The Sun. — London, England, 1868-03-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Several of the morning Papers discuss the Sunday Liquor Bill. After shewing several of its weak points the Times remarks : The truth is, the object really desired by the promoters of this measure, and which they confess to be their ultimate aim, is notoriously impracticable. Total restriction is not only unjust, but has actually broken clown in practice, and has been abandoned in America, where it was tried. But, short of this, measures to repress drunkenness by curtailing an hour or two here and there from the hours at which the public-houses are open must needs be trivial, and will probably be merely vexatious. Some limitation on Sundays is acknowledged to be desira ble, and the existing restrictions are sanctioned by prac- tice ; but, as the House was reminded, an attempt some years ago to impose similar restrictions to those of Mr. Abel Smith's bill roused such a storm of popular dis constent that the measure, though passed, had to be repealed. It seems, from what was said of the petitions, that a majority of the working classes have petiticned against the bill. Of the petitions in favour of it, many are notoriously worthless. Clergymen, Scripture-readers, and Sunday-school teachers cajole those under their in fluence to sign such petitions by wholesale, and in many cases the signature is a mere impertinence. The opinion of an impressible young woman respecting the liberty which should be allowed to grown men is scarcely worthy the attention of the House of Commons. But, happily, the very arguments which are adduced in favour of the bill prove that it is unnecessary. There is, we are told, a growing feeling among the working classes against excess in liquors. Nothing can be more satisfactory ; but if so, why legislate at all, and why foster a crusade which implies that the evil is increasing rather than diminishing ? Hitherto the restrictions placed upon the sale of liquors, although they may be unwise in principle, have produced comparatively little ill effect, because they have been com paratively slight. That they have done any real good the Standard has no hesitation in denying. The closing of public-houses at eleven o'clock on Sunday evenings and at one o'clock on week-day evenings has not diminished drunkenness or reduced the occasions of crime, whilst it has inflicted, and inflicts every day, great inconvenience and injustice upon large numbers of temperate and respectable persons. Practically the new bill denies all refreshment to the people of this country on the Sunday, except to the habitual drunkards, who will, of course, make their provision. To the lodger, who is expected to be out of the house except when he is in bed ; to all those who must work, or will walk for health or recreation ; to all upon whom illness or the absolute need of some suste nance comes when they are at some distance from their homes, and even there, except at short intervals, all refreshment is absolutely denied by Mr. Smith. And why? To save a certain number of wretched fools from their own folly he would inflict a terrible privation upon the vast mass of the people. In the opinion of the Telegraph the bill is bad in every respect. It is based on false pretences ;it metes out one measure to the rich and another to the poor; and it is only the first link in that chain of measures which includes the Permissive Bill and ends with the Maine Liquor Law. Therefore, if the House had been obliged to choose between rejection and acceptance, it must have thrown Out the scheme with indignation. But after that course had been forcibly advocated by Mr. Locke and Mr. Labouchere, an amendment was proposed by Mr. Hib= bert, to the effect that the bill should be referred to a select committee, which should consider the whole subject of the liquor traffic, and particularly the licensing system. Mr. Gladstone strongly supported the sugges tion ; Mr. Gathorne Hardy accepted it on the part of the Government ; it was finally sanctioned by. the House, and we have no fault to find with it. In dealing with the bill for reforming the present form of railway legislation, the Post points out that previous to the institution of the Railway Department of the Board of Trade, the second leading of railway bills was decided by the House at large, with the Speaker in the chair. In. creasing pressure of public business made this practice inconvenient, and the duty was handed over to the Board of Trade. Unhappily for the country, Sir Robert Peel withdrew his support from this organisation, and deter mined to control railway enterprise ,by competition, under an idea that such a course had been rendered imperative by the adoption of the doctrine of free trade. It was a great error in whatever light looked at. Competition thus became, as far as both public policy and private interests are concerned, the only practical controlling power, a fact which Mr. Dodson and those who are disposed to back his ideas will do well to bear in mind. If they abrogate the right of an existent organisation actually in work to be heard before a committee on the ground that new compe tition ought not to be forced upon them, they must sub stitute some other controlling and testing power to protect both the public and the actual corporations working lines from the action of unreal promoters, whose only object is speculative extortion, and a reiving raid in the disguise of thrifty men of business bent upon the development of the industry of the country. If that power is to be the Board of Trade, that department should be placed in a position very superior to that which it now occupies. After carefully examining most of the boroughs in which no extension is recommended by the Boundary Commission, the Daily News thinks it would be difficult to dispute the justice of the opinions so far as expressed by the commissioners. But what principle has led to the extension of boundaries ? It is, of course, easy enough to say that all the persons who dwell immediately beyond the parliamentary boundary should be included within it, or that those who have " a community of interest" with the inhabitants of a town should be considered towns people. But in applying this principle there are con siderable difficulties. If, indeed, the duty of the com missioners had been to separate the urban from the agricultural population, their task would have been comparatively simple. But the intention of the Legis lature was very different. Parliament never intended that the population of the country should be divided into two classes—urban•and agricultural. Before adding any new district to a borough, the first question to be deter mined is whether the inhabitants of this district are specially connected with the borough of which they are to form part. It is not enough to shew that beyond the boundaries of a borough there is a mass of persons who do not live by agriculture. It must be shown that they are, in fact, the overflow of the borough population—called into existence by the borough, and that had the borough not existed this increase of population would not have taken place. pa The proposed visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland is, the Star observes, so well-intentioned, harmless, and, in deed, commendable a project, that it would be unfair to criticise it in a narrow and carping tone. But it would be still less fair to allow the exaggerated hopes which people are forming of its beneficent effects to go on swelling and gleaming like glittering soap bubbles doomed to speedy collapse and extinction. - There is no excuse whatever for any personal ill-feeling towards any member of the Royal Family in Ireland ; and we are satisfied there is no per sonal ill-feeling there. Everybody who' knows the Irish people knows that their natural tendency is towards a deep, reverential, and indeed servile loyalty. We are by no means satisfied that it might not have been possible, if any English sovereign had thought it worth while trying, to have fed and flattered that sentiment of loyalty, and actually made it a substi tute for the manly, honourable feeling of allegiance with which an intelligent and self-respecting people reward the justice and integrity of an upright ruler. We are bi no means convinced that the Irish people, if judiciously warmed every now and then by the sunshine of Royal favour, might not at one time have forgotten Protestant ascendancy and landlord absenteeism, and all the subjects of complaint, and lain down in their rags like