st 81b—King Hal, 6 yri, 7st 61b—Lady I am off, 5 yrs. 7st 31b—Good Girl, 5 yrs, 7st Ilb—Didsbury, 4 yrr, 7st lib—Dulcimers, 5 yrs, 7st 1lb; Laura, 3 yrs, sst 101 b; Timothy, 3 yrs, sst 81b. TAT TE RS A LL'5.-YESTERDAY. With the single exception of Cheerful, on whom a good dial of money wes laid out at 4 to 1, 10 to 3, and 5 to 2. the favourites for the spring engagementa were scarcely mentioned; the select few were backed for mere trifles. The Derby betttog was limited to three or four, viz.:—The I•alian, Clincher, Mayors, and Mildew, aid did not exceed the amount spe , ...ifled in our quctstionf. Business altogether wes exceedingly dull. THE NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STARES. 20 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Mahratta, 4 yrs, sst lllb 25 to 1 agst Mr. Irwin's Ballinafad, G yrs, 7st 71b 6 to 1 offered on the field. THE ALTBORP PARK STAKES. 5 to I agst Duke of Iltehmond's Buckhound 7 to 1 agst Mr. Delamere's Forlorn Hope—taken METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 5 to 2 sgst Mr. GrAtwicke's Cheerful, 4 yrs, 6st—t 20 to 1 agst any other. 800 to 100 agst Cheerful winning this event, and Flying Dutchman the Emperor's Plate—talcn WARWICKSHIRE HANDICAP. 7 to 2 agst Mr. Irwin's Ballinafad 4 to 1 *gat Lord J. Scott's Defaulter CHESTER CUP. 28 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldeston's 'Fogleman, 5 y rs, —taken 1,000 to 20 azst Mr. Irwin's Horn of Chase, 6 yrs, 7st 101 b—taken 50 to 1 agat Sir H. Pigot's Essedaritis, 4 yrs, 7st 9lb 2,000 to 20 ugst Mr. Osbaldeston's Minimum, 4 yrs, sst 10lb—taken DERBY. 6 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Ghillie Callum—. take 7 to 1 15 to 2 agst Mr. W. Edwards naßolingbrolte—taken 11 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Knight of Avenel 12 to 1 agst Mr. Gratwicke's The Nigger—taken 16 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's The Italian-17 to 1 taken to 50/. 16 to 1 agst Lord Zetland's Voltigeur 18 to 1 agst Lord Airlio's Clincher—taken to 350/. 22 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Mayors—taken to 1004 25 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Mildew—taken to 2001 3,000 to 100 agst Cheerful winning the Metropolitan and Bolingbroke the Derby—taken. DERBY, 1851. 4,000 to 100 agst Duke of Richmond's Buckhound—t 2,000 to 75 agst Lord Stanley's Storm—taken A t the annual licens- THE CIILEMOILNE GARDENS.-- i om n f g rt.hFe l bench, co meetingndh7fl3o.r, whothe Kensington s t i o n r g t m on aol d y iv f3 i . s e io ar n s o .t f ho M o i h d a d i l rm ese a x n , the licence for the which involved : mangerothe ground . that th opposed the renewal the 20th March; the great desecration of . the Sabbath. The licence was sus pended proprietors a bov e placeuntil managers being directed on that day to present to the et°ohnfeduadejteocti entertainment , rni t m i e n n s td o o n , bench a memorial, stating in writing how they would conduct the gardens. and if it was approved of, the op position to the licence would be withdrawn. days. t s y m li p L ao N t nh e y s s c s o coo o du r St n interes t toflt t he JAMESh a ve in G intelligence isgt ill at Rime t nd n ci s en o X C accompanied tt hhaet city 0 it t by l ef ov.b—reyn frailtyeGer s reb se veral ttl e Sir James Gibson Craig was d an gerously ton. The malady is bronchitis natural to an age of 85 years. On Friday, the symptoms were so alarming that a telegraphic message was sent to London to bring down Mr. William Gibson Graig, M.P., who arrived on Saturday afternoon, and has remained in attendance since. We have intelligence from Riccarton up to ten o'clock last night, at which hour Sir James was " no better."—Scotsman of Wednesday. APPREHENSION ON SUSPICION OF MURDEZ.—At the sitting of the Central Police Court on Saturday a big powerful fellow, named Kelly, was brought up for examination, on a charge of being concerned in the murder of a female, which was committed last summer in the vicinity of Londonderry. On the circumstances being stated the magistrate, of course, directed that the prisoner should be transferred to the authorities there to hare the case investigated. He bad been living for some months near New Monkland as a labourer, but had been tracked by the Derry constabulary, one of whom, on ithe authority of a warrant from a justice there, with the concurrence of the s heriff-substitute, arrested him.—. Glasgow Daily Mall.