a Neapoli tan lezzarone, and been content and happy and abject. But with the growth of education this feeling must have an end. A race has grown up in Ireland almost entirely estranged from the BriLish race, and to expect any benefi cent result from the Royal visit is ridiculous. The Times devotes a leader to the consideration of the pamphlet issued by the Emperor Nap( leon, which tells the world by what vast number of votes bOth the original founder and restorer of the Empire at various periods at tained the supreme rank. Our contemporary does not see the use of statistics which nobody disputes. The issue of them, however, shews that the Emperor is getting mis trustful. He has shaken the foundation on which he has built his throne by increasing his armament. But there is nobody to oppose him. There is no Opposition leader with a determined scheme of action ; none re ady to take upon himself the responsibility o f a re ; lution. France has come to an end of all political experiments. The present has nothing so dreadful as to induce her voluntarily to face an unknown future. It is upon this instinct of order at any price that the Emperor Napoleon can rely for support against any deliberate attack, while the immense strength of his civil and military organisation screens him from those " sur prises " which have so o ften decided the fate of his prede eeQsr- Tile French would not willingly overthrow him, - 1; take care that they do not do so by more it is to little purr , se, We think, that' the dwells upon the excellences of the , and on its capabilities of progressive im . What the French people want is peace— liberty, if the two blessings can be coin eace before rll things and at any price. It that the Emperor sho uld not perec‘ive 11 , 7. v ., greatly the new army law has compromised before public opinion. That army bill was conceived under false apprehensions ; it was proceeded with in obe dience to still more false views of consistency, in obedience to an obstinacy which does not really belong to the Em peror's character. We are convinced an assurance that the law, if not actually repealed, would be at least so modified in its application as to lighten its most crushing burdens, would do more for the stability of the Emperor's throne and for the chances of his dynasty than any " titles" resting upon the most unanimous plebiscite. A proposal on his part for a simultaneousdisarmament would win him the suffrage not only of millions of Frenchmen, but of the friends of trtn frcedom and progreslthroligh out th •-•- THE SUN, LONDON; THURSDAY EVENISG, MARCH 19, 1868. PROGRESS OF IMPEACHMENT. THE WORLD'S COAL SUPPLY, In May 1865, during Earl Russell's tenure of the On the Friday night, when the Senate decided .e oreig,n Office, he issued a circular despatch to each that Andrew Johnson had no legal right to remove British representative abroad requesting him to furnish an the Secretary of War, and the motion to impeac h annual report of the coal industry of the count r y to which ' the President in the House had been referred to the he was accredited. Statistics of great value and of high im- Reconstruction Committee, Washington continued portance have been the result The return for 1867 has just been presented to Parlia ment. Lord Howard de Walden reports that in B e l g ium sensational city. Through the thronged streets the the number of mines is stationary, but their activity had wildest fabrications circulated freely. Gen. Grant considerably increased during the year. Nearly 13,0 00 , 000 was said to be in arrest ; Stanton to have been tons of coal were raised in the twelve months. The ex- ; ejected at the point of the bayonet; a strong force portation to France shewed an increase of 11 per cent. from Maryland was moving on the Capitol ; the The exhaustion of the coal mines had, as in England, South had risen ; Pennsylv *ilia was organizing in commanded considerable attention, but the result of examination had removed all disquietude. The support of Congress ; and the Western S tates were Hainault colleries alone were good for anot h er gathering their forces. Such was the strained ex zentury and a half. Coal of good quality is raised in I pectation, that few slept, but among that few was Brazil, and the supply is limited only by the want Andrew Johnson. In the War-office Stanton re ef a good means of transport. From China we learn mained fortified, Congressmen passing continually th a t the precious mineral has been discovered in Pond-how, i n and out. The house of Thaddeus Stevens was a the chief island of the Pescadores. The Chinese were very Republican headquarters. Telegrams were flying anxious to keep the matter a secret, but, after a long to and fro, and the instruments were incessantly at parley, Consul Swinhoe induced the islanders to chew him work. The march of every relief was mistaken at where the vein was. So at length they shewed him a top the AV ar-office for the military party of ejection. layer of lignite, which promised better things if they could The sleepers awoke with a start, and the watchers go deeper. The elders of the island have since presented a singularly-yorded petition to their c hi e f, i m pl o ring him were kept Constantly on the qui vice. At seven to keep away the British from the place. Very good o'clock on Saturday morning, William A. Pile bituminous coal is found in Japan ; the chief diffi- of Missouri, carried the warrant, granted by culty of raising it is the scarcity of labour. Justice Cartter of the Supreme Court, for the Prussia is rich in mineral fuel, especially in very good arrest of Adjutant-General Thomas to United coals. Calculations have been made which promise a States Marshal Gooding, who with a sheriff supply for the next 3,000 years, taking the annual quan and bailiff arrested General Thomas while at tity raised at 2,500,000 metrical tons. In Wurtemberg breakfast He was brought to the Court-house, there is an increased activityin theworking of the collieries. In Tasmania anthracite and bituminous coal is distributed and liberated on bail of $5,000 to appear for exami over various portions of the colony. In Trinidad the coal- nation on Wednesday. Thomas proceeded to the bearing rocks cover an area of 318 square miles. If the White House, and, instructed by the President, fuel were attainable at a small cost, it would prove highly I again attacked Stanton in the War Office. He valuable to the colony. The coal-fields of the Indian found Mr. Stanton surrounded by his friends, and Empire are almost entirely concentrated in a band of in reply to a request for an interview he desired deposits which extends more than half across the country - - him openly to state his business. On this a collo from near Calcutta towards Bombay. The quality of the quy of the " No you shan't," "Yes you shall," style mineral is, however, inferior to the coal which is raised in followed, which ended in Thomas lea vin g the de this country partment, when General Grant entered. " I am surprised," he said chaffingly to Stanton, "t find been driven EMPLOYERS AND TVORKMEICr. The arrangements for the forthcoming conference be tween an equal number of employers of labour and repre sentative working men—trades unionists—as proposed by the Working Men's Association, are advancing towards completion. It being the object of the conference to agree upon and devise some measures, legislative or other wise, whereby the extensive and disastrous strikes and lock-outs may be avoided in the future, considerable trouble has been taken by the committee charged with the arrangements to obtain the consent of employers to act on the conference of sufficient weight and influence in their respective branches of trade to make it probable that the decision of the conference would be acquiesced in by the employers of labour throughout the country gene rally. It was the original intention to confine the num bers to twelve on each side, but the desirableness of having not only the staple trades of the country represented, such as the cotton, woollen, silk, iron, coal, and pottery trades, but the important ones of engineering, building, ship building, tailoring, &c., also, it is probable the num ber will be increased to eighteen. About ten of the most extensive employers of labour in the country, including six members of Parliament,have up to this time consented to act on the conference, and it is expected the whole ❑umber will be filled up by the close of the present week. The same care has been taken in selecting the represen tatives of the workmen, in order that the representation may be a national one; and to effect this object the trades councils of Glasgow, Dublin, Liverpool, Manches ter, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, Newcastle, and other large towns, the London Conference of Amalgamated Trades, and the associated iron, cotton, woollen, coal, and pottery trades, have been requested each to elect one repre sentative from their body. Several of these councils and staple trades have already elected their delegates, and in other cases special meetings have been called for the pur pose. It is expected that the while of the members to form the conference will be appointed within the next week, in which case it is probable the meeting will be held before Easter, at the Westminster Palace Hotel, or some similar place. It is also intended to invite some gentle man of public influence, independent of either employers or workmen, to preside over the sittings of the conference. The meeting is being looked forward to with great interest all over the country, and if it does not realise all the expect tations of its promoters, it cannot do otherwise than result in very beneficial effects. teer army would hurry to the defence of Congress. The Round Table, iu a leader condemning the ex treme acr'imony of the President's assailants, which it asserts - materially weakened their cause, gives the following extracts from the debate :—" The un grateful, Olespicable, mean, traitor President," said Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, " turned his back on the men wia.o elected him and the friends who rallied round him. He turned his back on loyal men, in cluding thoi 3e in Tennessee, who supported him, and went over to the party he had fought not only in the ballot-bc . x but in the field. Who is this Andrew Johnson, that he should set himself up against Con gress, the courts, and the people? By what autho rity did 'tie take upon himself to oppose the law passed in accordance with the constitutional forms ? Vas it because God gave him more brains and moral character and a clearer judgment than he had given. to other men? Let this House and the Senate teach Andrew Johnson that there is a power stronger than the President, namely, the power of the people, whose representatives were speaking h ere to-day." The same gentleman, in the even- resumed his remarks, and concluded his speech by expressing his belief that the Senate had patriot ism and firmness enough to convict Andrew John son, a nci to remove him from the office which he had so long disgraced. The nation had been too long dillgraced by this accidental President— by this man who had been made President by the assassin's pistol. He should be re moved if it cut short his term by only one day, and should be• ,sent down to posterity degraded, and in capable of holding any office of trust or profit under the Govern meat of the United States. Mr. Kelley observed the t he and his friends " were about to arraign the great criminal of the age and the coun try—a man who had been for two years plotting with bloody aod deliberate purpose the overthrow of the country's institutions. This day two years the President ha d appeared in the streets of Wash ington, eurrounde I by a rebellious rabble, and bad pointed out by name Senator Sumner and Mr. Stevens, of Pennsr:vania, as objects of the lawless mob whom he then bailed as friends." Mr. Logan asserted that " the President stood before the coun try to-day the violator of public law ; and it was the duty of the House to decide whether he was, 1 and if so, what course should be taken to punish him. There had not been a reconstruction law passed by Congress which Andrew Johnson had not laid a ruthless hand upon and obstructed. Ever since the apostacy of that man, two years ago, he had in every possible way - obstructed the execution of the laws. He had not only insulted the nation by his conduct and disgraced his high office, but he had dragged in the slime and filth of demagogism the Presidential robes of office." Fernando Wood, of New York, in a lengthened speech, condemned the course of Congress, and depicted the evils which must result from persis tence in impeachment, the social disturbances, the collisions at the polls, the increase of taxation, the atgumented decay of commerce, the depreciation of American securities, the growth of contempt for law, ending in general civil war. Thaddeus Stevens, in the best speech of the day, closed the debate, being too weak to read it himself, he asked permis sion for it to be read by the Clerk. He charged " Andrew Johnson with attempting to usurp the powers of other branches of the Government ; with attempting to obstrUct and resist the execution of the law ; with misprision of bribery, and in open violation of laws which declare his acts misde meanours, and subject him to fine and imprison ment ; with removing from office the Secretary of . War during the session of the Senate, without the advice or consent of the Senate, and with violation of the sixth section of the Act entitled An Act Regulating the Tenure of Certain Civil Officers.'" The impeachment question was purely political ; Congress is acting in the interest of forty millions of citizens. If the charges against Mr. Johnson be true, be is guilty of atrocious usurpation; but, if not true, Congress is guilty of a cruel wrong. Reviewing the facts from the commencetnen t of Johnson's Presi dency, he supports the necessity of impeachment. At five o'clock the vote was taken, the rules having been suspended, and amidst a profound silence the clerk called the names. Excuses were made and noted for a few members absent, and it was clear that the Republicans would act in a solid phalanx. Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, was the only one of the party who broke away from the ranks. It was doubtful how Thomas E. Stewart, of New York, would vote, but he went with the Democrats. Sp eaker Colfax desce nded from his chair and vote d in the affirmative, assert ing it to be a duty h e owed to his constituents. The announcement was then male that the Impeachment Resolution had been passed by 126 ayes to 47 nays. Thaddeus Stevens again rose, and moved that the vote be reconsidered, and the motion to reconsider be laid on the table, which was done, the subsequent proceedings following quickly, and as matters of course. Thaddeus Stevens and John A. Bingham were ordered to go to the bar of the Senate, and in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States to impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanours, and acquaint the Senate that the House will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment and make good the same. A committee of seven members, consisting, of Messrs. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; Stevens, Bing ham, Wilson, of lowa ; Logan, of Illinois ; Julian, of Indiana ; and Ward, of New York, all Republi cans, were appointed to prepare and report the articles of impeachment, and were gives power to send for persons, papers, and records, and to take testimony under oath. After a session of eight hours and a half an adjournment of the House closed the proceedings. While matters were thus pro gressing in the House, the Senate had assembled at 12 o'clock, when a message was received from the President, based upon the resolution of the Chamber denying his right to remove Mr. Stanton. This message accompanied the nomination of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, as the Secretary of War. The President herein discusses the laws bearing on the appointment and removal of Cabinet Ministers. He refers to the Act of 1789, which provides that whenever the Secretary of War shall be removed the duties of the office shall, during the vacancy, devolve upon a chief clerk. Others are cited, and subsequently passed, showing the President's power to fill vacancies, as also that the power of removal is recognised by statutes. He demonstrates the necessity for a President's holding such power ; he then touches on the Tenure-of-Office Act, which he admits prohibits the President in one section from removing a civil officer without the consent of the Senate, providing for temporary suspension only during the recess. The Act contains a proviso that Cabinet officers are to hold office during the term of the President, who appointed them subject to removal, by and with the consent and advice of the Senate. Andrew Johnson argues that he did not appoint the Ministars now in office, who were nominated by Mr. Lincoln, therefore he has the right to remove them without the consent of the Senate, as the Act intended to limit his power justifies this course. He concludes his Message with these words :—" Although I have been advised by every member of my Cabinet that the entire (enure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional, and therefore void, and although I have expressly concurred in that opinion in the veto message which I had the honour to submit to Congress when I re turned the bill for reconsideration, I have refrained from making a removal of any officer contrary to the provisions of the law, and have only exercised that power in the case of Mr. Stanton, which, in my judgment, did not come within its provisions. I have endeavoured to proceed with the greatest circum spection, and have acted only in an extreme and exceptional case. I have sought carefully to fol low the course which I have marked out for m y self as a general rule, faithfully to execute all laws, though passed over my objections on the score of constitutionality. In the present instance I have appealed, or sought to appeal, to that final arbiter fixed by the Constitution for the determination of all such questions. To this course I have been im pelled bY the solemn obligations which rest upon me, to sustain inviolate the powers of the high office committed to my hands, whatever be the conse quences merely personal to myself. I could not allow them to provail against a public duty so you here, for I thought you would have to my headquarters for protection." Thomas then proceeded to take counsel with his law adviser, and afterwards had an interview with the President, who, it is reported, upraided him for his weakness in not ejecting Stanton. Thus inauspiciously opened the anniversary of the Birthday of the great Patriot, at a city to which he has given his name— a circumstance that has raised a superstitious feel ing in many who can recall coincidences not unsi milar during the past few years on this great Ameri can holiday. The crowds that for many hours had ttholr,onwgheedrethtehsetreateetps anaonwdpgrersosuenddt:wwaerrdesbltaheekCwaiptih the solid mass. The Chamber of the House overflowed, and the corridors and lobbies were impassable. The farewell address of Washington, p A r b e o se u n t te 2 d by ei‘mioncriath,awddaesurausletdeveonuat, ofrfomorder. the Committee of Reconstruction, arose and read the wreapaorntoptireoepd that osing e t v h ey erreistoelpuutiboinieaanlremadeymbgeirveonf. the Committee bad signed the report, and all were therefore prepared for the unanimity afterwards displayed in the Republican ranks. In conclusion, Mr. Stevens waved his right to speak, and Mr. Brooks, Democrat of New York, arose to defend the President. He was followed by Messrs. Spald ing and Bingham, of Ohio, who explained why they had opposed impeachment on the last occasion, while they voted for it now. A despatch from the Governor of Illinois was read representing the pe e op h leo e f n. ThettbeSta Hteaosusee decided to excited, and takedemanding im peachment. thevoteat 5 p.m. on Monday, and adjourned at 11.15 p.m. In New York the gold speculators carried on their great t t A h e m premium e t t i o v a 1 1 0 4 f 3t T aaanhd othpuearaetnioduesd, th fo e r l c as in t g g ington's birthday. A still more sacred day fol lowed, checking the operations of the rival fac tions. Yet all through Sunday, Stanton remained fortified in the War Department, where he was visited by Grant, among many friends, who assured him, if matters passed to an ex tremity, of military support. General Emory, commanding the Department of Washington, fur nished double guards. The President sent for Emory to ascertain the truth of a report that Stanton had ordered a force of regulars to be in readiness for service, and this was made the foun dation for another alarming series of fabrications. Messages continued to fly along the wires. Go vernor Geary, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed to Senator Cameron, " The news to-day has created a profound reaction in Pennsylvania. The spirit of 1861 seems again to pervade the Keystone State. Troops are rapidly tendering their services to sus tain the laws. Let Congress stand firm." The Missouri Republican Convention, in session at Jefferson city in that State, pledged Missouri to the support of Congress. The President was not with out congratulatory despatches, receiving as many as his opponents, and numerous Democratic clubs in Philadelphia and New York announced their readi ness to march to Washington at a moment's warn ing, while the services of the Maryland States troops, about 10,000 strong, were tendered. The President, however, adhered to his purpose not to go outside the civil power, and to get the question speedilx before the Courts he directed the Attorney-General to apply next day to the Supreme Court for a writ of quo warranto directed to Stanton, to show cause why he held possession of the office of Secretary of War. He also decided to nominate Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, heretofore a Republican, for Secretary of War, and prepared the necessary Message to send to snow 0 thew storm, S a Senate . Monday yet thick aitnrh Anda y o p ge l i secokas the e f a n k e e d loa e w at n itl a e• the violent people cm the Capitol, bein g p ac k e d i n th • galleries, lobbies, i a n dd a it t i i o n rial an fo r I e n e o t o w f i t p h o s i t i a e e n d w i n a g s e t rp‘ .hlikwidi required o e ao radmnstdlatastode cold as a w l dte heasit ay w f as or members to their seats. atmosphere o utside , stifling,the living a n d i nm asthes crush the usual deference of Americans for women was forgotten. Though Mrs. Stanton claims success for the cause of ?he Revolution, the ladies were left to battle for their rights in the snow and mud t'len as struggle a out side, and if the small propor t i on o f them that butgainseede second dm best ittae in n e t b h e e k test, t , e t v h e e r y y cameone foroff himself." The programme had been arranged in caucus, and Impeachment Ashley opened the de bate. Mr. Johnson, he said, had appointed the worst rebels to office ; was responsible for the massacre at New Orleans and Memphis, and for all the Union blood that had been shed in the South; bad prevented reconstruction; had la boured to get the electoral votes of the Southern States for himself, with intention, failing in that, to precipite a revolution on the country. Im peachment of this man was demarded by the country. Mr. Boyer (Democrat) said that the Tenure-of-Office Act did not apply to E. M. Stanton, who had been appointed before the passing of the Act; moreover, the Act was without doubt unconstitutional. Mr. Blaine (Republican) said that the President had openly and plainly violated the law, thrown down the gauntlet, and dared Con gress to the issue ; and Congress could not shrink. Mr. Washburne (Republican), of Illinois, had long opposed, for reasons of policy, the impeachment of the President ; but he could not longer resist the performance of that solemn duty. He proceeded for 20 minutes to denounce the President and his advisers as " red-handed rebels," " filthy creatures," " low reptiles," &c. Mr. Woodward (Democrat), who has been a judge, offered a legal argument ; he essayed to show the President had violated no law ; that the Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional ; and that to impeach the President for the removal of Mr. Stanton would be " worse than a crime—a blunder." Mr. Wilson (Republican), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said that to yield now would be to make the Executive supreme ; iu his opinion the President had violated the law ; Mr. Johnson was a criminal, a disturber of the public pt•ace, and must be removed. The President had previously rushed upon his own destruction. The President's plea that he had removed Stanton in order to test the legality of the Tenure-of-Office Act, was preposterous. Mr. Woodbridge (Repub lican) reci ed various Acts of the President described as unlawful, and said that Mr. Johnson would be removed, and if riot Ulould follow the old voltm- c ear to my own mind and so imperative. If what was possible had been certain, if I had been fully advised when I removed Mr. Stanton that in thus etc - fending the trust committed to my hand, my own removal was sure to follow, I could not have thesitatA, actuated by public considerations of the highest character. I earnestly protest against the resolution of the Senate which charges me in what I have done with a violation of the Consti tution and laws of the United States." The Senate considered the matter for a short time in secret session, and referred General Ewing's nomination to the Military Committee. In the meantime General Lorenzo Thomas had again made a dash at the War Department, where the indomitable Stanton still remained entrenched. Much the same controversy again occurred—" Yes, I will." " No, you shan't." After the interview General Thomas proceeded to the apartments of various subordi nates, requiring all letters and communications to the Secretary of War to be sent to him. This Stan ton countermanded on peril of instant dismissal, and, Thomas again defeated, sought shelter under the President's wing in the White House. day long message 3 flowed to and fro from Washington to the extremities of the Union. Meetings had been gotten up in various places, and Legislatures were busy discussing resolutions, New Jersey went in favour of the President, Cali• fornia followed suit, the Pennsylvania Senate favoured impeachment, the Union League Clubs fired salutes in various cities in honour of the course of Congress. In New York a military organiza- tion was attempted, and a society formed, called the Andrew Johnson Club, in which 4,000 names were enrolled, when the police entered the premises in Broad-street, arrested two or three, and seized the papers on the plea that a breach of the peace was threatened. On Tuesday, the 25th of February, the interest was transferred to the Senate. Shortly after ten o'clock Thaddeus Stevens entered, leaning on Mr. Binghatn's arm. The Clerk had announced the adoption of the resolution of the impeachment by the House. Although scarcely able to move Mr. Stevens entered the central aisle, and, leaning on a bench, thus spoke in a feeble voice : " Mr. President,—ln obedience to the order o the House of Representatives we have appeared be fore you. In the name of the House of Represents tives, and of all the people of the United States, we do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanours in office; and we further inform the Senate that the House of Representatives will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, to make good the same ; and in their name we demand that the Senate take due order for the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson to answer to the said im peachment." Mr. Wade replied—The Senate will take order on the premises ; and a resolution was adopted re ferring the Message of the House to a special com mittee of seven, when Messrs. Stevens and Bingham retired. Nothing of importance occurred outside the House on this day, and it was evident that popular excitement was rapidly subsiding. Stanton was no longer attacked in his entrenchments. On Wednesday Adjutant-General Thomas ap peared in Chief-Justice Cartter's court-room, which was crowded with a highly interested audience, to answer to the charge made against him by E. N. Stanton. It was arranged that Thomas was to go to gaol, his release to be obtained on a writ of habeas corpus, and appeal made to the Supreme Court. This was checkmated by the Judge, who was Stanton's friend and political ally, dismissing the case. Thomas immediately instituted a suit for false imprisonment against Stanton, claiming $150,000 damages. The Secretary of War re mained encamped in his office entrenchment, and the Adjutant-General made no further attack. Senators Doolittle and Dixon, Secretary Welles, several Representatives, and General Thomas had interviews with the President. The counsel for General Thomas have compelled Mr. Stan : ton to supply a copy of the commission issued to him as Secretary of War by President Lincoln. ; The words are to act " during the pleasure of the President for the time being." The excitement con tinued to subside throughout the country, and the impeachers, becoming aware of their strength, ceased to hurry to and fio in their late frenzy. The House committee examined Gens. Emory and Wal lace, as well as Thomas. The President met a de ' putatiou from Baltimore, whom he informed " that no personal sacrifice was too great for him to bear in defence of the Constitution ; he was sure the in telligence and patriotism of the people would yet rescue the country from the threatened ruin." On Thursday and Friday Washington had sunk into all the repose it ever allows itself. Stanton still hung on to the War-office under the shelter of a double guard. Indeed, on Friday evening the building was surrounded by a cordon of soldiers. His drafts on the Treasury are honoured, though Thomas had been invited by the President to attend a meeting of the Cabinet as Secretary of War, ad interim, which he did. Many prominent Republicans, among whom is Grant, urge Stanton to resign, but there is little probability of this obstinate man complying with the request. The President applied for a writ quo warrant° to compel Mr. Stanton to show cause why he holds possession of the War Department, but the application cannot come up until the December term of the Supreme Court.. On Friday the President gave Thom - as a full commission as Secretary of War, ad interim. UNIVERSITY TESTS ABOLITION BILL. This bill, brought in by Mr. Coleridge, stands for a 1 second reading on Wednesday, the 25th, and, according to a recent statement of the Home Secretary, the Govern ment and the Conservative party generally will put forth their utmost strength, with a view to its defeat, or, if that be not practicable, to prevent its being sent to the Lords by a large majority. The bill comprises both Mr. Coleridge's and Mr. l3ouveric's bills of past sessions. It applies to the two universities, and thus meets the objections of those who deprecated part'al It moreover satisfies the demands of those who re quired the subject, if dealt with at all, to be dealt with completely and finally ; for, if this bill is passed, the tests question at the universities will be settled, so far as regards Parliament. The fundamental prin ciple of the bill is the recognition of the national character of the national seats of learning. This principle is worked out with due regard, on the one hand, to the public interests, on the other to the independence of the colleges as self-acting societies. As regards the universi ties, the Legislature prescribe; : as regards the colleg s, it enables. The opening to the Queen's subjects of the degrees, public professorships, and academical offices, emoluments and privileges, is mandatory ; the opening of the college fellowships and offices is permissive. The Act of Uniformity and other restrictive Acts of the Legislature are repealed ; but, so far as concerns the colleges, the bill emancipation, and leaves each stops short of requiring college to please itself. These are the positive enactments of the bill. On the negative side clauses are introduced to disavow any intention to interfere with existing law or usage as regards (1) mastership of endowed schools (sec tion 3, proviso), or (2) the celebration of public worship in the universities or the colleges (section 7). The leading Nonconformist tutors and students at Cambridge have issued a circular urging Nonconformist ministers to exert themselves in fay . ,,nr of Mr. Coleridge's measure by pro moting petitions in its behalf. " If," they say, "it be objected that the passing of this bill will benefit but few, we reply—first, that as a mere question of princ;p!e, it is our duty to protest against the present infringement of civil liberty ; secondly, that the interests of 'Nonconformity are at stake, for its future cannot but be dark if it remain at a distance from the centres of educational light ; and that, albeit the number of its representatives at these centres is steadily increasing, it is kept down by the exist ing barriers ; thirdly, that there is a strong probability of the universities being made more accessible than they are now to the middle classes ; and that, inasmuch as the bulk of the middle classes is Nonconformist, no section of the people %%ill be more nearly affected by the prole exten sion ; in view whereof it is eminently desirable that every invidious distinction should 1 e previously removed. The party for the abolition of tests grows yearly in strength, as the divisions in the House of Commons tes'ify ; but the success of its proposals may be seriously impeded unless the Nonconformists raise their voice in the assertion of their rights." A petition to both Houses of Parliament in favour of Ole bill is in course of signature at Oxford University. THE GOVERNIII,,TT AND THE VOLUNTEERS. —A large and important gathering of commanding officers of volunteer regiments has been held at the offices of the National Rifle Association, in Pall Mall, to consider the steps which should he taken for bringing before the Government the necessity which exists for an increased capitation grant to the volunteers, so as to relieve the efficient members and the officers from the heavy expenses which now fall upon them. Colonel Lord Elcho, M.P., presided, and there were present Colonel the Duke of Sutherland (20th Middlesex), Colonel the Marquis of Donegall (London Irish), Colonel Lord Truro, Colonel the Hon. Charles Lindsay, M.P., Colonel the Hon. Loyd-Lindsay, V. 0., M.P. (the Hon. Artillery Company), Colonel Charles Buxton, M.P., and many other commanding officers. At the last Wimbledon meeting of the National Rifle Association a deputation of volunteer commanding officers, representing volunteer corps of every county, waited upon the Secretary of State for War, and left with the understanding that though the se icon was then too far advanced for the wants. of the ' force to be considered in the estimates of 1367, yet that they should be con s id ere d thi s year . Commandi'n, officers now stated that, in th e f u ll b e li e f th e grant would be increased this year, they had, in order to advance the num bers and efficiency of their various corps, rendered them selves responsible for many expenses which should rightly fall upon the country , and officers from the country stated • that they had taken action themselves to point out to the Government that, if the Government desired to keep up this " reserve force," it must at once declare its inten• Lions. The meeting then resolved itself into a deputation to Sir John Pakington, at the War Office, who not only declined to have any representatives of the press present, ! as such, at the interview, but called upon those will were in the room to hold the proceedings as private conversa dm The interview lasted for nearly an hour and a 11:a CYRUS W. FIELD'S BANQUET. On Tuesday evening Mr. Cyrus W. Field gave a grand banquet at the Palace Hotel, Buck ingham-gate, and among the guests were most of those distinguished in telegraphy and interested in it. The occasion wara the anniversary of the agree ment signed by the small party that on that day fourteen years before assembled in Mr. Field's dining-room, to lay a line from New York to New foundland—the cable, in truth, being but a con tinuation of the undertaking. From that day Cyrus W. Field dates the commencement of the great en terprise, the wonders of which were so strikingly manifested at this banquet. In the room an operator was seated at a table from which came the incessant click as the instrument rolled off its tale in response to the messages of the telegrapher which Mr. Field sent from his seat to the greatest of his fellow citizens. 'While his guests were discussing the good things he had so abundantly provided, Mr. Field was actively engaged in extracting sentiments from the President and the Secretary of State at Wash ington, from the Captain-General at Havannah, from the Governor at Newfoundland, and from other great dignitaries. The President made the following response to Mr. Field's message : " Express my congratulations to the telegraph festival assembly. I wish them all possible success, and that their wires may be multiplied through many seas, and their stakes be extended through many lands." And Mr. Seward said : _ _ "I congratulate the tel.grap'i builders. Instead of build ing a bridge for the tramp of hostile armies across the ocean they have stretched a wire beneath it which effec tually exchanges friendly sentiments, sympathies, and affections." _ _ At intervals as the feast progressed, Mr. Field read the replies he received. Even his daughters, who after the dinner graced the table with their presence, had the pleasure of listening to a message just received from Mrs. Field, Gramercy Park, New York, which Mr. Field read to his guests, prefacing it by stating that it was not intended for them—a remark from which we are forced to dissent, as the lady not only sent her warm congratulations to the guests of her husband, but as warm an invitation to any of them who should visit the United States. If our host was actively employed in forwarding and receiving messages during the dinner, he was even more active in making known his own sentiments and eliciting those of his most distingui3hed guests afterwards. Mr. T. 11. Lloyd eloquently reviewed the history of Mr. Cyrus Field's connection with the Atlantic Telegraph, showing the untiring energy, the dauntless efforts, the great s ►crifices by which the difficulties were filially vanquished, and which culminated in the successful laying of the Atlantic cables. Mr. Gladstone was only prevented from being present by the important debate pro ceeding in the House, as explained in the following letter "House of Commons, March 10. " My dear had cherished to the last the hope o. coming to you, but unhappily it is now arranged that Lord Mayo will not speak until after dinqer, and I therefore fear that my presence at the only time of the evening when could have been of use will be impossible. " I should have much enjoyed, and I had greatly coveted, the opportunity your kindness offered for speak ing a word of good will to your country. But I am detained here by a yet higher duty; for there is, in my judgment, no duty for public men in England which at this juncture is so high, so sacred, as that of studying the case of Ire land, and applying the remedies which I believe it admits. " We shall be here till past midnight, but not without thoughts of your festival and cf the greatness of the coun try with which it is connected. You are called to encoun ter difficulties, and to sustain struggles which some years ago I should have said were beyond human strength. But I have learnt to be more cautious in taking the measure of American possibilities, and, looking to your past, there is nothing which we may not hope of your future.—l " W. E. GLADSTONE." am, &c., Mr. Bright was detained for the same reason. A letter entrusted to Mr. Field by one of the principal citizens of New York was read. It was addressed to Mr. John Bright, whom Mr. Field had hoped to have had the pleasure of seeing that evening. He could say, without fear of contradiction, that there was no man living who would meet a better recep tion in America than Mr. John Bright. The letter was as follows : _ _ "New York, Feb. 17, 1868. "Dear Sir,—Your friends in America are so anxious to see you that we beg leave to renew at this time the invi tation which you have so often received to make a visit to this country. " You will receive a hearty welcome from thousands to whom your name is already familiar, but who desire to hear your voice, and to take you by the hand. " Your presence at this time would tend to strengthen the ties between your country and ours, and we beg leave to suggest a visit during the ensuing spring, if you can thou be indulged in a short respite from your duties in Parliamtnt. Hoping that you may find this possible and convenient,—We are, &c., " To John Bright, Esq." _ . " • " lhe American Minister was also unavoid,ibly ab sent, though both the Secretary of Legation and the Consul were present. Among the guests were Sir Chas. Wheatstone, the lion. Mr. Morse, Mr. Moran, Mr. Childers, M.P., Sir Chas. Fox, Mr. W. E. Fors ter, Mr. S. Gurney, M.P., Mr. Scholefield, Sir Charles Bright, M.P., Mr. E swards, M.P., Mr. Brassey, M.P., Sir Samuel Canning, Capt. Sherard Osborn, the Rev. Newman Hall, Captain Douglas Galton, Mr. Romaine, Dr. Anstie, Mr. J. L!oyd, Mr. Walter, Dr. Russell, LL.D., Mr. Walker, Col. Anderson, Mr. Smalley, Captain Mackinnon, M.P., Mr. Latimer Clark, Mr. S. P. Bidder, Captain Richards, Mr. M'Lean, Mr. Elliott, Mr. Chatter ton, Colonel Muter, Mr. Mackay, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Saward, Captain Moriarty, &c. The party broke up at a late hour. THE DESPATCHES OF MR. C. E ADAMS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) The debate in the House on the 6th instant is indicative of a marked change in English feeling towards America. The earnest desire expressed by British statesmen of all shades of opinion, is fairly and amicably to settle the differences outstanding between the nations, and earnestly to endeavour to draw as closely as possible the bonds of friendship which should exist between the wings of the Eng- fish speaking peoples. 'This was the burden of Mr. Lefevre's remarks and of Lord Stanley's reply. It was the note on which the members on both sides of the House dwelt; and it must have been satisfactory to Mr. Adams, the American Minister, who attentively Listened to the debate. That gentleman during his term of office could recal many discussions on Ameri- can subjects in that House, but he never had heard one calculated to give him the same pleasure as the last at which he will perhaps ever be present in his capacity •of American Minister. On February 9, 1865, he thus wrote to Mr. Seward :—" The only event of the past week was the assembling of Par liament on Tuesday. I have the honour to trans mit a copy of the Queen's Speech. The debates on the Address were languid in both houses. I send a copy of the Tones of the Bth instant containing a report of them. The only speeches of interest to us were those of Lord Derby and Lord Russell. The former unhappily betrays the loose manner in which he keeps himself informed of the facts occurring in America. That of the latter is in a better spirit, and les3 hampered with qualifications than heretofore. You will not fail to note the impression of large impending claims for damages betrayed by him. I have reason to believe that this idea prevails rather generally. This uneasiness is increased by the notices understood to be about to be given of the termination of various l xis tin g treaty engagements. They even go so far as to affirm that they, if forced back into the Union, will be the first to advocate the policy. The motive of this is apparent enough. A general conscious ness that there has been some good ground for com plaint is easily worked upon to stimulate suspicion. I have at no time since the happening of the Treat case perceived a more general restlessness and dis trust. I feel it my duty to dwell ou this subject a little, in order that the Government may be in a better position to adapt itself to tnis new game of tactics. In the peculiar condition of Parlia ment, where members are anxious not to commit themselves hastily to any sentiments that may em barrass them in their elections, it is not probable that this feeling will find very free vent. Yet I know that it exists, and would be brought out by any extraordinary event to encourage it." There was a great debate on the 13th March, 1865, on the Defences of Canada, which Mr. Adams reported the next day to his Government with the following re marks :--" I think both countries have some occa sion for congratulation in the fact that at last Bri tish statesmen begin to open their eyes to the per ception of the magnitude of the questions which have been involved in the present contest, and of the importance of recognising the validity of the policy adopted by our Government. This is the best guarantee yet given of the preservation of friendly resolutions. The tone of the debate, as well as the unequivocal manner in which it was sus tained by the sentiment of the assembly, cannot fail to produce a great effect over Europe as well as in America. I congratulate the President as well as yourself, as being his chief adviser in his foreign policy, upon the testimony incidentally, but not the less decidedly, borne to the firm and dignified man ner in which that policy has thus far been directed." ➢lr. Disraeli, the present Prime Minister of Eng land, then leader of the Opposition, made a speech which he can now recall with satisfaction. He said—" I have never imputed anything against the conduct of the Government of the United States throughout this great struggle; but, on the contrary, I am ❑ow prepared, after further experience, to re peat what I said two years ago, that, under circum stances of almost unprecedented difficulty, that Go vernment has conducted itself with great energy and discretion." The right. hon. gentleman pro ceeded to dispel the fear that on the termination of the American war England would be brought into collision with the United States. He believed the people to be eminently sagacious, and even if co►n pletely victorious in the civil war, they were not likely to enter on a second struggle with a nation inferior neither in power nor determination to the Southern States. Though uot insensible to the glory of great dominion and extended empire, they were influenced by the same passions as other na tions which enjoy freedom, and it was not a mo ment of exhaustion they would select for prosecut ing an enterprise requiring great resources and ex ertions. There were other reasons which induced him to dispute the opinion that the United States would, on the conclusion of their civil contest, en gage in a war with England. " I have not," Mr. Disraeli said, " been influenced in forming my judgment upon points of such vast importance by that sort of rowdy rhetoric which has been ex pressed at public meetings and by certain journals in America, and upon which people in this country found their conclusions as to the public character and opinions of the American people. I look upon these expressions of opinion as I should look upon those strange and fantastic drinks of which we hear so much, and which are such favourites on the other side of the Atlantic; and I should as soon suppose this rowdy rhetoric was the expression of the real feeling of the American people, as that these potations formed the aliment an I nutrimen' of their bodies. There is another reason why this [ YicleutcoUree will not be adopted. The Democracy of America must not be confounded with the Demo cracy of the Old World. It is not formed of the scum of turbulent cities, neither is it a section of the middle class that speculates in stocks, and calls that progress. It is a territorial Democracy, if 1 may use that epithet without offending the right hon. gentleman opposite. Aristotle, who has taught us most of the wise things we know, never said a wiser one than this, that the cultivators of the soil are least inclined to sedition and to violent courses. Now, being a territorial Democracy, their character has been formed and influenced, in a manner, by the property with which they are connected, and by the pursuits they follow, and a sense of re sponsibility arising from the reality of their possessions very much influence their political condact." The element to which Mr. Disraeli alluded, and of which his keen instinct taught him the value, is that element so generally overlooked in England. They take the " rowdy rhetortc" which the English Premier so happily likened to their " fantastic drinks" as the expressions of real feelings, and over looked the territorial Democracy, which is not only the true Conservative element of America, but that which eventually decides all great national ques tions. It is interesting to read what Mr. Disraeli said on this occasion touching the future. " Even if the war should terminate in a complete triumph for the North, I cannot believe that we shall see the same society and form of government established ; or even if the form be the same, certainly the spirit will be altered as existed before the civil war. We must recollect that the Federal Government will have to deal with most perplexing questions, and with a discontented population. I need not dwell much upon the then state of the Southern commu nity, but the slave population will then be no longer slaves. There will be several millions of another race emancipated and invested with all the rights oh free men ; and, so far as the letter of the law is i concerned, they will be upon au equality with the baxou race, with whom they can possibly have no sympathy. We know from experience and practice that there is a difference between those who are recently emancipated, and that, I will not call it a superior race, because that might offend hooourabie gentlemen opposite, nor will 1 call it au inferior I ace, but a race that is not identical with the other• Nothing tends more to tue discontent of the i cope than they should be iu possession of privileg,s and rights N 1 nick practically are not recognized, and which they do not enjoy. These are the elements of political discontent, and it is possible that when this war is over the American G-overnuieut may have to deal with great masses of discontented M U. latiou. To do this successfully, you must have a strong Government. What does that mean ? Why, you must have a centralizing Government, and the American Government have found it necessary to have recourse to the centralizing principle during these events. The Government must have au aruaY at its command in order to maintain the order and unity that it is bound to uphold. These are too elements that cannot fail to produce great dial culties in the United states, even it they come triumphant out of the struggle in which they are now engaged." On March 24, 1865, Mr. Adams forwarded to his Government a eupY of the 'limes containing the debate of the pre ceding day in the Lords on the relations with the United States, and in the Commons on the Canadian fortifications. " You will be glad," he said, "to perceive how much the a. tone towards the United States is changed. The alarmist policY alluded to in preceding despatches seems to be at last abandoned, and in lieu of it come earnest pro fessions of a belief that,the friendly relations between. the two countries are established. It is not necessary at this time to analyse very closely the elements into which this new faith is compounded. 1 have rea' son to believe that the discovery of the indefensib le positioniof Canada had its date so long ago as th e happening of the Trent affair. The fact stands oat boldly that the continuance of the bond with Canad a depends upon the good will cf the United States. It would have been wiser to have thought of this before the iliwill of the governing classes had been. permitted to betray itself so indiscreetly in the dark hours of our civil struggle." Well might - AU' i , Adams add, " Even the tone of the London Tinos marks the completeness of this revolution of opiuioa• , The course taken by Euglaud is evidently the guide to that adopted by France, and all the other Powers of Europe will follow suit. At the same time it should not be overlooked that the prodigious de' velopinent of physical power during ,his ar viewed with no inconsiderable share of alarm. f r ° quiet this will call for the exercise of prudence s pa moderation iu tune not less than in action for Soul e time to come; indeed, until the period when ou r domestic affairs shall have resumed the even tens or of their peaceful way, and the :maw' shad becoLu a convinced that we fight only when we are oblig ed by others to do so." In the debate to which 311. " Adams alluded, Lord Russell announced the ina,a e : diate departure of Sir Frederick Bruce for Wra 3ll ingtou vice Lord Lyons, whose state of health Pr e i ; vented his return to his post. It was on this occasi e l also that his lordship mentioned the circuinstae o .; connected with the despatches on the Treat affiv,„' O s;wherein the Prince Consort exhibited the good and discretion, for which Lord Russell said he 0 served the highest credit. "At the last mo ttle, after her Majesty had approved the desp at i we received a letter from the Prince Co oser :s in which he said thit some of the expressioDy used in the despatch might be considered too abrellti't and suggested other phrases which he th ou h° might make it more easy for the Government 0 e a, United States to accept the request it conv e Y Suggestions which were adopted at once. (To be continued.) 96' [ADVERTlSEMENT.]—Dyspepsia(lndigestion), Constipatiotivet bility, Consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach, an, a r ote " complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and acee!,,, e ,, 1;', by thugs of every description, but perfectly curable ,""6,f1 Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as Pr c" thousands of cases which had been considered hopele s° ' as—cough, asthma, also diarrhoea, laternorrhoids, lie plaints, flatulency, nervousness, biliousness, fevers, sore t'y 0,1? diphtheria, catarrhs, colds, influenza, noises hi the li e$ 01$1: oars, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions, hysteria , tie' oc:c iri itability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpitation, heartburr?,,e ache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sle,ool even in pregnancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, s c A, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stonl`bolll4 between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few:—The P0P e . ,,, 8 , J O 4 restored by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" 12, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, est i oe l2o since, abandoning all other remedies, he has ccnfilled i r h r entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabic& Food, of 5 0 0 1 consumes a plateful at every urea ,. It has produc e 0 0 4 prisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holines s et te " e; praise this excellent food too highly."—From the " C 4-3° titog, Midi, July '25 Cure No. 46,270 Mr James Roberts', lois, merchant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseas4apesof spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial ~.u.eut..4 Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord «F .g , Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,83 2 • oasi 3e o , i i years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, ne,r,!., e ss ! Li f asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency. spasms, siet , ',„ 10 7 ",,! vomiting.—MariaJoly." Important Caution.—Beware of w scit oo, unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to whiehl„,,,o(l;,; authority, Baron Liebig's name pp is most audaciously ut7, 5 , In tins at ls. Id.; 1 lb .. 2s 9d. ; '2 lbs., 4s. 6d, ; 5 1 " i N jo:,; sl 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—Benitv Du BARRY and and Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason, 182, r„ 1 and at 61, Oracechurch-street; 4 , Cheapside; 63, 15Y:to, Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers and cheer Births. ils'le# BURNET—On the 18th inst., at 2 0 , Adelaide -roe-, stock-hill, Mrs. William Suruet, of a son. of 01 4 ' MUSSENDEN —On tho 16th inst., at York, the wife Mussethieu, Bth Hussars, f a so. tile I°.f° TAYLOR—Ou the 17th iust., o at 99, u Eaton-squa ret of Cuiourl Taylor, M.P., of a sun. J, l lO 1 , Marriages.ale: 0 , GEORGE • SPURWAY-On the 18th inst., at D I. Geo r Ic'ecadilly, Ca . ..eb, third sou of the late. Satouo . 6 E,q., of Pubworth, Gioucestershire, to Etutivl way, only daughter of the late Thomas Spur Wll' e ~ ca ., !, of Cavendish-square. PERRY-STAIR—On the 16th inst., at St. StePb e r '' ' s ,. , t i e 4 C man-street, city, John, youngest son of Gr• g e. d r :'ilrec,tl' of Burnham, Essex, to Sarah, eldest surviViog ,:eoll' of Thomas Stair, Esq., of Stratford, in the sa n '" r,ef Deaths. CO° COOKS - On the 15th inst., at Pisa, Italy, W .111 0 13 1 .63 'e, Esq., formerly.of the 85th Light IdantrY, 3 b:. Gef' FLupsit -- Ou the 16th iust., at Lymiugton, 113't1,„...',„11' Fluder, Esq., late of 8, Fornival's-iun, Loud :gi4 MuRE - On the 16th inst., at Herringswell Ifortseci.oot hall, Suffolk, George More, Esq., late o f the i Guards, aged 70. I,o o ' l Puwis-Cu the 18th inst., at the Middle Ten irt ' ' l a' W. Fowls, Esq, solicitor, aged 56 . n Lil ' i V Wm. IIIciIARDSON—Ou the 17th hist , at Key - b alle- i'.a v ton, suddenly, Captain George Itiehardsoul " °ll3 ii o Herefordshire. of 13 STUBER-On the 17th inst., Mr. F. G. St uber, House, New Wimbledon, S.W., aged 4 1 . London : Printed and Published by WILLI- ( - ,4 -° of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tics SUN ,ice,'' t e Strand, in the Precinct of the S e toy, in raiddiosa.-Thursday, march a, uss. Vi Afte LOLlau LUNG: High_ &e. ri LENT OF: On an, P.m. to This er Prize Mei It is Pe Sold i n t he Agent 8. Observc. ban's LL GRA: In cons n'w Song //unit ; Li limEN Transforr SIDNEY j Dancer. s Aliss Brot Full Or, Lilo Great MISS Af The dc In the pr i at .N.litche %rid all of rae Hall f special end will 1 ei3n, Jolly kinstrelc• I. CN Tic . I `TGAr , LLoNr; the wont o'clock, a T ACK°, including Talkie Fred. E s ; Crystal with 1 GI Villars; I Stalls Special 0 4 his ba 111 AD A por t , added to ti Adraisi, uci. extra. Open fro ARGA 1;11'7414 Mble'cf °r Messrs. the AU s o lo ortte TOO] PIG • ented an n• , YGIENIC ages . It k gestion, ,eenaraende ealth br an an' • ••••es an d street, Oxf RN • per laaber of or ufurnis "rads e t • 'ss S quare. 4'l ": 1 1 ° d t r e s 3 ::: sr pßopi a1,9,r outlay. °ll toPhriee 4 of b u 44, f ,, cr ..n SP.A.NE ,peedi ALI 5s 6~,yPn all °bolds WON] hob.,. in is , r , hour 1 " -Pa rem, ~ ,-)r GO stlr chemists. Et 1 sir s en. Soli at 3,, ( kid 144 star two ALE feeti llr irn m' Y natal se nt b enlists. Alt in civ ,, Lon *it .s suPa 6 3 out eff e sent fo tbl r Alpf 4 \;,.• skin a r tr : 1 00 ° 1 vpk t sn i s A s, I A 3 I (+olllist6 A , SIR tov bead te la e „ l or ten hta t ,; l4B so Ittl4Ps.-.AI ti. ll Publ GUN esei b o g the a Lon P l o I;r4 RE t BA] Afte Ai to Atte Aft( At te Aft,: and I